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JAMES HAYES

11 See, for instance, Rev. R. Lechler's article "The Hakka Chinese" in the Chinese Recorder for September-October 1878 in which he writes (p. 355), "Three thousands (sic) of them came to Hong Kong in 1863, having been taken on board by some foreign vessels, which happened to do business with rice etc., in Tai-foo-san. They were kindly taken care of by the English government and the merchants who collected money, and had mat sheds built for the fugitives until they were able to provide for themselves. I was then intrusted with the funds collected and used to buy rice for daily distribution to these wretched people."

It is recorded that 189 families — it is not stated how many were Hakkas and how many Cantonese — came to settle in Hong Kong in 1867. (See the Registrar General's Report in the Government Gazette 14 March 1868). Kowloon seems to have attracted Hakka newcomers from Hong Kong. In his Education Report for 1865 Mr. F. Stewart noted with reference to the Tang Lung Chau district of Hong Kong that "nearly all the Hakka families that used to live here have removed to the Kowloon side of the harbour". (See Hong Kong Government Gazette for 24th March 1866).

12 S. Wells Williams The Middle Kingdom, revised edition, London; W. H. Allen & Co., 1883, Vol. 1, p. 486.

13 See D. Maciver in p.v. of the Introduction to his Hakka Dictionary, Shanghai; American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1905.

14 Report of the Proceedings of the Morrison Education Society March 1863 - March 1864, Hong Kong; London Missionary Society Press, 1864, p. 11. I suspect that the 10,000 is an under-estimate of the number of Hakkas living in the San On District at this time.

15 The names may be translated as "Vantage Point" and "Fields of the Ho and Man families". Ho Man Tin was removed to make way for the Kowloon-Canton railway in 1906 (see Sessional Papers 1907, p. 687) and Mong Kok was submerged by urban Kowloon in the 1920s (see Chapter 5 of The Development of Hong Kong and Kowloon as Told in Maps by T. R. Tregear and L. Berry, Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press, 1959).

16 I am indebted to the following persons for information: Mr. NG Kau (b. 1888); Mr. TANG Yuen-li (b. 1897) and Madam SOLI Lin (b. 1888).

17 In 1897 the population of Ho Man Tin was 297 (180 males and 117 females) and of Mong Kok 218 persons (102 males, 116 females). See Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers for 1897, p. 485.

18 Rev. James Johnston, China & Formosa, The Story of the Mission of the Presbyterian Church of England, London; Hazel, Watson and Viney, 1897, p. 266.

19 In this connection it should be noted that until the census returns of 1897 (see Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485), the population of British Kowloon was given as a whole and not split into individual village populations as was always done for the Hong Kong villages.

20 See Orme, p. 44.

21 "Live stock paid but badly" in 1867. See the Registrar-General's report in Hong Kong Government Gazette, 14 March 1868.

22 Then, as twenty years ago, the same. See The Hong Kong Annual Report 1947, Hong Kong, Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., March 1948, p. 50.

23 S. Wells Williams, Vol. I, p. 172. Twenty years later one of the illustrations in Sir Henry Blake and Mortimer Menpes' China, London; A and C Black, 1909, pp. 119-120 shows the vegetable boats arriving from the Kowloon side.
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JAMES HAYES

35 The informants who assisted me with their recollections of the N.W. Kowloon villages in the article mentioned in note 29 above recalled that similar proceedings took place yearly at the Sham Tai Chi or Temple of the Third Prince on the beach at Law Uk, Cheung Sha Wan until it, too, was removed for redevelopment in the mid 1920s. Fights between the various participants, especially Hakkas with Hoklos, were quite common at festival times.

36 See S. Wells Williams, Easy Lessons in Chinese, Macao; Chinese Repository Press, 1842, p. 127.

37 This type of organisation is also common in the New Territories of Hong Kong. Indeed it was apparently found all over China: see Werner's China of the Chinese, pp. 163-165 for a good general description.

38 In 1897 Yau Ma Tei had a population of 8051 (Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485) and by 1907 as much as 17,812 (Sessional Papers, p. 273). The name means Oil and Hemp Ground, though my informants tell me it has an older name Tai Shek Lat (私大石ᑟ) which may be translated as Row of Big Stones. "Lat" is a colloquial word.

39 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 1877, p. 81.

40 See Mr. Chadwick's Reports on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, Eastern No. 38, printed for the use of the Colonial Office in November 1882, pp. 42-43. Through a printer's error he calls Yau Ma Tei “Yan Ma Ti”.

See Sessional Papers 1899 p. 482 for another description of the adjoining area.

41 No evidence of this particular type of activity survives from the Yau Ma Tei district. However a few examples can be cited from the Kowloon City area. Mr. W. Schofield has sent details of a tablet (1828) found pre-war beside a broken bridge near the former Kowloon City rifle range which records the names of officials, shops and passage boats contributing to the work; and a tablet dated December 1895/January 1896 recording the repair of "Temple Road" at Kowloon City is still in existence. A direction stone at the site gives left for Kowloon Tsai and Sham Shui Po and straight on for the Hau Wong Temple. The work was organised by sixteen directors (财事) who are listed on the tablet.

