RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING 63 These extracts give the official Chinese version of how the British came to occupy their first Legation quarters, and agree closely with Lord Elgin's own account contained in a despatch to Lord John Russell, the Foreign Secretary, dated Tientsin, 13th November 1860: On the 7th instant Mr. Bruce reached Peking, having hastened up from Shanghae in compliance with my request. His arrival was most opportune, as it was very important that before my departure from the capital I should be able to confer with him on various matters, and more especially on the subject of the place of residence for the future of Her Majesty's Representative in China. Mr. Bruce informed me that he was perfectly willing to take up his abode in Peking at once. On consultation with Baron Gros and General Ignatieff, however, I found that the latter was about to leave Peking for the winter, and that the former was of opinion that it would not be advisable that M. de Bourboulon should establish himself in the capital until the spring. I considered it, therefore, to be my duty to advise Mr. Bruce to return with me for the present to Tien-tsin, and to remain there until a suitable residence should be provided for him in the capital. In order, however, that there might be no misapprehension on the part of the Chinese Government in reference to this point, we selected a house which we thought might be adapted to the purpose, and which was procurable on easy terms, and we accepted the services of Mr. Adkins, one of the Student Interpreters, a very promising young man, who volunteered to remain at Peking, and to superintend the arrangements necessary for putting it in order. Harry Parkes, who was Lord Elgin's interpreter at this time, writing to his wife on November 17th 1860 gave a few more details: Peking is in a wretched state of dilapidation and ruin, and scarcely one of their palatial buildings is not falling into decay. We have obtained one of the best, and yet it is quite * Elgin to Russell, 13 November 1860. Parliamentary Papers, “Correspondence Respecting Affairs in China 1859-60", 2754 of 1861, No. 119, p. 254. See also ibid. p. 259 for a note from T. Adkins to Frederick Bruce dated Peking, 12 November 1860, reporting that the capital was returning to normal and that he had found no opposition to his residence there. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT 137 lishment in the district, was made in the year 1848, by the Rev. Thomas Hambley, who established a station among the Hak-kas at Toong-foo, at the head of Mirs Bay. In 1849, a station was established at Sai-heong; and in 1852, besides these two principal stations, other small dependent stations have been formed, where preaching and education have been carried on. Before the outbreak of the war, the missionaries were able to live in the country, even with their families, and suffered comparatively little disturbance; they travelled in safety freely over the whole country. Their intercourse with the people was quite unrestrained, and the mission houses were visited by the literati, and by the higher classes of people. The mandarin of Fuk-wing was a guest in the mission house at Sai-heong for a whole week; and the first Seu-tsai at Sai-heong, who has since graduated as a Keu-jin, readily accepted an engagement as teacher in the missionary college. It is sincerely to be hoped that the present deplorable war, which has for the time put a stop to the mission work, may in the end cause the country to be opened, and thus enable us to have free access to these people, who are as yet imperfectly known, and who perhaps wait only to have the truth fairly represented to them, that they may receive it and believe. Footnote. Since writing the preface I have come across the following account of Mr Krone given at pp. 206-207 of Memorials of the Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese..............