RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r NOTES AND QUERIES 14. 1859 Feb. 21 LIGHTNING P. Taylor River Hooghly to Hong Kong: Pemabhoy Hunchund to Augustine Heard & Co. 25 chests old Benares opium "No 1 and 4 Chests are broken" 15. 1859 March 25 PENGUIN Wm. E. Wheeler 157 San Francisco to Hongkong: Morgan, Stone & Co. to R. Pollard absent A. Heard & Co. 2 boxes said to contain Mexican dollars, 2000 each 16. 186- JENNY W.C. Dunham New York to Hong Kong & Shanghae: Aaron D. Wild & Sons to Russell & Co. 50 barrels extra mess beef LE + · Freight payable before delivery if original contents unknown. Damage by leakage rust or breakage at Shipper's risk" 17. 1861 JOSHUA BATES Hobsons Bay to Hong Kong: Augustine Heard & Co. 807 pigs lead 18. 1861 May 20 PALMETTO Wm. F. Upton Joseph S. Clark Osborn Cushing & Co. to Boston to Hong Kong: Everett & Co. to Augustine Heard & Co. 2 cases merchandise 19. 1861 Aug. 12 JULIA G. TYLER New York to Hong Kong: T.B. Everett of Boston to Augustine Heard & Co, or order 50 eighth casks brandy 20. 1861 Oct. 16 HARRY HASTINGS Nathanial Coleman River Hooghly to Hong Kong: Mackillop, Stewart & Co. to Augustine Heard & Co. 12000 bags rice "To be taken from the ship's tackle at risk and expense of consignees." 21. 1864 Jan. 5 FUSI-YAMA Adam D. Dundas Hong Kong to Calcutta: Augustine Heard & Co. to Ashburner & Co. 80 cases turpentine ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 In his book on Plant Geography (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1903) A.F.W. Schimper produces a World Plant Map which is based on climatic conditions. It is interesting to see that, in this classification system, Hong Kong lies within the area of "evergreen broad-leaved forest" type of vegetation. This classical type of forest, however, has virtually disappeared, largely as a result of human activities such as repeated cutting and the use of fire both intentional and accidental. Consequently, there are few areas of forest-type vegetation which could be described as "probably indigenous" left in the Colony today. These remaining patches of forest consist generally of low scrub growth in ravines and relatively inaccessible places, together with isolated areas of woodland which are often quite dense and which, paradoxically, are located very near to villages and hamlets in the New Territories. These are the so-called "Fung Shui" woodlands, and they provide a remarkable contrast with the adjacent hillsides which generally carry a sparse vegetation of grasses and shrubs with scattered pine trees of poor form and insignificant size. These "Fung Shui" woodlands may, in fact, give a fair impression of the character of the original vegetation of Hong Kong before "Homo sapiens" came on the scene. Such "Fung Shui" woodlands owe their present existence to the protection afforded by the villagers in accordance with ancient traditions relating to the interactions of Wind (Fung) and Water (Shui) on the village environment. The location of villages, and indeed of ancestors' graves, was decided upon after due consideration has been given to aspect, exposure, elevation, drainage, air movement, etc. A village which is favourably sited with regard to these considerations is thought likely to confer good fortune on its occupants, and this quality of site and environment has come to be known loosely as the "Fung Shui" of the village. In China, the factors which collectively make up favourable "Fung Shui" were often "assessed" by an expert in geomantic art, whose advice was sought in the final choice of site for a village or an important grave. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 308 NOTES AND QUERIES find that for a joke, which he would be unable to explain to his friends, she had painted a crab in indelible ink around his mouth. The prince got away with it the first time by telling his friends that he had painted it himself for amateur theatricals. However, when next she painted one on his forehead, he was at a loss as to how to explain it away and never again demanded the company of the businessman's wife. Having examined Chief Marshal T'ien in some detail, let us move on to a Swatow articulated figure with which it is closely connected. At the back of a bamboo temporary stage of a travelling Ch'aochow opera company in Singapore there was a small shrine (Plate 23) on one of the crates used for transporting the actor's robes. This shrine contained Marshal Tien seated well back, under a plaque bearing the title Han Lin Yuan (✯✯E) (The Han Lin Academy*). Before it, between a doll's size wicker chair and a bamboo pot of incense sticks, was a seated articulated puppet (Plate 24) dressed in a short-sleeved jacket and knee-length trousers. He was known as Chi Hsiang Ko (**) (Lucky Brother) and, as one of the actors explained, he is a three-year-old child, another form of Marshal T'ien, who when seen outside the bounds of the theatre is an extremely potent fertility deity and who, when on a permanent altar in a temple, is also prayed to for luck. This articulated image of a child deity can be seen in several temples, (one especially attractive one—rather surprisingly nude—being in a cave temple near Tanjong Rambutan in Perak), all worshipped by the childless of the Ch'aochow communities for sons and daughters. One temple keeper, possibly with tongue in cheek, said that Chi Hsiang is the brother of Kuan Yin, who in one of her forms is the 'Giver of Sons'***. The Three Jesters In his articles on three prominent puppets Schipper explains that the 'Jesters' who stand out amongst the total of 72 puppet heads and 36 bodies of the Fukienese puppet theatres, are the three gods of marionettes. He continued that puppet plays are connected * The Chinese nation's highest academic institution during Imperial times. SK. M. Schipper: 'The Divine Jester', Academica Sinica 21:1961, pp. 81-94. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES 309 with Taoist exorcisms and are performed at wedding ceremonies to obtain from Heaven the happy union, using the ritual of a local Taoist folk religion heterodox cult of the Three Ladies' (三娘). The 'Three Jesters' are called by the puppeteers the "Three Brothers' (三兄弟) or, individually, the Great, Second and Third Wang Yeh.* Schipper then explained that he and his informants had made many conjectures in order to identify the Three Jesters. He believed tradition links the Three Brothers (Three Jesters) with the Three Tien Brothers and thus with Tien To Yuan Shuai, and this seemed to him to be better founded than other conjectures. He continued that the identity of T'ien is extremely confused, and claimed that T'ien is reputed to be the master of T'ang Emperor Ming Huang (唐明皇) and to have taught the actresses of the Peach Garden (梨园), popularly believed to be the first academy of the theatre. Iconography, he said, represents T'ien the puppet as the 'laughing lad', similar to T’ien To Yuan Shuai. Schipper observed that when the plays are of the northern Fukienese type, the Three Jesters are identified with T'ang Ming Huang, the patron of the theatre of North China. When the play is Southern Fukienese or Ch'aochow, T'ien To Yuan Shuai (Chief Marshal T'ien) is the patron, and the Three Jesters are identified with him. The T'ang Emperor is also often referred to in Taiwan and South East Asia, where he is also accepted as the God of Actors bearing the title of the Imperial Prince or King of the Western Ch'in (Hsi Ch'in Wang Yeh, 西秦王爷) or Hsi Ch'in Lao Wang Yeh (西秦老王爷), or, on Taipei and Keelung altars just as Hsi Ch'in Wang (西秦王). (He is called the King of the Western Ch'in because of his exile in Szechuan, in Western China). His image is more colloquially referred to as The Young Gentleman (小哥) and less respectfully as The Old Boy (老郎). Schipper agreed all this might seem highly incongruous, but, he continued, the tradition which links the 'Three Brothers' (The Jesters) with Tien To Yuan Shuai (Chief Marshal T'ien) seems, as we said earlier, better founded than others. Wang Yeh Schipper has linked the Three Jesters with the Fukienese epidemic gods by the title of Wang Yeh. He also noted the legend * More often than not Wang Yeh (Imperial Princes) in Fukienese communities are epidemic deities. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 94 JULIAN F. PAS the new fire and the Easter Candle performed in the Roman Catholic Church on the eve of Easter Sunday. After discussing these two rituals separately, I shall conclude with some comments of a comparative nature. 1. The Fen-Teng Ritual in Taoism This ritual called fen-teng in Chinese, can be literally translated as “division of lamp(s)” or the “distribution of lamps". "Teng" by itself means "lamp", or "lantern", and designates not so much the light produced by the lamp or lantern, but the object which contains the light. The expression fen-teng is not often translated by Western authors: usually the term is just transliterated. But sometimes there are attempts to render the term in translation. E.g. M. Saso: "Lighting lamps to the Three Pure Ones", which is not strictly a translation but a meaningful although partial description of the significance of the rite. Another rendering, not of the literal sense but again of the meaning, is "Lighting of the New Fire"2: this translation is not based on the Chinese expression fen-teng but indicates one of the fundamental meanings of the ritual. It comes actually closer to another Chinese expression sometimes used for the same rite: chu-teng3, which literally means: 'blessing' or 'consecration of the lamp(s)'. The fen-teng ceremony does not appear to be an independent ritual but seems always to be performed in the context of a larger celebration, called chiao or ta-chiao, which is variously translated as "ritual of cosmic renewal", "the great community festivals”, “great propitiatory rites", or "Taoist Mass"7. So far there is only one monograph on the fen-teng ritual in a Western language: K. M. Schipper's Le Fen-teng. Ritual Taoiste. Apart from this well presented critical text edition, there are only minor treatments of the fen-teng ceremony included in monographs on the chiao festival as a whole: M. Saso's Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal is so far the only monograph in English on the chiao, and he just briefly discusses the fen-teng ceremony. Chinese scholars have also started to pay attention to this great Taoist event: two monographs are now available in Chinese by Liu Chih-wan9. It is remarkable that for the two different occasions Mr. Liu describes the chiao festival, he does not use the terminology used by Schipper and Saso, but calls the rite chu-teng or 'blessing of the lamp(s)'. One wonders where and when this variant designation ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT 95 originated. K. Schipper's knowledge of the ritual is based on the Taoist tradition of Southern Taiwan; Saso on the other hand gathered his data in Northern Taiwan; so did Mr. Liu, who describes the chiao celebrated in Chung-li (Taoyuan district) and Shulin (Taipei district). Why is M. Saso's term different from Mr. Liu's? And why are there two different appellations in the first place? There is no doubt that the two different names refer to the same ritual. One wonders only why neither of the three authors mentions the alternative designation. M. Saso seems to know the expression since his translation 'lighting of the new fire' makes more sense if chu-teng is taken as the Chinese substratum rather than fen-teng. This terminology aspect would not concern us so much if it were not an indicator of the basic significance of the ritual itself. In any case, both fen-teng and chu-teng are merely partial designations of a ritual event that we have to examine in greater detail; since the ritual is composed of various successive acts, there is apparently no term available that would indicate all these events: so, each designation necessarily is pars pro toto. The ritual is described in minute detail by K. Schipper (pp. 15-25) based on his personal observations made during a chiao festival in the village of Su-ts'u, Taiwan, on March 26, 1967. Five Taoist priests participated in the event, while 4 musicians and an apprentice formed the orchestra. Besides the exceptional visitor, there is a group of laymen representing the whole community. The ceremony takes place in the sacred area of the temple, usually on the first evening of the festival. The ritual, as summarized by Schipper, is the first part of a threefold liturgy; the second part is called "The Rolling up of the Screen" ("Enroulement du Rideau"), the third part is 'Sounding of Bell and Chime' ("Tintement solennel de la Cloche et de la Pierre Sonore"). (Parts two and three are left out of the present discussion, but will return to focus in section three of this paper.) The fen-teng ritual itself can be divided into five episodes: (i) an introduction with chanting of purification texts and solemn declaration of the high priest's ritual rank (ca. 5′40′′); (ii) the striking of the new fire: after invocation of the deities, the lights inside the temple are extinguished. Two assistant-priests ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 96 JULIAN F. PAS go outside where new fire is "taken" (the method how fire is “taken" is not further explained by Schipper); a torch is lit and carried inside the temple; with it the high-priest lights three new candles in front of him (ca. 6′ 45′′); (iii) the new light is offered to the Three Pure Ones in turn: each time one lit candle is carried and placed in front of the three shrines at the north side of the temple. (ca. 7'), (iv) the ritual of fen-teng proper: five torches are lit and carried by the five priests: in procession through the temple they light all the candles previously extinguished. (ca. 4′). (v) conclusion: chanting (ca. 1'30'), The whole ritual lasts about 24 minutes. It is immediately, almost without any transition, followed by the two other mentioned rituals. The highlights of this fen-teng ritual are obviously the striking of new light, the offering of the newly lit candles to the Three Pure Ones and the lighting of all the other candles in the temple. The term chu-teng, used by Liu Chih-wan refers to the first act, whereas the usual term fen-teng points to the last and third act. Two major problems remain, however, unsolved: the meaning of this ritual and its origin. The two can hardly be separated and are here discussed together. Since the term fen-teng does not adequately express the deeper meaning of such a ritual, we have to analyze the phenomenological structure of the whole ritual and see if the ritual act in itself contains its own significance. Schipper's report gives us the necessary data, but does not go beyond an external description. Saso, although only just briefly, points out some essential aspects of meaning: "The first ritual act is the famous Fen Teng, or lighting of all the lamps of the temple with a new fire kindled with the "flames of the sun," or pure Yang. The ritual is, in effect, a reading of the forty-second chapter of the Lao-tzu describing the protogenesis of the myriad creatures. A new fire is lit outside the T'an area by striking a match. Two torches dipped in lamp oil are lighted with the new fire, and brought into the sacred T'an area. The action symbolizes taking fire from the "Great Yang", the sun, and relighting the lamps of the temple. Thus the light of new Yang is seen to renew ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT 111 contacts between Taoists and Nestorians may reasonably be assumed. When Wieger further states that "Nestorian influence appears to be undeniable in Taoist texts", we have a better case. Much depends, however, on the validity of Wieger's evaluation of some Taoist texts, in which he finds clear indications of Christian influence.52 To establish a reasonably strong case we need a more thorough investigation in two directions: historical and literary. Historically, all the clues already pointed out by previous authors, have to be carefully checked, esp. all the information derived from official histories