42 For a description of one of these processions see Hardy, p. 280.

43 The inscription above the main entrance also records reconstruction (equivalent of) November/December 1878.

44 The tablet is dated the equivalent of November/December 1894.

45 I am indebted to Messrs. Patrick Wong and Dicken Yang of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for part of this information.

46 See, for instance, G. T. Lay's account of missionary visits to Hong Kong and Kowloon in 1839 between pp. 279-300 of his The Chinese as they are, London; William Ball & Co., 1841. Rev. George Smith's visits to Kowloon in 1844/45 are described in his A Narrative of an Exploratory Visit to Each of the Consular Cities of China and to the Islands of Hong Kong and Chusan, London, Seeley, Burnside and Seeley, 2nd edition, 1847, pp. 72 seq.; and Rev. William Burns' visits from Hong Kong in 1848 are mentioned in James Johnston, pp. 71-74.

47 Impressions of China and the Present Revolution: its Progress and Prospects, London; Seeley, Jackson and Halliday, 1855, p. 24.

48 See James Johnston, p. 71.

49 See The China Mission Hand Book, Shanghai; American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1896, pp. 272-280 for an account, with statistics of the Basel Mission's work in South China for 1893.
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NOTES AND QUERIES

169

NOTES

I am most grateful to Mr. Yuen Chun-fang, Liaison Officer, Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for help with the interviews which yielded part of the information given above.

1 Reports on the Past and Present State of Her Majesty's Colonial Possessions, 1845 (London, W. Clowes & Sons, for H.M.S.O., 1846) p. 147 and the same for 1846, p. 230.

2 G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong, Birth Adolescence and Coming of Age (Oxford, University Press, 1937) p. 208, quoting from the Canton Press, February 1842.

3 Sayer, p. 91.

4 Sayer, p. 30.

5 A. R. Johnston (H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade) "Note on the Island of Hong Kong" first published in the London Geographical Journal Vol. XIV, and reprinted in the Hong Kong Almanack and Directory for 1846.

6 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 28 March 1857 p. 4, Table No. 4.

7 The Last Year in China......by a Field Officer actually employed in that Country. 2nd edition (London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1843) p. 75.

8 K. S. MacKenzie, Narrative of the Second Campaign in China (London, R. Bentley, 1842) p. 160.

9 See Hong Kong Administrative Reports for 1934, 1935 and 1936 at pp. Q.86, Q.84 and Q.81 respectively.

10 This information, like any other for which no specific source is quoted, comes from Mr. CHOW Chik-san of Kau Wai, aged 77 and Madam CHAN CHOW Ping of San Wai, aged 81.

11 Rev. W. Lobscheidt, A Few Notices on the Extent of Chinese Education and the Government Schools of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, China Mail office, 1859).

12 See Summary of Report of Squatters Commission 1891-1906, pp. 97-103.

This volume of MSS. is kept in the Library, Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong.

13 For accounts of Cantonese and Hakka see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (Hong Kong etc., Kelly and Walsh Ltd., 4th edition, 1903) pp. 202, 211 and 323-326.

14 LO Hsiang-lin and others, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842 (Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963) pp. 80-88. This is the English translation of the text, but not the notes, of their work published in Hong Kong in 1959.

15 This information is taken from the accounts given at p. 5 of Prof. Woo Sing-lim's The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, The Five Continents Book Co., 26th year of the Chinese Republic, 1937) published in Chinese and English and at pp. 578-579, under the name CHOW Cheong-ling, of Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent and Progressive Chinese at Home and Abroad, published in London, Shanghai etc. by The Globe Encyclopedia Company, 1917.
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CARL T. SMITH

Chinese society, were eager customers. Purchased degrees was an easy way to acquire a social status which had previously been reserved for the scholars, government officials and gentry. The account of the Governor's visit to Tung Wah Hospital in 1878 published in The Hongkong Government Gazette states that "there were present nearly three hundred influential Chinese residents from all classes of the community. Of those present some fifty or sixty were in their mandarin costumes."

**

When the second Sino-British War broke out in the late 1850s, the foreign firms at Canton moved down to Hong Kong bringing with them their compradores. This influx was an impetus to the already significant role compradores were assuming as leaders in the Chinese community. The compradores of the old-established Hong Kong firms formed the core of this leadership.

In the early days of the Colony the two leading foreign firms were Jardine, Matheson and Company and Dent and Company. One would expect, of course, that their compradores would be among the elite of the Chinese community. The earliest compradore of Jardine's that I can definitely identify is Ng Chook alias Ng Choong Foong alias Sooi Tong. At the time of the opening of the Tung Wah Hospital the newspaper account states that he was the oldest man on the committee, although his name does not appear on the official list of committee members. He died some months after the opening. His estate was administered by his son Ng Seng Kee (A), who was living in Shanghai. The first date I find for Ng Chook in Hong Kong is his purchase of the lease of the Central Market in 1848. I do not know if he is connected with Ng Sow and Ng Lok, both compradores originating from Macao, who bought and sold a great deal of real estate from 1842 to 1847. Nor if Ng Wei alias Ng Wing Fui (**) alias Ng Ping Un (e), who was a compradore for Jardines at Foochow in the 1860s and subsequently at Hong Kong, was a near relative of Ng Chook. Ng Wei was a member of the Tung Wah Hospital Committee in 1883 and died in 1897 at Canton.