[by Alexander Wylie, whose name does not appear on the title page], Shanghae, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1867. "CXLI. # # Kaou Hwać-ć. RUDOLPH KRÖNE, a native of Germany, ordained to the ministry of the gospel, was appointed a missionary to China by the Rhenish Missionary Society. He arrived at Hongkong in 1850, and early in the following year took up his residence on the mainland, having charge of the Society's stations at Fuh-yung and San-kiu, while located with Mr. Genähr at Se-heang. At the same time he itinerated a good deal among the people, adopting the native costume and conforming to many of their habits. In 1855 he was married at Hongkong, and resided successively at Puh-yung and Ho-au. Being obliged to retire to Hongkong for a time, during hostilities between the English and Chinese, he returned to the mainland in 1858, and made his residence at Pu-kak. In 1860 he left China on a visit to Europe, where he spent a good deal of time travelling through Germany and Russia. In 1864 he embarked on his return to China by the Egypt route, but died at Aden on the way. There is a long article by Mr. Kröne, descriptive of the district of Sin-gan in the province of Kwang-tung, published in Part 6 of the "Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society". Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g The Taipings at Ningpo 21 Shanghae, as we consider it quite unsafe to proceed to Ningpo through the pirate fleet, though we shall be quite safe in going to Shanghae, although it will be a long and tedious journey.” The agent and his companions did make their way to Shanghai, with their silk, and were everywhere treated in a friendly manner by the Taipings. Another writer reported to the North China Herald that he had been given a pass in order to conduct trade in the environs of Ningpo, and transmitted the assurances of a Taiping officer in charge of the district through which he passed that "he would do his best to protect traders and he hoped before long to regain the confidence of the population, and see business again restored..."13 As it turned out this particular reporter did run into some difficulties in the course of his business trip, but in the end received “adequate apology", and another pass to travel again later on. Yet despite such a positive record, the Taiping achievement at Ningpo marks a watershed in their relations with the foreign powers. Far from viewing the Taiping occupation as an experiment to determine their governmental capacity, the British only awaited an appropriate opportunity to retake the city on behalf of the Ch'ing government. And except for the initial candidly favorable appraisals of Taiping behavior, most subsequent reports were calculated to portray a negative image of the insurgents. Thus, despite the surprise of the rapid Taiping conquest and signs of Taiping reasonableness in dealing with foreigners and their promotion of the all-important trade, it seems evident that the British very early began to make preparations for the inevitable showdown. But first they were preoccupied elsewhere. A few days after the fall of Ningpo, for example, Admiral Hope again visited the Taiping capital at Nanking where he sought a renewal of the agreement for the Taipings to respect the thirty-mile limit in the environs of Shanghai. The Taipings refused to comply, primarily because of their concern that the Ch'ing forces were using Shanghai as a base of operations in the civil war. The correspondence between the Taipings and the British on the occasion of this visit to Nanking is further evidence that the latter were simply provoking the Taipings. And although the Taipings remained anxious to avoid an armed confrontation or to give rise to any pretext for one, they still firmly sought to protect their interests with dignity. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE TAIPINGS AT NINGPO 31 of the entire Taiping Revolution from 1853 to 1864 as it related to foreign powers. At the least, it suggests once again a need for renewed consideration both of the Taiping period in itself and of the historical tradition which transmitted our understanding of it. NOTES 1 Romaine to Hammond, No. 34, Admiralty, February 17, 1862, Inclosure 1, Hope to Admiralty, Shanghai, December 22, 1861, Blue Books, pp. 90-91. 2 Harvey to Hammond, No. 32, Ningpo, December 7, 1861, Inclosure 1, Ibid., p. 85. 3 The letters to both Taiping generals are translated as Inclosures 3 and 4 in Harvey to Hammond, No. 32, Ibid., pp. 86-88. 4 Harvey to Hammond, No. 33, December 18, 1861, Ibid., p. 89. 5 Romaine to Hammond, Admiralty, February 17, 1862, Inclosure 3, Ibid., p. 95. 6 Ibid. 7 Frederick Wells Williams, The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams, LL.D., New York, 1889, p. 336. 8 W. H. Sykes, The Taiping Rebellion in China, London, 1863, p. 34. 9 The China Mail, Hong Kong, May 8, 1862, reprinted from the Shanghae Commercial News, May 2, 1862. 10 Sykes, p. 19. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid., pp. 49-53. 13 G. E..., "Rebels in the Ningpo District," North China Herald, No. 615, May 10, 1862. 14 Harvey to Hammond, No. 36, January 3, 1862, Inclosure 1, "Correspondence respecting...." Blue Books, p. 107. 15 Romaine to Hammond, No. 34, Inclosure 5, Corbett to Hope, Ningpo, December 20, 1861, Blue Books, p. 97. 16 This seems evident, for example, in the writings of A. E. Moule obtainable at the Church Missionary Society archives in London, and in his undated Personal Reminiscences at the Essex Institute Library. 17 Harvey to Hammond, No. 3, Ningpo, March 20, 1862, Inclosure 4, "Further Papers...." pp. 12-16. 18 In this dispatch, Bruce makes another unwarranted generalization about foreign views of the Taipings: "The experience of several years and the testimony of all foreigners who have been among them, show that they are unable to govern." Bruce to Russell, No. 14, Peking, April 10, 1862, Ibid., pp. 18-20. 19 Bruce to Russell, No. 15, Peking, April 8, 1862, Ibid., p. 21. 20 Admiralty to Hammond, No. 32, July 28, 1862, Inclosure 4, "Further Papers relating to...." Blue Books, p. 44. 21 Inclosure 9 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 48. 22 Inclosure 6 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 45. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g LETTERS FROM CHINA 1835-36 53 which were imposed upon their movement by the Chinese authorities. Their effect upon a sensitive person are readily apparent from the letters. The literary interests and charitable works of the writer and his relatives are also of interest, and the mentions of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China and the Medical Missionary Society remind us of the starting difficulties that surrounded the first of these ventures. Both societies were inaugurated at meetings held among foreign residents at Canton. The Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China originated at a meeting of residents on 29th November, 1834. The Medical Missionary Society originated at a public meeting held in Canton in 1838 and, according to Samuel Couling, was "the first society of the kind in existence" in China. The Society was formed to develop and finance Dr. Peter Parker's ophthalmic hospital in Canton which had started in Singapore in 1834 and been moved to Canton the following year. (See Samuel Couling, The Encyclopaedia Sinica, Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1917, pp. 345, 520 for further details. An account of the inaugural meeting of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China is given in The Chinese Repository, volume 3, page 378). With the kind assistance of Mr. H. A. Rydings, Librarian of the University of Hong Kong and Honorary Librarian of this Branch, it has been possible to trace the reference in the letter written from the ship Asia to the Compendium of General History printed at Singapore, being the first work of the Society for Diffusing Useful Knowledge in China. This is Koò kin wàn kwo kang kéén or Universal History, 244 leaves, Singapore 1838. This appears as No. 34 on page 60 of (Alexander Wylie's) Memorials of the Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, Shanghae, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1867. Item 17 on page 58 is also relevant. Unfortunately, the mention of the Japanese Encyclopaedia, also in the long letter written on board the Asia, is too vague to allow for any identification. It may be of interest to readers that in Volume 4 of this Journal (1964) we printed with Introduction and Useful Notes a recently discovered M.S. Journal of Occurrences at Canton during the Cessation of Trade at Canton 1839 which is considered to have been by W. C. Hunter, a resident of Canton and Macau contemporary with Stewart. Hunter published his reminiscences ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r NOTES AND QUERIES 14. 1859 Feb. 21 LIGHTNING P. Taylor River Hooghly to Hong Kong: Pemabhoy Hunchund to Augustine Heard & Co. 25 chests old Benares opium "No 1 and 4 Chests are broken" 15. 1859 March 25 PENGUIN Wm. E. Wheeler 157 San Francisco to Hongkong: Morgan, Stone & Co. to R. Pollard absent A. Heard & Co. 2 boxes said to contain Mexican dollars, 2000 each 16. 186- JENNY W.C. Dunham New York to Hong Kong & Shanghae: Aaron D. Wild & Sons to Russell & Co. 50 barrels extra mess beef LE + · Freight payable before delivery if original contents unknown. Damage by leakage rust or breakage at Shipper's risk" 17. 