and Taoist biographies. Very likely not much more than known so far may be discovered in this area. Therefore the second direction, the literary traditions may prove to yield a more bountiful harvest. Both the Taoist and the Nestorian literature has to be carefully scrutinized. If positive influence may be reasonably assumed, pure assumptions are dangerous. On the one hand, all the Nestorian writings in Chinese have to be studied; and if important works are not any longer available in Chinese translation, the Syriac originals should be consulted, esp. with regard to the Nestorian liturgy. So far I have assumed that the Nestorian Easter liturgy contained the ritual of consecrating the new fire to light the Easter Candle. But an assumption here is not sufficient to relate the Christian liturgy with the Taoist fen-teng. If the Nestorians in China never had such a ritual, the whole question of influence collapses, and we can only compare two independent (archetypal) rituals. On the other hand, the Taoist liturgical writings have to be carefully examined, especially in their historical development. K. Schipper has listed a large number of Taoist writings referring to the fen-teng ritual.53 Their careful study and analysis may reveal some of the influences that were operative in the origin and growth of one ritual like the fen-teng, but will also throw the road open to further similar researches into other areas of Taoist liturgy as well as of Buddhist liturgy. END NOTES 1 M. Saso, The Teachings of Taoist Master Chuang (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1978), p. 209. * M. Saso Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (Washington State University, 1972), p. 73. See end-note 9. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 112 JULIAN F. PAS • M. Saso, Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (hereafter abbreviated: Cosmic Renewal). * K. Schipper, "The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies" in A.P. Wolf, Ed. Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford Univ. Press, 1974, * Liu Chih-wan, see end-note 9. This is the translation of J.J.M. de Groot's "Messe Taoïque". See his Les Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées à Emoui (Amoy). Paris, 1885 (Taipei reprint, 1977). This translation of chiao as well as de Groot's rendering of 'Buddhist Masses' for the Chinese Yu-lan-p'en are not satisfactory. * K. M Schipper. Le Fen-Teng. Rituel Taoïste (Publications de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, vol. 103). Paris: Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, 1975. Schipper's monograph on the Fen teng ritual is a product of great erudition. After a short introduction, pp. 1-13, (in which he briefly discusses the four manuscripts utilized to establish the text; and sketches the history and present day performance of the ritual), he describes the ritual itself with a detailed time schedule, pp. 15-32. Then follow references to sources in the Tao-tsang (pp. 33-38) and notes (pp. 39-43). The text itself (starting from the 'back') is given twice: first in fac simile, a beautiful reprint on high quality paper of a manuscript dated 1889, in 44 folios (or 88 pages); secondly a critical edition of the text based on the four above mentioned manuscripts with variant readings included, (pp. 1-36). Although this publication has its importance, it does not fully satisfy the wishes of the readers: no translation of the text is given (Schipper is certainly one of the few Taoist scholars capable of offering a translation!) and nowhere does one find an interpretation of the ritual. In the same year as Schipper's Fen-teng monograph "came to light”, (1975), M. Saso published his collection of Chuang-lin hsü-tao-tsang in 24 vols. In vol. 6, pp. 1629-1725 (a total of 96 pages), we find a reproduced manuscript of the Fen-teng ritual, dated 1883. The calligraphy is inferior to Schipper's manuscript, but at least Saso's manuscript is six years older. * Liu Chih-wan, Taipei-shih Sung-shan ch'i-an chien-chiao chi-tien (Great Propitiatory Rites of Petition for Beneficence at Sung chan, Taipei, Taiwan), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology, (monographs no. 14), 1967. Liu Chih-wan, Chung-kuo min-chien hsin-yang lan-chi (Essays on Chinese Folk Belief and Folk Cults), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology (monographs no. 22), 1974. 10 On the two occasion described by Liu Chih-wan (3-day festivals), the ritual likewise took place on the first evening. On other occasions, however, I have seen the ritual performed on the 2nd evening. The timing depends on the actual length of the festival, which may only last one day, but is more commonly a three or five-day event. One should, however, not confuse two things: first, the actual chiao is called san-ch'ao, wu-ch'ao or ch'i-ch'ao, etc., and refers to the number of days that the essential rituals are performed. However, the total event may last even longer; I have observed that the actual chiao was preceded by two days of preliminary rituals, such as the exorcisms of the water-spirit and fire-spirit. That brought the total duration of the chiao to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT 113 seven days, although the chiao was called wu-ch'ao (or five days). The fen-teng ritual took place in the evening of the 2nd day of the 5-day celebration, or on the 4th day if the two preliminary days are also counted. This distinction is not sufficiently made clear by K. Schipper in his fen-teng discussion, nor by M. Saso in his chiao monograph. 