RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 7 who stressed the importance of directing the Society's attention to practical projects and to natural history, geology and botany as well as to literary pursuits. It may not be generally known that it was as the result of the efforts of the Royal Asiatic Society that Government was persuaded to grant a piece of ground for a Botanical Garden which was projected in the time of Sir John Davis and carried into effect when Sir John Bowring was President. Following this precedent we had three excellent lectures illustrated with a wealth of coloured slides by the following: Captain A. M. Macfarlane on "Birds of Hong Kong" illustrated by coloured slides and a tape record of bird songs and calls. Miss B. T. Chiu on "Flowers of Hong Kong" illustrated Mr. P. A. Nixon's coloured slides, and Mr. J. D. Bromhall on "The Marine Fauna of Hong Kong" illustrated by coloured slides. These lectures were in part designed to appeal to the educational circles and it is hoped that with wider publicity we may have the benefit of more members from the schools and colleges of the Colony. In concluding my reference to the lectures and addresses I wish to record our deep gratitude to those who have contributed so richly and so readily to the success of our first year's record. All except two of the meetings held last year were held in the rooms of the British Council and the Branch owes a debt of gratitude to the generous assistance of the British Council and of its Representative, Mr. R. E. Lawry, for affording us, free of charge, the use of these rooms as well as of the projector and operator for the slides in illustration of the lectures. Without this assistance it would have been difficult for the Branch to carry on as the moderate yearly subscription of $20.00 per member would not otherwise go far towards paying our expenses, including the hire of rooms and the issue to every member of a free copy of the Journal of the Branch. The Hong Kong Branch has no home of its own. It is indicative of the importance which Governments attached to the Royal Asiatic Society 100 years ago that the Government of Hong Kong granted to the Hong Kong Branch a room in the Supreme Court, where it could hold its meetings and house the valuable library which it built up and which it had eventually to hand over to the Morrison Education Society. In Shanghai the Government granted to the North China Branch a parcel of land on which, with the aid of generous grants from The Shanghai Municipal Council and the French Council ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 34 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 errant may be said to have had an ideology, it had more affinity with Taoism than with any other school of thought. True, in their altruism and devotion to duty they showed some resemblance to the Mohists, but they did not share the austerity of the latter. Indeed, the Mohists despised the knights errant and did not think them worth mentioning. It was to Taoism that some knights errant turned for guidance, as recorded in the biographies of several of them. This is hardly surprising: both Taoism and knight errantry came into being before Confucianism became the established official ideology, and both emphasized individualism and freedom from social bonds. To risk a generalization: if the obverse side of the Chinese character is represented by Confucianism—moderate, realistic, and conservative, then its reverse side is represented by Taoist philosophy, knight errantry, and various unorthodox artists and writers: romantic, individualist, and rebellious. It seems to me that it is the obverse side that is familiar to the West while the reverse side is perhaps not so well known and deserves more attention. To come back to the history of knight errantry; the early Han emperors, though they paid lip service to Confucianism, actually ruled largely by Legalist methods. It is therefore not surprising that they took strong measures to suppress the knights errant. I have already mentioned that Kuo Chieh's father was executed by order of Emperor Wen. In the next reign, Emperor Ching ordered the execution of many others. And Emperor Wu, as we have seen, ordered the execution of Kuo Chieh and his family. Yet in spite of such suppression, many knights survived, although not all of them lived up to the high ideals of true knight errantry. In later periods, knights errant continued to exist. For instance, the poet Li Po (A.D. 701-762) was a knight errant in his younger days and killed several people by his own hand. In still later periods of history, we also read of people described as being knights errant or behaving in a knightly manner. Sometimes this means no more than that someone behaved in a chivalrous, altruistic way, without necessarily using force or breaking the law. On the other hand, the more swashbuckling knights either degenerated into mere outlaws or became professional bodyguards. As we are concerned here with literature rather than history, I shall give no more examples of historical knights but turn to descriptions of knight errantry in literature. 7 According to the "Biographies of knights errant". See Lao Kan, "Yu-hsia, a type of knights errant in the Han dynasty", Bulletin of the College of Arts, National Taiwan University, No. 1. Li T'ai-po shih-chi (SPPY), chüan 31, 5a. See Arthur Waley, The poetry and career of Li Po (London, 1950), p. 6. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 36 The next example is from Li Po, who, having been a knight errant himself, naturally eulogized them in his poetry. In his "Song of the Knight Errant", he describes a knight thus: The man from the North wears a tasselled hat And a curved sword as bright as frost or snow. His silver saddle shines on his white steed On which he rides as fast as a shooting star. He can kill anyone within ten paces And will not stop till he has gone a thousand miles. Shaking the dust from his clothes, he goes into hiding, To shroud in secret his person and his name. After mentioning two famous knights of antiquity, the poet concludes: After death, their chivalrous bones are fragrant; They can compare with any heroes in the world. Who cares to imitate the pedantic scholar Writing books until his hair grows white? In another poem he again says: It is better to be a knight errant than a scholar: What is the good of studying hard when your hair is turning white?12 Finally, a poem by Chia Tao (A.D. 777-841), which seems to me to sum up the spirit of knight errantry in four lines: The Swordsman This sword I have been polishing for ten years; Its frosty edge has never been put to the test. Now that I've shown it to you, pray tell me: Is there anyone suffering from injustice?* But the richest fruits of chivalric literature are naturally to be found not in poetry but in fiction. Among the romances in classical prose of the T'ang period, we find many tales of chivalry. Apart from their generally high literary standard, these tales are remarkable for two interesting features: first, in many of them, a supernatural element is introduced; secondly, we encounter as many female hsia, or chivalrous ladies, as knights. The story of Hung Hsien is a typical example. Hung Hsien, or "Red Cotton", was a maid in the household of Hsüeh Sung, the military governor of Lu-chou, in the T'ang dynasty. She was a skillful p'i-pa player 11 Li T'ai-po shih-chi, chüan 3, 31. 12 Ibid., chüan 3, 14. 13 Ch'üan T'ang shih, chüan 571. (In the Peking, 1960 edition, p. 6618). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 37 and well versed in history and literature. So Hsieh made her his private secretary. At that time, the military governors were practically independent war-lords paying only nominal homage to the crown. A rival governor, T'ien Ch'eng-ssu, was increasing his armed forces and planning to annex Lu-chou. Seeing that Hsüeh was worried about this, Hung Hsien offered to go to the rival governor's city one night to investigate. Brushing aside Hsüeh's misgivings, she pushed her hair back to form a bun, put on a short embroidered jacket and black silk shoes, carried a dagger, and wrote a magic spell on her forehead. In a moment she was gone. Hsüeh waited for her alone, and after a dozen cups of wine, it was already daybreak. Suddenly he heard something falling lightly like a leaf on the ground outside. It was Hung Hsien coming back. She had travelled several hundred miles and gone to the rival governor's headquarters, and, without disturbing the armed guards or waking up the governor, had taken from his bed-side a gold case containing his horoscope. Next morning, Hsieh sent the gold case back to his rival, with a letter saying, “Last night a visitor came and brought this from your bed-side. I dare not keep it and am returning it herewith." On receiving this, the rival governor, T'ien, was petrified. He sent Hsüeh rich gifts and a humble letter of apology, saying that he had no aggressive intentions and that he was going to cut down his forces. All was peace and quiet. Two months later, Hung Hsien asked permission to leave. Hsüeh was naturally reluctant to let her go, whereupon she said, "In my previous incarnation I was a man and a physician, who, by mistake, caused the death of a pregnant woman conceiving twins. As a punishment, I was re-born as a girl and became a serving maid. Now that I have repaid your kindness, I must go." Hsieh realized it was no use trying to keep her, so he held a great farewell banquet in her honour. After a tearful goodbye, she disappeared and was never seen again.11 The above story is written in elegant classical prose. At the same time, chivalric tales also existed in the popular colloquial literature of T'ang times. Among the manuscripts discovered at Tun-huang at the end of the last century are many tales known as pien-wen (#), which may be translated as "popularized texts".15 These are for the most part Buddhist legends re-told in a semi-colloquial style, often in a mixture of prose and verse. However, some of them are not of a religious character. Among these is 14 T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi ***, chüan 195. For a full translation of the story, see E. D. Edwards, Chinese prose literature of the T'ang period, vol. II (London, 1938), pp. 123-7. 15 For further information, see Arthur Waley, Ballads and stories from Tun-huang (London, 1960). 1 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 38 one called "The Capture of Chi Pu". This refers to the same General Chi Pu mentioned earlier, whose life was saved by the knight errant Chu Chia. In this popular version, which is in doggerel verse, the story differs from the historical account. The name of Chi Pu's benefactor is given as Chu Chieh instead of Chu Chia. This is probably due to a confusion between the names Chu Chia and Kuo Chieh, the two most famous knights of early Han. Moreover, in this version, Chu is the official sent to arrest Chi Pu, and he is blackmailed into saving the latter's life rather than doing so voluntarily. This tale in doggerel verse has no great literary merits, but is of considerable historical interest as a specimen of popular chivalric literature of the Tang period. During the Sung dynasty, professional story-tellers flourished. According to the Tsui-weng t'an-lu (B680), a miscellaneous collection of stories and verses probably printed at the end of Sung, the story-tellers divided their tales into eight categories: "miracles" (ling-kuai), “female ghosts" (yen-fen), “love romances" (ch'uan-ch'i), “legal cases" (kung-an), “long swords" (p'u-tao), “clubs" (kan-pang), "gods and immortals" (shen-hsien), and “magic” (yao-shu)." Two of these, "long swords” and “clubs”, obviously deal with chivalrous deeds. The difference between the two, judging by the examples given in the Tsui-weng t'an-lu, seems to be that the former refers to battles waged between armies using long weapons, while the latter refers to private fights involving the use of short weapons. The latter is therefore more strictly concerned with knights errant, who usually fought as individuals rather than as leaders of armies. As for chivalric tales involving the supernatural, such as the story of Hung Hsien, they were classified under "magic". Many of the prompt-books used by the story-tellers, known as hua-pen, have come down to us, though usually edited by later hands. Moreover, some of them became integral parts of long prose romances. The most outstanding example of a chivalric romance based on oral tradition is the Shui-hu chuan, of which there are two English versions, one by J. H. Jackson entitled The water margin, the other by Pearl S. Buck entitled All men are brothers. The historical events on which the oral legends and the prose romance were based took place at the end of the Northern Sung period. According to the History of the Sung dynasty, in A.D. 1121 a group of rebels led by Sung Chiang and thirty-five others ravaged several prefectures : : 10 Wang Chung-min and others, Tun-huang pien-wen chi (Peking, 1957), vol. 1, pp. 58-71, 17 Tsui-weng t'an-lu (reprinted Shanghai, 1957), pp. 3-4. This is the most precise contemporary account of the classification of stories. Other accounts are similar but not so clear. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 40 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 heroes have remained favourites." On the stage, a knight errant is easily distinguishable from a general: the former usually wears a short jacket and trousers and wields a sword or club, while the latter wears full armour with banners behind his back and uses a spear or halberd, We now come to the last stages in the evolution of chivalric literature. In the Ming and Ch'ing periods, two notable trends developed in chivalric fiction. On the one hand, in some stories of chivalry, the supernatural element was increasingly emphasized, so that a type of knight with “flying swords" and magic power became popular. On the other hand, some tales of knightly deeds became mixed with stories about “legal cases”, so that a new type of fiction, which may be called chivalric-romance-cum-detective-story, developed. An early example of the first type is a novel called The flying sword (Fei-chien chi), published in the Ming dynasty, about the Taoist immortal Lü Tung-pin and his acquisition of magic powers. Later examples are too numerous to mention. In fact, such stories are still being written now in Hong Kong. Sometimes they are presented in the form of comic strip cartoons, known as "serial pictures" (lien-huan t'u-hua), obtainable from small book stalls and pavement lending libraries. The second type, which combines tales of chivalry with detective stories, has also remained popular to the present day and is still being written. There is an interesting difference between this type of fiction and earlier tales of chivalry. In stories belonging to this type, the knights errant are usually on the right side of the law, instead of rebelling against it. For instance, in popular stories about Judge Pao, the Chinese Solomon, various knights errant help him in detecting crimes and arresting bandits and local bullies. Originally these stories about Judge Pao only dealt with crime and detection. They were first joined together and published as a novel entitled The cases of Judge Pao (Pao-kung an) about 1600. Later, the knights who helped Judge Pao assumed greater importance in these stories, which formed the basis of another novel, Three knights and five righteous men (San-hsia wu-yi), published in 1879. This was revised by Yu Yüeh and given the title Seven knights and five righteous men a few years later, and achieved great success. It was followed by a sequel, the Junior five righteous men (Hsiao wu-yi), and further supplements. Imitations also followed. Among these may be mentioned The cases of Judge Shih, first published in 1838, and The cases of Judge P'eng, first published about 1895. These were based vaguely on recent historical figures, and the knights errant in these novels were probably in 24 Plays about the Shui-hu heroes have been collected by Fu Hsi-hua and Tu Ying-t'ao in Shui-hu hsi-ch'ü (Shanghai, vol. I, 1957; vol. II, 1958). 25 Sun K'ai-ti, op. cit., p. 170. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 53 the failure of subscribers to return the books on leaving the country-so that there is a large space occupied by books that are of little value to the Society, or to the public. I would recommend that the Library be inspected, and that those books which are not worth binding anew should be disposed of, and the proceeds be devoted to rebinding those that are worth keeping. In this way, the library will be freed from a good deal of trash, and the really valuable part of it, which is by no means small, could be more easily accommodated in the apartment designed for it, and better fitted for the use of subscribers. The reports of the Society for 1844, 1845 and 1846 do not specifically mention the Library, but it is interesting to note that at a meeting of the subscribers in January 1846 it was unanimously resolved, "That a bust of the late Hon. J. R. Morrison (who had also died, at the early age of 29 in 1843) be immediately commissioned from England, to be placed in the public rooms of the institution of the Morrison Education Society; that a copy of Chinnery's painting of his father (the late Rev. Dr. Morrison) engaged in the translation of the Bible into Chinese, be obtained for the same purpose; that the sum of $1,000 be appropriated to meet the cost, and the expense of placing these memorials in China. By 1849 the Society was running into financial difficulties, the premises had to be closed and the Library was packed up. By 1855 it was open to the public again when, according to an advertisement appearing in the Hong Kong Register on 30 October, 1855, "The Library of the Morrison Education Society, now deposited in a room in the Court House, is open every day from 1 to 4 o'clock p.m. to Members of the Society for the giving out and exchange of Books. Parties, not members of the Society, may obtain the advantages of the Library, on payment of an Annual Subscription of $5. By order of the Trustees, James Legge, Secretary.” At the annual meeting of the Society in 1858 the question of the permanent disposal of the Library was scheduled for discussion. In this same year they had accepted on trust a collection of 400 books belonging to the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society which had been founded in Hong Kong in 1847 by Sir John Davis, later revived by Sir John Bowring, but which was now defunct. A report of the founding of the Asiatic Society appears in the Hong Kong Register for 1847 with a list of 44 titles of books, prints, etc., which had been presented. There had been a growing demand for a proper public library and in May, 1863, the Morrison Education Society issued a circular urging the foundation of such a library in a City Hall and offering its own books and those of the Royal Asiatic Society ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 54 as a free gift to form a reference library. The books had suffered a good deal in being constantly moved about, the number was now 3800, all of them dilapidated and 3000 were considered worth rebinding. This would cost about $3,000 but the Society had no money for this work. A despatch dated 29 December, 1863 from the acting Governor, W. T. Mercer to the Colonial Secretary quoted the Morrison Education Society's circular and asked for action.1 A City Hall containing a Library and a Museum was eventually built on the site now occupied by the Bank of China and the Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation in Queen's Road Central and adjoining Statue Square. It was opened by the Duke of Edinburgh on the 2 November, 1869 and during his tour of the building His Grace visited both the Library and the Museum. A printed catalogue of the Morrison Library was issued in 1873 by the City Hall Committee. It contains 1666 entries arranged in alphabetical order of authors or titles, editor, translator, etc., where the author is not known, only eight of which I have been able to identify as belonging formerly to the Royal Asiatic Society. The books are classified, single letters indicating the following groups :- A History. Peerages, &c. B Biographies and memoirs. C Geography including works on various countries. Travels, Voyages and Adventures, D Natural History: Ornithology. E Botany. F Atlas Gazetteers, Meteorology, Guidebooks, Geology, Metallurgy and Mineralogy. Topography. G Mechanics. H Encyclopaedias, I Commercial Statistics. International Law, Jurisprudence, J Complete Works. K Astronomy. L Chemistry. Optics. M Mathematics. N Painting, Music. Science and Art, O Medicine and Surgery. P Biblical works. Q Oriental Societies. Journals. R Classics. Dictionaries. S Novels. T Drama and poetry. U Periodical works. Directories. V Divinity. Law, Treaties and Conventions. W Miscellaneous works. A stocktaking was made in 1956 and of the 1666 titles there are now 1233 remaining (2748 volumes out of 3583). Some volumes were removed during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong and were not subsequently recovered. The condition of the books is poor. Nearly all are worm-eaten to a greater or 1 C.O.129/94, Public Records Office, London. (I am indebted to Mr. G. B. Endacott of the University of Hong Kong for supplying this reference). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 58 Among the eighteenth century travel books must be mentioned two first editions of interest although not relating to the Far East. The earlier is James Cook's A Voyage towards the South Pole, and Round the World of 1777, unfortunately the second volume only. And the second is Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa by Mungo Park, published in 1799. There is a 1771 edition of A voyage to China and the East Indies, by Peter Osbeck which includes An Account of the Chinese Husbandry, by Captain Charles Gustavus Eckeberg and A Faunula and Flora Sinensis. The first volume contains ten engraved plates of plants found in China. In the second volume is printed a letter from Charles Linné [Linnaeus] to Peter Osbeck which says:- + + + I have read your excellent books with pleasure and surprize. You, Sir, have every where travelled with the light of science: you have named every thing so precisely, that it may be comprehended by the learned world; and have discovered and settled both the genera and species. For this reason, I seem myself to have travelled with you, and to have examined every object you saw with my own eyes. One other eighteenth century account of travels and exploration in the Far East should be noticed: A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies by the Abbé Raynal, 1784. It may be salutary to notice the bitter attacks which the Abbé makes on English administration in India and elsewhere. Books like Ellis' Embassy and Timkowski's Travels have been too often described to warrant inclusion here. The Hundred Wonders of the World, and of the Three Kingdoms of Nature of 1824 published under the pseudonym of the Rev. C. C. Clarke, has a picture of the Porcelain Tower at Nankin, China, as a frontispiece. It is sad to think that this wonder no longer stands; it was destroyed during the T'ai-p'ing Rebellion. Processes of time, not war, have destroyed two of London's institutions listed as 'wonders', the Linwood Gallery of Leicester Square and Bullock's Museum, Piccadilly. It is strange to think that in their day they were compared with the British Museum and the Louvre of Paris. Elements of political economy by James Mill appears in a first edition of 1821. James was the father of John Stuart Mill for whom he obtained a clerkship in the East India Company after he himself had been given a high position following the publication in 1818 of his History of British India. Among the illustrated books in the collection there is an 1828 edition of Flora Javae by Carolo Ludovico Blume with remarkable colour plates. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 L 64 Sacred to the Memory of/ Robert Morrison, D.D.,/ The first Protestant Missionary to/ CHINA:/ where, after a service of Twenty-seven years,/ Cheerfully spent in extending the kingdom of the blessed Redeemer,/ during which period he compiled and published/ A DICTIONARY OF THE CHINESE LANGUAGE;/ Founded the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca;/ And, for several years laboured alone on a Chinese version of THE HOLY SCRIPTURES,/ which he was spared to see completed, and widely circulated/ among those for whom it was destined. He sweetly slept in Jesus. He was born at Morpeth, January 5th, 1782;/ Was sent to China, by the London Missionary Society, in 1807;/ Was for twenty-five years Chinese interpreter, in the employ of the East India Company:/ And died at Canton, August 1st, 1834. A LIST OF BOOKS MENTIONED IN THE ARTICLE IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER OF AUTHORS OR OCCASIONALLY, OF TRANSLATORS. AINSLIE, ROBERT, 1766-1838. [Reasons for the hope that is in us.] Edinburgh, printed by Ballantyne & Co. [c.1820.] Amiot, Jean JOSEPH MARIE, 1718-1793. Dictionnaire tartare-mantchou-français, composé d'après un dictionnaire mantchou-chinois, par M. Amyot, rédigé et publié avec des additions et l'alphabet de cette langue, par L. Langlès. 2v. Paris, imprimé par Fr. Ambr. Didot l'aîné, 1789. BAZIN, ANTOINE-PIERRE-Louis, 1799-1863. Le pi-pa-ki ou l'Histoire du luth, drame chinois de Kao-Tong-kia représenté à Péking en 1404 avec les changements de Mao-Tseu, traduit sur le texte original. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1841. BAZIN, ANTOINE-PIERRE-LOUIS, 1799-1863. Théâtre chinois ou choix de pièces de théâtre composées sous les empéreurs mongols traduites pour la première fois Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1838. BIOT, ÉDOUARD CONSTANT, 1803-1850. Dictionnaire des noms anciens et modernes des villes et arrondissements compris dans l'Empire Chinois indiquant les époques auxquelles leurs noms ont été changés. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1842. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 66 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 the Ultra-Ganges Missions.) Accompanied with miscellaneous remarks on the literature, history, and mythology of China, etc. Malacca, printed at the Anglo-Chinese Press, 1820. MORRISON, Mrs. Eliza (Armstrong), born c.1800. Memoirs of the life and labours of Robert Morrison, compiled by his widow, with critical notices of his Chinese works by Samuel Kidd. 2v. London, Longman, Orme, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1839. MORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834. Bible. New Testament. Chinese. 耶穌基利士督我主救者新遺詔書俱依本譯出「嗎啫哩英華書院印」8v. 1813 鑰 Yeh-su Chi-li-shih-tu wo Chu Chiu-che Hsin-i-chao-shu (The New Testament of Jesus Christ Our Lord and Saviour). [Translated by Robert Morrison and William Milne.] 8v. Malacca, Ying-wa College Press, 1813. MORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834. A dictionary of the Chinese language, in three parts... by R. Morrison. Macao, China, printed at the Honourable East India Company's Press, by P. P. Thoms, 1815-1823. MORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834. Horae sinicae, translations from the popular literature of the Chinese. London, printed for Black and Perry, etc., 1812. MORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834. Urh-chih-tsze-teen-se-yïn-pe-keáou [ ] being a parallel drawn between the two intended Chinese dictionaries, by Robert Morrison, and Antonio Montucci, . . . together with Morrison's Horae Sinicae, a new edition, with the text to the popular Chinese primer San-tsi-king, London, printed for the author, 1817. NEUMANN, CHARLES FRIEDRICK, 1798-1870. Translations from the Chinese and Armenian, with notes and illustrations. London, printed for the Oriental translation Fund, and sold by J. Murray, 1831. Osbeck, PETER, 1723-1805. A voyage to China and the East Indies, . Together with a voyage to Suratte, by Olof Toreen and An account of the Chinese husbandry, . . . To which are added, A Faunula and Flora Sinensis. 2v. London, printed for Benjamin White, 1771. PARK, MUNGO, 1771-1806. Travels in the interior districts of Africa, performed under the direction and patronage of the African Association, in the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 68 Vol 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 BUDDHIST SOURCES OF THE NOVEL FENG-SHEN YEN-I : LIU TS'UN-YAN. PH.D. INTRODUCTION The Feng-shên Yen-i, or 'Investiture of the Gods,' is a long novel consisting of 100 chapters. Its authorship had long been unknown, until in 1931 Prof. Sun K'ai-ti discovered in the Japanese Cabinet Library a Ming edition of this novel labelled "compiled (pien-chi) by Hsu Chung-lin, styled Chung-shan I-sou." Many scholars therefore concluded that Hsü Chung-lin was the author. For instance, Lu Hsün in his A Brief History of Chinese Fiction (Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh) mentioned Hsü as the author, though he added that he had not seen the original preface and therefore could not ascertain the date of the novel. This attribution of authorship is not reliable, for in Ming times the term "compiling” (pien-chi) was rather freely used, and sometimes booksellers would reprint a book with slight additions and alterations and label it as being "compiled" by a new writer. In view of this, from 1935 to 1956, I tried to find out the true author of this novel, and my researches led me to the conclusion that the author or compiler of the novel was in fact Lu Hsi-hsing (1520-1601?), a Taoist priest of the Chia Ching period. Like the Hsi-yu-chi ("Pilgrimage to the West", also known to Western readers as "Monkey"), the Fêng-shên Yen-i is a work of fiction dealing with the supernatural. It was produced during the time when Chinese fiction was evolving from the prompt-books (hua-pên) of story-tellers to long novels. Its plot is based on the historical events related to the defeat of King 1 There is no English translation of this novel. The German translation by Wilhelm Grube and Herbert Mueller, Die Metamorphosen der Götter (2 vols., Leiden, Brill, 1912) contains only chapters 1-46. Chapters 47-100 have been summarized by Mueller. The novel is mentioned in E. T. C. Werner, Myths and Legends of China (London, 1934) and in Sir J. C. Coyajee, Cults and Legends of Ancient Iran and China (Bombay, 1935). 2 Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh, Ch. 18, p. 176 (1953); also the English translation entitled A Brief History of Chinese Fiction by Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, p. 220 (1959). 3 Details of my evidence and arguments are contained in my unpublished thesis, "The Authorship of the Feng-shen Yen-i", a copy of which is in the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London University. 4 Cf. James J. Y. Liu, "The Knight Errant in Chinese Literature", in this volume, pp. 30-41. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 70 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 (P'u-hsien), and Avalokitesvara (Kuan-yin). Only certain Buddhas of the Tantric Sect, such as Cundi (Chun-t'i) and Vairocana (P'i-lu-chê-na) are mentioned as "saints from the West"; but even these are given Taoist-sounding titles like tao-jên. In this way, the mainly Taoist framework of the novel is preserved. This amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist deities is highly interesting and may have influenced actual religious practice in China. The practice of worshipping Taoist gods side by side with Buddhas and Bodhisattvas seems to have started after the publication of the novel, for in earlier Taoist literature we find no Buddhist deities mentioned among Taoist gods. For instance, in the Yün-chi ch'i-ch'ien, chüan 103, we find an account of the Taoist pantheon as it was in the eleventh century, which contained no Buddhist deities or fictional gods. But after the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, various Taoist gods mentioned in the novel came to be worshipped together with Buddhist ones. What is more, most of the temples which apparently first adopted such practice were situated in northern Kiangsu, near Hsinghua, the native district of Lu, the author of the novel. It is therefore not unreasonable to suggest that the novel influenced the composition of the Chinese pantheon and contributed to the amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist gods in popular belief. The amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist gods seems to have been achieved purposely by the author of the Fêng-shên. As a concrete illustration, I propose to describe how Vaisravana (P'i-sha-mên Tien-wang), one of the Four Heavenly Kings in Buddhist belief, and his third son Nata (Na-cha or No-cha), became important characters in this novel. Vaisravana was of course an Indian god, but during the T'ang and Sung periods he became identified with the Chinese general of the T'ang dynasty, Li Ching. But stories about him were disconnected before the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i was compiled. In various prompt-books which existed before the novel, such as the Nan-yu-chi ("Prince Hua-kuang or The Voyage to the South") and the Hsi-yu-chi (“Pilgrimage to the West”, the prototype of the famous novel of the same name) in the Ssu-yu-chi ("The Four Travels"), there were already stories about this god and his son. But in the hands of the author of the Fêng-shen these fragmentary and disconnected stories were reorganized and transformed into a vivid tale which can almost stand on its own as an interesting story apart from the whole * For illustrations of some of these temples, such as the Kuang Fu Monastery in Tai-hsing, Yangchow, and the Tu Tien Temple in Hai-men, Kiangsu, see Père Henri Dore, Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine, (10 vols., Shanghai, 1913-38), Bk. 9, Pt. 2, in Vol. 6. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 71 novel. After this treatment, Vaisravana and Nata became completely Sinicized, and few, if any, Chinese readers ever suspect that they are "alien" in origin. This is typical of the way in which Chinese Buddhists took stories or ideas of foreign origin and gradually turned them into something totally Chinese. Apart from its influence on religious practice, the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i is also of considerable importance from a literary point of view. It superseded previous stories from which it took some of its material, so much so that but for the efforts of scholars in the past thirty years these previous stories contained in prompt-books would have been unknown. Even now, only a handful of experts have read the prompt-books, while most readers are not aware that the Fêng-shên is not entirely the original creation of one man. This goes to show the success of the author as an imaginative writer. In the following pages I shall attempt to describe how the stories about Vaisravana and Nata became integral parts of the novel, as an example of the Sinicization of Buddhist stories and figures and their assimilation into the mainly Taoist pantheon of China. I shall also try to show how the author, Lu Hsi-hsing, made use of the material derived from miscellaneous sources and turned it into a fascinating tale. 1. VAISRAVANA AND NATA When we come to a discussion of some of the prominent figures in the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i, the most striking fact we shall find is that the author described these figures vividly and did not rely on previous legends for literary effect. Rather, he chose from miscellaneous and discordant materials and put them into a unified system which enlarged and modified the Chinese pantheon. The story of Li Ching and his three sons, especially the third one, No-cha, in this novel may serve as an outstanding illustration. In this novel Li Ching was first a commander of the Ch'ên-t'ang Pass in the court of the ruthless King Chou (Ch.12), but he was also a Taoist, and for a period of years he had learnt the process of Taoist cultivation from the Immortal Tu O of the K'un-lun Mountain though he was unable to reach the final attainment. He had three sons: the eldest, Chin-cha, was a disciple of Wên-shu (Mañjusri), the second, Mu-cha, was a disciple of P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra) and the third one, No-cha, a disciple of the Immortal Tai-I. Both the father and his three sons joined the side of King Wu in the expedition against King Chou. Though they all knew some magic feats and possessed magic weapons, they are described as human beings. Unless we study the Tantric sutras and compare them with the Chinese Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 72 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 hua-pên (story-tellers' prompt-book), we can hardly know their origin or the invaluable part played by the author of the Fêng-shên in transforming them into interesting characters. Li Ching, bearing the same name as the historical hero in the early part of the T'ang dynasty, is no doubt derived from the Buddhist heavenly king Vaisravana. We know from many Buddhist texts the legends of the Four Heavenly Kings. According to the Abhiniskramana-sutra (出曜集經) translated by Jnanagupta in 587, they are, Dhritarashtra or Chih-kuo T'ien-wang in the East, who leads the gandharvas, musicians in heaven; Virudhaka or Tseng-chang T'ien-wang in the South, who is the sovereign of the kumbhandas or deformed demons; Virupaksha or Kuang-mu T'ien-wang in the West, who is king of the nagas who dwell in their palaces at the bottom of the lakes; and Vaisravana or To-wen T'ien-wang in the North, who is head of the yakshas, strong and brave genii. The author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adapted these four heavenly kings in his novel (Chs.31-40) and called them "the four generals of the Mo family". He made them brothers and commanders who took charge of the Chia-mêng Pass under the command of the Premier Wên T'ai-shih. Their individual names are Mo Li-ch'ing, Mo Li-hung, Mo Li-hai and Mo Li-shou. But in Ch.31 when they are summoned by Premier Wên T'ai-shih, the author writes, "The four heavenly kings (ssu t'ien-wang) strode forward,” thus unconsciously revealing their origin, and afterwards in Ch.99 they are given the titles of Tsêng-chang T'ien-wang (Mo Li-ch'ing), Kuang-mu T'ien-wang (Mo Li-hung), To-wên T’ien-wang (Mo Li-hai) and Ch'ih-kuo T'ien-wang (Mo Li-shou) respectively. In Ch.40 the author describes the weapons of these four brothers through the mouth of General Huang Fei-hu as follows: The eldest brother Mo Li-ch'ing is twenty-four feet in height, with a face resembling that of a crab, and his beard is like copper wires. He fights always on foot with a long spear, and he has a sword which is called "Blue Cloud", on which there are charms and a seal saying "earth, water, fire and wind". The wind caused by the brandishing of this magic sword is a black wind in which hundreds of thousands of spears would run and cut off the limbs of men. Following the wind is a blaze in which flaming golden serpents cover the atmosphere with black smoke. The weapon of Mo Li-hung is an umbrella. * chúan 16, Shê-kung Ch'u-chia P'in (攝功出家品). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 73 called "Umbrella of Noumenon and Unity" (hun-yüan san A) which is decorated with emeralds and precious pearls of divine power which are threaded together to form the words: "to pack up the universe." When this umbrella is opened, heaven and earth, the sun and the moon, will be covered up by darkness, and when it is rolled the world will be shaken. Mo Li-hai carries a spear and on his back there is a four-stringed guitar (p'i-p'a) which will produce the same effect as the "Blue Cloud Sword" when played on and the four strings correspond to earth, water, fire and wind. Mo Li-shou carries two whips and a bag in which is concealed a peculiar creature resembling a rat, hua hu-tiao (the striped marten). When hurled into the air this creature will assume the shape of an elephant with wings from its ribs and will devour every one. The combat between these four brothers and the heroes from the camp of King Wu can be found in Chs.39-41 of the novel. They are engaged in mortal combat with the Li brothers, Chin-cha, Mu-cha and No-cha in Ch.40. If the reader knows that Li Ching, the fabulous father of these three Li brothers is in fact derived from one of these four heavenly kings, Vaisravana, the ingenuity of the author of this novel can be appreciated, because before the publication of this novel, in many other works Vaisravana and the Chinese god Li Ching, based on the historical hero so named of the Tang dynasty, had long been amalgamated and formed a single name, P'i-sha-mên t'ien-wang Li Ching (Vaisravana or Li Ching, the Heavenly King of Vaisravana). The Chinese transliteration from the Sanskrit "Vaisravana" since the T'ang dynasty has been Pi-sha-mên (R), the last character of which, mên, though senseless in this connection, normally means "gate". Thus, in popular literature, the term P'i-sha-mên lost its original meaning and became the name of the P'i-sha Gate, and it was therefore natural enough to have a heavenly general, like Li Ching, to take charge of it, though in English this may appear peculiar. * In Yang Ching-hsien's (MRK) play T'ang San-tsang Hsi-t'ien Ch’ü-ching (EXRE), Scene 9, we read "P'i-sha-mên hsia Li Tien-wang" (TX) which means the Heavenly King Li under the P'i-sha Gate. In the prompt-book Ch'i-kuo Ch'un-ch'iu P'ing-hua ta (TH), chüan 3, we have "P'i-sha-mên To-t'a Li T'ien-wang" (*XE) or P'i-sha-mên, the Heavenly King Li who holds in his hand a pagoda. Sometimes the story-tellers thought since there was a P'i-sha mên (gate), it was wise to create a palace, called P'i-sha Kung (CE W D). In the Nan-yüeh-chi, Ch. 11, we have "P'i-sha Kung Li Ching Tien-wang" (K*XE). In a long eulogistic poem in Ch. 12 of the Feng-shen, there is a palace in heaven called K'un-sha Kung (R V E) which is obviously an erratum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 74 R The historical figure of Li Ching had long been admitted into the Taoist pantheon. He was, in the year 760, enshrined with Chiang T'ai-kung (B★A or Chiang Shang) as one of the ten famous historical generals. In the anonymous work, Li Wei-kung Pieh-chuan (A4), it is said, "When Li Ching was poor, he took a journey in the valleys and stayed in a cottage. When it was mid-night there came a woman who handed him a vase and said, 'Heaven has instructed you to pour down rain ...' and as we know in the Buddhist legends that it is Virupaksha (not Vaisravana) who is the king of the nagas, we understand that even in the T'ang dynasty the popular mind could not properly distinguish the function of these guardians of Mt. Sumeru. In an inscription on a tablet erected in the Temple of Vaisravana in Ning-hwa District (LM), Fukien, dated about 920, we read, P'i-sha-mên (Vaisravana) is a Sanskrit word which means "universal or much hearing" (to-wên SH). He dwells on the north of Mt. Sumeru, in the crystal palace, and is the chief of yakshas,10 From this narrative we see why in so many Chinese records it has become an undeniable fact that yakshas are believed to live at the bottom of the seas with the dragon-kings in marvellous crystal palaces loaded with wonderful treasures. The legends of these two heavenly kings have long been mixed in the popular mind." As Li Ching was such a famous historical hero, the Taoist priests could not forgive themselves if they failed to utilize his prestige. It is said in an anonymous work of the T'ang dynasty, Yuan Hsien Chi (E), that Li Ching was still alive in the epoch of Ta Li (766-779) and became a Taoist immortal, In addition to the book on military strategy attributed to him in the Bibliography of the Hsin T'ang-shu (MEBOXZ), the Taoist priests also ascribed to him some canonical texts dealing 12 • Hsin T'ang-shu (), Ch. 15, Li-yüeh Chih (M), 5. • Ku-chin Shuo-hai (546), Shuo-yüan Pu (R), Vol. chi (2) Also Tsung-shu Chi-ch'êng Ch'u-pien (£). 10 See Ninghwa Hsien-chih ("Annals of the Ninghwa District") of the Ming dynasty, quoted in Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng (4), Shên-1 Tien (R), chüan 54. The essay was composed by Huang T'ao () for Wang Shen-chih (E). 11 In the Ta-Tang San-tsang Ch'ü-ching Shih-hua (ERR), chüan 1, “...A" ("To-day, Vaisravana of the Indra Heaven, the Guardian of the North, will feed Buddhist priests in the Crystal Palace.") 12 Quoted in Chiu Hsiao-shuo (R), 2nd Series, Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1910. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 76 * Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 day of the second month, before noon, thirty li from the city, on the north-east and in the mist there was a general, who was ten feet tall, at the head of some three to five hundred soldiers all equipped with armour. Near twilight, the sound of the drums and the hubbub shook the mountains and earth within three hundred li and they stayed there for three days. The troops of the five states all retreated. The strings of their bows were gnawed through by golden rats and their other equipment was broken and became useless. Some of the enemy soldiers who were old and feeble could not escape, and were going to be killed by our men. Then there was in the air a loud voice which ordered, "Release them and do not kill." We looked at the place and saw Vaisravana revealing himself over the tower of the north gate of the city with a bright light behind him. A portrait has been made and is attached to this report. Vaisravana defends our boundaries and comes to the relief of our besieged garrisons to carry out the orders of the Buddha. His third son Nata (E) follows him holding up a pagoda with both hands. It is said by the great priest of the Tripitaka, Amogha, that on the first day of every month Vaisravana assembles his devas and genii; on the eleventh day his second son Tu Chien would say farewell to the father and go on a tour of inspection; on the fifteenth day the four heavenly kings would meet and on the twenty-first day Nata would receive or give back the pagoda to his father. + The above quotation is translated from the Tantric Pi-sha-mên I-kuei ("The Ceremonies in the Worship of the Vaisravana") alleged to have been translated from the Sanskrit by Amogha himself. As Amogha's name appears also in the text it cannot be taken as an impartial translation.14 However, as Li Ching was such a famous general in the T'ang dynasty, who fought many victorious battles against the Turks, it was again very natural for the Chinese to identify him with one of the four newly-introduced Maharaja-devas (the four heavenly kings). The legend of the pagoda held in the hand of Vaisravana was developed from Tantric texts into a very complicated and interesting story in the Fêng-shên Yen-i (Chs.12-14). I think 14 No. 1249, P'i-sha-mên I-Kuei; No. 1247, Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa I-kuei (#SNIU); No. 1248, Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa Chên-yen (IBR), all translation of Amogha, in The Tripitaka in Chinese. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 77 probably the pagoda was a mistake for the parasol originally held by Vaisravana, as stated in the Ekottarik-agamas (增一含經): The heavenly king Vaisravana held in his hand a parasol of the seven treasures (七寶) over the Tathagata in the air to protect the Tathagata from dust and soil,15 But since the circulation of the Tantric sutras was more or less encouraged by the authorities in the Tang dynasty, the public accepted that legend without scepticism." According to a Tantric text, Nata (No-cha 哪吒) is the third son of Vaisravana, who attends his father and holds the pagoda with both hands. But on the twenty-first day of every month, when the son is charged to go on some mission, so that they have to separate, Nata gives the pagoda to his father. This is not at all a thrilling story and there is no combat. The author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i created his own story of No-cha, the third son of Li Ching, based upon his profound knowledge of religious beliefs and popular literature, and made No-cha one of the famous heroes in Chinese literature. In order to analyse the parts which are the creative work of the author and to explain from what sources some of his materials may have been taken, I divide the story of No-cha into several sections below. 