1861 JOSHUA BATES Hobsons Bay to Hong Kong: Augustine Heard & Co. 807 pigs lead 18. 1861 May 20 PALMETTO Wm. F. Upton Joseph S. Clark Osborn Cushing & Co. to Boston to Hong Kong: Everett & Co. to Augustine Heard & Co. 2 cases merchandise 19. 1861 Aug. 12 JULIA G. TYLER New York to Hong Kong: T.B. Everett of Boston to Augustine Heard & Co, or order 50 eighth casks brandy 20. 1861 Oct. 16 HARRY HASTINGS Nathanial Coleman River Hooghly to Hong Kong: Mackillop, Stewart & Co. to Augustine Heard & Co. 12000 bags rice "To be taken from the ship's tackle at risk and expense of consignees." 21. 1864 Jan. 5 FUSI-YAMA Adam D. Dundas Hong Kong to Calcutta: Augustine Heard & Co. to Ashburner & Co. 80 cases turpentine ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 158 NOTES AND QUERIES 22. 1865 Oct. 24 SACRAMENTO W.H. Nelson San Francisco to Hong Kong: London & San Francisco Bank Ltd. to Augustine Heard & Co. 85 7 boxes refined silver bars weighing 14225 ounces Troy 23. 1866 Feb. 2 100 BENEFACTOR Gordon Berry New York to Hong Kong: W.H. Smith & Son to order 35 casks and 5 bbls merchandise 24. 1866 March 13 VALETTA Charles Cavanagh San Francisco to Foochow: Macondray & Co. to Augustine Heard & Co. 600 quarter sacks flour 50 twenty hoop barrels flour 50 Cases bread 20 boxes maccaroni 20 boxes vermacelli 25. 1866 April 18 LUBRA San Francisco to Hong Kong: Benjamin P. Howes Dibblee & Hyde to Augustine Heard & Co. One sealed box containing 800 Mexican dollars 26. 1866 April 25 JEANIE W.C. Dunham New-York to Hong Kong: L.M. Murray Co, to Augustine Heard & Co. 50 cases oysters 27. 1866 May 14 JEANIE W.C. Dunham New-York to Hong Kong: Jas. Nickerson & Co. to Thomas Hunt & Co. 150 barrels flour 28. 1866 May 14 JEANIE W.C. Dunham New York to Hongkong: M.C.G. With to order 29 cases merchandize "Contents unknown. Goods to be received at ship's tackle when ready... 29. 1866 May 30 SUWONADA Jayne Shanghae to Hong Kong: Russell & Co. to same 113 pkgs merchandise "Copy" ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 30. 1866 May 30 NOTES AND QUERIES SUWONADA Shanghae to Hongkong: Gilman & Co. to order 100 half chests tea 31. 1866 Sept. 26 SUWONADA Shanghai to Hong Kong: Trautmann & Co, to order 189 bales cotton 32. 1867 June 20 GAME COCK 159 New York to Hong Kong: A. Begodin to Bull Purdon & Co. 2 casks merchandise "Goods to be measd and frt collected in Hong Kong" 33. 1867 Aug. 21 SUWONADA Jayne Shanghae to Hongkong: Russell & Co. to same 4 pkgs Nankeens 3 * Safflower 149 pkgs Oil 6 pkgs Nankeens 20 pkgs Fungus 48 Hemp 12 ** 45 5 11 * Nankeens Fungus Medicine do. 303 pkgs in all 34. 1868 May 20 SUWONADA Shanghai to Hong Kong: Holliday, Wise & Co. to same One cask seltzer water 35. 1869 May 4 JEANIE W.C. Dunham New York to Hongkong: F.R, & D. Routh to Lieut. Cm. Mackenzie, U.S.S. ? care of U.S. Consul, Hong Kong One box 36. 1869 Nov. 19 AUBURN William Henry Gould Macao to London: Jardine, Matheson & Co. to Matheson & Co. One matted packg. picture 37. 1872 Jan. 3 VENUS Bombay to Hongkong: Abadeen Budroodeen & Co. to Ameeroodeen Jafferbhoy & Co. One box of Bombay stone Page 165 Page 166 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 161 spare time to the amusement of their fellow residents. Moreover, as has been said before, the community was small, and the critic had after all to live with his actor-neighbours who would no doubt know about his identity. Thus, "A Stranger" wrote, about George Colman's Heir at Law (April 21 1851): “Zekiel Homespun was inimitable; we had no idea there was a Gentleman in Shanghae who could take the difficult part so well.) The simplicity, humour and serious earnestness which it displays in some parts were brought out and sustained in a manner that we have scarcely seen equaled, except by some of the leading actors of our Metropolis". And again: “Constant playgoers as from childhood we have been we have rarely, indeed never, ‘assisted' at a more agreeable evening than that of Wednesday the 16th instant [i.e. February 16 1859]. The performances [of J.M. Morton's Whitebait at Greenwich and Thomas Morton's Sink or Swim] passed off with the utmost eclat due to the talent and exertions of the actors". Sometimes the author felt it even necessary to apologize for any criticism he uttered: "We do this, not in the invidious character of critics upon amateur performances or still less as tinctured with the slightest