11 Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 73. 12 De Groot, Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées, p. 210. 13 Chou Li, Book 37: Officers in charge of keeping the fires; folio 27: "They are in charge of receiving, with the mirror fu-su the bright light from the sun; (and) of receiving with the simple mirror, the bright water from the moon." After E. Biot, Le Tcheou-li ou Rites des Tscheou (Paris, 1851, Taiwan Ch'eng-wen reprint, 1969), vol. 2, p. 381. 14 See W. Eberhard, Chinese Festivals (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, vol. 38). (Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1972), pp. 65-75. 1 De Groot, Fêtes, p. 219 (My trsl.). 18 To cite one example: the Taoist ritual garments, says de Groot (Fêtes, ch. 1, "Messe Taoïque", pp. 61-62) are often embroidered with motifs borrowed from the old imperial sacrificial garments, 17 'Sacramentally' here refers to the sacramental nature of these rituals: A sacramental act is a rite in which both words and deeds not only have a symbolical meaning, but moreover are understood to actually produce the signified effect: here the active pacification-and-expulsion (or control) of the potentially dangerous spirits. 18 The confusion of the various ritual acts of a chiao festival is increased by another rite of great importance in present-day renewal celebrations: the su-ch'i. Here again 'water' and 'fire' are present, but as parts of the total cycle of five agents (active powers). See M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal. pp. 75-77. 10 De Groot, Fêtes, pp. 215-6. 20 Abbot Guéranger, The Liturgical Year. Passiontide and Holy Week. London, 1880 and 1929), pp. 498-499. 21 Ibid., p. 499. 22 Ibid., p. 499. 23 The Easter liturgy has in several instances been changed: the text and rubrics of the modern Roman Missal are different from the old liturgy, used in Abbot Guéranger's text. The present prayer refers in the blessing of the newly lit Easter candle, whereas in Guéranger's text as in the older liturgy it is a prayer to consecrate the incense grains. 24 Ibid., p. 502. The Roman Missal, p. 180. 25 Abbot Guéranger, op. cit., p. 505. 26 Ibid., p. 507. 27 Already J. M. M. de Groot, Fêtes (p. 217), was struck by the similarity of the Taoist and Christian ritual: "It is beyond doubt that the ceremony of extinction and renewal of fire, which is a custom observed at the same time of the year in the Roman Catholic and Greek churches, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 114 JULIAN F. PAS traces its origin from one of those forms of sun worship.” As is clear from this quotation, de Groot only sees here a case of archetypal similarity, without speculating about the possibility of a more direct historical influence. 25 See K. Schipper, Fen-Teng, p. 33. 26 Guéranger, op. cit., p. 501: “dictum”. 30 Ibid., pp. 508-9. “sanctifica”; “sanctificatum et bene-”. 31 M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 73. K. Schipper does not tell us how the new flame is produced. 32 Guéranger, op. cit., p. 503, f. ** See text quoted on p. 11 and also end-note 20. 34 My transl. of the Chinese text. See Schipper, Fen-Teng and Saso, Cosmic Renewal, pp. 73-74. 35 See K. Schipper's detailed description of the rituals: (i) "Enroulement du Rideau": nos. (23)-37). This ritual lasts just over 35 minutes. (Le Fen-teng, pp. 25-27). (ii) "Tintement solennel de la Cloche et de la Pierre sonore": nos. (38)-(59): lasts ca. 33 minutes. (See pp. 27-32). 36 M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 74, f. 37 Actually they are not to be seen as three separate rituals but as three stages in one ongoing celebration. **M. Saso, (Cosmic Renewal, p. 74), says that a screen is only "imagined" and is "rolled up" by "symbolic gesture". This may be the custom in Northern Taiwan, but in the South a real screen is used which is actually rolled up during the ritual. 39 M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 74. 40 M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 75: First the metal bowl is struck 24 times: yang (Schipper: 24+1) then the wooden fish is struck 24 times; yin (Schipper: 29+1) then: both together are struck 36 times: yin and yang in harmonious union; then metal bowl again: 9 times; and finally wooden fish: 6 times. K. Schipper (Fen-Teng, p. 29) does not mention the striking of a wooden fish, but of the "musical stone", as indicated in the ritual text. 41 See for instance E. Zürcher. "Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism, A Survey of Scriptural Evidence:", unpublished paper presented at the Third International Conference of Taoist Studies, Uterageri, Switzerland, Sept. 1979. 42 Sources of information about Nestorianism in China are as follows: P. Y. Saeki, The Nestorian Monument in China (London, 1916); The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China (Tokyo, 1951); J. Foster, The Church of the Tang Dynasty (London, 1939); C. Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, III; S. Holth, "The Encounter between Christianity and Chinese Buddhism during the Nestorian Period", Ching-feng, XI (1968), 20-29; K. L. Reichelt, Truth and Tradition in Chinese Buddhism: T.