2. MU-CHA AND CHIN-CHA Before the publication of the novel Feng-shên Yen-i and the prompt-book Ssu-yu-chi, No-cha's (哪吒) name was usually Na-cha (那吒) in many of the plays of the Yüan dynasty which preserved the original transliteration found in the Tantric sutras.17 In the Hsi-yu-chi (Ch.7), one of the "Four Travels", the second Hi To P'in (TPE), 30, Ekottarikagamas, chian 22, The Tripitaka in Chinese. 10 In the year A.D. 838 (3rd year of K'ai Chiêng), on the 15th day of the 12th month, Lu Hung-chêng (盧弘正) wrote an inscription for the image of Vaisravana in the Hsing-t'ang Monastery (興唐寺) describing him as "having a sabre in his right hand, and in the left hand a pagoda." cf. Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng, Shên-I Tien, chian 91. 27 In Yang Ching-hsien's Yang San-tsang Hsi-tien Ch'ü-ching, Scene 8, “Nacha San Tai-tzu" (哪吒三太子); anonymous play Menglich Na-cha San Pien-hua (孟麗哪吒三變換) in the Ku-pên Yüan Ming Tsa-chü *Z9M) edited by Wang Chi-lieh (王季烈), Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1941; anonymous play Ting-ting Tang-tang P’ên-êrh-kuei (丁丁當當甕兒鬼), Act 1, "Hê-lien Na-cha" (黑面哪吒), Act 2, "Na-cha Fa" (哪吒法), the last two are influenced by Tantric works. Besides, Na-cha (哪吒) appears in many plays of the Yuan dynasty, not to mention the tune called Nacha Ling (哪吒令). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 78 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 son of Li Ching is Hui-an () who was a disciple of Kuan Yin (Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara), while his name, Mu-ch'a (*), is not mentioned except in one verse, and not in the prose part of Ch.21. This is the name the author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adopted. The origin of the name Mu-ch'a can be found in chüan 18, Kan-t'ung P'ien (A) of the Sung Kao-sêng Chuan (***) by Tsan-ning (), who was a follower of the Monk Sangha (@). The latter was said to be an incarnation of the Avalokitesvara of eleven faces and died in A.D. 710. Apart from Mu-ch'a, Hui-an was also one of his disciples. Therefore, in popular literature, Mu-ch'a and Hui-an are mixed up into one person and in the "Four Travels" Hui-an remains a disciple of Kuan Yin. It was the author of the Fêng-shên who changed the character ch'a (X) to cha (RE) in his novel so that the name could have the same second character as No-cha. In some popular editions of the "Four Travels" the character ch'a (X) has also been changed. Now, in the Tantric works, though the second and third sons of Vaisravana (Tu Chien and Nata) play rather important parts, his other sons, especially his first son, are not mentioned. I have read through a large number of sutras about Vaisravana and consulted some Buddhist scholars in Japan,1a but they could not give me any definite opinion. In Oda Tokuno's (1) Buddhist Thesaurus (#) and in the Chinese work Fu-hsüeh Ta Tz'u-tien (BAND) edited by Ting Fu-pao (TR) based upon it,19 we find that the names of P'i-sha-mên wu t’ung-tzu (£££7 Five Attendants of Vaisravana) include Tu Chien and Nata, but no origin is given. I think they may be identical with the "Five Yakshas" which appear under the sub-title "Princes and Family Members" (ERB) in Caturmaharaja (19F諸小王及眷屬)in E) in chuan 6 of the Ch'i Shih Ching (). They are, in translation, Fifty-feet (wu-chang £), Wilderness (k'uang-yeh ), Golden Mountain (chin-shan ), Long Fellow (ch'ang-shên ) and Hair of A Needle (chên-mao E). They appear (translated literally from the Sanskrit) also in the Caturmaharaja of the Shih Chi Ching (H) and in chüan 19 of the Dirghagama (£§ÂŒ) as "Five Attending Genii of Vaisravana.” 20 I Dr. Henmi Baiei), Professor of Buddhist Art, Tama University (9) and others. I have also consulted the Chinese Buddhist priest Tan-hsü (1), aged 89, a disciple of the late T'i-hsien (M) of the Tien-t'ai Sect (R) and some Tantric scholars. 19 The 4th ed., I Hsieh Shu Chũ (885), Shanghai, 1939. 20 No. 24, The Tripitaka in Chinese, translated by Jñanagupta. cf. No. 25, Ch'i-shih Yin-pên Ching (#LFXE), chữan 6 & 7. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 81 and strong and victorious in fighting. Now the king sent them to invade their own country, and the father was much worried. 24 This kind of Buddhist story would not pass without leaving some traces in the prompt-books, sources of which are predominantly Buddhist ballads. For instance, in the prompt-book Hsin-pien Wu-tai Liang-shih P'ing-hua (“Popular Tales of the Five Dynasties, Period of Liang”), chüan 1, we read, The wife of Huang Tsung-tan was pregnant for fourteen months. One day she gave birth to a substance which looked like a lump of flesh, but inside it was a piece of purple silk gauze in which was wrapped a baby. When the wrapper was opened, purple mist of dazzling brilliance filled the room. 25 Thus his mother gave birth to Huang Ch'ao. Again in the Ch'ien Han-shu P'ing-hua (“Han Hsin's Death at the Hands of Empress Lü”), chüan 3, when "Madam Po (a concubine of the first emperor of the Former Han dynasty) was in labour, Empress Lü went to see her. She was glad to find that the baby was a freak without eyes or eyebrows, like a lump of flesh." In the anonymous Yüan play, Chin-shui-ch'iao Ch'ên-lin Pao Chuang-ho, in Act 2, when Empress Liu ordered the palace maid K'ou Ch'êng-yü to stab the baby prince and throw him into the river from the bridge, the latter hesitated for she saw "red light and purple mist enshrouding the body of the prince." We may now admit that the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i has a closer relation with the "Four Travels" than with other prompt-books. In Ch.8 of the Nan-yu-chi, the Buddha of Light told the Flowery Light “to be re-incarnated in the shape of a lump of flesh.” Consequently the Flowery Light, floating about in the air, arrived at the village Hsiao-chia Chuang of Wu-yüan, Anhwei, and darted into the womb of Madam Hsiao who had been pregnant for twenty months. "Now the maid came out to report to the elder, 'Madam has given birth.' 'A boy or a girl?' the elder asked. 'It is neither a boy nor a girl. It is just like the belly of an ox.' The elder was very much frightened. When they decided to throw the lump away into the river, it... 24 Fu-kuo Chi, translated by James Legge as "A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms", Oxford, 1886, Ch. 25, p. 73. 25 Hsin-pien Wu-tai Shih P'ing-hua, photolithographed edition, published by Prof. Tung K'ang, Wu-chin Tung-shih Sung-fên-shih (AAS), 1911. There are also several popular editions available. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961). Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author ISSN 1991-7295 85 No-cha then partially pulled off the celestial robe of the dragon-king and revealed the scales under his left ribs. He tore off some forty or fifty of the dragon-scales and the dragon-king was wounded and suffered a violent pain. He begged his assailant to spare his life. No-cha said, “If you want me to spare your life you must give up your law-suit against me before the Jade Emperor, and follow me back to Ch'ên-t'ang Pass." The dragon-king could not free himself and yielded to No-cha. Transforming himself into the shape of a small black snake, he hid in No-cha's sleeve and they descended from heaven. (Ch.13) Some references can be cited here for comparison and we can see how clever the author was in composing his ingenious and complicated plot which surpasses all the materials he made use of. In the prompt-book Ch'in Ping Liu-kuo P'ing-hua ("The Annexation of the Six States by the Emperor of Ch’in”), chüan 2, there is a sentence, "to fasten the cuirass he should use the sinews of the old dragon." In the Ta-T’ang San-tsang Ch’ü-ching Shih-hua ("Tripitaka's Search for Buddhist Sutras"), chuan 2, (7), the Monkey-monk (Hou Hsing-chê) pulled out the sinews from a dragon with nine heads for a belt to hold the cuirass. According to the Min Shu (M), there was a Taoist priest named Yu Chên-chai (2) living in the epoch of Hung Wu, who was called upon by an old woman: She was a female-dragon... and was to be struck to death by lightning on account of her failure in regulating the rains. She begged him to save her life. Yü said, “Can you transform yourself to a small shape so that I may hide you in my alms-bowl?" The dragon followed his advice and transformed herself into a snake wriggling into the bowl. The story of No-cha goes on as follows: One day as the weather was excessively hot, he felt restless and annoyed, and ascended the tower over the city-gate. On the weapon-stands he found a wonderful bow called ch'ien-k'un kung (the cosmic bow) and three arrows called chên-t'ien chien (heaven-shaking arrows) which he appreciated very much, and did not know that they were left by the Yellow Emperor and since then no one had been strong enough to use them. He was so glad of this discovery and he seized the bow and shot an arrow toward the south-west. With a startling sound the sky was covered with red mist and auspicious clouds floated around. (Ch.13) In chuan 13, in the chapter of the "Competition in Martial Exercises for the Hand of Yasodhara" of Abhiniskramana-sutra (DATE · #), we have the following paragraph: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 87 ended in a fierce hand-to-hand conflict. At last T'ai-I hurled his powerful weapon, a lamp-shade of nine fire-dragons, into the air, which fell on the goddess and rendered her senseless. T'ai-I clapped his hands and immediately a flame rose up in the shade, and she died in the roaring blaze. The dragon-kings of the Four Seas now got a warrant from the Jade Emperor to arrest No-cha's parents. No-cha, with secret instructions from his master T'ai-I, rushed back to Ch'ên-t’ang Pass. When he saw the dragon-kings, he shouted in a terrific voice: "It was I who killed Li Kên and Ao Ping and I should forfeit my life. How can you molest my parents?" After this, he spoke to Ao Kuang, "I am not to be slighted. I am an avatar of Ling-chu Tzu, the Intelligent Pearl. By the command of Yüan-shih I have descended to this world to fight for the establishment of the coming dynasty. I am determined to rip open my stomach, pluck out my intestines and pick out the bones, to return to my parents what I got from them. Are you satisfied with that?" To this Ao Kuang agreed, and No-cha did as he had just said: he fell down to the ground and his souls dispersed. His corpse was put into a coffin and was ordered by his mother to be buried. (Ch.13) We learn from the commentaries and the expository notes of the Ch'an school (or in Japanese Zen) of Chinese Buddhism that there are many historical and hereditary "cases" (Kung-an or in Japanese koan) handed down from generation to generation by the learned priests of this school of contemplation as material for their followers to study and to reflect upon. Most of these "cases" are metaphysical and to some extent mystical, and as cultivation in meditation involves some experiences which are not subject to communion between the learner and the Patriarch or the predecessors, it has relation with Tantrism.29 The story related in the Fêng-shên about No-cha (Nata) quoted above is one of the cases which appear in chüan 2 of the Wu-têng Hui-yüan (EK), a work written by Monk P'u-chi (#) of the Sung dynasty, and is retold in chüan 2 of the Chih-yüeh Lu (f), edited by Ch'ü Ju-chi (W) of the Ming dynasty. It runs as follows: Prince Nata, rending himself asunder, gave his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father, and then manifesting 20 Nan Huai-chin (RM), Ch'an-hai Li-ts'ê (THU), Ch. 15, "Ch'an School and Tantrism" (RANER), pp. 205-211, Ching Ming Hsüeh Shê (W204), Taipei, 1955. cf. Daisetz Teitaro Suzuki ( Kil), Essays in Zen Buddhism, Second Series, p. 94, London, Luzac, 1933. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 88 his original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents. 邵业 This is a case which was preached as early as the Sung dynasty. But, though it looks like a part of a Buddhist legend with some details probably omitted, it occurs in no canonical texts and is found to be fabulous. In chüan 6 of the Tsu-t'ing Shih-yüan (...), a work composed by Monk Ch'ên Shan-ch'ing (*) about A.D. 1099, it says, In the monasteries there is the legend of his "giving his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father," but nothing referring to it can be found in the texts of the Tripitaka and no one knows what its origin is. (王子肉濟父母緣 In the Tripitaka in Chinese, I have found two cases which may have some relation with the legend of Nata as adapted in the Fêng-shên. One appears in the Tsa Pao-tsang Ching (# BK), chüan 1, subtitled "A Prince Fed His Parents with His Own Flesh" (±‡Ùƒƒ2R). It was the prince Hsü Shê T'i (F), a young prince aged seven. His grandfather, the king of Varanasi (M) had been assassinated by an usurper who killed also his two sons. The father of the young prince was the third son. Now the young prince when fleeing for his life with his parents, was faced with the problem of food. His father intended to kill his wife. Thereupon the young prince dismembered himself and cut off his own flesh every day to feed his parents until he had only three slices of flesh to offer. He presented two to his parents and the last slice which was so dear to him was given to a hungry wolf who was a transformation of Indra himself.31 The prince was an incarnation of Sakyamuni in a previous life. The prince Hsü Shê T'i in this Buddhist legend was seven, and his father was the third prince. It is quite possible that in the popular mind the jataka story became confused with the Tantric one, because in some Tantric texts such as the Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa I-kuei (... "Ceremonies In the Worship of the Heavenly King Vaisravana, the Protector of the Army")," Nata is regarded as 30 Nata's relation with Tantrism was still very clear in records as well as in the public mind. cf. Hung Mai (), / Chien San-chih (BEZ) chuan 6, on "Ch'êng Fa-shih" (El), Han Fên Lou (*) ed.; T'ai-p'ing Kuang-chi (XP), chüan 92, 1-sêng Lei (M), on Nata, In most of the Yuan plays, Nata is a fearful god (MME). 91 No. 203, The Tripitaka in Chinese. cf. No. 156, Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching (XSEOREC), chüan 1, Hsiao-yang P'in (442). 32 No. 1247, The Tripitaka in Chinese. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 89 "the second son of the third prince of Vaisravana, the Heavenly King of the North”(北方天王吠室羅摩那羅閣第三王子其第二之孫) and in this text Nata addresses Vaisravana as "my grandfather" (RAXXE). Furthermore, this legend appears also in 卷一 of the Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching (大方便佛報恩經) (ASENNUE), and as I have found another story about the "reincarnation from the lotus" also in that sutra, which is also similar to the description of No-cha's reincarnation in the novel, I think both these stories may have influenced the author besides the case cited above. The story of No-cha's reincarnation and the combat between the father and son is a very dramatic one and it reveals again the literary gifts of the author: No-cha's souls, being dispersed, had nowhere to go, drifting about in the air. They went directly to the grotto of the Immortal T'ai-I. Chin-hsia (金霞), the younger disciple of T'ai-I saw it at the entrance, came to the master and said, "I wonder why No-cha is now borne on the wind and drifting about freely.' (Last paragraph, Ch.13 and first paragraph, Ch.14, Fêng-shên Yen-i.) We know from the previous narratives of the novel that No-cha was an avatar of Ling-chu Tsu, the Intelligent Pearl. But why was he so named? I think the following paragraph from Ch.2 of the Nan-yu-chi may explain both this name and the last paragraph I have just quoted: The Intelligent Light (Ling-kuang) was enveloped by the Purple Emperor (紫皇) with the magic weapon Nine-bend Pearl (九曲珠) and died in that Pearl. The souls of the Intelligent Light borne on the wind had nowhere to go, and were seen by the Celestial Honoured All-Merciful and All-Compassionate Marvellous-Delight (慈悲妙喜天尊) (NEVRXO) who was in his meditation in the Palace of Eight-scenes. Watching the souls drifting about, he thought... As the Chinese character is monosyllabic, it is easy to pick out the character ling (靈) and chu (珠) from this paragraph to form a new name and give it to No-cha as his other title since the description of his reincarnation is partially derived from here. The story continues thus: The Immortal (T'ai-I) charged No-cha, “This is your place no more. Return to Ch'ên-t'ang Pass and see your mother in dreams, request her to build a temple for you to dwell in on the Ts'ui-p'ing Hill (Green Screen Hill) forty li away from the Pass. Sacrifices will be offered to you for three years and after that you may be reincarnated. Go ahead and do not tarry." During the third watch of that night No-cha appeared in a dream to his mother, saying, "Mother, my souls have nowhere to go and I have suffered bitterly. Pray ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 90 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 "build for me a temple on the Ts'ui-p'ing Hill that I may be worshipped for a certain period and thereafter I can be reincarnated." When she awoke, she cried bitterly, and told the request to Li Ching. Li Ching was exasperated, and blamed his son once more for the disaster he had brought on them. No-cha repeated his request in vain on several successive nights and at last he warned the mother, "You know that my temper is bad. If I lose my control over it, you know who will suffer." The mother was scared and sent some servants to go secretly to the Hill and build the temple with an image of No-cha set up in it. The temple of No-cha attracted many pilgrims and the incense burnt to him was ever increasing. One day, after inspecting his troops at drill Li Ching, with a troop of soldiers, was passing the place. He saw many pilgrims flocking to the place and asked his aid-de-camp, "Why is this hill thronged with people?" "For the last six months the god of this temple has performed miraculous deeds and answered the prayers of his worshippers. Therefore pilgrims from every quarter come to worship him," the officer answered. "What is the name then of this god?" Li Ching asked. "The temple is called the Spiritual Palace of No-cha." "No-cha! What!" Li Ching was enraged, and ordered, "Stop! I want to go to the temple myself." He dismounted at the entrance to the temple and entered the hall in which a lifelike image of his son was erected with some idols as his retinue. Li Ching pointed to the image and rebuked it, "While you were living you were a source of trouble to your parents. And now, look, you even deceive the people after your death!" He wielded his whip and smashed the image to pieces, and kicked away the other images. He ordered his troops to set fire and burn down the temple, and the multitude dispersed. When his father visited the temple No-cha had just entered into meditation in such a way that his spirit disappeared from the throne. On his return he found the temple had been burnt to ashes, and his retinue came to him with tears in their eyes. After he was told what had happened, No-cha grumbled, "I have returned what I got from you and broken off all our relations. Why should you come here to molest me, burn down my place and leave me with no fixed abode?” No-cha's souls after half-a-year had acquired some nourishment through the food offered to him and was somewhat visible, so he went instantly to Mt. Ch'ien-yüan and appealed to his master. The Immortal T'ai-I said, "Since you returned the flesh and bones to your parents, Li Ching had no right to interfere with the offerings. But Chiang Tzu-ya is soon to descend from the K'un-lun Mountain to help King Wu and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 91 you will be one of his vanguards. Well, I think I can do something for you in this matter. He ordered Chin-hsia to bring two stalks of lotus and three lotus leaves to him, and with them he made a human shape on the ground, using the stems to represent the joints and articulation of the bones, and set the seed of a golden pill in the middle. He employed his divine power and spoke the magic spells while he pushed No-cha's souls toward the lotuses, and suddenly there sprang up a young No-cha who was handsome and full of vitality, with a rosy complexion, red lips, intelligent eyes and was sixteen feet tall. Thus was No-cha reincarnated from lotuses. (Ch.14) As I have said, in chuan 3, Lun-1 P'in (Discourses) of the Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching there is a Buddhist legend which can be summarized as follows: The king of Varanasi (*) married Lady Doe-mother who conceived and gave birth to a lotus which was cast into a pond. The lotus then grew five hundred leaves and under each leaf a boy was born. When these five hundred boys grew up they became giants, each of whom was strong and brave enough to fight against a thousand men single-handed. These brothers, from the first one to the four hundred and ninety-ninth all forsook their noble life and became Buddhist priests. The youngest brother attained the fruition of a Pratyeka-Buddha ninety days later and, manifesting his miraculous powers, he preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents. This can be cited as an illustration that the story about reincarnation from a lotus had a religious background. In the paragraph in chuan 2 of the Wu-têng Hui-yüan I have quoted, the last sentence of the text is “現本身,運大神通,為父母說法” (manifesting his original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents), and now in this sutra the corresponding sentence is “...” which would make no difference in translation. We may consult Ch.27, "King Resplendent and Buddha Thunder-voice" (¥2) of the Lotus Sutra, in which the two sons of the king, Pure Treasury (*) and Pure Eyes (), worrying about their father's attachment to the heretical teaching which deviated from the right course, revealed to him some of their supernatural powers (...) and brought him to faith and discernment.3 So we may believe the original story that No-cha “rending himself asunder, gave his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father”. 3 "The Lotus of the Wonderful Law" (Saddharma Pundarika Sutra), translation by Prof. Soothill, Oxford, p. 256. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 93 The climax of the dramatic struggle between No-cha and his father Li Ching may be summed up here: Li Ching, hearing that No-cha had come again with his magic arms, was infuriated. He mounted his black horse and came out to meet No-cha with his halberd with crescent-shaped blade. The fighting had not lasted many minutes when Li Ching was in a profuse perspiration and had to flee for his life. No-cha pursued him with desperate efforts and nearly caught him when Mu-cha, the second son of Li Ching and disciple of the Immortal P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra), came on the scene. Although they were brothers they had not known each other before and No-cha had to tell Mu-cha the whole story. Mu-cha rebuked No-cha and called him a patricide, and defended the father with his precious sword. No-cha hurled his golden brick in the air which fell on the back of Mu-cha and hurt him. No-cha resumed his pursuit, and as Li Ching, being exhausted, did not wish to be overtaken by his son, he drew his sword and was about to commit suicide when he was stopped by a Taoist who was no other than the Wên-shu Kuang-fa Tien-tsun (Mañjusri) who was invited to come by Immortal T'ai-i to give No-cha an impressive lesson. Wên-shu now hid Li Ching in his grotto and seized the naughty hero with his "Dragon-concealing Stake"--which was also called "Seven Precious Golden Lotuses"--which in a mist of dust fastened No-cha's neck and feet with three golden rings and bound him to a golden stake. Wên-shu ordered Chin-cha, his disciple and No-cha's eldest brother, to beat No-cha black and blue with a staff until T'ai-I himself appeared. At the intercession of T'ai-i, No-cha was released and both father and son were brought before the two Taoist masters. T'ai-i rebuked the father for his petty-minded action and told him to go home. After Li Ching's After Li Ching's retreat, he instructed No-cha not to bear any grudge against his father and charged him to return to the grotto in Mt. Ch'ien-yuan on the pretext that he would stay with Wên-shu and play chess. No-cha, raging with anger, taking advantage of the absence of the two masters, pursued his father again. When Li Ching was in danger of falling into the hand of the son, another Taoist, the Jan-têng Tao-jên (Dipamkara) of the Yüan-chüeh Cave on the Vulture Peak, appeared on the scene as if by accident. He sheltered Li Ching behind, and when No-cha demanded single combat with his father, he increased Li Ching's strength by spitting on him and touching him on the back. Li Ching was then able to get the upper hand in the fighting and No-cha was defeated. No-cha was beside himself with rage. He jumped aside suddenly and tried to pierce Jan-têng with his spear, but the thrust was repelled by a white lotus flower emitted from the latter's ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 97 three chapters (Ch.12-14) of the Fêng-shên Yen-i and all the other chapters except those parts inherited from the prompt-book Wu-wang Fa-Chou P'ing-hua3 and Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan (@) are the original work of the author. 39 40 38 Lu Hsün told us that the approximate dates of Wu Ch'êng-ên are about 1510-1580, and the earliest editions of the Hsi-yu-chi by Wu Ch'êng-ên we have were all published late in the Wan Li period, probably after 1592. It is therefore safe enough if we suppose that the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i was first compiled in the middle of the Chia Ching period (about 1545). 4 38 "King Wu's Expedition against Chou", the original copy of which is from an edition dated Chih Chih (a), the reign of Emperor Ying Tsung (1321-23) of the Mongol Yüan dynasty. It was published in Chien-an (# now Chien-yang of Fukien province), then a very famous paper-manufacturing and publishing centre. No less than five different prompt-books of the same sort, historical and fictional, including the Wu-wang Fa Chou, have been found, now kept in the Japanese Cabinet Library, bearing the same sub-title as "published by the Yu family of Chien-an" (ZREKƒ). A complete English translation of the last-named is included in my "The Authorship of the Fêng-shên Yen-i”, 39 The Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan FHEN, a book in a very rare edition, copies of which are now preserved only in a few libraries. See my article "The Discovery of the First chuan of the Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan and Its Relation to Wuwang Fa Chou P'ing-hua and the Novel Fêng-shên Yen-i" (元至治本全相武王伐紂話明刊本列國志傳一與封神演義之關係), The New Asia Journal, Vol. 4, No. 1, Aug. 1959. 4o Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih lüich, Ch. 17, p. 168. Yang's translation, p. 210. cf. (2). 41 See Prof. Sun K'ai-ti's (H) Jih-pên Tung-ching So Chien Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shumu (B££££+5), pp. 101-2, Shanghai, 1953. Shih-tê Tang (H) edition, dated "the fourth day of the fifth month in the year jên-chên (IR)", ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 112 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 The Nim Ts'z Primary School, also operated by the Lotus Association, opened during December 1960 in Blocks P and Q of the Jordan Valley Resettlement Estate. It accommodates 1,440 boys and girls, is government subsidized, with a tuition fee of HK$50 a year. Plans for another school, to be called the Ts'z Yan Primary School, are still in the initial stage. It is to be housed in a new building, built specially for the purpose, that will not be ready before the end of 1961. The government has made the necessary grant of land on Kwong Lee Road in Kowloon and will provide a HK$300,000 construction loan, interest free, for repayment over 11 years. The remainder of the $450,000 construction cost will be donated by Buddhist laymen, especially the members of the Lotus Association. The operating expenses will not be government subsidized, but will come in part from donations and in part from fees of HK$120 a year (i.e., $70 more than in subsidized schools). The enrollment will be 1,890 boys and girls. 4. HONG KONG BUDDHIST BOOK DISTRIBUTOR This organization operates a non-profit publishing house and second-hand book store. It publishes reprints of the Chinese Buddhist sutras as well as contemporary Chinese works on Buddhism. It also collects used copies of Buddhist sutras (many of them out of print) and sells them at just above cost. Its stock of 20,000 volumes fills the walls of a large room in the western district of Hong Kong (42 Bonham Strand West, 2nd floor). The staff of three are all volunteer workers. Since it was founded in 1945, the Hong Kong Buddhist Book Distributor has published some 228 items in 600,000 copies at a total outlay of HK$500,000. About 30 per cent have been distributed free of charge and the rest at cost. The expenses of the entire operation are borne by a small group of Buddhist laymen in Hong Kong. VII. ROLE OF BUDDHIST ORGANIZATIONS IN HONG KONG Buddhist organizations in Hong Kong do not play the economic, political, and cultural role that is played by their counterparts in Southeast Asia. In particular, they attempt to avoid politics. The closeness of the Communist Chinese mainland means, first of all, that few if any Buddhists here entertain illusions about the nature of the Peking regime or its policy towards Buddhism, and second, that they feel an underlying uncertainty about their future and prefer to do nothing and say nothing that would prejudice it if events took an unexpected turn. Although anti-Communist efforts have been made by a few Buddhist groups, the majority concentrate on religious activities and social welfare. The welfare activities of Buddhist organizations have been described above at some length. Of the 15 Buddhist schools now in operation, 12 are subsidized and 1 is partly subsidized. This means that for about 7,000 pupils plant, textbooks, hygiene, and methods of instruction must conform to standards set by ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 126 Ta-Ming hui-tien - Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Tung-hua lu + I-tsung chin-chien Suan-fa t'ung-tsung Ch'ün fang p'u Erh-ya (*Statutes of the Ming dynasty', 1577) - (1734) - ('Golden Mirror of Medicine', 1740) ('Systematic Treatise on Arithmetic') (A Herbarium). Compiled by Wang Hsiang-chin, 1708. (The earliest Chinese 'dictionary') Man-Han ming-ch'en chuan (Records of famous statesmen, Manchu and Chinese', c. 1750) Other books are devoted to such diverse subjects as Buddhism, the ch'in (lute), a Manchu translation of the Four Books, various dictionaries (including the K'ang-hsi tzu-tien), various works on medicine, agriculture, geography, history, law, chess, and so on. A complete and annotated catalogue of these Chinese works together with the Chinese characters of their titles and authors or compilers would be of considerable value to scholars working in London. Does anyone feel like undertaking this task? J. L. CRANMER-BYNG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 129 HAINES, Miss F. 10-F Headland Road, H.K. HALLIDAY, Lt. Col, P. A. T. Headquarters Land Forces, H.K. HARRISON, Prof. B. Dept. of History, H.K.U. HAYDON, E. S. The Supreme Court, H.K. HAYE, C. Education Dept., Fung House, H.K. HAYIM, E. J. 41 Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. HELLBECK, Dr. H. German Consulate-General, 1 Duddell St., 4th fl. H.K. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. HINDMARSH, R. H. Hong Kong Club, H.K. HO Teh-Kuei 61 Fort St. 3rd fl., North Point, H.K. HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, D. R. N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. HOLMES, G. M. 9 Chater Hall, 1 Conduit Road, H.K. HOLMES, The Hon. J. C. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. HORSMAN, Miss A. M. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. HOOK, B. G. Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. HORTON, J. R. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. HOWARD-WILLIAMS, E. D. The British Council, 133 Gloucester Building, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. Leigh & Orange, P. & O. Building, H.K. HSIA Tung Pei 12 Ming Yuen Street W., 3rd fl. North Point, H.K. HUANG Sheng-Fu P.O. Box 9066, Kowloon City Post Office, Kowloon. HUGHES, G. M. American International Assurance Co. Ltd., H.K. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. HUNG, C. S. 19, Hec Wong Terrace, 1st fl., H.K. INGLES, Miss J. M. Government House Lodge, H.K. JACOBSON, H. W. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. JONES, Dr. J. R. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. KAMATH, F. M. de Mello Commission of India, Tower Court, H.K. KAY, B. Flat 4, 52 Island Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. KEOWN, W. C. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KHAN, Dr. L. A. M.O., Tai Lam Prison, N.T. KIDD, S. T. N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. 2 University Drive, H.K. KNOWLES, W. C. G. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. Tao Fong Shan, Shatin, N.T. KUNG, Mrs. T. P. 8 Sunning Road, 2nd fl., H.K. KVAN, Rev. E. St. John's College, H.K.U. KWOK Chan, The Hon. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 131 PAPP, R., Mme. - PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. J. R. - POPPLE, P. M. - PRESCOTT, J. A. PRATT, M. S. - RAE-SMITH, W. B. RAVENHOLT, A. RIDE, Dr. L. T. RIDE, Mrs. L. T. ROBERTS, Miss F. A. ROFÉ, F. H. - ROSE, J. ROSS, G. W. - - RUTTONJEE, Mrs. A. RUTTONJEE, The Hon. D. - RYAN, Rev. Fr. T. F. SANDERSON, Mrs. J. SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHOYER, B. P. SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, Mrs. D. - SELLERS, D. M. SHEPHARD, A. J. - SHU, H. T. J + SHUT Chien-Tung SIDBURY, H. SMALL, C. J. SMITH, L. SMITH, L. A. · STANLEY, Major H. F. STANTON, W. T. + STARBIRD, L. R. STEWART, G. O. W. STRAHAN, R. - H STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. SUN, T. S. SWIRE, A. C. · Church Guest House, 1, Upper Albert Rd., H.K. S.C.M.P., Wyndham Street, H.K. 22-A Kennedy Road, Flat 3, H.K. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. Dept. of Architecture, H.K.U. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. Litton Apt. 6-B, 1219 L. Guerrero, Ermita, Manila, P.I. The Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K. The Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. 5 Tai Hang Road, H.K. Flat 1C, 3 University Drive, H.K. Flat 1, 94-C Pokfulam Road, H.K. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. Wah Yan College, 281 Queen's Road E., H.K. 5-A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. U.K. Trade Commissioner, P.O. Box 745, Colombo, Ceylon. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kln. Apt. 6-F, 90 Morningside Drive, New York 27, N.Y., U.S.A. Apt. 6-F, 90 Morningside Drive, New York 27, N.Y., U.S.A. Commerce & Industry Dept., Fire Brigade Building, Connaught Road C., H.K. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. P.O. Box 1213, H.K. Maryknoll Convent School, Waterloo Road, Kowloon, Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. Canadian Govt. Trade Commr., 205 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building. 23-A Robinson Road, H.K. 85 Kadoorie Avenue, Kln. - H.K. Tourist Association, Kln. - - Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Dept. of Zoology, H.K.U. Caldbeck, Macgregor & Co., Ltd., 2 Chater Road, H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 132 TANG Shiu Kin THOMAS, L. F. - THOMPSON, R. W. TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TREGEAR, Miss M. TRISTRAM, Mrs. J. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. + + + + - TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. - + - T Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 The Kowloon Motor Bus Co., Ltd., 505 Pedder Building, H.K. 56 Conduit Road, Flat 103, H.K. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K.U. 6 Peak Mansions, H.K. H.K.U. P.O. Box 845, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Man Yee Building, 9th fl., Des Voeux Road C., H.K. China Building, 4th f., H.K. TURNER, The Hon. M. W. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. - WALDEN, J. C, C, - WALTON, A. St. G. WARD, Miss J.- + + WARD-MORRIS, Mrs. B. WATSON, K. A. WEI, Dr. Tat. WEISS, K.- WELCH, H. H. WONG, Dr. Man WONG Pao Hsie WONG Po Shang WOO, Dr. Arthur W.. WOO, Dr. Pak Foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. WILSON, B. D. - YAO Pe Chun YAO Hsin Nung + - Hong Kong University Press, H.K. Hong Kong University Press, H.K. 315 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Establishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Establishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 35 Chater Hall, Conduit Road, H.K, 18 Hillgate Place, London, W.8. Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. H.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Assn., Queen's Rd. E., H.K. P.O. Box 718, H.K. Shatin, N.T. Room 108, China Building, H.K. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. B-5 Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st fl., 80 Taipo Rd., Kln. Woo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1st fl., H.K. 204 China Building, H.K. Hong Kong Club, H.K. Urban Services Dept., Secretariat Building, West Wing, H.K. 18, Monmouth Terrace, 3rd f., Kennedy Road, H.K. 1 Dorset Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kln. Mental Hospital, High Street, H.K, YAP, Dr. Pon Meng YUEN, Miss I. - 4 Radio Hong Kong. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. - - 12 Bowen Road, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f June 12th Dr. T. Y. Li July 10th Mr. G. Findlay Andrew, O.B.E. September 20th Professor B. P. Groslier "Chinese Seals" "Currency Problems in a Cycle of Cathay" "Recent Work in Angkor" October 30th Mr. Holmes H. Welch "The Buddhist Monk's Career" December 11th Professor F. S. Drake "Nestorian Crosses and Nestorianism in China under the Mongols" Some of these lectures will be reproduced in the forthcoming Journal of the Society. We are particularly fortunate in being able to include the memorable address of Professor Drake on Nestorian Crosses, even though the printed article cannot reproduce the warmth and inspiration of his personal eloquence and exposition. The first Journal of the Society produced last year by the Editorial Board and completed, in the absence of Mr. Cranmer-Byng, by Mr. James Liu, had a very good reception. The Editors are to be congratulated on a worthy production which has set a pattern and standard for the future and which I feel will be more than sustained in this year's issue which, it is hoped, will be ready for delivery in May or June next. The report of the Hon. Treasurer, Mr. T. J. Lindsay, will, in his absence on leave, be presented to you by Mr. A. L. Harman of The Hong Kong Bank, who has been good enough to step into the breach. Some features of the Report deserve serious attention. In the first place, we had at the end of 1961 a narrow margin of $2,265.61 over and above our expenditure and $4,790.94 cash in the Bank. In addition, we had a capital investment of $16,247.25 at cost. This apparently favourable financial position is mainly due to donations of $500 each from three leading concerns in the Colony, Messrs. Butterfield and Swire, Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., and The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, together with a magnificent gift of $10,000 from an anonymous donor given in 1960 in memory of Arthur de Carle Sowerby. These are non-recurrent benefactions, however, and I 7 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 11 NESTORIAN CROSSES AND NESTORIAN CHRISTIANS IN CHINA UNDER THE MONGOLS A lecture delivered on December 11, 1961 F. S. DRAKE, O.B.E., B.A., B.D.* I. THE NIXON COLLECTION The purpose of this paper is to introduce, to those who may be unfamiliar with it, the F. A. Nixon Collection of Nestorian Bronze Crosses from the Sino-Mongolian Borderland recently presented by the Hon. R. C. Lee and Mr. J. S. Lee to the Museum of the University of Hong Kong, in relation to the great movement which the Crosses represent. Soon after the attention of scholars was called by the Rev. P. M. Scott1 to these small bronze objects, fourteen of which he had discovered in the shop of a Chinese curio dealer in Pao-t'ou2 near the great northern loop of the Yellow River, the former home of the Christian Ongut tribe, Mr. Nixon, then Postal Commissioner stationed at Peking, began to make his collection, which by the time he left China in 1949 had grown to nearly 1,000 pieces, the largest collection of its kind in the world, and as far as we know, the only one of the collections then made which has remained intact, and therefore is at the present time unique. The collection includes some crosses given by Fr. Mostaert which shepherds had picked up in the sand3. From the beginning opinion among scholars was divided as to the original purpose of these bronze pendants, of which the majority were shaped like Greek crosses; but Pelliot among others came out strongly in favour of their Christian origin,4 expressing a view which now predominates. Especially interesting was the opinion of Fr. A. Mostaert, a Belgium missionary and well-known authority on the Mongols, stationed at Borobalgasoun on the £ * Professor Drake is Professor of Chinese in the University of Hong Kong and Editor of the Journal of Oriental Studies. 1 Discovered August 1929. Described in The Mission Field, Feb. 1930, and in The Chinese Recorder, Feb. and Nov. 1930, 2 See letters to Mr. Nixon, now in the University of Hong Kong Museum. 3 Paris, Revue des Arts Asiatiques, 1. VII, 1931, P. Pelliot: 'Sceaux-Amulettes de Bronze avec Croix et Colombes'. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NESTORIAN CROSSES 13 each of which was further subdivided into several types, making in all nineteen types. He then arranged them within each group and type according to the central design at the crossing of the arms (where this was applicable), of which he differentiated eight types. This still seems to be the best mode of classification. The Four Main Groups are: I, Cruciform with flat ends (Pl. I); II, Cruciform with circular ends (Pl. II); III, Bird-shaped (Pl. III); IV, Geometrical and Miscellaneous (Pl. IV). The Types into which the Four Groups are subdivided are as follows: the two Cruciform Groups (I and II) are subdivided according to the increasing complexity at the centre—Type 1 is a simple cross (Pl. I, Fig. a and Pl. II, Fig. a); Type 2 has four petals radiating from the centre (Pl. I, Fig. b); Type 3 has four single bands connecting the arms of the cross diagonally (Pl. I, Fig. c and Pl. II, Fig. b); Type 4 has four petals radiating from the four diagonal bands (Pl. I, Fig. d and Pl. II, Fig. c); Types 5 and 6 repeat Types 3 and 4, but with double instead of single bands (Pl. I, Figs. e and f, and Pl. II, Figs. d and e). The Bird-shaped Group (Group III) is divided into five Types: Type 1 consists of those in which a bird-form or forms is combined with a cross or part of a cross (Pl. III, Fig. a); Types 2 and 3 consist of a single bird, facing to the left or to the right (Pl. III, Fig. b); Type 4 consists of a bird with two heads (Pl. III, Fig. c); and Type 5 consists of two birds joined together (Pl. III, Fig. d). The Geometrical and Miscellaneous Group includes many forms, which in general can be arranged under four types: Star-shaped types and Rosettes (Pl. IV, Fig. a); Circular Types (Pl. IV, Fig. b); Square or Oblong Types (Pl. IV, Fig. c); and Miscellaneous, as the p'i-p'a (mandoline) shape shown on Pl. IV, Fig. d. The Star-shaped types and Rosettes may have been derived from the enlargement of the petals between the arms of the cross. But there is nothing in the shape of the Circular and Square types to indicate a Christian origin; still less in the Miscellaneous types, such as the p'i-p'a, which appear to be ordinary Mongol seals, known to curio dealers as Yüan-ya I. The differentiation according to eight types of Design at the centre, proposed by Dr. Menzies, is as follows: Types 1 and 2, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f THE BUDDHIST CAREER 39 intention to become a monk under the auspices of a master (not necessarily the same one with whom he might have taken the Refuges). "Leaving home" was a simple ceremony. The layman went to a barber, had his head shaved, except for a patch of hair on top, and repaired to his future master's temple, where he burned some incense and kowtowed first to the Buddha image and then to the master. Thereupon the latter shaved off the remaining patch of hair in the presence of witnesses and at this moment the layman became his disciple. There are several kinds of master-disciple relationships, but when a Buddhist monk speaks simply of his "master" or shih-fu, he means his tonsure-master, or t'i-tu en-shih #1824p, that is the one who shaved his head. By leaving home he became a novice, or sha-mi, which is the Sanscrit word sramanera (not to be confused with a sha-men, that is, the sramana, or advanced monk). Notice that he had not received the novice's ordination (as he would have at this stage in a Theravadin country), but he was already called a novice and lived as one; that is, he wore a monk's robe, ate vegetarian food, and observed all the Ten Vows. These vows are, besides the first five mentioned above, not to attend theatricals or dancing parties, not to wear perfume or adornment, not to sleep on a high or large bed, not to accept gold or silver, and not to take food after noon (this last prohibition was ignored by most monks in China on the grounds that the climate was too cold). The disciple lived with his tonsure master in the latter's small temple for a period of training that, according to the rules, lasted three years, but was often shorter in practice. He learned not only ritual and liturgy, but also what it was like to be a monk. It was a trial period, from which he could withdraw at any time without embarrassment, and some did withdraw. At the end he was taken by his master to a big public monastery, shih-fang ts'ung-lin, for ordination. If he lived in the north, he might go to the Kuang-chi Ssu in Peking. If he lived in the south, he might go to Pao-hua Shan, which is not far from Nanking. These two were very strict and he could be sure that if he were ordained there, it had been done correctly. At Pao-hua Shan four or five hundred novices would come to be ordained every autumn and in the spring another four or five hundred would come. Sometimes as many as a thousand came ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 40 HOLMES WELCH and, as there were two hundred monks living on the premises all year round, you can imagine what an enormous place it was. According to the rules, ordination lasted fifty-three days and included an intensive period of study, repentance, and purification, as well as three rites, that is, first the novices' ordination sha-mi chieh; then about ten days later the bhikkhus' ordination pi-ch'iu chieh; and finally the bodhisattvas' ordination, or p'u-sa chieh. At the end of the latter, six to eighteen pieces of moxa were placed in two rows on the ordinand's shaven head and set afire. They burned down to the scalp and left permanent scars. If you ever want to tell a monk from a layman, look at his head. If he has the marks, he is a monk. If there are no scars, he may still be a monk, but he was not ordained in China. Ordination meant a complete break. One no longer had his mother and father, wife and children. One had instead his master and brother disciples. All former responsibilities were dissolved. There was only one responsibility: to seek out salvation with diligence. Ordination was usually irrevocable. A monk could not be released from his vows except for some very good reason, as, for instance, if he were an only son and his parents fell ill. In practice very few monks returned to lay life. I said at the beginning that one seldom went through all stages of the Buddhist career. Most lay devotees did not go on to become monks; and many monks entered the Sangha without having first taken the Three Refuges or the Five Vows. This happened, for example, in the case of the person who "left home" in childhood. Usually he was given to a temple by his parents, sometimes because he had fallen ill and they had made a vow that if he were healed, he would become a monk, sometimes because they were too poor to raise him or took a pessimistic view of human life. I know of one monk, for instance, who was given to a temple when he was ten years old because his father had repeatedly failed his civil service examinations and did not want his son to be exposed to the same disappointments. I can think of another ten-year-old who was literally kidnapped by a wandering mendicant, but who lived to bless him for this act of anomalous charity. 