RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 136 C. MARTIN WILBUR munity.1 Kin status is for all practical purposes also a prerequisite. To be a village elder a man must stand at the head of a large clan or family, and the more powerful the group behind him, the greater will be his influence. Age is a second value which custom requires, although this is losing its force in many places today. Ability, specifically scholarship, is the third desirable quality for village leadership. Scholarship, whether of the old or the modern style, almost universally brings leadership, both because of the traditional reverence for learning, and because the man of letters is able to talk on a plane of ease and familiarity with officials of the government higher up, a thing which the common villager can never do. The traditional village leaders have behind them several very powerful psychological supports for their authority. The first of these is custom: all that is carried over from the familist system such as reverence for age, respect for status, and the habit of obeying vested authority. The central government, at least up until very recently, recognized them as the responsible authority in the village, and thus added to their prestige. Also, they hold their position partly because of their practical ability, their wisdom, and their popularity. At the same time these leaders are constantly protecting and reinforcing the customary values to which they owe their influence. One of the most obvious indications of change in village government today is the emergence of a new type of leader in rural affairs. In villages where the influence of new forces has begun to penetrate, men who lack the traditional qualifications for leadership are beginning to assume an importance in village polity. These are men of natural ability who are able to exert power by inspiring and leading small, discontented groups, or the mob generally, to an opposition of + 1 Maybon, B.; Essai sur les Associations en Chine, p. 192 points out that throughout all associations in China runs this common trait of “particularism”. He says: "Entre les members d'une association existe toujours un lien de communauté. la commune n'est ouverte qu'aux habitants originaires des villages, à l'exclusion des aubains." From the point of view of the central government, speaking historically, it was only possible for a man to change his political residence (i.e. to become a member of a village other than that of his ancestral home) if the family from which he came had been destroyed. Then if he were the head of a family of his own, had been a registered land owner for twenty years in his new home, could speak the dialect properly, and were an honorable character, his name might be transferred to the local Yüan Chi (§#) or register which fixed his political residence. Bazin; "Recherches sur les Institutions Administrative et Municipales de la Chine" II, p. 258. On this point see also Boulais, Guy: Manuel du Code Chinois, p. 161-162. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933 167 Huc, M.; The Chinese Empire: Forming a Sequel to the Work Entitled "Recollections of a Journey Through Tartary and Tibet". 2nd ed., 2 vols.; London, Longman, 1855. Huc, M.; L'Empire Chinois: Faisant Suite à L'Ouvrage Intitulé "Souvenirs d'un Voyage dans la Tartarie et le Thibet". 2nd ed., 2 vols.; Paris, Gaume Frères, 1855. Hummel, Arthur W.; "The Case Against Force in Chinese Philosophy" (Chinese Social and Political Science Review, vol. 9, 1925, p. 334-350). Jamieson, G.; Chinese Family and Commercial Law. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1921. Kulp, Daniel H.; Country Life in South China: The Sociology of Familism. Vol. 1: Phenix Village, Kwantung, China. New York, Columbia, 1925. Lee, Mabel Ping-Hua; The Economic History of China, with Special Reference to Agriculture. New York, Columbia, 1921. Leong, Y.K., and Tao, L.K.; Village and Town Life in China. London, Allen and Unwin, 1915. Li, Chi; The Formation of the Chinese People; an Anthropological Inquiry. Cambridge, Harvard, 1928. Mallory, Walter H.; China: Land of Famine. New York, American Geographical Society, 1926. (American Geographical Society, Special Publication no. 6.) Malone, C.B., and Tayler, J.B.; The Study of Chinese Rural Economy. Peking, China International Famine Relief Commission, Series B, no. 10, 1924. (Reprinted from: Chinese Social and Political Science Review, vol. 7, no. 4, 1923, p. 88-101; and vol. 8, no. 1, 1924, p. 196-226.) Martin, W.A.P.; "The Worship of Ancestors a Plea for Toleration" (Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China. 1890. Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1890. p. 619-631). Maspero, Henri; La Chine Antique. Paris, Boccard, 1927. Maspero, Henri; "La Vie Privée en Chine à l'Epoque des Han." (Revue des Arts Asiatiques, vol. 7, 1931-1932, p. 185-201). Maybon, B.; Essai sur les Associations en Chine. Paris, Plon-Nourrit et Cie, 1925. Meadows, Thomas T.; Desultory Notes on the Government and People of China. London, Allen, 1847. Morse, Hosea B.; The Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1908. Shryock, John; The Temples of Anking and Their Cults: a Study of Modern Chinese Religion. Paris, Geuthner, 1931. Smith, Arthur H.; Village Life in China; a Study in Sociology. New York, Revel, 1898. Staunton, George T. (translator); Ta Tsing Leu Lee, Being the Fundamental Laws, and a Selection from the Supplementary Statutes of the Penal Code of China. London, Cadell and Davies, 1810. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 p.123, line 18. For "stereotpyed" read "stereotyped" line 22. For fects" read "facts" p.133. Delete repetition of chapter heading p.136, footnote, line 3. For "members" read "membres" line 4. For “communuté” read “communauté” line 14. For "Administrative" read "Administratives" p.144, line 4. For "officit!" read “official” line 20. For "trademan" read “tradesman end of text - ** p.147, line 13. For "determing" read "determining” footnote 1. For "Administrative" read “Administratives” p.148, line 20. For "Auother" read “Another”" p.152, line 9. For "differances" read "differences" line 25. For “ken” read “kan” p.154, line 25. For "comaprison” read “comparison” p.164, line 6. For "Occassions" read "Occasions" p.165, third ref, under Bishop. For "Review" read "Review" ref under Boulais. For "Varietes" read “Variétés” p.116, line 1. For "Ching Ho" read "Ching Hơ" second ref. under Ferguson. For "of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society” read "of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society" ref. under Hsieh. For "Johne" read “Johns” p.167, line 7. For "Hurmel" read "Hummel” ref. under Maybon. For "Essay" read "Essail" and for "China" read “Chine" p.171, last ref. For "Lacal” read “Local" p.178, line 29. For "status" read “statues” p.184, line 7 from bottom. For "phsychological” read "psychological" line 6 from bottom. For "igorant" read "ignorant” p.186, line 5 from bottom. For “simplfied” read "simplified" p.187, line 16. For "Ukiyo-" read “Ukiyo-e” p.197, line 2. For "horizen" read "horizon' The Hon. Editor tenders his apologies for these errors. Hong Kong, 1981, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 224 J.H. HAAN 32 13 Letter of Cordier in JNCBRAS, Vol. XXXV (1902), p. xi. Arts of Asia (Hong Kong), May-June 1976, p. 65 (illustration) and p. 72. 14 Portraits in "Boston and the China Trade” (1970), no. 23; and Liu, o.c., between pp. 78 and 79. 35 36 Liu, o.c. p. 179, n. 9; BS. IV 2520. Adv. NCH 11.8.1860. 37 NCH 21.11.1863, 31.12.1864, 8.7.1865. 38 Maybon & Fredet: "Histoire de la Concession française de Changhai” (1929), p. 318, 445. NCH 13.6.1863. 39 40 BS III, 2274. 41 NCH 4.2.1865. 42 43 JNCBRAS, Vol. I (1865); Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xiii. CR Jan. 1837, 44 CR Jan. 1847. 45 CR Jan. 1845 (in Macau). 46 See e.g. NCH 3.8.1850; SA 1853-1856. 41 NCH 16.8.1856; cf. also S.C. Lockwood: “Aug. Heard & Co. 1858-1862” (1971), p. 19. 