-m. K’ung “Chugoku Keikyō niokeru Bukkyō teki Eikyo ni tsuite" (The ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT 115 Buddhist influence in the Chinese Nestorian Church), JIBS, VI (1957), 138-139; H.1. Lo, T'ang-yuan Erh-tai chih Ching-chiao (Nestorianism in the T'ang and Yüan Dynasties) (Hong Kong, 1966). 1951. 4* P. Y. Saeki, The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China, Tokyo, 44 Lo H.-1. Tang-yuan erh-tai chih Ching-chiao, Hong Kong, 1966. 4 P. Y. Saeki, Nestorian Documents, p. 121. + The Nestorian Monument in China, p. 56. 47 E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology (New York: The Julian Press, Inc., 1969), p. 298, gives as the dates of Lü Tsu, identified as Lu Tung-pin or Lü Yen: 755-805. This is in contrast with E. Schafer, Pacing the Void (University of California Press, 1977), who believes that Lu Yen, later to become one of the Eight Immortals, failed the great examinations during the second half of the 9th century. However, in Lü's biography Lü-tsu ch'üan-shu (p. 28) one finds the statement that he was born in the 14th year of the chen-yuan period or 798, during the reign of emperor Te-tsung. 48 Lü-tsu ch'üan-shu (Tao-tsang ching-hua, Series 9, vol. 4), p. 146. Cp. Lo H-1, op. cit., p. 146. 49 See Lo H.-1, p. 147. 50 L. Wieger, A History of the Religious Beliefs and Philosophical Opinions in China. (New York: Paragon Reprint Corp., 1969; or original ed.: 1927), pp. 519 and 567. With regard to Basilides, it must be kept in mind that he was a Gnostic teacher of the 2nd century A.D., who had influenced Manicheism, rather than Nestorianism. (See Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. 2, pp. 426-433). » Chou-chih is the location of a great Nestorian monastery, the site where the famous Nestorian monument would be erected in 781. 12 L. Wieger, History, pp. 507-8. 53 K. Schipper, Le Fen-Teng, pp. 33-38. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 110 REDFERN, Adelaide 9.1.1960 REDFERN, Angelica 25.2.1951 Marcaide REDFERN, Edward 31.8.1938 REDRERN, James R 5.11.1948 Knight RICHARDS, James 27.8.1906 RICHTER, Else 9.11.1903 RICHTER, Erich 18.5.1941 ROBERTS, Stewart 16.11.1908 ROBERTSON, John 24.12.1879 ROENSCH, Anna Albina 29.2.1873 ROHLSON, H W RUEBE, Adolf Not known ROUGHTON, Henry 21.4.1892 2.8.1902 SALOMON, Emil Not known SANGER, Julius SCHADENBERG, Dr Alexander SCHEIN, B 21.4.1886 SAWYER, Mary 4.7.1884 Dolores Camion 15.1.1896 SCHAELLIBAUM, Max 28.6.197[sic] 21.12.1914 SCHIPPERS, Tamer SCHLEINITZ, Robert 3.8.1903 SCHNEER, Edward SCHNEER, Simon 25.10.1920 SCHULTZ, Ernst SCHULTZ, Franz Cesar 12.4.1892 SCHWANER, E J 1.1.1968 31.12.1900 16.6.1922 30.1.1887 SCHWURCH, Hermann 24.1.1891 SCOTT, James 6.8.1897 SECKER, Elisabeth 7.5.1890 SETH, John E 23.10.188? SIEVERS, Otto 28.5.1889 SIMPSON, George 23.2.1899 Frederick SINCLAIR, Robert 15.8.1869 SINTERN, George van ?.12.1901 SLAFKIN, Lena 14.5.1911 SMITH 15.3.1883 SMITH, Adeliza 14.2.1880 SMITH, Andrew 25.2.1888 SMITH, Mrs John 7.11.1882 SMITH, William L 26.8.1916 SMOLL, John Barton 31.5.1909 SPECTOR, Rashe 25.2.1899 SPURING, Herbert 21.10.1929 STANLEY, Walter 5.6.1942 STAUBE, Carl 21.9.1882 STECK, Frederick Ludwig Philip 1.4.1869 STEIGER, Theodor 2.6.1872 STEPHEN, Thomas H 12.11.1926 STERNBERG, Wilhelm 18.12.1900 STERNBERG, Mrs Mathilde 22.12.1913 STEVENSON, William 10.4.1883 STEWART, Kenneth George 14.7.1936 STEWART, NR 24.2.1914 STOLL, Albert (infant son of) 1890 STOLL, Emil 16.7.1891 STONE, Charles Edward 26.3.1955 STRUCKMANN, (1st infant) ?,2,1876 STRUCKMANN, (2nd infant) 15.4.1876 STRUCKMANN, Maria 26.9.1879 SURTEES, Alfred 13.5.1924 SUTCLIFFE, Margaret 30.6.1895 SWAP, William H 25.10.1882 Helen SWEENEY, Patrick 9.4.1912 TAIL, James 31.8.1917 TAYLOR, Frans. THIESSEN, Johann 5.6.1903 14.10.1889 TELFORD, William 3.5.1942 THOMPSON, Gerald Philippe 20.2.1949 THOMPSON, Katherine 14.12.1942 TOMKINS, John Frederick 9.2.1945 TOUGH, William 1.7.1916 TOWER, Edward 7.3.1894 TOWNSEND, Cecilia Edith 20.9.1964 TOZER, Susan Harriet 13.8.1930 TUCKER, Capt George TURNBULL, Arthur 1891 TUCKER, Percy 23.8.1898 16.2.1928 TYLER, Joseph C 28.5.1890 Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 367 The villagers had already gathered at the festival site when I arrived at half past nine in the morning. The red slips of paper etc., were carried by the people responsible on a tray, and, in some cases, a "pavilion", back to where they had been fetched from. In all cases, I believe, the person who carried the divinities was preceded by one of his companions who beat a gong. In some cases the procession included the "Keep quiet!" and "Keep clear!" banners. I witnessed the case of the Hung-Fan Taam gods. On their arrival the villagers set up the temporary spirit tablets of the divinities at the site, and made offerings of tea, sweets, yun-bou and paper clothing to them. Then they burnt the spirit tablets as well as the paper offerings. Ahern, Emily Martin Brim, John A. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1981 Chinese Rituals and Politics, Cambridge University Press, 1974 "Village alliance temples in Hong Kong", in Wolf (1974: 93-104). Cheng, Sui Kwan Faure, David n.d. "Yuanlang Xinx", unpublished manuscript. 1984 "The Tangs of Kam Tin - A hypothesis on the rise of a gentry family", in Faure et. al (1984). Faure, David et. al (eds.) 1984 From Village to City: Studies in the Traditional Roots Hayes, James W. Kamm, John of Hong Kong Society, Centre of Asian Studies. University of Hong Kong. 1983 The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. 