In 1861, two of the compradores of Dent and Company, the rival of Jardines, provided capital for a significant real estate development in Hong Kong. The large property where Dent and Company had their stables and residences for their Taipans was bought up by Chiu Wing Chuen and Yeong Lan Ko along with
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J. L. CRANMER-BYNG

Councillors at Jehol at this time: Mu-yin; K'uang-yüan; Tu Han; Chiao Yu-ying. Information on all these officials can be found in Hummel, Eminent Chinese, especially in the biography of Su-shun. Their power relationships are discussed in Banno, China and the West, passim, but especially 55-56. The term "minister of the imperial presence" (yü-ch'ien ta-ch'en) is rendered by Brunnert and Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization, p. 28, no. 101, as adjutant-general.

II Tengchow is on the northern side of the Shantung promontory. In fact it was not opened to foreign trade which was carried on at Yen-tai near Chefoo. S. Wells Williams, The Chinese Commercial Guide, 211-212. Ch'aochow was the old name for Swatow; Ch'iungchow is in Hainan. Taiwan City and Tamsui were ports on the island of Taiwan which came under the administration of Fukien province.

12 Ch'ung-hou was appointed to this post by an edict of 20 January with the designation superintendent of trade for the Three Ports, with his headquarters at Tientsin. Hsueh Huan, governor of Kiangsu and acting imperial commissioner at Shanghai, was made responsible for the newly opened ports along the Yangtze and the coast to the south of it, by the same edict. As far back as 1844 the imperial commissioner at Canton was currently designated imperial commissioner for the Five Ports. With the addition of new ports it was made a concurrent post of the governor of Kiangsu in 1861, until 1868 when it was made a concurrent post of the governor-general of Liang Kiang residing at Nanking. In 1870 the post of superintendent of trade for the Three Ports was raised to an imperial commissionership and held concurrently by the governor-general of Chihli. It is not clear when the commonly used designations for these two posts viz: superintendent of trade for the southern ports and superintendent of trade for the northern ports were first used. Meng, The Tsungli Yamen, 40-41; Banno, China and the West, 233-5.

13 Article 3 of the Convention of Peking between Britain and China refers. See W. F. Mayers, Treaties Between the Empire of China and Foreign Powers, 8. The phrase to avoid complications arising is a euphemism for 'to avoid peculation'.

14 Tentatively we have translated the Chinese phrase hui-tan as counter-foil. Note 19 also refers.

15 The term is fuyin. See Brunnert and Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization of China, 793.

16 See Frank H. H. King, A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911.

17 Translated in collaboration with Mr. Vei-Tsen Yang. Chinese text in Ch'ow-pan wu shih-mo, Hsien-feng, 72: 2-3. A second edict was issued on the same day, and on the same subject, to the Grand Secretariat. This edict was translated by T. F. Wade along with the six-point memorandum. Note 2 above refers.

18 Not to be confused with the Russian Hostel nor with the language school for the Russians in Peking, both of which were often referred to in Chinese documents as O-lo ssu-kuan, thus making confusion likely with the Russian language school referred to here. See Meng, The Tsungli Yamen, 111, note 48.

19 Lit. 'draw up a joint document'. Glossed by T. F. Wade as a paper signed by both parties showing that the amount deducted is in due proportion to the collection'. Translation of Peking Gazette in F.O. 17/352 p. 42.

20 Presumably referring to Robert Hart, the Inspector General of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, and the westerners serving under him. On the general subject of foreigners taking part in the administration of China after the middle of the nineteenth century see Fairbank, The Chinese World Order, 273-5; also Fairbank "Synarchy under the Treaties" in Fairbank (ed.) Chinese Thought and Institutions, 204-231.

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10 Ibid., p. 31.

H. J. LETHBRIDGE

11 Fifty Years of Progress: The Jubilee of Hongkong as a British Crown Colony, Hong Kong, Daily Press Office, 1891, p. 43.

12 J. S. Thomson, op. cit., p. 8.

13 Ibid., p. 54.

14 Allister Macmillan, ed., Seaports of the Far East, London, 1923, p. 340.

15 Information about Bridget Montague is to be found in contemporary Hong Kong newspapers and the Report on the Contagious Diseases Ordinance (see note 5).

16 Alfred Weatherhead, Life in Hong Kong: 1856-1859. Typescript in the Library of the University of Hong Kong.

17 W. A. Hornaday, Two Years in the Jungle, London, 1885, p. 185.

18 Capt. Gordon Casserly, The Land of the Boxers, London, 1903, p. 193.

19 John Thomson, F.R.G.S., The Straits of Malacca, Indo-China and China, London, 1875, pp. 192-3.

20 J. A. Turner, Kwang Tung or Five Years in South China, London (1894), pp. 108-9.

21 See China Station 1859-1864: The Reminiscences of Walter White, London, National Maritime Museum, Maritime Monographs and Reports, No. 3, 1972.

22 Ibid., p. 27.

23 Major Henry Knollys, English Life in China, London, 1885, pp. 56-7.

24 'Report of the Commission on Alcoholic Liquors', Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1898, p. 1.