44 Some "left home" in their late teens or twenties and of their own volition. They did so for a variety of reasons. Often ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 58 HEROLD J. WIENS mountainous regions of south China but also across the southern borders in Burma, Laos and Vietnam. The Yao, like the Miao, also are mountain-loving people, but appear to have originated as ethnic groups in the hill country of east-central China, in such regions as the present provinces of Anhwei, Chekiang and Kiangsu. They were here as early as Chinese records mention them, but they appear to have gradually abandoned these areas, as Han-Chinese settlement increased in density, and friction over land and other matters led the Yao to seek more isolated mountains. Since they were like the Miao in their type of fire-field or forest-burning, shifting cultivation, they inevitably came into close contact with the Miao and have many cultural features in common with the Miao. Elements of the language also appear similar. Some Chinese ethnographers have considered the Wu-ch'i Man a Yao rather than a Miao group, and others believe them to have common origins. This confusion is probably due to strong Mon Khmer influences originating from India and Southeast Asia in the earliest times. 4 One of the supporting arguments for the common origin of Yao and Miao is the common cult attached to the dog and the tiger. The Yao trace their ancestry mythically to the union of a princess with a supernatural dog-hero called P'an-hu. Yao myths trace their movement southward from both the central Yangtze valley regions and from the Chekiang-Fukien mountains. Folk songs of the Yao indicate further that they crossed over the Nan-ling mountains in great numbers during the period of Huang-ch'ao's rebellion in the reign of the T'ang Emperor Hsi-Tsung (A.D. 874-889),4 When the Miao moved into the Kweichow region in the earliest times, they probably found the Yi or Wu-man peoples already in occupation of western Kweichow. The Yi certainly preceded the Han in this part of China, and the Han Chinese have known of the Yi in their present habitats in southwest China for over 2,500 years. The peculiar manner in which the * Chiang Ying-liang, Hsi-nan pien-chiang min-tsu lun-ts'ung (A discussion of the peoples of the southwest borderlands), Canton, 1948, 74-79; see also Ling Shun-sheng and Jui Yi-fu, Hsiang-hsi Miao-tsu t'iao-cha pao-kao (Report of research on the Miao of west Hunan), Academia Sinica, Shanghai, 1947. 4 Hsu Sung-shih, Yueh-chiang liu-yü jen-min (The peoples of the Yueh river drainage), Shanghai, 1939, 130-135. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 66 HEROLD J. WIENS Moreover, in return for the slave helping his former master over economic difficulties, the slave inherits the master's property when the master dies without children. Thus, it would seem that this so-called slave system is more like that of adoption of children. It is readily understandable that in such a society as that of the Black-bone Yi, the Chinese Communist cadres would find a ready response among the slaves and bondsmen for a change, even to a system of society where the state limits freedom to the extent that a Communist society does. However, among the Ching-p'o or Kachins the Communist cadres found no enthusiasm for their reforms. The Ching-p'o are among the least restricted of societies and apparently found it hard to understand the Communist rationale for reform. The proselyting cadres found it most annoying that the Ching-p'o youths spent so much of their time in all-night singing and love-making sessions in the village communal houses, so that they had little labour power until they were married. Among the Ching-p'o there is no social discrimination against such promiscuity, although the chances for a good match are sharply reduced for a pregnant unmarried girl. Moreover, fathers of children of unmarried mothers may get out of marrying the girls concerned by sacrificing a buffalo and thus providing a general feast. 44 Even the cadres could find little evidence of oppression of the tribesmen by the Ching-p'o chiefs whose public services amply required any gifts or dues given them by the villagers. The cadres, it would appear, were disappointed in the lack of a bourgeois acquisitive sense among the Ching-p'o who freely gave as they freely received. In trying to apply the collective principles of their home areas, the Chinese Communist cadres wanted the Ching-p'o to count their work-hours and divide up their produce according to the amount of work done in a collective which the cadres tried to organize. The young Ching-p'o leader put in charge of this cooperated, per force, but seems to have been unconvinced in heart despite outward acquiescence. He expressed the Ching-p'o attitude to Winnington: "Our custom is to look down on people who haggle over what one person does for another. We think it shows a bad heart. I may help you build ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE 67 a house or open a field. But afterwards I forget it. You are not obliged to do the same for me. You don't owe me anything. What grows on my land is mine, but you are welcome to come and eat it as my guest. We never heard of dividing the crop equally and giving people who work harder more grain. Counting work done seemed nonsense to us and rather unfriendly.” What irked the cadres in addition was the inefficiency of the primitive economy and light-hearted attitude toward mutual help in which, it seems, the Ching-p'o were already adept. This was a communal system which had its appeal, but the Ching-p'o operated it in a manner not approved by the cadres. Among the Ching-p'o nobody apparently believed in debts. As long as someone in the vicinity had food, no one went hungry. One merely went calling on the person who had food. When a family which ran out of food went to eat with another family until that one ran out of food there appeared to be no thought of debt or payment involved. The Ching-p'o also found that it was a lot more fun to get up a work party to do a job cooperatively than to do it individually. When a Ching-p'o needed help, he merely made a large crock of rice wine or beer and invited other families to help him drink it and to give him a hand with the job to be done. There was no payment for the labour contributed nor had the host any feeling of obligation to return labour in kind. Nevertheless, since most Ching-p'o usually are quite ready for a social party, with or without work, formal sense of obligation is not required to get up a work party of neighbours. The foregoing sections giving us some notion of the great variety of interesting differences that exist among China's non-Han ethnic groups. To complete our picture, we should also examine the present numbers and distribution of the non-Han peoples in southern and southwest China. No one knows what the history of tribal demography has been in southern China. Without writing, these peoples have left no written records of population numbers at different times. Han Chinese records only vaguely provide clues of relative sizes of populations. It is difficult, therefore, even to speculate rationally on whether the non-Han peoples have increased or decreased during the last century. Where acculturation and Sinicization have been strongly effected, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 96 5 J. W. HAYES See a tablet in the Chow-Wong School at Kam Tin. * Papers 1899 p. 188. * Papers 1899 p. 188. 'Lockhart's figures, given in Appendixes 3 and 5 to his Report are not exact, and he has emphasised his sketchy estimate of the land population "in default of any reliable statistics possessed by the Chinese Government" and said he had been unable to obtain even an estimate of the boat people Papers 1899 pp. 187,189. Taking areas within my own detailed knowledge I have found that villages established long before 1898 have not been included in the returns or else have been linked with other villages without special mention, The population figures for the Islands, in particular, are not above suspicion and are probably greater than shown in Appendix 5. * Papers 1899 p. 189. Papers 1899 p. 189. 10 Universal ownership was clearly shown by the land survey which followed the lease of 1898. This was carried out by surveyors and staff on loan from the Government of India, and was followed by a registration of titles which was enlivened by land courts which sat to determine possession in disputed cases. The survey sheets and the Crown Rent Rolls which form the schedules to them can be found in the District Offices of the New Territories Administration and they are a valuable record of land ownership and land classification at the time of the lease. At Shek Pik and Fan Pui in 1958 out of sixty-six families four owned between 3-4 acres, nine between 2-3 acres, nineteen between 1-2 acres, fourteen owned between a half to one acre, twelve owned between a quarter to a half, and eight between 10 to 25 acres. Except a few late arrivals, therefore, every family owned land of its own. The position was much the same as in 1898. The same was true of Wei Hai Wei, of which Johnston wrote Lion & Dragon, p. 148, "Whatever the faults of the Chinese social system may be there is no doubt that in Wei Hai Wei it very largely accounts for the complete absence of pauperism (though no one is rich) for the orderliness of the people (nearly everyone has a stake in the land and has nothing to gain and everything to lose from disorder), for the uninterrupted succession of father and son in the homesteads, and for the long pedigrees attested by family graveyards and ancestral tablets". 11 See Johnston Lion and Dragon pp. 134-54. I have compared customary deeds of sale and mortgage from the New Territory between the years 1898 and 1958 with those cited by him and find that they invariably follow the same form (see especially Johnston pp. 144-145). These deeds are known as white deeds (as in Ching times) and had not been put through the formal process of registration in the District Office which would turn them into legal documents; or, as formerly in Ching days, in the Magistrate's yamen when they became red deeds (RI #). They were common until the Pacific war and even now are occasionally known to be drawn up in addition to the Memorial registering the conveyance in the Land Office. To select an example at random here is one from Shek Pik on Lantau Island dated the second year of the Republic (1913) which reads ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 98 J. W. HAYES approval. This authority, with powers of discretion, was given to the D.O. to help preserve the traditional way of managing land within the clan, and to provide a cheap and impartial arbiter in case of dispute. 13 In Shek Pik village the TSUI, CHEUNG, HO and CHI clans owned 1.1, 0.39, 0.55, and 0.04 acres of agricultural land in 1898. With the exception of the HO clan, they were intact in 1959. The TSUI tso probably dates from the fifteenth generation, and is therefore three hundred years old. The FUNG clan in Fan Pui owned 9.2 acres in 1898 but this was sold in 1953. 14 At Fan Pui I dealt with a disputed case of ownership in which the defendant stated that eight lots totalling 9,581 square feet of agricultural land had been specially set aside as joss and oil fields (shen you tian). Fields are also set aside for the worship of earth spirits. At Cheung Kwan O village in 1898 the two clans of CHAN and NG administered 1.41 acres of agricultural land under the name of a to tei wui. The rentals were originally devoted to the maintenance of the to tei or earth spirit who looked after the village, but for many years the revenue has simply gone to the clans. Many other cases are known at Mui Wo and Tung Chung. 15 See Chapter III (iii) and (iv) of H. B. Morse The Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1908) which is based on an article by Byron Brenan "The Office of District Magistrate in China” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society XXII, (1897-98), 36-65, and incorporates his own wide experience of China and her officials in the course of over thirty years' service in the Imperial Maritime Customs. Brenan himself (1847-1927) had served in China from 1866 and was H.B.M.'s Consul-General in Shanghai 1898-1901. Of the district magistrate Brenan wrote, "The magistrate is the unit of government; he is the backbone of the whole official system; and to ninety per cent of the population he is the Government"; op. cit. p. 37. 16 Papers 1899 p. 583. The text of the stone tablet outside the Tin Hau temple at Kat O, referred to elsewhere in the article, uses this picturesque phraseology. Contrasting their sorry lot beside the power of the yamen officials they had written in their petition to the Viceroy "We, civilians, whose lives are cheap as ants... who are we to start a lawsuit against the district yamen's worms?" An interesting feature of this inscription is that it follows the customary form of Ch'ing document in which reference is made in the text to other papers, by summary or quotation, instead of the western method of adding enclosures. See John K. Fairbank, Ch'ing Documents, an introductory syllabus, (Harvard University Press 1952) p. 21. 18 When I asked an old gentleman who graduated sau choi in 1896 about extortion and venality among magistrates, he replied in distinctly extenuating tones "Some did; but then they had so many people to look after". He observed that there were some rich districts in Kwangtung in which a magistrate had to do nothing to obtain money as it came rolling into the Office in the way of presents, inducements, additions to land and other taxes etc., whilst there were others which were so poor that the magistrate could squeeze very little from them even if he tried very hard. This is curiously echoed in Morse, Trade and Administration p. 92 “In Kwangtung we (the Imperial Maritime Customs) have regularly applied to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES 99 three districts in the vicinity of Canton the phrase shui shui, tso shui, tsou shui (£££) literally "sleeping in-come, sitting in-come, walking in-come" which may be thus explained: the incumbent of the first may go to sleep, whilst his emoluments come rolling in; in the second he may sit still, and his emoluments come rolling in; and in the third he must trot around, but his emoluments come rolling in". 12 Lockhart calls these officers assistant and deputy magistrates, Papers 1899 p. 191 and so does Consul Allen in his Trade Report for Pakhoi 1896, FO No. 1983, but there appear in fact, to have been no such titles. There were one or two yuen shing (B) in each district styled to ye (*) who were officers of the sixth and seventh rank and were graduates of kam sang (1) degree. These were appointed from Peking and were transferable every three years like the magistrate himself. They were stationed at places in the district and their powers were very limited. 20 He does not mention officers other than those at the two Lantau forts, but there was another fort on Lantau at Fan Lau, still standing, which may or may not have been occupied at this time, and there were posts on Lamma and Cheung Chau officered by shun tei kun (MILF) (information from Mr. CHEUNG Yau (4) of Tai Ping, Lamma Island, and from a list of donors inscribed on a tablet in the Tin Hau temple on Cheung Chau). There must also have been shun tei kun in the mainland part of the district. More information is sought about their stations and their duties. As far as I know, they were military officers of low rank who controlled ten or twenty men in an out-station, 21 Papers 1899 p. 192. 22 A map showing these divisions, dated July 1899 on the reverse, is to be found in the Registrar-General's Department, in the Supreme Court. It is probably the Map VI referred to on page 192 of the Papers 1899, which was not printed with them. The Councils of the Tung may not have existed in the remoter and more sparsely populated areas. On Lamma for instance the village elders appear to have administered summary justice individually and not in unison. Mr. CHEUNG Yau already quoted, and other gentlemen of similar age, state there was no Council on the island. The map does not assist in this instance, being vague in some details. There were four tung in any district: north, south, east and west. 23 Dyer Ball, The Chinese at Home (London, Religious Tract Society, 1912) p. 189 says "The life of an official in China, if he occupies a high position and rules over a populous district of country, is arduous in the extreme. He knows no hours. His work is never done. He is up before dawn, and official receptions take place in the small or early hours of the morning. The health of many a man is injured by the incessant toil and unremitting anxiety". He calls him "often hard worked, harassed with many cares, and loaded with responsibilities". His is experienced and impartial testimony. 24 Papers 1899 p. 192. 25 Sir Robert Douglas, Society in China (London, Ward Lock & Co., 1901) pp. 120-1 has hard things to say of them. "The mental activity of these men, not having... any power to operate in a beneficent way, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES 101 See paras. 38 These feuds, often of long standing, persist to-day. 77-79 of Mr. K. M. A. Barnett's annual administrative report for 1955-56 as District Commissioner New Territories for a good instance of traditional hostility. For other cases see paras. 97 and 43 of the annual departmental reports for 1957-58 and 1958-59. See Smith Village Life in China p. 286, also p. 222 "The local Magistrates take care not to intervene too soon or too far, lest it be the worse for them. When the fight is over the officers put in an appearance, arrests are made, and the machinery of government recovers from its temporary paralysis", and pp. 282-86 for a northern instance of clan violence. 40 According to Dyer Ball Things Chinese (Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1903) p. 326 "a dreadful internecine strife, in which 150,000 at least, perished, took place between the Hakkas and the Punteis in the south-western districts of the Canton province, from A.D. 1864 to 1866, and arms and even armed steamers, were procured from Hong Kong by both parties". See also pp. 369-70 of B.C. Henry's Ling Nam (London, Partridge, 1886), 41 From information supplied by elders of Ho Chung village who were at school during or before 1898. 42 See the section on Disasters in the San On Yuen Chi. 43 See stone tablet outside Tin Hau temple, Kat O, Tai Po district. 44 From a stone tablet dated Ch'ien-lung 42/4/26 (1777) at Yuen Long Old Market. 45 From a stone tablet dated Chia-ch'ing 7/3/23 (1802) at the Tin Hau temple, Kat O. 46 From a stone tablet dated Ch'ien-lung 42/lucky month, lucky day (1777) at the Hau Wong temple, Tung Chung. 47 From a stone tablet dated Tao-kuang 21/7/19 (1841) at Tin Hau temple, Peng Chau. 48 From a stone tablet whose date is uncertain, at the Tai Wong temple, Yuen Long Market. 49 Variously, as above. 50 Reminiscences of Mr. TANG Kiu Fong of Fui Sha Wai near Yuen Long, in an article in the New Territories Weekly for January 1962. 51 Tree spirits are quite common in the New Territories where many old trees have joss sticks and red paper inscriptions placed under them on a rough altar. There is, in particular, a very large old banyan tree at Long Kang a few miles east of Sai Kung Market which must surely be the oldest tree in the Southern District. This is visited regularly by devotees. From personal experience of every part of the old Southern District I can say with confidence that belief in tree and earth spirits still exists to-day, and might indeed be said positively to flourish. 52 An ancestral temple is not open to the public: it is for the private use of the clan, for whom alone it has any meaning. Most villages of any age and consequence have ancestral temples, and in multi-clan villages ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NOTES AND QUERIES 123 group belonging to the K'ai Yuan period of the Tang Dynasty (713-742), and a few other coins from the Tai P'ing period of the Liao Dynasty (Tartars) which date from 1020-1031. A find of T'ang coins in conjunction with Sung coins shows that the former were in circulation in late Sung times. Unfortunately, as I hinted at the beginning of this note, there is no doubt that the delay in reporting this find has led to the loss of the greater part of both coins and porcelain. To give a known instance, it was reported from Macau, after a newspaper man there had seen the official press release which appeared in the Hong Kong papers, that over 1,000 coins had been bought recently from Hong Kong by a curio merchant. There is little doubt that these coins also came from Shek Pik, since it was reported that the coins were all of the Sung Dynasty and were covered with earth, which showed that they had been recently excavated. Many other coins must also be in the possession of workmen on the site or in the hands of people to whom they have sold them. An attempt has been made to recover these by means of a letter to the Chief Resident Engineer, but there has been no response so far to the appeal, despite his ready assistance. The same is true of the porcelain, of which there appears to have been some quantity. Not surprisingly, the bulldozers smashed the porcelain to pieces and scattered it over a wide area. Some of the broken pieces are in the hands of persons at Shek Pik; others are still buried under the earth moved by the bulldozers, which extends over several acres of hillside; and about a hundred small fragments were recovered by the Team from Shek Pik. Portions of about twenty pieces of porcelain have been recovered to date; very small for the most part but enough to show by colour and shape that they were part of different pots. These fragments are characterised by their fine colour, good shape and the thickness and brilliance of the glaze. To which period can the find be attributed? The last reign date recovered so far is of the period 1241-1253, which brings us to within twenty-five years of the fall of the dynasty. In the normal course of events it would, I think, be unlikely for porcelain of this quality to be found on Lantau which, so far as we know, was at this time barely inhabited by a handful of Chinese peasants ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NOTES AND QUERIES 125 CHINESE BOOKS IN THE LIBRARY OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY LONDON Volume I of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society contained a short account of a collection of Chinese books presented by Sir George T. Staunton to the Royal Asiatic Society in 1824. In this note I suggested that it would be valuable if a catalogue of these books together with their titles in Chinese was to be compiled. As a result of this note I have now received further information on this subject. Mr. J. D. Pearson, Librarian of the School of Oriental and African Studies in the University of London, who spent three months in Hong Kong early in 1962, informed me that the Rev. Samuel Kidd, Professor of Chinese at University College London, compiled a Catalogue of the Chinese Library of the Royal Asiatic Society which was printed in 1838.