1977 "Field notes on the social history and fungshui of Kam Tin”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JHKBRAS) xvii, pp. 202-216. Law, Suk-Ching and Lam Siu-Fung 1985 **Jintian Dengshi shixi bogian shi'', in Renleixie Zhou Tekan, pp. 2-14. The Anthropology Society, Chinese University of Hong Kong. 1984 "Village education in the New Territories region under the Ch'ing", in Faure et. al. (1984). 1983 New Peace County: A Chinese Gazetteer of the Hong Kong Region. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, Ng Lun, Alice Ngai Ha Ng, Peter Y.L.. Ofuchi, Ninji 1983 Chugokujin no Shukyo Girei, Tokyo, Saso, Michael R. Schipper, K.W. 1972 Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal, Washington. 1974 "The written memorial in Taoist Ceremonies", in Wolf (1974:309-324). Siu, Augustus K.K. and Anthony K.K. Siu, Anthony K.K. 1982 Studies on Chinese Genealogies and the History of the Hong Kong Region, Hong Kong: Hin Chiu Institute. 1982 "Zupu zhong suojian zhí shishi shili”, in Siu and Siu (1982), pp. 21-29. 1984 **The Hong Kong Region before and after the Coastal Evacuation in the Early Ch'ing Dynasty', in Faure ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 375 Ofuchi (1983). 5.1 These two kinds of embroidery were always found in major festivities and at temple altars. 54 Both are reproduced in the Dang Clan Association handbook in Huge Baker's collection of genealogies, with commentary. One of the Dangs I talked to had some doubt about the authenticity of the alleged painting of Song Wuizong. He observed that the calligraphy was not of the typical style of the emperor, the shou-zhen ti. 55 Although the wong-gu was a common ancestress, her relics were not public property. The painting of the eagle belonged to a wealthy leader of the Dangs of Kam Tin, and the other pieces to the Wan-Gaan jire segment or one of its members. 57 On this divination instrument, see Ahern (1981:45-47). Discussed in the next part of this report. SV For more information on Lam Pui and his family, see Tsui (1985). 60 The rite is locally found probably only in the Kam Tin jiu festival. The priests explain it by alluding to the legendary Baiguai Zhen battle formation of Zhuge Liang, a stateman and strategist in the period of the Three Kingdoms (220-265). I think it is probably more directly related to the gimen dunjia style of magic. 42 A handheld small metal idiophone with a handle. See Schipper (1974) for a thorough discussion of the Memorials in the Taiwan case, which is very close to the one I am describing. The Oral History Project collection and Osuchi (1983) include most of the manuals used in this festival. 64 The actual seating no longer observed the segregation of the sexes, although this used to be the practice. 65 The difficulty was due partly to the fact that there were more Naam Bin people than their Bik Bin counterparts, even when the Ying Lung Wai villagers were added to the latter. As I have mentioned already, the seating area was divided into two halves, one for Naam Bin and one for Bak Bin. This gave the Bak Bin chu more seats each. I learned from a different source that the elder left early on the day because he felt that some younger villagers were being hostile to him. 67 The informant explained that it was usual for the Village Representatives to keep their position until they die. Therefore, those who are interested in becoming one always fail, except in Shui Tau, where the villagers generally have more exposure to the outside world and re-elect their V.R. once every two years. 68 I saw another lady doing waan-san at Ying Lung Wai. In addition to the san-seng, she made offerings at the village gate as well, which I guess is the normal practice. The two men were elders/ritual representatives, neither was the head of the lineage, probably due to the lineage head's age. 70 Except in the case of Tin-Chyun San-Gwan, I have relied on the Daojiao Yuenliu, the priests' manual to which they often refer when asked to explain their tradition, for interpretation. There were some young ladies in the procession this time, which represented a recent development. 72 Ancestral tablets could be seen inside, but Mr. Dang Jik-Waai said that the place used to be a sun-teng, and was worshipped by the procession because of this. 73 In which case only the woman herself would suffer. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 30 26 festivals in the New Territories. Besides Faure's 1986 book The Structure of Chinese Rural Society which touched on the festival, printed work by local scholars arising from these studies is yet to appear. 