25 E. J. Eitel, "Treatment of Paupers in Hong Kong', Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1880, p. 470.

26 Ibid., p. 469.

27 The Kowloon British School was opened in 1902; before that some girls were educated at convent schools in Macau.

28 Marjorie Topley, 'The Role of Savings and Wealth among Hong Kong Chinese', in L. C. Jarvie, ed., Hong Kong: A Society in Transition, London, 1969, p. 193.

29 J. Thomson, op. cit., pp. 203 and 208.

30 L. N. Wheeler, The Foreigner in China, Chicago, 1881, p. 242.

31 Rev. E. J. Hardy, John Chinaman at Home, London, n.d., p. 29.

32 Leon Radzinowicz, Ideology and Crime, London, 1966, p. 38.

33 Allister Macmillan, op. cit., p. 339.

34 Op. cit., p. 151.

35 Samuel Couling, The Encyclopaedia Sinica, Shanghai, 1917, p. 437.

36 W. A. P. Martin, A Cycle of Cathay, New York, 1900, p. 24.

37 L. C. Arlington, Through the Dragon's Eyes, London, 1931, p. 151.

38 H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, New York, 1958, p. 186.

39 Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartwright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Other Treaty Ports of China, London, 1908, p. 341.

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any supporters to give his words more weight. In other words: there were no political parties which might have mustered support for one cause or another and through which persons not eligible to vote might have been represented at a Public Meeting.

Moreover Public Meetings were in principle held only once a year to discuss matters of a financial and municipal nature. Only if there were other important affairs for which approval of the ratepayers was necessary, would more meetings be convened.

And there lay the second defect, and a very glaring one when compared to parliamentary systems in Europe or America.

Apart from the annual meeting, the Municipal Council was irresponsible in the sense that it did not regularly have to answer questions about its policy.

Likewise information about the sessions and policy making of the Municipal Council was considered too scarce and meaningless. Until 1860 no minutes were published if ever they were taken, which is not certain. It was only after the Herald, in its issue of October 13, 1860, had accused the Municipal Council of negligence with regard to a big fire on Nanking Road, that the newly appointed municipal secretary, Edwin Pickwoad, offered to release the council minutes for publication.

For a time the minutes, as well as committee reports and annual reports were published in the North China Herald, until in 1908 the Municipal Council decided to issue its own bulletin, the Shanghai Municipal Gazette, first in English only, but afterwards also in Chinese.

But the value of these minutes as a true insight into the decision-making process of the Municipal Council was doubted from a very early stage, when the North China Herald wrote on October 29, 1864, with regard to plans for improvement of the Bund: "The very brief allusions which are contained in the minutes of the Municipal Council meetings to the subjects which have been discussed, are not always intelligible to general readers. In many instances the object of publishing minutes, which we presume is to afford information regarding the current Municipal affairs, is completely defeated by this brevity".
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J. H. HAAN

Seventy years later it was complained that "official business in this important municipality is conducted in secret. Members of the Municipal Council are bound not to disclose matters discussed in meetings and no reporter of a local newspaper has ever attended a meeting of the Council. The Council does issue a so-called Municipal Gazette, probably the dullest official journal in the world, which contains brief reports usually starting out "Notice is hereby given" or "I have the honour to convey

etc."
100

Now it is, of course, true that in Western countries with a parliamentary government, meetings of the cabinet or other governing bodies were (and are) not open to the public. But there the rulers were responsible to representatives of the people, be it in parliament or its local equivalent. Nothing of the kind happened in Shanghai, which apart from the other structural and institutional regulations which halted democracy as understood elsewhere, made the whole administrative system come to be looked upon as oligarchic.

Summary

Summarizing this article we might say that the Settlement government rested on a base which became increasingly outmoded in Western countries where democracy allowed ever more people to participate in politics. Franchise according to tax paid was gradually abolished in the West, but in the International Settlement at Shanghai it remained till the last day of its existence. In the beginning, consent of all residents was claimed to be the foundation of municipal government, but as time progressed the administration degenerated into an oligarchy with or without the negative implications which the term suggests. Political interest was low and nobody really tried to change the system. Though Justice Feetham published a massive report about the situation in the Settlement and offered valuable advice in 1931, nothing was done. Only in the heyday of Chinese nationalism were some minor facelifts agreed, without altering any of the fundamentals.

It was only after the return of the Settlement to China in 1943 and especially after the communist takeover in 1949 that
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Revd Justus Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese, (New York, Harper and Brothers, 1865), Vol. II, p. 55; Robert K. Douglas, China (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 2nd Edition, 1887) pp. 280-1; Juliet Bredon and Igor Metrophanow, The Moon Year, A Record of Chinese Customs and Festivals (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh Ltd, 1927) pp. 314-5.

26

J. W. Hayes, The Hong Kong Region op. cit., p. 210 note 87. A full account of the stakenet fishing is given in my forthcoming article on the coastal and inshore fisheries of Hong Kong Island and adjacent places in the 19th century and earlier, to appear in Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium on Asian Studies, 1986, Vol. I, China, Asian Research Service, GPO Box 2232 Hong Kong.

27

China Mail No. 212, 8 March 1849, Witness No. 23 at the recorded Coroner's Inquest. Possibly also nos. 19 and 22.

20

A large scale map of Little Hong Kong at 80' to 1, in five sheets, showing the Old and New Villages and their fields (1892) is in the PRO of Hong Kong. In 1844 it was stated that the Wong Nai Chung fields measured 75.1 acres (CSO129/9807, p. 277).