disposition to find fault, but in order that the excellent materials which have been combined in the troupe should be made as much of as possible. Indeed it is the very appreciation of the talents displayed on Thursday [sic; this should be Wednesday January 23 1856– JH] which prompts the expression of these remarks. We are sure that neither the performers nor the audience would thank us for the undiscriminating and therefore worthless praise which usually satirize amateur performances". But even in this case the critic only had made some comments on the costumes that were used in one of the pieces (cf. Calendar, 23.1.1856). Mild remarks were the severest criticism dished out; about one of the actors on June 2 1859, **we may perhaps be permitted to take an exception to his brogue, which, however good as an assumption, scarcely denoted one to the manner born"; and about another on the same evening; "his humour seems better fitted for low than for eccentric comedy". 10 Only when it came to the choice of pieces was the paper not always undividedly positive. Writing about John Maddison Morton's Done on Both Sides (February 10 1858) not much enthusiasm was shown: “We have witnessed, we confess, better farces on the same stage and we are inclined to believe that as actors may sometimes not come up to the play, it occasionally happens that plays are not altogether worthy of the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 186 who evidently had no 'tender cares' to occupy them, manfully maintained their seats in front, and remained so spellbound as to forget entirely the courtesies of gallantry and good breeding. We are of opinion that a perusal of Lord Chesterfield's 'Hints' might be a useful exercise for such as have no innate impulses to enable them to understand and practice what is conveyed in the phrase 'Place aux Dames' when those fair patronesses choose to honour public entertainments with their presence". 129 Once front seats were shunned by ladies, but that was not the case in mid-century Shanghai. In the Regulations to be Observed on the Evenings of Performances at the Shanghae Theatre printed in the North China Herald of February 14, 1857, it was even stipulated that, "after the front row had been set apart for the exclusive accommodation of H.B.M. Consul and the French and American Consuls, the seats numbered 2 to 6 will be reserved for ladies, and the gentlemen who escort them." VII. The Plays From the references above, and even more from the Calendar of Performances, it will be clear that the dramatic fare in Shanghai consisted for the greater part, nay for nearly one hundred percent, of pieces that could easily amuse the people. That is to say: farces, comediettas, burlesques, melodramas, burlettas, musical comedies or whatever name may be invented for the genre. There is no space here, nor is it within the scope of this Survey, to give an analysis of these plays, so I shall keep myself to some general remarks. Most pieces that were performed dated from the 19th century, but there were some from the previous one, like Henry Carey's The Dragon of Wantley (1737), a short three-act opera with music by John Frederick Lampe which burlesqued the Handel style works which were then in vogue (but hardly a century later); and James Townley's (or was it David Garrick's?) High Life below Stairs which one rather antiquarian critic thought "worth whole bales of farces of the 'Box and Cox' pattern". Sheridan's The Rivals (1775) was also on the programme several times (although not on that of the local amateurs) but it is remarkable (and, considering the travesties that were common, maybe just as well) that a classic comedy like Goldsmith's She Stoops to Conquer was not tackled. 130 Of contemporary authors the most prolific was John Maddison Morton and it should cause no surprise that his plays took top of the bill: no ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 195 his alarm allayed amidst the warmest applause from the audience for his clever and successful "sell". In addition the editor wrote that this Prologue afforded H. E. more valuable hints how to treat the Rebellion than all the suggestions that have been submitted to him since his arrival. Apparently Bonham was "so much delighted that we are not without hopes a report on the performances may form the subject of his first despatch from Shanghae”. So much for modesty. As regards the performances themselves, the writer had it in confidence