41 Griffin, o.c., p. 306-307, n. 6; S. Couling: "Encyclopedia Sinica" (1917), p. 187; "Guide to the microfilm edition of the Forbes Papers" (1969), p. 15, 18. Adv. NCH 3.1.1863. 50 NCH 24.9.1864. 51 Maybon & Fredet, o.c., p. 445-446. 52 BS III, 2274. 53 JNCBRAS, Vol. X (1876), Vol. XVII (1882), p. x. 34 JNCBRAS, Vol. VII (1873), p. i. 55 JNCBRAS, Vol. VIII (1874), p. i; Vol. IX (1875), p. i. 56 JNCBRAS, Vol. V (1869), p. v-vii, 57 Ibid. p. ix-x. 58 Portrait in "Boston and the China Trade", no. 24; Liu, o.c., between pp. 78 and 79. 59 Couling, o.c., p. 187; Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xviii; BS I, 480; “Guide to microfilm edition of the Forbes Papers", p. 18. 60 Adv. NCH 14.4.1855. 61 SA 1856. 62 NCH 9.1.1858. 63 G.B. Endacott: "Government and People in Hong Kong 1841-1962" (1964), p. 251. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 225 Adv. NCH 7.1.1854; according to Griffin, o.c., p. 306, n. 6 partner 1850-1859. 64 65 Adv. NCH 27.1.1855, 7.1.1860. 66 C.J. Dudgeon "The Battle of Muddy Flat" in United Empire, June 1914, p. 480; NCH 8.4.1854 only “Mr. Gray". 67 F.L. Hawks Pott: "A Short History of Shanghai”, (1928), fac. p. 81. 68 CR Jan. 1847. 69 NCH 3.8.1850; SA 1853, 1854, 1855. 70 Adv. NCH 24.4.1858. 71 Adv. NCH 20.11.1858. T2 Adv. NCH 12.1.1861. 73 Adv. NCH 7.1.1860; Griffin, o.c., p. 306, n. 6: till 1866. 74 Notification 6.4.1865; in NCH 15.4.1865. 75 CR Jan. 1844. 76 CR Jan. 1846, Jan. 1848. 77 CR Jan. 1849. Griffin, o.c., p. 306, n. 6; NCH 27.1.1855. 79 Adv, NCH 20.11.1858. 80 Adv. NCH 12.1.1861. 81 NCH 18.8.1860. 12 Obituary by Henri Cordier in T'oung Pao, Vol. VII (1907), p. 123-124. Adv. NCH 3.10.1857. 14 Adv. NCH 1.1.1859. 05 Maybon & Fredet, o.c., p. 289. 16 Ibid., p. 445. 17 JNCBRAS, Vol. 1 (1865), p. 146. 18 Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xvi and obituary (see note 82). 49 For Hanbury School see e.g. A. Wright: “Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and other Treaty Ports of China” (1908), p. 489. 90 BS IV, 2557. 91 Lockwood, o.c., p. S. 92 Adv. NCH 7.6.1862. 93 Adv. NCH 5.1.1856; see also Wright, o.c., p. 612. 94 NCH 31.12.1864, 8.7.1865. 95 NCH 3.8.1850. 96 Adv. NCH 5.8.1854. 97 Adv, NCH 19.1.1861. ** NCH 21.11.1863, 31.12.1863. 99 CR Jan. 1847. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 63 64 NCH 12.3.1859. NCH 12.3.1859. Lang, p. 51. 66 NCH 16.3.1861. 67 NCH 2.7.1864. 249 NCH 26.2.1859. 69 NCH 11.2.1865. Probably a detailed review had appeared in the North China Daily News, but as already stated in section II, this paper is not available in any library. 70 NCH 20.9.1856. 71 72 For the Hong Kong visit see China Mail 14.8.1856, 21.8.1856, 16.10.1856. NCH 14.11.1863. Dyce, p. 104, 74 NCH advertisement 6.2.1858. 75 NCH 31.1.1852, 23.2.1852. 76 NCH 25.3.1854. 77 Sec: Pearsall, p. 27-28. According to Wright, p. 390. 70 L 81 "Puck'', Vol. II, no I (March 3, 1873), p. 11, Barr, p. 110. Smith, p. 228-229. 82 Makespeace e.a., Vol. II, p. 387. 83 NCH 28.3.1857. **NCH 19.2.1859. 85 NCH 28.5.1864. 86 In Maybon & Fredet, fac. p. 368, with men playing the roles of women. HJ The title of the play is wrongly given as "Send me 5 shillings". 88 White, p. 23. 89 NCH 21.2.1857. 90 Lang, p. 50. 91 NCH 31.1.1852. 92 NCH 27.3.1852. 93 NCH 8.5.1852. 94 That the Commercial House and the Commercial Hotel were at least on the same premises can be deduced from the fact that they bore the same Chinese hong name: **E-lee#" i.e. I-li (of Shanghai Almanac 1856: Commercial House; 1858: Commercial Hotel). The Commercial House was opened in May 1853 (advert. in NCH 7.5.1853) “on the site of the late Victoria Hotel". It was temporarily closed some years later and re-opened as the Commercial Hotel on June 13, 1856 (adv. in NCH 14.6.1856) by two Frenchmen, Barraud and Barrazie. On November 15, 1858, the building was sold at a public auction (adv. NCH 23.10.1858) for £4,200 (NCH 20.11.1858). According to the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 250 advertisement announcing the auction the ground lot was No 32; this can be found on a plan of the Settlement in the archives of the London Missionary Society (Central China, Incoming Letters, Box 1, Fold. 2. Jack D). That the theatre was in a godown adjoining the Commercial House is mentioned in an advertisement for a book auction that was to take place there (NCH 1.7.1854) and another adv. in the NCH 9.8.1856 (“Old Theatre on the premises of the 'Commercial House'). 