1

Illustrated London News, 16 January 1858.

10

Hong Kong Government Gazette, Government Notification 41 of 1860, dated 24 March 1860.

Robert Fortune, Three Years Wanderings in the Northern Provinces of China (London, John Murray, 2nd edition 1847) p.17. He qualifies his remarks slightly, but the substance is as stated. See also his general very favourable verdict on the Chinese people at p. xv.

32

K.S. McKenzie, Narrative of the Second Campaign in China (London, R. Bentley, 1842) p. 160.

33

Captain G.G. Loch, Closing Events of the Campaign in China (London, John Murray, 1843) p. 21.

14

35

McKenzie, op. cit., p. 163.

Dalrymple's Observations on the Southern Coasts of China and the Island of Hainan (London, 1806). After p. 20 in the text. This willingness to trade with strangers continued into the period of hostilities between Britain and China when the local people appear to have been very ready to supply the British forces and the civilian population with food and other necessities. Indeed this extended to such a degree that led Captain Elliott to state in one of his despatches to Lord Ellenborough, Governor-General of India, that the retention of Hong Kong would be "an act of justice and protection to the Native population upon which we have been so long dependent for assistance and supply. Indescribably dreadful instances of the hostility between these people and the Government are within our certain knowledge; and they cannot be abandoned without the most fatal consequences.” Hosea Ballou Morse, The International Relations of the Chinese Empire, 3 vols, reprinted by Book World Company, Taipei, Appendix I to Vol. 1, pp. 650-1. See also pp. 241-2 for local provisioning.

34

John Francis Davis. Sketches of China, Partly during an Inland Journey of Four Months between Peking, Nanking and Canton, bound in with Volume III of his A General Description of China and its Inhabitants (London, Charles Knight, New Edition, 1845), p. 12. See also Wright and Allom, op. cit., "The Harbour of Hong Kong" which speaks of the "innate gentleness, and disinterested hospitality, of the farmers and the fishermen of Hong Kong".
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37 Krone, p. 132.

18 Bruce Shepherd, The Hong Kong Guide (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1982; 1st published, Shanghai, 1893) pp. 117-118; R.C. Hurley, Tourists' Map of 8 Short Trips on the Mainland of China (Neighbourhood of Hong Kong) including Principal Places frequented by Sportsmen (Hong Kong: R.C. Hurley, 1896) enclosed in Blake to Chamberlain, April 28, 1899, #107: CO129/290, p. 7.

39 Shepherd, p. 117.

40 The Convention is appended in Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, pp. 191-192. The negotiation of the Convention is dealt with in detail in the book.

* Colonial Office draft telegram to Sir H.A. Blake, enclosed in Colonial Office to Foreign Office, April 27, 1899, despatch #130: CO882/5/66, p. 136.

42 Blake to Chamberlain, May 4, 1899, telegram: CO882/5/66, p. 140; Consul Mansfield to Bax-Ironside, April 20, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., July 13, 1899: ibid., p. 304.

43 Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, p. 73.

44

The Order-in-Council, dated 27th December, 1899, is appended in ibid., pp. 196-7.

45

T'an Wen-chin kung tsou-kao, XUSA (Memorials of Tan Chung-lin) 2 volumes, (Taipei: Ch'eng-wen Co., based on 1911 edition) vol. 2, 248-26a.

46

Translation of a telegram from the Tsungli Yamen, dated Peking May 20, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., May 22, 1899: CO882/5/66, p. 160.

47 Lo Feng-luh [sic] to the Marquess of Salisbury, October 17, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., October 28, 1899: CO882/5/66, p. 364; Lo Feng-luh to the Marquess of Salisbury, November 14, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., November 25, 1899: ibid., p. 369.

Peel to Cunliffe-Lister, January 9, 1934, confidential: CO129/546.

49 Stubbs to Amery, June 26, 1925, despatch #275: CO129/488.

50

Sheng San-i l'ang tsuan-hsi t’e-k'an 1890-1965 ——A (Special bulletin to commemorate the diamond jubilee of the Holy Trinity Church, 1890-1965) (Hong Kong: the Church [1965]) p. 34.

51 Ibid., p. 33.

52 Ibid., p. 34.

$3

$4

Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1901, p. 1401,

Peel to Cunliffe-Lister, January 9, 1934, confidential; Chiang-shan ku-jen, "feng-t'u", parts 106-107.

55 Stubbs to Amery, June 26, 1925, despatch #275; Chiang-shan ku-jen, “Pen-ti feng-kuang" (Local sights) part 163. These are articles appearing in the Hua-ch'iao jih-pao in 1931 and an album of them is in the University of Hong Kong Library, Jarrett, vol. 3, p. 609.

56 Stubbs to Amery, June 26, 1925, despatch #275.

57

Peel to Cunliffe-Lister, January 9, 1934, confidential: C. Van Leo, “A Little bit of China in the Heart of Hong Kong", Hong Kong Telegraph, January 18, 1937. R.C. Hurley, Handbook to the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong and Depen-

58

¦
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See e.g. NCH 28.2.1852, 27.3.1852, 21.2.1857, 19.2.1859.