from a tall whiskered male who occupied a front seat disguised in a dress coat, that although Hong Kong theatre is now more conveniently lit up in the Victoria Theatre in acting Shanghae would not suffer by comparison". "That treaty port chauvinism was not lacking even at that early stage was made clear when the visitor insisted that our Head Actor has been brought from Hong Kong”. Despite his earlier lukewarm praise he must have made some sour remarks too, for the editor wrote that "except as to the heroine, his critical skill was evidently at fault in discriminating the excellences of the other performers in Betsey Baker; and all he could be got to say regarding Apartments was something about Mr. and Mrs. Keeley having many worse imitators” (Robert Keeley, 1793-1869; and Mrs. Keeley (Mary Ann Coward), 1806-1899: famous British actors). (NCH 26.3.1853). 5.5.1853 (Thur) G.A.A. BECKETT: "Siamese Twins" (1834) T: Farce (1 act) R. BUTLER: "The Irish Tutor" (1822) T: Farce (1 act) C: Amateurs F: Music by the band of the Susquehanna Th: Imperial Theatre (B) N: Final performance of the season R: The close of the season by the amateurs who called themselves the "Lily Troupe" for a "bumper house"; with some “admirable music by the Band of Susquehanna" — a steamer belonging to the U.S. Japan Squadron. (NCH 7.5.1853). 8.3.1854 (Wedn) J.M. MADDOX: “A Fast Train! High Pressure!! Express!!!" (1853) T: Farce W.B. BERNARD: “A Practical Man" (1849) T: Farce C: Amateurs P: Music Th: Tac Ming Theatre (C) R: At the start of the evening a, for part of the audience at least, unexpected treat was in store: “On the rising of the curtain a ludicrous incident quite upset our friend BUSKIN. He was set down to enact "Colonel Jack Delaware" (in A Fast Train — JH) but a storm met him as soon as he appeared on the stage and he was fairly hissed off when a stranger leapt over the footlights and announced his intention of supporting the character. The curtain dropped and after a short delay the volunteer Yankee came forward, dressed in the most extravagant fashion and took up the part with great spirit". Was the leading actor-manager really taken by surprise? This could hardly be, and it must be assumed that it was, like the "rebellion" before, a set up. At any rate the "interloping Yankee was enrolled in Buskin's company. The musical department was sustained by "Messrs Thalberg and Koenig with their usual talent and success". Both these noms de théâtre were after well known musicians: Sigismund Thalberg (1812-1871), a Swiss pianist and composer; and Friedrich Koenig, a German violinist. (NCH 11.3.1854). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 216 culture, which would make Chinese culture all the more accessible to the influences of Christianization. Secondly, it explains why other missionaries who considered Chinese culture to be simply pagan refused to have anything to do with a fusion of Confucianism and Christianity. In their minds, such a combination would hinder the advance of Christian civilization, obstruct the work of the Spirit of God, and ultimately be destructive of God's plan to establish the Kingdom of God on earth. Legge's claim that God had left a trace in Chinese culture threatened their view of the desperate losiness of the Chinese people. In fact, Legge himself would agree with them in general on the issue of the need for salvation, but he disagreed with the missiological strategy which refused to look for any point of support for missionary activity within Chinese culture. Those who opposed Legge were in effect supporting a basic assumption: God would not employ the pagan Chinese culture for the purpose of establishing His spiritual Kingdom. This explained, from their point of view, why He did not send them any special revelation of Himself. It was precisely this latter claim that Legge vehemently denied: to overlook the Shangdi traditions in the Chinese Classics was to deny historical facts related to the destiny of the Chinese peoples. See Confucianism in Relation to Christianity, op. cit. See for details of the comparison "Some New Dimensions in the Study of the Works of James Legge (1815-1897); Part II", op. cit., pp. 43ff. 1 57 James Legge, Christianity and Confucianism Compared in Their Teaching on the Whole Duty Of Man (London: Religious Tract Society, 1883). SH James Legge, Christianity in China: A Rendering of the Nestorian Tablet at Si-an-fu to Commemorate Christianity (London: Trübner & Co., 1888). SV The original twenty-four-page manuscript, entitled "Sketch of Ho Tsun Sheen", was written by Legge in March 19, 1872, and is kept in the South China letters of the London Missionary Society archives. It was later published as an article in a volume called Gleanings From The Mission Field (London: 1873?). MI See The Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle (January 1833), p. 34; (March 1853), pp. 121-129; (December 1853), pp. 697-707; (supplement), pp. 757-764. A The Taoist priest Legge mentions was one who restricted his study to Laozi's Daode jing, rather than the more esoteric doctrines passed down in esoteric Taoist training. Legge found him "more prepared than the Confucian literati to receive the message of the Gospel". The elderly woman convert, at whose deathbed Legge sought a final testimony of trust in Christ, had been "a professor among her country-women of Taoist superstitions", but after becoming a Christian she had been a faithful and effective witness for Christ. See James Legge, The Religions of China, op. cit., pp. 275-276, 296-297. In Alexander Wylie's Memorials of Protestant Missionaries (Shanghae: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1867), pp. 119-121, eighteen manuscripts, pamphlets, and books are cited as prepared by Legge in Chinese. At least one of these was done with his Chinese colleague, Ho Jinshan. See Shengjing Zhengju (Proofs of the Bible) (Fuzhou: Taiping Street Gospel Hall Press, 1870). Among these texts are two pamphlets in story-telling form on the lives of Joseph and Abraham which are of particular interest. I have seen a copy of the former in the Bodleian Library, and discovered that it was written in Cantonese dialect; I suspect that the latter is done in a similar fashion, but no copy of it has yet been found. In the context of this passage, Dr. Legge found it necessary to emphasize that he had spent as much time with Chinese people as he did with their books. Every day he claimed to spend several hours in visiting them, not only in their homes, but also in their shops. In the same recollection, he also mentions regular ministry in the Chinese prison as part of his vocation. Later on in this passage, Legge's wit also comes through: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g 201 Forsyth, Sidney A, An American Missionary Community in China 1895-1905, Cambridge (Mass), Harvard University Press, 1971 Fortune, Robert, Five Year's Wanderings in the Northern Provinces of China, London John Murray, 1844 (Shanghai Reprint University Press) Two Visits to the Tea Countries of China and the British Tea Plantations in the Himalaya, London John Murray, 1853 Fox, Helen, ed and trans, Abbe David's Diary, Cambridge (Mass) Harvard University Press, 1949 Franck, Harry Alverson, Wandering in Northern China. New York and London The Century Company, 1923 — Roving Through Southern China, New York and London The Century Company, 1925 Franek, Rachel (Harta), I Married a Vagabond the Story of Family of the Wandering Vagabond, New York Appleton-Century 1939. Fritz, Chester, China Journey, Seattle Washington University Press, 1981 Gallagher, Louis J ST, trans, The Journals of Matthew Ricci 1583-1610, New York Random House, 1953 Gamewell, M N, The Gateway to China Pictures of Shanghai New York Fleming H Revell Company, 1916 (Taipei: Reprint Cheng-wen Publishing) Garman, Schuyler New Fight on Hua and Gabet. Their Expulsion From Lhasa in 1846. Pacific Eastern Quarterly | 148-63 (1942) Gardner, James. In and Out of Chungking Changteh - Wenchow - Chanchow. Missionary Life, Experience and Adventure During the First of Three Periods of Residence in China, Sydney 1947 Garon, Shirley S. The Chamber of Commerce and the YMCA in Mark Elvin and G William Skinner, eds. The Chinese City Between Two Worlds, Stanford Stanford University Press. 1974 213-238 Gaunt Mary Elizabeth Bakewell (b. 1872). A Woman in China, London, Lane, 1914 Geil, William Edgar. A Yankee on the Yangtze, New York Eaton and Mains, 1904 (Copy at Yale published by Methuen in London 1926) General Description of Shanghae and Its Environs Shanghai The Mission Press, 1850 Goes, Bento de, The Travels of Benedict Goez, a Portuguese Jesuit from Lahore in the Mogul's Empire to China, in 1602. in Pinkerton, John, ed, A General Collection of the Best and Most Interesting Voyages and Travels London 1808-14:577-587) ================================================================================