95 NCH 18.4.1857. 96 NCH 25.4.1857. 97 NCH 2.5.1857. 98 According to the Shanghai Almanac for 1855 Crampton's had rented lots 43 and 77. The plan in the L.M.S. archives shows these to be between Church Street and Bridge Street. 26.1.1856. 99 100 NCH 1.1.1859. 101 NCH 26.2.1859. 102 NCH 19.2.1859. 103 NCH 29.10.1864; adv. NCH 7.5.1864. 104 NCH 26.11.1864. 105 Cordier, III, col. 2232. 106 NCH 2.10.1852. 107 NCH 4.12.1852. 108 NCH 28.5.1864. 109 Information supplied at a meeting 16.11.1866; of NCH 24.11.1866. NCH 22.9.1866. NCH 17.11.1866. 112 Minutes in NCH 24.11.1866. 113 NCH 24.11.1866. 114 For a brief survey of the Lyceum Theatre see: Shanghai-t'ung, p. 487-491. 115 NCH 3.12.1864. NCH 25.6.1864. 117 Darwent, p. 99; cf also Maybon & Fredet, p. 264-265. Wright, p. 390. 119 White, p. 23. In the archives of the L.M.S. there are, in the correspondence, a number of references to printing activities, but they of course focus on religious tracts, etc. Only in some instances is there mention of "commercial papers printed" or "Job work" (letter 19.4.1853; Box 1, Fold. 4, Jack A). 120 NCH 7.5.1853. 121 NCH 12.3.1859. 122 NCH 1.8.1863. 123 124 NCH 13.5.1865, 20.5.1865. of Pal, p. 121. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 22 consider the first character to be partly made up of the character for ghost.' This was thus seen by many as a ghost knocking at the door of Hong Kong. It was certainly not auspicious. The second 'Ngai' can be seen by wary Chinese as representing the Chinese character for 'danger' Consequently, on his return in 1987, to solve the problem Sir David's name was changed to Wai Yik-shun. This means, 'to defend and protect with faith and trust.' All this changing of names, although generally regarded with some amusement by many Westerners, is taken very seriously by most Chinese. Changing given names is by no means uncommon among Chinese although they do not normally change surnames (Jones, 1997;73). More of humour It has been said, if you want to educate a person in the culture and customs of a country you must start with his or her grandmother. Yet Raybon Kan, an ethnic Chinese who performs under the title of Comedy Fu, was born and grew up north of Wellington, New Zealand (Green, 1998). He works as a stand-up, Chinese 'Kiwi' comedian. This lawyer turned funnyman speaks fluent, colloquial Cantonese, but only with his parents who understand limited English and run a take-away. It is something to come on stage in a White community, with a Chinese face in a classic, rural white-bloke tradition, with an act where about one-quarter focuses on his native origins, racial stereotypes, and being an 'underdog' and a 'victim' (Little, 1998). Humour can of course be 'learned.' In fact in one month, in rugby-loving New Zealand, more went to see Comedy Fu perform than watched the Auckland Warriors in action. Another act was put on by Pui-fan Lee (note surname and given names reversed in western fashion), a stand-up comic in Short, Fat, Ugly and Chinese, at the Fringe Club in Hong Kong, in 1994. As a Chinese girl born in Birmingham, her performance consisted of immigrant Chinese culture and indigenous British values intertwined, interlarded with farcical growing-up encounters in England. And when she lapsed into a broad Brum accent the Birmingham folk who were there loved it. The key is pronunciation. He or she who speaks with a foreign accent is a foreigner. The audience did not care what colour their peer was. The important point was that she spoke broad Brum. Accent conveys acceptance. She was one of them. ================================================================================