126

NCH 30.4.1864.

127

NCH 13.2.1864.

128

NCH 28.2.1864.

129

NCH 13.2.1858.

251

1:30 Fitzgerlad, p. 89.

131 Davis, p. 3-4.

112

133

1,14

1347

See Buckley, p. 741-753.

See Smith.

NCH 22.9.1866.

King & Clarke, p. 115; Williams, p. 158-159; Black, introduction by Grace Fox. Briefly his journalistic career was as follows: 1861-1867: Editor Japan Herald, Yokohama: 1867-1870: Editor Japan Gazette Yokohama; 1870-1875 Ed. magazine "The Far East", Yokohama; 1872-1875 Founder and editor of the Japanese language Nisshin Shinjishi 1876-1878: Founder and editor of “The Far East", Shanghai; 1878-1880: Editor Shanghai Courier and Celestial Empire; 1879: co-founder of Shanghai Mercury.

Acc. to Boase, Vol. IV, col. 657-658, she first performed in the Midland Counties 1855-1857. Neither in Maude, nor in Pope is there any detailed mention of "Miss Snowdon". She made her debut at the Haymarket as Mrs Malaprop on 14.10.1863 and continued to play there till 1874.

1:16 In: Mullin, p. 391.

137

Reprinted in Thomson, p. 133-169.

13. Repr. in ibid., p. 23-49.

139

140

Repr. in Booth, Vol. IV, p. 235-253.

Repr. in Davis, p. 41-68.

141

Repr. in Trussler, p. 235-260.

142

147

Repr. in Rowell, p. 236-266.

Repr. in Booth, Vol. 1, p. 152-200.

144 Repr. in ibid., Vol. IV, p. 41-74.

145

Repr. in ibid., Vol. IV, p. 207-232.

146 Repr. in ibid., Vol. IV, p. 157-175.

147 Chesterfield, p. 32.
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1981 The Predicament of the Comprador Ideologists. He Qia and Hu Liyuan In Modern China 7/2- 191-225

1993 Hong Kong in Chinese History A Study of Community and Social Unrest from 1842 to 1913 New York, Columbia University Press

Wang, Gungwu 1990 The Culture of Chinese Merchants Working Paper Series No 57 Ontario: Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, University of Toronto-York University Also adopted in Wang (1991) 181-90

1991 China and the Chinese Overseas Singapore, Academic Press

Wang, Jingyu 1965 Shijiu shiji waiguo qinhua qiye zhong de huashang fugu yundong (The activities of Chinese merchants to buy capital-shares from the foreign aggressive enterprises in China during the late nineteenth century) In Lishi Yanjiu 1965/4

1983a Tang Tingshu yanjiu (A study of Tang Tingshu) Beijing, Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe

1983b. Shijiu shiji xifang ziben zhuyi dui Zhongguo de jingji qinlue (The economic invasion of western capitalism on China in nineteenth century) Beijing, Renmin Chubanshe

1990 Shilun Jindai Zhongguo de maiban jieji (A preliminary discussion on modern Chinese compradors) In Lishi Yanjiu 1990/3, 89-108

Wang, Shui 1983. Qingdai maiban shouru de guji jiqi shiyong fangshi (An assessment of compradors' income and its spending ways in Qing dynasty). In Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Jingji Yanjiusuo Jikan 5 298-324

1984. Maiban de jingji diwei he zhengzhi qingxiang (The economic achievement and political tendency of compradors) In Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Jingji Yanjiusuo Jikan 7 255-93

Wilmott, William E 1966 The Chinese in Southeast Asia. In Australian Outlook 20. 252-62

1972 edited Economic Organization in Chinese Society Stanford. Stanford University Press

Wong, Bernard 1988 Patronage, Brokerage, Entrepreneurship, and the Chinese Community of New York New York. AMS Press

Wong, Siu-lun 1983 Business Ideology of Chinese Industrialists in Hong Kong In Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 23 137-71

1984 The Migration of Shanghainese Entrepreneurs to Hong Kong In From Village to City. Studies in the Traditional Roots of Hong Kong Society 206-27 Edited by David Faure, James Hayes and Alan Birch Hong Kong, Center of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong

1985 The Chinese Family Firm: A Model In British Journal of Sociology 36/1 58-72

1986 Modernization and Chinese Culture in Hong Kong. In China Quarterly. 106. 306-25

1988a Emigrant Entrepreneurs Shanghai Industrialists in Hong Kong Hong Kong, Oxford University Press

1988b The Applicability of Asian Family Values to Other Sociocultural Settings In In Search of an East Asian Development Model. 134-52 Edited by Peter Berger and Michael Hsiao New Brunswick and Oxford, Transaction Publishers

1990 Chinese Entrepreneurs and Business Trust In University of Hong Kong Supplement to the Gazette 37/1 25-34

1991 Chinese Entrepreneurs and Business Trust In Gary Hamilton (edited) 13-29

1993 Business Networks, Cultural Values and the State in Hong Kong and Singapore Unpublished paper presented at the Workshop on Chinese Business Houses in Southeast Asia since 1870 School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London