27 Two museums, first the History Museum of Hong Kong, and later the Sam Tung Uk Regional Council Museum, have taken photos and videos of the festivals since 1983, following Mr. Hugh Gibb's film of the Ha Tsuen Jiao, taken in 1974. However, only the Jiao festival in Cheung Chau and the 1985 Kam Tin festival have been fully recorded. These are not as yet available in print. Following the sad deaths of Prof. Ward and Dr. Lu, the 1980s also saw the quick decline in interest in Jiao festivals in Hong Kong. This is, perhaps, due to two not completely unrelated reasons: firstly, Jiao festivals in Hong Kong are studied only for their contribution towards the understanding of rural society. Therefore, when a researcher changes his interest to societies of another locality, study of Jiao festivals in Hong Kong becomes irrelevant. Another reason perhaps is a matter of "time". Whether it is a diachronic or synchronic study, or even an independent ethnographical report, the physical demands of observing a Jiao are often considerable. Planning for a Jiao festival may take one whole year, starting from fixing the date and selection of representative worshippers to the final purification of the community and households rituals. Moreover, if one intends to observe Jiao festivals held at different times, a long term commitment and interest is necessary since many Jiao festivals in the New Territories are celebrated only once in ten years. A comprehensive study of Jiao festivals cannot be done by a short term survey. During my visits to two Jiao celebrations in 1990 (Lam Tsuen and Fanling), the only other researchers I met were a scholar from the Music department of the CUHK, and some members of an amateur research group. b. Sources 24 +4 - Schipper noted that [Jiao festival] simply was ignored in the writings of the bureaucracy, and remained an immensely important factor in the lives of the common people ....29 Studies of Jiao festivals in Hong Kong have so far depended heavily on ethnography ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 42 disasters. the second is for those who died because of plague. The final reason is to thank the benevolent governors Wang Lai-ren and Zhou You-de of the beginning of the Qing dynasty. In my opinion, all these reasons can be integrated into the first one. (d) Chan Wing-hoi "The Tangs of Kam Tin and their Jiu festival", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 29 (1989) 302-375, a rich and detailed account of the lineage, its temples and villages, and the festival which draws them together. Dr. Faure gradually switched his interest to the Pearl River Delta while Prof. Tanaka, as I was told, is now looking at Sichuan province. Talk on publishing a book on Hong Kong Jiao festivals has been going on for years by members of the "Research Circle of the Regional Society of Southern China''. In 1990, the editorial board of the society set up a schedule to compile a book focusing on the Jiao festival. It is expected that papers on various aspects will be completed by the end of April 1991. (Correspondence from the society dated 28.12.1990) Schipper, Kristofer M., "The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies" in Wolf, Arthur P. (ed.) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974), 324, For example, according to Chan Wing-hoi, villagers of Shek O celebrated their 16th Jiao in 1986 (Chan, 78). The Dengs in Kam Tin claimed to have celebrated their Jiao since 1684 (Tanaka, 918). See for instance Basel Mission Archives, doct. Al-6, No. 51 (1869), and doct. Al-7, No. 51 (1870) and Der Evangelische Heidenbote, July 1867, in which a missionary describes how he was forced to go to the Magistrate to get his support before he could avoid having to pay his share of the Jiao expenses. All these cases are from Hsin An County. The Sha Tin poem will, it is hoped, shortly be published by Dr. P.H. Hase. These two series are part of the 15 series of historical documents collected by Dr. D. Faure and others in the New Territories. Copies of the collections are kept in the libraries of CUHK, Hong Kong University, Sha Tin Regional Council Library, and Institute of Oriental Culture, Tokyo University. 31 Tanaka Chugoku no Sozoku to Engeki [Lineage and Theatre in China] (Tokyo Univ. Press 1985), 608. Jiao festivals celebrated by the powerful communities in Hong Kong like Kam Tin, Ha Tsuen, Lung Yeuk Tau etc., were all performed by the Zhengyi Taoist group, led first by the late Master Lin Pei and now by Master Chan Kau. Another Zhengyi Taoist group is led by Master Chan Wah. However, many Taoist priests work for both groups. There are also other Taoist groups who performed for the Jiao festivals, like a Cantonese group which performed for Ho Chung and a Heklo group for Cheung Chau. In 1983, four out of five Jiao festivals were performed by monastery Taoists. It is not clear whether it was because of tradition or out of economic reasons. A comparison of the two Taoist groups has yet to be made. 14 Choi Chi-cheung **Sho matsuri no jinmei risuto ni mirareru shinzoku ban'i” [Kinship as seen in the name lists of Jiao festival] Bunka Jinnú Gaku 5 (1988): 131, table L. 35 **Shinshi men" [Section of Believers] in Fanling Wenxian (Historical Literature of Fanling) vol. 8. This brief account records details of the arrangement of the Jiao area, including the contents of couplets, names of deities invited, location and direction of matshed stages, and the sacrifices prepared etc.. See n. 32 for the depositories of Fanling Wenxian. 36 See (1972) Lin Chuan [Lam Tsuen] Xiang Taiping Qingjiao huiyi jilubu in Dapu [Tai Po] Wenzian [Historical Literature of Tai Po] vol. 1. (see n. 32 for depositories) 37 Tanaka Issei's three books, all published by the Tokyo Univ. Press are: Chugoku Saishi Engeki Kenkyu [Ritual Theatres in China] (1981), Chugoku no Sozoku to Engeki [Lineage and Theatre in China) (1985), and Chugoku Kyoson Saishi Kenkyu: Chihogeki ================================================================================