Woon, Yuen-fong 1984 Social Organization in South China, 1911-1949 the Case of...
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name had eventually appeared in the Peking Gazette. In 1871, he added, he was recommended for special honours on account of distinguished services on the field of battle and received the order of merit called Yung Hao with the title of Ying Yung Pa-t'u-lu [i.e. ‘Brigadier-General, the title of Knight Ying of the Order of Pa-t'u-lu, Mesny"]. Mesny was awarded the Ying-yung for having penetrated a Miao stronghold with a few Chinese riflemen and turned the tide of battle from defeat into victory. In April 1896 Mesny wrote: 'Having lived in Hankow for some years and acquired some notoriety amongst the Chinese there, if not actual fame, the characters Wen-kao 'Eminent', were chosen and given me as a Hao or familiar by my friends.' His Chinese name is Mai Wen-kao or using a transliteration 'Mai-shih-ni [i.e. mai-knee) and his rank, Tsung-ping **General**]. In another autobiographical 'obituary' printed after his death in the Celestial Empire, a Shanghai paper, he described himself as 'I, Wen-kao William Mesny, F.R.G.S., Brevet Lieutenant-General of the Chinese Army; Knight, Ying Yung of the Order of the Pa-t'u-lu..................

Mesny noted on one occasion long after he had completed his military service that he had come across a battalion of Kueichou field troops with the men wearing the cuirass-shaped uniform or Pa-t'u-lu vesture, invented by Mesny in 1868 for the An-ting and Ko-i Rifle Brigades. ["The ancient Manchu Knights of the order of the Pa-t'u-lu wore such vests as uniform when not wearing the metal cuirass, hence its significant name Pa-t'u-lu.']

[NOTE: Liu Ming-ch'uan, Governor of Taiwan 1884-1891, referred to in the text as having met Mesny, initially was a freebooter who, during the Taiping Rebellion supported Li Hung-chang and the Imperial forces, and opposed the Taipings. He was at that stage a fairly lowly officer and is recorded as having received 'the honorary title of military merit, baturu': Later, when more senior he was awarded the much greater award of the Yellow Riding Jacket.]

Mesny was awarded the 'flowery plume' [hua-ling ##4] in 1869 together with the brevet rank of colonel after battles with the Miao tribesmen. He was also presented with the Pao-hsing in 1869. He refers to the Pao-hsing #, the Precious Planet [or decoration of the Star of China] implying that it was the same decoration as the Double Dragon Jewelled Star which he also later referred to. It was, he said, instituted after the Taiping Rebellion as a form of reward for foreigners who
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on the Chinese military, its organisation, terminology and weapons almost certainly from his own experience. The second section is a two-page on-going essay on the need for China to modernise, for the construction of railways, the establishment of a foreign-style economy, etc. and finally, an on-going school boyish adventure describing his life on the Yangtze, commanding Chinese troops or as a prisoner of the Taipings. The whole was sub-titled A Text Book of Notes on China and the Chinese.

Mesny appears to have written and published this weekly magazine single-handed both from his memory, and notes written years beforehand stored against the day, together with material culled from other people's works. It ran for twenty-six weekly issues at a time, which were later bound into a total of four volumes. The individual issues were sold by subscription.

Volume I: This ran from 26 September 1895 to 19 March 1896. His address, at this stage, was given as Club Chambers, 2 The Bund, Shanghai, with the printing of his Miscellanies at the China Gazette with offices at the same address.

Volume II continued on from 26 March 1896 and ceased on 17 September 1896 when financial problems brought publication to an end.

After a gap of some two and a half years Issue I of Volume III was published on Saturday 25 March 1899 with a firm promise of one year of publication. It ended, however, on Saturday 7 October of the same year with issue 26, and a regret that the Editor cannot commence Volume IV yet. The quality of the paper of Volume III was very poor indeed and has faded to a dull brown. The office had moved to Szechuan Road in Shanghai. Volume III was more literate than the previous two, suggesting perhaps that Mesny had employed a sub-editor. The format too had changed with Volume III. It was more professional and included some Peking court news, two pages of Commercial Notes and extracts from Reuter's telegrams. In a notice in issue 3 of Volume III Mesny explains that the Miscellany is 'a novel journalistic enterprise... which fills a gap. Its peculiar and unique features appeal to the intelligence of all discerning foreign residents in China as well as the intelligent readers of all nationalities in all parts of the World.' In August of 1899, some eight weeks before apologising to subscribers that he could not commence Volume IV yet, he doubled his subscription price. He was
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surviving members of the Ezra family still enjoy a favoured position in the Jewish community in Hong Kong.

Nevertheless, individual members of the family (or families, since there were several separate groups of Ezras in Shanghai) attracted notoriety from time to time. In 1918, criminal proceedings were instituted against Joseph Ezra and Ellis Isaac Ezra for using the launch owned by the Standard Oil Company without authorization. The same year, Joseph Ezra was summoned to court for assaulting a Mr Gordious Nielson, a Dane, who was the proprietor of the Shanghai Gazette, which had printed something that Joseph Ezra did not like. The South China Morning Post recorded a 1933 case whereby two men named Ezra, Judah and Isaac, were brought to court in San Francisco for smuggling narcotics. By 1933, the International Convention against opium had long since been signed.

16

Nissim Ezra Benjamin Ezra, better known as N.E.B. Ezra, founded and edited the Anglo-Jewish weekly newspaper, Israel's Messenger from 1909 to 1935. This paper became the official organ of the Shanghai Zionist Association, taking issue with Sir Victor Sassoon and other Sephardic Jews in Shanghai over the issue of Zionism. The paper supported the Jewish National Fund in China. In 1921 the fund received a donation of 21,000 pounds sterling from a single donor in Shanghai. Since it was pro-Japanese, Chinese sources speculated that the Japanese had succeeded in buying the paper's editorial policy to favour Japanese imperial ambitions in Asia.

Silas Hardoon

Silas Hardoon alone among the Shanghai Jewry was not spoken of as a family. To the Chinese he was the most interesting Jew in Shanghai. There is so much information on him that it is difficult to distinguish fact from fiction. Hardoon was a colourful as well as important personality. He was also very, very wealthy. He was elected to the Municipal Council of the International Settlement as well as the Conseil Municipal of the French Concession. Chinese tradition has it that the British made this Jewish parvenu pay for the honour of being a municipal councillor by shouldering the expenses of paving Nanking Road. Hardoon married a Chinese woman reputed to be of brothel origin, by Jewish and Buddhist rites. They adopted a number of Chinese and Eurasian children, rumoured to be from a dozen to twenty. The Chinese
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Lane, Crawford Restaurant and for several years in the 1930s it was known as the Exchange Restaurant, but in 1935 the name reverted again to Cafe Wisseman (details of management, location and name are from notices of the Spirit Licensing Board published in the Hong Kong Government Gazette).

An incident took place at the Cafe in September 1914, just after war was declared, which placed three German nationals under suspicion. They were observed throwing down a copy of the China Mail and stamping on it because it contained a report that the British had compulsorily bought two battleships then being built for the Turkish Government (CO129/413, Information from Provost Marshall regarding Germans on list, 8 Oct. 1914).

Firms

I have tried to reconstruct the history of these firms from the records available in Hong Kong. The average reader may not be interested in the detailed account of change of partnership, location and other minutia, but as most of this material has not been published previously, I presume to do so now in the hope that there may be some who have an interest in the firms may learn more about them. The information and references may provide a starting place for those who might wish to write a fuller history of particular firms.

Though Germany was not a colonial power in Asia, its merchants carried on an active trade there. Throughout the nineteenth century German firms became increasingly competitive with those of other western countries. In the opening decades of the century Canton was the centre for trade, but it declined in importance when the ports at Hong Kong and Shanghai developed.

When war was declared between Britain and Germany in August 1914 citizens of enemy countries were placed under parole but in October new laws were enacted enabling the Hong Kong Government to place German nationals who held reserve status in the military to be interned. Representatives of German businesses in Hong Kong sent a letter dated 30 October to the American Consul General there asking him to submit it to the British authorities. The merchants appealed for a reversal of the orders on the grounds that they had contributed through the years to the
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Mr. Stolterfoht in 1880 (DP 6 Mar. 1880) The following notice appeared in the Government Gazette on 1 January 1885: “We, Hermann Stolterfoht and Charles Hirst, the only remaining partners in the firm of Hesse and Company, Hong Kong and Canton, have decided to continue the business of the said firm under name Stolterfoht and Hirst with the same capital as heretofore. The interest and responsibility of the original partner, Mr. Theodore Hesse, ceased entirely on 30 June 1867 when his capital was withdrawn. Mr. Oscar Wegener has been authorised to sign for the new firm per procuration The firm continued under this name for ten years. Then Mr. Hirst withdrew and was replaced by Edward Hagen and the name was changed to Stolterfoht and Hagen.

In 1898 the business was transferred to Lautz, Wegener and Co The liquidators of the old company were Oscar Wegener and Alfred Finke (DP 5 Jan. 1898).

Mr. Hagen must have died within a short time of entering the partnership as the surviving partner advertised in April 1897 that the late Mr Hagen's interest in the company ended on 1 January 1897 and Mr. Stolterfoht would continue the business on his own account (GG 19 Apr. 1897). A year later Mr Stolterfoht transferred his business to the firm of Lautz, Wegener and Co.

The firm of Lautz and Haesloop was registered at the German Consulate at Swatow in 1892 (DP 25 Apr. 1892). The next year the firm of Lautz, Wegener and Co. was formed by Johann Theodore Lautz, Oscar Wegener and Franz Heinrich Luedes Haesloop (DP 3 Jan 1893). Lautz had been at one time an assistant in Melchers and Co. Mr. Wegener had been an assistant in the firm of Hesse and Co. and Stolterfoht and Hirst. He remained with the firm of Lautz, Wegener and Co. until his death by suicide in April 1902. He left a letter stating he took his life because of ill health (HKT 24 Apr. 1902)

Vogel, Hagedorn and Co opened a branch at Shanghai in 1871 under the management of Charles Vogel and Theodore Schneider (DP 1 Aug. 1871). About the year 1883 Vogel and Co ceased doing business in Hong Kong.

Hemrich Kuchhoff became a partner of Vogel, Hagedorn and Co. in 1868 and remained with the company when its name was changed to Vogel and Co. He was successively in Canton and Shanghai. After Vogel and Co. closed, he traded as a partner in the firm of Kirchhoff and Levogt at Shanghai, where he died in September 1883 (DP 3 Oct. 1883).
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