* Also I received a letter from Mr. P. van der Loon, Lecturer in Chinese at the University of Cambridge, drawing my attention to an article printed in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1890 which gives information on the sources through which the Chinese books in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society in London were obtained. Thus my original note fulfilled the intention of this section of the Journal devoted to Notes and Queries, namely that of bringing certain information to the notice of readers and stimulating them to contribute further information on these subjects. It is hoped that other notes printed in this section will provoke similar information in the future. J. L. CRANMER-BYNG. * London, John W. Parker, pp. 58. The edition was limited to 500 copies. The Chinese titles are given in a form of romanization but without any Chinese characters. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 129 EWING, Miss E. FABER, Mrs. Audrey FABER, S. E. FEARON, Joseph FITZGIBBON, Desmond J. FOORD, Dr. Roy D. FRIEDMAN, Jack - FUNG, K, S.- + FUNG, Hon, Ping-fan- - - GABBOTT, Francis Ridyard GAIFFIER D'HESTROY. Baron P. de GALVIN, J. A. T. GIBB, Hugh GIEDROYC. Michal GILES, R. - GOLDNEY, C. M. Miss - J 9-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 10, Cooper Road, Jardines Lookout, H.K. 1, Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong. 41, Thorny Road, Thornhill, Cumberland, England. c/o P.W.D. Central Government Offices, H.K. C4 Ridge Court, 21 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. c/o Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd. 20, Queen's Road, C. Bank of East Asia Ltd. 10, Des Voeux Rd., C. P. O. Box 232, Hong Kong, + Belgian Consul-General, 105 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, Hong Kong. c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13th floor. c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., Hong Kong. Vantage House, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. c/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., Hong Kong. c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. GOOD, Major Donald Arthur CRE Hong Kong, British Forces Post Office GOTTSCHALK, Ernst GUADAGNINI, Dr. Piero + I, H.K. 6, Macdonnell Road, Apt. 15, Hong Kong. Italian Consul-General, 705 Chartered Bank Bldg. Headquarters Land Forces, Hong Kong. HALLIDAY, Lt. Col. P. A. T. HARMAN, Anthony Lisle HARRISON, Prof. B. HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J. C.B.E, HAYWARD, G. W. HEDLEY-SAUNDERS, Mrs. Joanne HELLBECK, Dr. H. 7 T - Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., Hong Kong. Dept. of History, Hong Kong University, Hong Kong. -c/o The Supreme Court, Hong Kong. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. Economic Survey Section, 804, Man Yee Building, Hong Kong. 11-B, Bowen Road, Hong Kong. c/o German Consulate-General, 1 Duddell Street 4/F. : : ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 131 LAMBIE, Dr. J. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAW, Chung-kam LAWRY, R. E. LEE, J. S. LEE, Harold W. LEE, Hon. R. C., O.B.E. LeFEVOUR, Dr. Edward LE MARE, J. R. LI, Dr. Tsoo-yiu LIDDELL, Mrs. Marion LINDSAY, T. J. LINDSAY, Mrs. T. J. LIU, D. H. LIU, Dr. Tsun-yan LLEWELLYN, John LO, Chin-tang LO, T. S. LOTHROP, Francis B. LUM, Miss Ada LUPTON, G. C. M. MA, Meng McBAIN, E. B. 2 MACKENZIE, Lt. Col. B. D. McKERNESS, Miss Joan. McCRARY, Michael McDOUALL, Hon. J. C. McGRATH, David B. MACK, A. M. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J. MANEELY, R. B. MARTIN, Rev. Canon E. W. L. c/o Director of Medical & Health Services, H.K. 1701 Beach Drive. Victoria, B.C., Canada, Institute of Oriental Studies, H.K.U. Victoria Heights, 43-A Stubbs Road, Flat I-A, H.K. British Council, 1/F., Gloucester Bldg., H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, Hong Kong. 604, Edinburgh House, Hong Kong. Lee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. Dept. of History, H.K.U. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 1-C-3-C, Broom Rd., Hong Kong. 10-F, Headland Road, Hong Kong, c/o Butterfield & Swire, H.K. 1, Mercury Street, 1/F., Causeway Bay, H.K. 83 Sincere Terrace, Ground floor, Tai Hang Road, H.K. Dept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U. Dept. of Chinese, H.K. University. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., H.K. c/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass. U.S.A. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon. The District Officer, Taipo, New Territories, Institute of Oriental Studies, H.K.U. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. CRE, Victoria Barracks, Hong Kong. 5, Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. 25-A, Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K. SCA., Connaught Road, Central, H.K. MINETT, Major F. R. D. MORGAN, L. G. MOYLE, G. C. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, Hong Kong. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Maryknoll Fathers, Stanley. Anatomy Department, H.K. University, H.K. St. John's College, 82 Pokfulum, H.K. Garrison Clinic, Whitfield Barracks, Kln. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 133 SMITH, Leslie, O.B.E. SMITH, Lloyd A. + SMITH, Stanley Herbert - SOONG, Norman SPERRY, Henry Muhlenberg STANLEY, Major Henry, F. STANTON, William T. STARBIRD, Linwood R. - STENTON, Prof. Harry STOCK, Prof. F. E., O.B.E. - STOKES, John ז J . 23-A, Robinson Road, Hong Kong. 2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A. (Local address: c/o R. S. Fountain, Esq., 309, Prince's Building, H.K.) c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, C., H.K. 2, Queen's Road, Central, Hong Kong. Flat 12, Tjibatoe, 9 Plunketts Rd., H.K. Dina House, Duddell St., Hong Kong. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Rd., H.K. Dept. of Botany, H.K. University, H.K. Hong Kong University. Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. STRICKLAND, Mr. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd. H.K. SWIRE, A. C. TALBOT, Henry D. TANG, Shiu-kin, C.B.E. THOMAS, Louis F. THOMPSON, R. W. TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TREGEAR, Miss Mary TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, The Hon. Sir Michael VETCH, Henri VETCH, Mrs. Henri VIO, Dr. Eric George VISICK, Mrs. Mary WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, William L. WATSON, K. A. WEI, Dr. Tat, M. A. · c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Dept. of Geography, H.K. University, H.K. 505, Pedder Building, Hong Kong. 8, King's Park Flats, Kowloon. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K. 6, Peak Mansions, Hong Kong. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford University, Oxford, U.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Man Yee Bldg., 9/F., H.K. China Building, 4th floor, Hong Kong. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., London. H.K.U. Press. H.K.U. Press. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, H.K.U. c/o Commerce & Industry Dept. Fire Brigade Bldg., H.K. Apt. 3, 7 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. H.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Association, Queen's Rd., E., H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 134 WEISS, Karel - WELCH, H. H. WILSON, B. D. - WONG, Dr. Man WONG, Pao-hsie - - WONG, Prof. Po-shang WOO, Dr. Arthur W. - WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. YAO, Pe-chun YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, Walter YU, Ping-kuen ZIGAL, Mrs. Irene - P. O. Box 718, Hong Kong. The Pink House, B-9, Shatin Heights, New Territories. Urban Services Dept., Secretariat Bldg., H.K. Room 108, China Building, Hong Kong. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. B-5 Wah Kiu Mansion, 1/F, 80 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. Woo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1/F., H.K. 204 China Building, Hong Kong. Hong Kong Club, Hong Kong. I. L. 7635 Cooper Road, Block 2, East 2/F,, Jardine's Lookout, Causeway Bay, H.K. Mental Hospital, Hong Kong. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Bldg., Hong Kong. Dept. of Chinese, H.K.U. 12, Bowen Road, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v The keen and active interest in the Society shown by our patron, Sir Robert Black, and members of his family is very gratifying and is warmly appreciated. Despite the exacting calls on their time they have been attending our meetings, and this is a noble example to other busy people in the Colony. We appreciate also the zeal of many other prominent personages including the Chief Justice, Sir Michael Hogan, and the Hon. W. C. Knowles who is a member of the Council and whose business house has provided us with both an Honorary Treasurer, Mr. T. J. Lindsay, and an Honorary Librarian, Mr. John Le Mare. I should like also to refer to the interest in the Society taken by members of H.M. Forces and particularly to the interest taken by Col. Halliday and Col. Mackenzie, both of whom have now left the Colony, but it is greatly hoped that this interest will be sustained by their successors. In this connection it may be interesting to mention the first office-bearers of the Society in 1847: President: Sir John Francis Davis (Governor); Vice-Presidents: Major-General D'Aguilar, Major H. P. Burn, John Stewart, Dr. Kinnis; Council: Lt.-Col. Brereton, Peter Young (Colonial Surgeon), W. T. Mercer (Colonial Treasurer), J. C. Bowring (Son of Sir John Bowring); Secretary: A. Shortrede; Corresponding Secretary: Capt. Clark Kennedy; Chinese and Foreign Secretary: Thomas Wade;* Treasurer: F. Bevan; Curator: C. T. Watkins. In conclusion I wish to thank all the officers and members of the Society for their loyal and wholehearted support. I am probably in a better position than anyone to appreciate and also to pay tribute to my colleagues on the present Council, in whom you have a hard working and active body, and each of whom pulls his or her full weight in the furtherance of the objects of the Society. * Afterwards Sir Thomas Wade, K.C.B., G.C.M.G., British Minister at Peking from 1871 until 1883, and later first Professor of Chinese in the University of Cambridge. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v K. PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO KENNEDY, George KERR, Abby L. ... KEY, Peter KINSMAN, Nathaniel ++ 110 L. LARKINS, Edward G. ... LARKINS, John Henry LEACH, Benjamin Ropes LEATHLEY, John --- LEGGETT, William Henry LIVINGSTONE, Charlotte M. LJUNGSTEDT, Anders M. MACKENZIE, Donald MARKWICK, Richard MARGESSON, Henry Davies MARQUIS, William --- 223 ... T 83 L 29 U 107 L 112 L LLL J 90 L 122 L 52 L +++ ++t -- 111 L Itt 78 L 70 L - 41 L - 60 L 86 L 104 L г г г г г 164 C Lr --- J 124 L + ILL 126 L 148 L Pr 119 L 111 гг. 129 L -L 35 U Pri L 91 L MARTIN, Robert Francis McCALLY, Arthur Hamilton McCARTHY, Robert McDOUALL, James MEDHURST, MILNER, Emily MITCHELL, Oliver MONSON, Samuel H. MORGAN, William --- MORRISON, John Robert MORRISON, Mary MORRISON, Robert + + LIL ייי +++ --- J PII N. NAPIER, William John O. ORTON, Maria J. OSBORNE, Henry James OSBORNE, Thomas J. P. PATERSON, Andrew PATTLE, Thomas Charles PIEROT, Jacques LLL J-J rrr ... +++ J PLOWDEN, Catherine PLOWDEN, R. Chicheley PRESTON, Charles Hodge RABINEL, John Henry J P L - R. RAWLE, Samuel Burge LL JL REES, George REES, Maria REYNVAAN, Clazina van Valkenburg RIDDLES, Thomas William RITCHIE, John Hamilton г г г ROBARTS, James Thomas ROBERTS, Edmund ROBERTSON, Roderick Frazer J -- Irr ILL ггг J ייי ... ... 1 U 56 L 120 L 143 L 142 L 141 L rt 141a L 85 L + + 71 L 69 L 82 L +++ + 42 L 45 L I rrr 161 L 158 L 31 U 43 L JJ 134 L 127 L 109 L 106 L 63 L 61 L ILI LLL 157 L 88 L 54 L ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 38 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH Tibet, Paris, 1940, p. 161.) Actually from the last named (see p. 129, n. 5) and from other sources (such as S. Lévi, Le Népal, II, Paris, 1905, p. 148), we learn that writing was just then being introduced to Tibet. This is a far cry from China's experience of two millennia of writing (before A.D. 600), and the great urge for multiple copies of texts on the part of all sections of the literate community. The first known example of wood-block printing came from Japan during the years 764-770. This is explained by the constant coming and going of Japanese students to T’ang China, and some scholars and Buddhist priests from the mainland to Japan. We learn, for example, of one Chinese scholar becoming head of the new University at Nara in 735, and of one Japanese who, after 19 years in the Chinese capital, returned to Nara, and in 735 became tutor to the empress Shotoku. It was she who ordered the production of one million three storey stupas, in each of which were to be placed six charms. (Only last spring I saw at Horyuji # 96 of these reliquaries, together with six copies of the printed dharani.) The first recorded notice in China is dated 835. It tells of a memorial to the throne suggesting an edict forbidding the printing of calendars from wood-blocks. After this the notices and dated materials recently discovered multiply. I list some of these: 1. Under the date of 839 Ennin mentions seeing one thousand copies of the Nirvana Sutra at Mount Wu-t'ai § J. This is so large a figure one may well wonder if they were printed. 2. It has been suggested that the Vinaya was first printed before 845. We know that the wood-blocks were burned in a fire at Ching-ai ssu in Loyang. So the poet Ssu-k’ung T'u (837-908) proposed the preparation of a fresh edition. 3. Fan Shu, who flourished during the years 860-874, is authority for the statement that Ho-kan Chi T✯ who was active in Kiangsi ⇓ in 846-851, printed several thousand copies of a book concerned with alchemy. 5 4. A beautiful copy of the Diamond Sutra &♬Į✯, printed 868 (it is 174 feet long and 10 inches wide) on white buff paper, was discovered in 1907 at Tunhuang and is now in the British Museum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v PRINTING IN CHINA 43 Tsao chih ti ch'uan-po chi ku chih ti fa-hsien ✯ ✯ 6 #BA÷* ♣, Hsüeh-shu chi k'an $i$i] VI, No. 2 (Dec. 30, 1957), pp. 1-12. T'ang-tai i-ch'ien yu wu tiao-pan yin-shua ARR★T***? , The Continent Magazine ✯✯✯✯ XIV, No. 4 (Feb. 28, 1957), pp. 101-107. Yin-shua fa-ming ti shilrch'i wên-ti * B*A64AM M. ibid. XVII, No. 5 (1958), pp. 133-138; No. 6 (1958), pp. 177-182. Wu-tai shih-ch'i ti yin-shua £ R ★ ép 8), ibid. XXI, No. 3 (Aug. 15, 1960), pp. 107-115, Tun-huang fa-hsien yw-nien-tai ti yimpen ✯UELTIRAP $ ibid. XXI, No. 11 (Dec. 15, 1960), pp. 367-373. Paik, Dr. Nak Choon # #, Tripitaka Koreana ZRAKA, Seoul, 1957. Tsien, T. H. . Written on Bamboo and Silk. The beginnings of Chinese books and inscriptions, Chicago, 1962. For the latter part of my paper I have leaned heavily on K. K. Flug, The history of the printed book in China during the Sung (in Russian), Academy of Sciences, Institute of Orientology, Moscow-Leningrad, 1959. I am grateful to Mrs. Leah Kisselgoff of New York for making its contents available to me. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 51 RECENT CHANGES IN THE CHINESE LANGUAGE A lecture delivered on 18th June, 1962 MA MENG, B.A.* *Mr. Ma Meng is Principal of the Language School of the Institute of Oriental Studies in the University of Hong Kong. Recent changes in the Chinese language, so far-reaching in many respects, should not escape attention by anyone interested in studying China. Comments on this subject, both in Chinese and other languages, have appeared quite regularly in recent years.† Most of these deal directly with the simplified characters and the adoption of romanization in place of the traditional ideographs — radical changes, which, however, form only one part of the latest developments in Chinese language reform. Although the extent of these changes has varied in different historical periods, the long process which led to the drastic reforms of recent years began only after China's contacts with the West in the late nineteenth century. The limitations imposed by the traditional language were felt more keenly as the demand for Western knowledge increased. As the traditional language seemed no longer adequate to cope with the new situation, the need to reform it began to appear imperative. The first efforts aimed at language reform came from a small number of intellectuals, including Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, a leader of the 1898 reform movement who also advocated radical political changes aimed at westernization. Their efforts soon bore fruit. Between 1890 and 1913 there appeared no less than six plans for language reform, all aimed at standardizing the spoken language and simplifying the written one. Both of these measures were considered necessary preliminaries to more thorough reforms. The last of the six plans for reform provided for a script based on the Peking dialect and was very similar to the Japanese Kana. This plan proved quite practicable and has therefore been adopted. *I should like to express my gratitude to Miss Li Chi of the University of California from whose work, Studies of Chinese Communist Terminology (Berkeley: University of California, Institute of International Studies, East Asia Studies, Nos. 1 and 2, 1956; Nos. 3 and 4, 1957) I have drawn information in preparing this paper. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v CHANGES IN CHINESE LANGUAGE 55 and as te-mo-k'e-la-si #or te hsien-sheng ✯ (Mr. Democracy"). But now these transliterations have become antiquated and replaced by i-hui for parliament, kê-hsüeh ** for science, and min-chu R± for democracy. But a few good transliterations have survived such as chi-he for geometry, lo-chi for logic, yu-mo ✯✯ for humour, wu-t'o-pang ✯‡₺ Ħ for utopia, sha-wen chu-i ✯✯‡ for chauvinism. Yet even in Hong Kong, where many Chinese use English, transliteration remains the less common method for introducing terms of foreign origin. Some popular transliterations are, however, in use such as pâk-ch'e for parking a car, in-shoh for insurance, sz-toh ✰✰ for store, fei-lam for film and chak K for cheque. The Chinese living in multi-lingual communities like Malaya or Singapore resort more frequently to transliteration; but their tendency to do so has not exerted a significant influence on the language as a whole. Transliteration of Western terms having in general been found to be a clumsy practice, many Chinese translators, especially before the May 4th Movement, have preferred to borrow certain terms from the Japanese. In Chinese, many words can be used in more than one grammatical function, having either completely different meanings or different connotations of one meaning, depending on their position in the sentence. This peculiarity has sometimes been thought to make for a lack of that precision needed in scientific usage. But this so-called imprecision also makes for elasticity in the creation of new terms. For instance, the character pi # can, depending on its place in a sentence, signify "writing brush", "to write", "writing" or "handwriting"; moreover, it can be found in combinations such as kang-pi meaning pen; sui-pi M. sketch or essay; pi-chi . to take notes; ch'in-pi #, one's own handwriting; or finally chu-pi, editor or editorial writer of newspaper. How widely the meaning of a character may vary is best shown by the character su originally meaning "plain and unadorned". However, Chinese dictionaries usually list about ten meanings under this character, as well as numerous combinations in which it forms a part, such as su-shih . vegetarian diet; su-miao ✯, sketch; yin-su #, factor; and yüan-su ƒ‡. chemical element all newly coined expressions. Similar combinations in common use are: ke-ming, revolution; ¡ ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING 63 These extracts give the official Chinese version of how the British came to occupy their first Legation quarters, and agree closely with Lord Elgin's own account contained in a despatch to Lord John Russell, the Foreign Secretary, dated Tientsin, 13th November 1860: On the 7th instant Mr. Bruce reached Peking, having hastened up from Shanghae in compliance with my request. His arrival was most opportune, as it was very important that before my departure from the capital I should be able to confer with him on various matters, and more especially on the subject of the place of residence for the future of Her Majesty's Representative in China. Mr. Bruce informed me that he was perfectly willing to take up his abode in Peking at once. On consultation with Baron Gros and General Ignatieff, however, I found that the latter was about to leave Peking for the winter, and that the former was of opinion that it would not be advisable that M. de Bourboulon should establish himself in the capital until the spring. I considered it, therefore, to be my duty to advise Mr. Bruce to return with me for the present to Tien-tsin, and to remain there until a suitable residence should be provided for him in the capital. In order, however, that there might be no misapprehension on the part of the Chinese Government in reference to this point, we selected a house which we thought might be adapted to the purpose, and which was procurable on easy terms, and we accepted the services of Mr. Adkins, one of the Student Interpreters, a very promising young man, who volunteered to remain at Peking, and to superintend the arrangements necessary for putting it in order. Harry Parkes, who was Lord Elgin's interpreter at this time, writing to his wife on November 17th 1860 gave a few more details: Peking is in a wretched state of dilapidation and ruin, and scarcely one of their palatial buildings is not falling into decay. We have obtained one of the best, and yet it is quite * Elgin to Russell, 13 November 1860. Parliamentary Papers, “Correspondence Respecting Affairs in China 1859-60", 2754 of 1861, No. 119, p. 254. See also ibid. p. 259 for a note from T. Adkins to Frederick Bruce dated Peking, 12 November 1860, reporting that the capital was returning to normal and that he had found no opposition to his residence there. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 84 J. L. CRANMER-BYNG north-west gate of Peking I took a pedicab, but when we reached the Wangfuching and ran into columns of marching children the driver began to show signs of fright, so I paid him off and started to walk. By now I realized that I had left it too late to reach the Legation gate before the demonstrators arrived, so I made a wide circuit and eventually reached the Hsinchiao Hotel near the Chungwenmen (Hatamen Gate). Having been told that the demonstration would probably end by about 10 p.m., because a previous demonstration over the Suez episode had lasted until that time, I decided to wait at the Hsinchiao Hotel until the coast was clear. Just before 11 p.m. I walked to a point near to the entrance of the British Legation and mingled with the sightseers, but found the demonstrators still hard at work. It was rather like a rowdy Bank Holiday evening on Hampstead Heath. There were large crowds strolling about watching the demonstrators who were still queueing up five or six abreast and moving forward very slowly towards the gate of the Legation. Once opposite the open gate they performed their slogan-shouting, sometimes accompanying their shouts with gesticulations and a series of jumps, before being waved on by cadres who appeared to be controlling the demonstration. All along the road facing the wall of the Legation ran a water pipe with taps every few yards so that in the summer heat of Peking no one need go thirsty. Among the bushes growing down the centre of the street (where once the Imperial Canal flowed) were canvas latrines, while the whole area was lit up at night by arc lamps fixed among the trees, and the front of the Legation gateway was picked out by powerful spot-lights. Nests of amplifiers had been fixed to the trees near the gate so that the inhabitants of the Legation had no difficulty in hearing the slogans being chanted, such as 'Ying-Kuo lang kan ch'u-ch'u' 'English wolves get out'. Since the demonstrators seemed particularly fiery at this stage I decided to retreat and try again at dawn. After a few hours sleep at the Hsinchiao Hotel I again approached the Legation gate only to find a long queue of new demonstrators, refreshed by a night's sleep, taking some vocal exercise before going to work. At this stage I decided that it was quite safe to enter the gate of the Legation, and joining the queue I moved forward gradually until opposite I ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 100 J. W. HAYES NOTES The notes are intended to amplify the text. The subjects of the longer notes are chosen rather arbitrarily and represent my particular interests, J. W. H. 1 A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories. (Hong Kong Government Printer, 1960) p. 88. 2 Crown Rent Rolls, District Office Islands, New Territories Administration. * Under the Convention of Peking signed on 9th June, 1898, *Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, hereafter styled Sessional Papers. (Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1911) p. 103 (22) and (26). This article is mainly concerned with the land population, but for a good short description of the life, work and general background of the boat people, see G. N. Orme "Report on the New Territories 1899-1912" in Sessional Papers 1912, pp. 53-55. 5 The help of the Chairman, Vice-Chairmen and members of the Cheung Chau Rural Committee in tracing and gaining access to these tablets is gratefully acknowledged, and the great assistance given with transcription and translation by Messrs. LO Chi-chung, LEUNG Kun-siu and LEW Pang-fei, my former colleagues in the District Office. * I have translated shue-shat as study, rather than school, since it was intended for the private use of members and their children and not for outsiders. The association became known as the Tung Kwun Wui So on 16th September, 1926 (see Land Registers), previous to which it had been registered as the Po On Shue Shat. I have presumed that with such a name, a school was operated as well as the office and ancestral temple. (See note 26 and text to which it refers.) For the distinction between the names Po On and San On see Notes and Queries, p. 146 below. The character inscribed on this tablet is a simplified form of the character. Local trades included shipbuilding: see Orme's report in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 55. — * The number of Cheung Chau shops subscribing to the various schemes recorded on the tablets is as follows: Po On study (1866) 38; Defence Office (1863-70) 66; Fong Pin hospital (1878) 98, and Tin Hau temple (1879) 125, from the 200 odd mentioned in the Fong Pin preamble. * Many shops are mentioned on the tablets, but they are all listed by their business names and not by the names of the owners, in which custom the Chinese does not follow the English. 10 The Tong has a substantial genealogical record, last produced between eighty and a hundred years ago and printed from stone blocks on hand-made bamboo paper. I am indebted to Mr. WONG Shing Yip of Cheung Chau who very kindly let me see his copy. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v CHEUNG CHAU 101 11 "The whole of the island (Cheung Chau) was adjudged to belong to the WONG family and it is let out to various tenants on leases renewable every five years. All these leases were registered in 1906". Administra-tive Report for 1909, District Officer, New Territories. But see also G. N. Orme's unfavourable opinion of the initial survey and Crown rent roll in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 46. 12 For example, before its tax-lord rights were extinguished (along with others') by the Hong Kong Government after 1898 as "not compatible with the principles of British administration" (Orme, Sessional Papers 1912, p. 46), the LI Kau Yuen Tong of Sha Wan appears to have owned a considerable proportion of all the cultivated land on Lantau island under an imperial grant made in the Sung dynasty (see LO Hsiang-lin "The Sung Wang T'ai and the location of the Travelling Courts by the sea-shore in the Last Days of the Sung", Journal of Oriental Studies III No. 2 (July 1956) p. 217, note 29). Nineteenth Century land deeds from the village of Shek Pik show that much of the village land paid tax to the LI family, a burden which was passed on to the purchaser when a "sale" took place. It is not known whether this Tong owned land elsewhere in the present New Territories but its main estates lay elsewhere. It is curious how the WONG Wai Chak Tong maintained its tax-lord position whilst the LI family's was extinguished. It is a pointer to the island's increasing prosperity, as well as to its favoured geographical situation, that when the Chinese Maritime Customs first began to operate in the Hong Kong region in 1887 they set up a post on Cheung Chau. This had previously been operated by the Canton authorities as part of the "blockade" system set up in 1868-71. See Stanley F. Wright, Hart and the Chinese Customs (Belfast, William Mullan & Son, 1950) pp. 385-6, 584-6 and 708, and his earlier Hong Kong and the Chinese Customs (Shanghai 1930) which I have not yet seen. See also note 15. Old villagers on the Lantau coast opposite Cheung Chau can remember having to pass through the customs every time they came to the island to buy daily necessaries and sell their produce in the market. It is not the place to discuss whether Cheung Chau's expansion was due to the rise of Hong Kong, or whether it was already in a flourishing condition by the time Hong Kong's expansion began in the 1840's, but available information points to a community which was already well-established and prosperous by the Hsien-feng period (1851-61), which would be rather early for Cheung Chau to owe its rise mainly to Hong Kong. The preamble to the tablet in the defence bureau mentions that "our forefathers came and lived in Cheung Chau several hundred years ago"; whilst the attention of pirates in the early years of Hsien-feng, also mentioned in the same tablet, seems more conclusive proof of the island's established prosperity than any other. A spate of repairs and expansion seems to have been going on apace in the T'ung-chih period (1862-75) when most of the island's temples were repaired, the CHU family ancestral hall enlarged, many old houses were built or reconstructed, and the public buildings erected which these tablets commemorate. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v CHEUNG CHAU 103 20 See T'ung-tsu CH'U Local Government in China under the Ch'ing (Harvard University Press 1962) chapter 9, especially pp. 161-164. I am indebted to Mr. W. Schofield, a former District Officer, and Cudet Officer, Hong Kong Government, for a reference to an inscription, now lost, relating to the foundation of the Lung Chun Yee Hok *** in 1847. The school, which is still standing inside the former Kowloon walled city, was opened by the district magistrate WONG Ming Ting after the sub-district deputy magistrate HUI Man Sham had reported that it was being built. Orme in his "Report on the New Territories 1899-1912” in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 63, Appendix G, gives a school census for April 1912, by which time there had apparently been little change since 1898. There were 10 schools on Cheung Chau, average attendance 20, average monthly fee 38 cents. 21 See HSIAO op. cit. pp. 235-240 and CH'U, op. cit., pp. 161-162. Occasionally government-sponsored schools were granted land for their maintenance. In the 28th year of Kuang-hsü (1902-3) four years after the lease of the New Territories to Great Britain, land inside the boundary, previously used for the purpose of aiding a school still in Chinese territory, was sold by order of the Commissioner of Education for San On district. Part of the proceeds had also been used for offerings at the Confucian temple (in Nam Tau). 22 The group of titles on the defence bureau tablet is another demonstration of the widespread sale of degree titles and positions in the late Ch'ing period already remarked in several places. (see HSIAO Kung-Chuan Rural China p. 415 and chapter 10 of CH'U's Local Government in China under the Ch'ing op. cit., pp. 168-173 and notes and, in more detail, Chung-li CHANG, The Chinese Gentry. Studies on their Role in Nineteenth Century Chinese Society, (Seattle, University of Washington Press 1955) pp. 102-111. For contemporary notices see Rev. Krone "A Notice of the Sanon District" in Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong), Part VI (1859) p. 84 and Arthur H. Smith Village Life in China (Edinburgh, Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier c. 1900 p. 121, amongst others.) No fewer than twenty-one persons have titles prefixed to their names, many of them minor ones, of which three-quarters were probably purchased. the first Of the purchased titles and posts five were chien-sheng degree by purchase, which was the prerequisite to purchasing any superior post, such as that of district magistrate or prefect. It was the most commonly purchased degree. Two others were styled chih-chien and chih-sheng. There were four chin-kung and four chih-yüan 職員。 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 104 J. W. HAYES There were also examination titles among the organisers and subscribers to the defence office. There were three scholars, who held higher grades of the hsiu-ts'ai or first degree by examination. One was a kung-sheng, another a sheng-yüan, and the third held the grade of lin-sheng, all normally obtained by additional examinations by a literary chancellor appointed from Peking to examine hsiu-ts'ai in the provinces, though occasionally granted for merit. Another was a wu-sheng ±, a military hsiu-ts'ai, an officer by examination, not purchase. These four were WONGs, almost certainly members of the Tong. A fifth, named TSUI, was a tu-szu or first captain and was probably a serving military officer in the locality. The final title is ching sheng #. Of these various degree and title holders sixteen were named WONG *. The coincidence is probably too great to be accidental and the number of purchases testifies to the Tong's wealth, whilst the presence of genuine scholars, probably from the Cheung Chau branch, and the genealogical record, confirm its gentry status in the late Ch'ing period. There is no doubt that the main Tong was well entrenched and able to exert an "interest" with the district ruler and perhaps also with the prefect and viceroy at Canton. 23 HSIAO illustrates the slight degree of local control on another island, Ch'a K'eng, off the coast of Sun Wui district, Kwangtung, in Rural China, pp. 344-348. For his views on the effectiveness of imperial control see pp. 320-322 and pp. 316-320 for the role of the gentry in local affairs. CH'U, op. cit., chapter 10, also examines the problem in general. Krone's article (see note 22), apparently written from long, first-hand knowledge of the western part of San On shows that the district magistrate and his deputy and sub-magistrates had little control over the population (see especially p. 81), and perhaps wanted it less, e.g. "... the Mandarin of Fuk Wing (a sub-magistrate) confided to me, in a conversation that I had with him that he had nothing to do but to eat, to drink and to smoke”, though over 200 villages were in his charge. 24 The district association is of considerable antiquity in China. They were known in Sung times: see J. Gernet, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion 1250-76 (London, Allen and Unwin 1962) p. 222; see also Y. K. Leong and L. K. Tao Village and Town Life in China (London, Allen and Unwin 1915) pp. 78-9 for "the guild of co-provincials" and H. B. Morse, The Gilds of China (London, Longmans, Green 1909) pp. 35-48 for the provincial club with a mercantile bias. 25 With consequent language difficulties. See R. A. D. Forrest (a former Hong Kong Cadet Officer) "The Southern Dialects of Chinese", Appendix No. 1 to V. Purcell The Chinese in South East Asia (Oxford University Press 1951). 26 The word "member" may have too strong a connection with the modern club where one pays an entrance fee and monthly subscriptions. In fact, one was born into membership of these early district associations and participated in their activities by subscription, as required. Mr. LEUNG Yau (see note 28) confirms this for his own association, the Wai Chiu. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v NOTES AND QUERIES 145 September 1834 stated: "The English barbarians have always been very cunning. Hitherto they have squatted in Macao and have coveted Ta Yu Shan.1 Towards the end of this memorandum he wrote: "Moreover your minister has dispatched three hundred picked troops from [his] Regiment and appointed the tu-ssu2 (? 'Captain') Hung Fa-k'e to go to Macao to reinforce the garrison. As to the fort[s] on Ta Yü Shan we have sent an officer there to take measures for defence and secretly to make dispositions at every place, without arousing suspicion. As soon as it is ascertained that the barbarians are peaceful we will withdraw them." These precautions were confirmed by an edict issued to the members of the Grand Council dated the 28th day of the 8th month of the 14th year of Tao-kuang's reign (30 September 1834) which contained the following words: "Junior officers and men must be dispatched to the places both inside and outside the provincial capital and to the neighbourhood of Macao and to the forts of Ta Yü Shan, and patrolling must be increased without arousing suspicion, and precautions taken unostentatiously. Inside the walls of the old fort there is now a flourishing Government-subsidised school and it all looks very neat and peaceful; very different from the time when active preparations were made there to repel a possible attack from the British. It would be interesting to know more about this fort and also the one at Fan Lau. Can anyone add any further information? J. L. CRANMER-BYNG. 1 The Chinese name of the island called by foreigners Lantao. Text in Shih-liao hsün-k'an, #21, 765b, column 6. 2 Ibid., 766, columns 11-12. 3 There was another fort on Lantao at Fan Lau on the Southwest corner of the island, 4 Tung-hua hsü-lu. Reprinted in Chiang T'ing-fu, Chin-tai Chung-kuo wai-chiao shih tzu-liao chi-yao, Vol. I, p. 10, columns 12-13. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 150 BOYD, J. D. I. BRAGA, J. M. - BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BRUUN, F. - A-1 9th Floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. - P. O. Box 951, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Fisheries Research Station. The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen. Radio Hong Kong, Rodney Block, G/F., Wellington Barracks, H.K. 908, Takshing House, H.K. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. - 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. BYRNE, D. J. - CALCINA, P. G. * CHAN, Dr. H. C. - CHAN, Hok-lam CHAN, Leonard + CHAU, Hon. Sir T. N. *- CHAU, Wah-ching CHENG, T. C.. CHEONG-LEEN, Hilton + c/o China Light & Power Co., Ltd. Argyle St., Kowloon. Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th Floor, H.K. Bank of Canton Building, H.K. c/o Department of History, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o Pâzer Corporation, G.P.O. 323, H.K. 8, Queen's Road, West, H.K. English Department, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. United College of H.K., Bonham Road, H.K. G.P.O. Box 584, 310 Yu To Sang Building, H.K. CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. 4 Felix Villas, Pokfulum, H.K. CHEUNG, O. CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph - CHIU, Miss B. T. CHIU, Ling-yeong CHOA, Dr. G. H. CHOW, Edward T. CLARK, Mrs. N. E. COHN, Dr. A. J. - COLE, M. 1002, Alexandra House, H.K. 9, Village Road, 1st Floor, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Department of Botany, The University, H.K. 167, Yee Kuk Street, 3rd Floor, Shumshuipo, Kowloon. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3 Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. 71, Peak Road, H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th Floor, "F", H.K. 16, Conduit Road, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 152 FABER, S. E. FAERBER, M. + FAERBER, Mrs. M. FEARON, J. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. - FOERSTER, E. J FOORD, Dr. Roy D. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. FRIEDMAN, J. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan * + GABBOTT, F. R. GALVIN, J. A. T. * GARCIA, A. GEORGE, Mrs. R. M. GEORGE, T. J. B. GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H. GILES, R. GLOVER, G. F. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOOD, Major D. A. - - + I. Repulse Bay Road, H.K. + c/o Paragon Book Gallery, 140 East 59th Street, New York 22, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o Paragon Book Gallery, 140 East 59th Street, New York 22, N.Y., U.S.A. 41, Thorny Road, Thornhill, Cumberland, England. c/o Education Department (H.K. Sub-Office), Fung House, H.K. c/o P. W. D., Central Government Offices, H.K. c/o P. O. Box 25, H.K. c/o Medical & Health Department, Tower Court, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 187, Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England. American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. c/o Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd., 20, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. Bank of East Asia Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Road, C., H.K. P. O. Box 232, H.K. c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13/F., H.K. c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Vantage House, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. c/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., H.K. 5-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 5-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. CRE, Hong Kong, British Forces Post Office 1, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 154 HSUEH, Dr. C. T. HUGHES, G. M. - HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. * HUGHES, W. I. - HUNG, C. S. INGLES, Miss J. M. INGLETON, N. J. C. JACKSON, R. N. JONES, Dr. J. R.* KELLY, Miss E. KEOWN, W. C. - KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. KNIGHTLY, F. J. H + - + Department of History, The University, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Bldg., H.K. RBL 175, Sassoon Road, H.K. Department of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. 19, Hee Wong Terrace, 1st Floor, H.K. Government House, Garden Road, H.K. Tung Hai Navigation Co., 802, Grand Building, H.K. The Registry, H.K. University. H.K. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. c/o Butterfield & Swire, (H.K.) Ltd., Union House, H.K. c/o Jardine. Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. M. O. Tai Lam Prison, N.T. N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magis- tracy, Kowloon. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. - 2, University Drive, H.K. The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn.. H.K. KNOWLES, Hon. W. C. G.* c/o Butterfield & Swire Ltd., Union House. H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* c/o Butterfield & Swire Ltd., Union House, KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. KVAN, Rev. E. * KWAN, Hon. C. Y. * KWOK, Hon. Chan * KWOK Miss Rose Y. KWOK, W. LACEY, J. A. L - - - H.K. Pink House, 8-B Shatin Heights, N.T. St. John's College, Hong Kong University. Pokfulum, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Hang Seng Bank Building, Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 7 Arbuthnot Road, H.K. 39-B Estoril Court, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v LAI, T. C. LAMBIE, Dr. J. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. - LAU, Wai-mai - LAW, Chung-kam LAWRY, R. E. LEE, H. W. - LEE, J. S. LEE, Hon. R. C. LEFEVOUR, Dr. E. LEHMANN, Miss I. H. LEMARE, J. R. LI, Dr. T. Y.* LINDSAY, Mrs. B. E. - LINDSAY, T. J. LIU, D. H. LIU, Dr. T. Y. LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Chin-tang LO, T. S.* LOSEBY, Miss P. - LOTHROP, F. B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. LUM, Miss A. + • - - Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. 155 c/o Director of Medical & Health Services, Tower Court, Hysan Avenue, H.K. Brentwood College, Cobble Hill P.O., Vancouver Island, B.C. Canada. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. Victoria Heights, 43-A, Stubbs Road, Flat 1-A, H.K. The British Council, First Floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. Dept. of History, The University, H.K. 15-A, Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 1c-3c Broom Road, H.K. 26, Severn Road, The Peak, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o The American Consul, 26 Garden Road, H.K. c/o Faculty of Oriental Studies, Australian National University, Box 197, Post Office, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia, Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. Department of Chinese, The University, HK. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7th Floor, H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Bank of Canton Building, 6 Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. c/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass., U.S.A. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ! I - ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 159 STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., H.K. SWIRE, A. C. * TALBOT, H. D. TANG, Shiu-kin * THOMAS, L. F. + THOMAS, Dr. O. L. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Department of Geography, The University, H.K. The Kowloon Motor Bus Co., (1933) Ltd., 505, Pedder Building, H.K. Co-operative Development & Fisheries Department, Li Po Chun Chambers, 11th Floor, H.K. 17, Magnolia Road, Yau Yat Chuen, Kowloon. THOMPSON, Lt. Col. P. H. CRE Hong Kong B.F.P.O.1, H.K. THOMPSON, R. W. - TILL, The V. Rev. B. * - TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TREGEAR, Miss M. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. - TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir M. * VETCH, H. - VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. VISCHER, Mrs. H. B. VISICK, Mrs. Mary WADDINGTON, Mrs. A. WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, Miss J. E. A. WARD, W. L. - WARNER, J. M. WATSON, K. A. WEI, Dr. Tat + Dept. of Modern Languages, The University, H.K. The Dean's House, H.K. 6, Peak Mansions, H.K. c/o Ashmolean Museum, Oxford University, Oxford, UK. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Queen's Road E., H.K. China Building, 4th Floor, H.K. "Whispers" Riversdale, Boume End, Bucks, U.K. c/o H.K. University Press, H.K. c/o H.K. University Press, H.K. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. A-23, Estoril Court, 15 Garden Road, H.K. Department of English, The University, H.K. 9, Middle Gap Road, H.K. c/o Commerce & Industry Department, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. 51, Buxey Lodge, Conduit Road, H.K. Apt. 3, No. 7, Magazine Gap Road, H.K. City Hall, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. H.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Association, Queen's Road, East, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 160 WEINREBE, H. M. WEISS, K. WELCH, H. H. * WILLIAMS, P. B. WILSON, B. D. WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Dr. Man WONG, Pao-hsie WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WOO, Dr. A. W. - WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Miss P. YAO, Pe-chun YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, W. T, YOUNG, Dr. R. S. YOUNG, Mrs. S. YU, Ping-Kuen YU, Yin C. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103/4 Yu To Sang Bldg., 37, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. P. O. Box 718, H.K. 1. Austin Road, 10th Floor, Kowloon. c/o Colony Headquarters, Arsenal St., H.K. c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. 402, Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. Rm. 108, China Building, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. B-5, Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st Floor, 80, Tai Po Road, Kowloon, 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st Floor, H.K. Woo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1st Floor, H.K. 204, China Building, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. 90, Mt. Nicholson, H.K. I.L. 7635 Cooper Road, Block 2 East, 2nd Floor, Jardine's Lookout, Causeway Bay, H.K. c/o Mental Hospital, H.K. 60-B, Conduit Road, Ground Floor, H.K. Clinical Pathology Unit, Department of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K. Clinical Pathology Unit, Department of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K. Department of Chinese, The University, H.K. 205-207, Gloucester Building, Hong Kong. No. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. * Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy 1 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 12 W. C. HUNTER The Hunter Journal was presented to the Boston Athenaeum by Dr. Robert W. Hooper on March 27, 1858. Hooper was born in Marblehead, Massachusetts in 1810, graduated from Harvard College in 1830, received a medical degree from the same institution six years later, and thereafter became a prominent surgeon in Boston. Hooper was also a bibliophile and a trustee of the Boston Athenaeum who added substantially to its holdings by gifts. It is impossible to establish definitely how he obtained the Hunter Journal, but it seems probable that it came from his wife's family. In 1837 he married Ellen Sturgis, daughter of William Sturgis who was active in the Orient trade. Many Massachusetts men engaged in the China trade were related. In 1788 Thomas Handasyd Perkins went to China on the Astraea and launched a commercial venture with the aid of his elder brother James. 1803 their nephew J. P. Cushing also travelled there and managed the business until 1828. Other nephews of T. H. Perkins, James Sturgis, and Charles Bennet Forbes also prospered in the China trade. In 1833 the third generation of the family left Boston for the Orient and for the next decade divided his time between Manila and Canton. William Hunter was a business associate of both R. B. Forbes and Russell Sturgis and mentioned the latter in his Journal, Julian Sturgis, son of Russell had vivid memories of Hunter. In I remember Mr. Hunter visiting my parents at Walton (England) when I was a boy, a handsome, courteous man with a brown face and white moustache, like a fine type of Anglo-Indian, and speaking Chinese for our amusement with so soft a voice that I have often wondered how much of that soft musical quality was due to him and how much inherent in that unknown tongue.2 Hunter finally left Canton and closed Russell and Company in May 1841. This move was recorded in the letters of William Henry Low, a young man in his twenties who arrived in Canton in September 1839 and joined his brother A. A. Low in Russell and Company. 1 Russell Sturgis joined Baring Brothers and Co. of London after he ended his commercial ventures in China about 1849. He became senior partner of the English firm in 1873. 2 Julian Sturgis, From Books and Papers of Russell Sturgis (Oxford, 1893), p. 206. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 17 and Bengal, except the Turkey which belongs to Baring Brothers and Company, London. At night the linguists took me on board their boat stationed in the creek opposite the Factories and gave me supper, after which I was returning home to turn in when two of Houqua's13 coolies on guard at the gate contrived to slip inside the gate a small bag containing two boiled capons, a boiled ham, three loaves of bread and some crackers tied up in leaves. I paid them half a dollar. The articles were brought by order of Houqua. 29th Two sheep, four pigs, sixteen hams, ten fowls, sixteen geese, and six bags of rice were brought today for distribution amongst the American residents. The linguists say they are from the Commissioner* and deputy Governor* and a mark of Imperial favor for having consented to deliver up the opium. Our situation is one of great mystery. Although the Chinese say that having promised to deliver up the opium we have risen in the Commissioner's esteem yet today no foreigner is allowed to pass up China Street which we were allowed to do till this morning, and a strong guard has been posted there of about fifty men with pikes, staves, shields and so on. 30th 10 p.m. Houqua's head man came in just now in a great fright and told me that our cook and coolie, who have been in our Factory since last evening and who contrived to get in over the roof of the rear Factory, must immediately leave as the Commissioner had just issued another edict threatening with death any native who sold a particle of food to, or who served a foreigner in any way inside his Factory. I communicated this to the cook and coolie who consent to remain till morning. 31 March, Sunday This morning at 9 a linguist from Old Tom's establishment brought us a basket of bread and eggs. Every night the force stationed to guard the Factories consists of about 500 men drafted from the different Hongs and armed principally with pikes or lances and long heavy staves. Word illegible. Each ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 20 W. C. HUNTER there was a large Chop posted on the wall of the Company's Factory giving a review of the correspondence between the Commissioner and the foreigners up to this time. At 5 p.m. the coolies brought us 6 buckets of water and 4 bundles [of] hay for the cows and promised to bring us some spring water tomorrow. April 2, Tuesday New China Street, Hog Lane and the alley in front of Cox's house have been built up with bricks for the double purpose of preventing the escape of foreigners and to keep all Chinese out of the Square. None but those on duty are permitted to come in front of the Factories. The guards are erecting more mat sheds by the water side. Supplies of bread, fruit, spring water and other things brought to each Factory. Everything very dull in the day time. The Factories, deserted by the Chinese who used to live in them, are as desolate as possible, and at night dark and dreary. We have, however, quantities of food supplied us by the Consoo. Hired six of the coolies on guard at our Factory gate to wash out the Hong, and paid them 25 cents each. We have a fellow to look after our cows who comes in and goes out at pleasure, the linguists having furnished him with a pass. All the coolies, police and soldiers stationed around the Factories are each supplied with a pass which they are obliged to show on passing in and out of the gate at the end of Old China Street which is the only entrance into the Square, all the other avenues having been bricked up. The pass is a small piece of wood attached to a red string with the characters Yaou-Pae, meaning "a pass attached to the waist" where it is fastened. Beneath these characters are others, private marks. The washerman came yesterday and brought our clean clothes and took some away to be washed, having no pass a linguist came in with him and remained till he went away. Everything taken from the Factories, I am told, is first carried to the Consoo House, where, with the carriers, all are examined. A precaution taken to prevent any letter or note being carried out of the Hongs which might be sent to the vessels at Whampoa, at Lintin, or Macao. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 21 Our greatest fear is that the boats from the shipping at Whampoa where there is a force of eight or ten hundred men may attempt to force their way to Canton to relieve us, in which case the Chinese would probably fall upon and massacre us. It is to be hoped, however, that all the foreigners there are too well aware of the imminent danger in which we would be placed by attempting to come up while matters remain in so very ticklish a position. We also expect the daily arrival of our two vessels of war, the Columbia and John Adams, and hope they will not do any act or aggression outside or at the Bogue, April 3 Captain Elliot issued a circular today which I refer you to. Johnston, the Second Superintendant, and Thom are to accompany Pwankeikua and Saoqua to Macao and from thence to the shipping to attend to the delivery of the opium to the Chinese officer who also goes down as a special messenger from the Commissioner to receive it. They are to start at 4 p.m. in Chop boats. At one after five Thom and Johnston, attended by Alantsae, the linguist, one of the Houqua's servants, and a Malay and a Chinese servant left the point in front of the Creek Hong in Houqua's boat and were taken to a large Chop waiting for them at anchor in front of the Factories, when they immediately got under way for Macao. Friday 5 Still prisoners and hostages for the delivery of the 20,282 chests of opium surrendered by Captain Elliot to the Commissioner. We are promised that the servants shall be restored when one fourth is delivered, the passage boats be allowed to leave when one half's delivered and our guard to be removed, and that when three fourths is delivered the trade shall be commenced, and matters shall resume their former course when all is delivered. My present intention is to leave Canton so soon as the first 1,000 chests are delivered, for if there is any difficulty in completing the entire delivery we may be retained as prisoners yet a long time, and there are doubts of the entire quantity being at hand to deliver. Our breakfast and dinner is now prepared at Old Tom the linguist's house, and brought to us by coolies in covered boxes. Captain Elliot sent a letter to Macao today. Old Tom who Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 36 W. C. HUNTER morning their rudders which were unshipped and their sails which were unbent and brought on shore six weeks ago were taken off and replaced. At 6 p.m. intelligence was received from the Bogue of 16,702 chests of opium having been delivered. The coolies dispersed, as they have behaved since placed to guard us, with good order and cheerfulness. They have conducted themselves remarkably well and proper. Hog Lane and the street in front of Cox's are to remain blocked up with bricks which is a good thing. Old and New China Streets are to be opened. We are now to wait and see what takes place on the final delivery of the opium. W. C. HUNTER Journal will be continued and forwarded as vessels sail. Canton 5 May, 1839 Sunday night after 11 I forgot to mention that just before the coolies and guard left the Kwang Hup and Nam Hoy came out and set carpenters to work to break up the ... Snipe49 who was taken prisoner by the Government for smuggling. * Word illegible. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 38 10 Linguist purser. W. C. HUNTER See note 39, (J.L.C-B) 11 Elliot's last day. On 25 March Elliot formally requested the Viceroy that passports should be issued within three days for all the English ships and people at Canton and that if passports were not issued he would consider the men and ships of his country as forcibly detained and act accordingly. Blue Book, Correspondence relating to China, 1840, p. 367. (J.L.C-B.) 12 Edward Elmslie. Secretary and Treasurer to the British Superintendents of Trade, Captain Charles Elliot and the Deputy Superintendent, A. R. Johnston, (J.L.C-B.) 13 Houqua. Known to Westerners at Canton as Howqua 7. His family name was Wu Ch'ung-yüeh (1810-1863). He was the fifth son of the famous Hong merchant Wu Ping-chien whom he succeeded as head of the firm in 1843. For his biography see Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 867-8. (F.L.C-B.) 14 Nam Hoe. Also written Nam Hoi. This means Nan Hai Hsien #i.e. the Magistrate having jurisdiction over the western part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included the area in which the foreign Factories lay. (J.L.C-B.) 15 Kwang Hup. The author may be referring to the Kwangchou hsieh "the Canton brigade", and so to its commander. (J.L.C-B.) 16 The Governor. The Governor of Kwangtung province at this time was I-liang (1791-1867). For his biography see Hummel, op. cit., I, 389. (J.L.C-B.) 17 K'an-ch'o (J.L.C-B.) 18 An-tsou (J.L.C-B) 19 Columbia & John Adams. According to the Chinese Repository Vol. 8, p. 56 the Columbia was a U.S. frigate and the John Adams was classed as a sloop-of-war. The Columbia was commanded by Commodore George C. Read. (J.L.C-B.) 20 Johnston, Alexander Robert Johnston, H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade. When the Government of Hong Kong was set up he was deputy first to Elliot and later to Sir Henry Pottinger and in this capacity he administered the Government of the Colony on various occasions from 1841 until 1843. (J.L.C-B.) 21 Pwan Kei Kua. Probably the merchant whose name was also spelt by Westerners at Canton at that time Ponkhequa and Puan Khequa. This was P'an Chengwei (1791-1850). See Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 605, (J.L.C-B.) 22 Saoqua. His family name was Ma Tso-liang and the name of his Hong was Shun Tai Hong A. (J.L.C-B.) 23 Sturgis. Russell Sturgis (1805-1887) of Boston was first named Nathaniel Russell Sturgis, Jr., but he was always known as Russell Sturgis after his name was changed by decree of the Middlesex County Court. He graduated from Harvard in 1823, married in 1828 but was widowed four months later. After an extended tour of Europe he returned to Boston and for a while practised law. He remarried and in 1833 took his family to the orient where he became a partner of Russell & Sturgis of Manila and Russell, Sturgis & Co. of Canton. Later in 1842 when the latter firm became incorporated with Russell & Co., China, he became a partner in 1842. In May 1844 he retired to Boston, his second wife having died in Manila in 1837. Being far too young to give up work altogether he decided to return to China in 1849 but while passing through London he ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 39 was persuaded to join the firm of Baring Brothers & Co. In 1873 he became senior partner of the house, finally retiring in 1882. (L.T.R.) 24 Lin Tse-hsü's fate. Hunter long survived Commissioner Lin. Lin Tse-hsü was dismissed from office in 1840 and later sentenced to exile in Ili in Chinese Turkistan, where he remained for three years. He was allowed to return to Peking in 1845. He later served as Governor-General of Yunnan and Kweichow, and retired from office in 1849. He died in 1850 at the age of sixty-seven. (J.L.C.B.) 25 Heang-shan (Heungshan). Former name of the District in which Macao lies. Re-named Chung-shan in honour of Sun Yat-sen. (J.L.C-B.) 26 Morrison. John Robert Morrison (1814-1843) was born in Macao, the second son of Dr. Robert Morrison and his first wife Mary (née Morton). He had some schooling in England but at the age of twelve he came back to Canton with his father in 1826. He became a fluent Cantonese speaker as well as a Chinese scholar, and on the death of his father in 1834 was appointed Chinese Secretary to H.M.'s Commission in China. In 1838 he became, in addition, Interpreter, and in 1841 succeeded Elmslie as Secretary and Treasurer to the Superintendent of British Trade in China. In 1843 he was appointed Chinese Secretary and member of the Executive Council of the newly founded Colony of Hong Kong and was recommended for appointment, by the Governor, as Colonial Secretary. Before the appointment was approved, however, he died in Macao in August 1843, and was buried in the Old Protestant Cemetery there. (L.T.R.) 27 Kwang Chow Foo. Kuang-chou fu The Prefect of the Prefecture of which Canton was the chief city. (J.L.C-B.) 28 Kam Hay Hue. No such title. But I suspect Hunter intended to indicate the Namhoi Hien which title was sometimes written Nam Hoy Hien. See note 14. (J.L.C-B.) 29 Pwan Yu Hue. Also written Punyu Hien. The magistrate having jurisdiction over the eastern part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included Whampoa and the foreign shipping there. (J.L.C-B.) 30 Fearon, Samuel Turner Fearon was the second son of Christopher Fearon and Elizabeth Noad who were married on 14 May 1818 at the Streatham Parish Church. His father served as a midshipman at the Battle of Trafalgar and after being discharged from the Royal Navy he joined the Honourable East India Company's marine service. In this service he made a number of voyages to Canton and when he decided to take a shore posting there he brought his wife and family out with him. Samuel became a fluent Cantonese speaker and in 1838 was appointed Interpreter to the Canton General Chamber of Commerce. After the cession of Hong Kong he was appointed interpreter and clerk of the Chief Magistrate's Court and a couple of months later were added the duties of Notary Public and Coroner. Three years later he was appointed Assistant Magistrate of Police and on 1st January 1845 he became Registrar General and Collector of Revenue. In July 1845 he was granted a year's sick leave and while in England he was appointed Professor of Chinese at King's College, London, an appointment which he held from December 1846 until December 1852. (L.T.R.) 31 Van Basel. Magdalenus Jacobus Senn van Basel, born in Groningen, Holland on 27 September 1808, was appointed clerk in the Dutch Consulate at Canton in 1826, and Vice-Consul in November 1831. He was later in partnership with G. M. Toe Laer and P. Tiedenan in the firm of Senn van Basel & Toe Laer & Co. In 1848 he became Collector General of Taxes ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 41 40 Fan Kwais. Fan-kuei ₺ A foreign devil. foreign devil. The title of one of Hunter's books of reminiscences was The Fan Kwae' at Canton before Treaty Days 1825-1844, by an old Resident, London, Kegan Paul, Trench & Co. 1882; reprinted Shanghai 1911. (J.L.C-B.) 41 blows them sky high. By a coincidence Eric Partridge in his interesting work A Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English, 4th Ed. 1951 p. 68 defines to blow sky high as "to scold or blame most vehemently" and adds origin U.S. and anglicised ca. 1900. Here we have an American example of the use of the phrase "to blow sky high" in 1839. (J.L.C-B.) 42 Hae yaw? Probably part of the common expression pronounced in Cantonese "hac yao ch'i lei" £À which means literally "there is no such principle!" So it comes to imply "it can't be done”, (J.L.C-B) 43 bond. The bond presented to the American Consul by Commissioner Lin "stipulated that should any opium be found on an American vessel, the ship would be liable to confiscation and its entire crew liable to death. The Consul, moreover, was to be held responsible for his countrymen's behavior." Dulles, F. R., 1930, The Old China Trade, p. 157. (L.T.R.) 44 Pankugua. Probably a reference to P'an Cheng-wei (pidgin Pwan-keikua). (See note 21.) (J.L.C-B) 45 Chinchoo. Ch'üan-chou, a port in Fukien. (J.L.C-B.) 46 the Governor of Macao. Don Adriao Accacio da Silverira Pinto who served as Governor from 1839 until 1843, (J.L.C-B.) 47 16 foreigners. A list is given in the Blue Book, Correspondence Relating to China 1840, p. 403, which states "Supposed names of the sixteen individuals, as given in the list appended to the Kwang Chou fu's letter to Capt. Elliot dated 4 May 1839." "Supposed" because J. R. Morrison in translating from the Chinese had to guess what names were meant by the sounds of the Chinese characters used for transliteration, The names listed were: Dent, Henry, D. Matheson, Daniell, Inglis, Ilbery, Dadabhoy, A. Jardine, Heerjeebhoy, Stanford, Green, Franjee, A. Matheson, Matheson, Bomanjee, Goldsborough. The 16 left Canton with Elliot on 24th May. (J.L.C-B.) 48 the Chung Hup. This may refer to the two characters pronounced in Cantonese Chung Heep. This officer commanded a brigade. (J.L.C-B.) 49 Snipe. She was a brig of tonnage reported variously as 176 to 196 tons, and registered sometimes as British, sometimes American. She was owned by Augustine Heard & Co., and for many years she was commanded by Capt. William Endicott of Boston, and was stationed at Woosung as an opium receiving ship. (L.T.R.) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE 45 is one important point to be cleared up. The Chinese are highly skilled farmers. Their techniques of land-winning and of irrigation change landscapes. So, alas, does their age-long war against trees. But since A.D. 900 the topography of this territory has been changed not only by human technique. There has also been a gradual, small, but identifiable and, I believe, measurable tilt of the surface of the earth along the axis of the four high peaks (the two on Lantao,37 Tai Mo Shan and Ng Tung Shan104) which has altered and is still altering the coast line. I leave it to geologists to say whether this is a necessary effect of what happens when the subsidence of a long straight shore meets a range of hills parallel to the shore (in which case it will be reproduced at many points of the Chinese coast), or whether it is a local peculiarity. It would also be interesting to fill in some of the chronological gaps and find out whether the two clear cases of recent river capture13 took place before or after the Chinese settlement. Until these gaps are filled up, I do not claim that the details of the shore line indicated on the map are authoritative, but they are not far wrong for the northwestern part of the territory, which was the part first settled by the ancestors of the Man94 and Tang.44 You will observe that the present Castle Peak and the mountain attached to it on the north42 were at that time an island, separated from the mainland of the New Territories by a sea channel which in A.D. 900 was probably very shallow but navigable. The traditions of the oldest villages leave no room for doubt that there has been a general uplift in excess of 5 metres in this area. The red line approximately follows the present 5 metres contour. The ground on both sides of the navigable channel was swamp, probably mangrove swamp, dotted about with small islands and intersected by creeks and streams. The first fort of which there is written record was known as Tuen Mun Chan141 and was almost certainly located at a point I have marked on the map,138 about three miles north of the present location called Tuen Mun.141 It would be an advantage if all doubts could be settled by excavation on the site, which can be seen even from the ground (and more clearly still from the air) to have contained old earth-works and possibly buildings. It will be noticed that the present Sham Chun120 River had a much shorter course at that date, and the northern half of what ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 64 K. M. A. BARNETT Ng 103 Ngraahcrinn-chynn, 104 Ngrhtrung-shaann, N. L. 105 Ngrr-droi, £1 (+908—+959, with local variations). 0 106 Obliterated villages:- Nai Tong Kok,101 Pak Hok Tuns and the original Tai Pak,35 some way from the present site. P 107 Phuunniryh, #5. 108 Preangzhaw, , an island five miles west of the western tip of Hong Kong Island. 109 Preangzhaw, H, an island in the north-eastern part of Mirs Bay,41 110 Pre-Chinese languages: I should exempt from this stricture Professor Princeton S. Hsu,23 whose books, "History of the People of South China”72 and "A Study of the Thais, Chuangs and the Cantonese People"133 are of great interest and should be read by anyone anxious to learn more in this field. But I think he goes too far in suggesting a Malay origin for the Tanka-or is it a Tanka origin for the Malays? 111 Prengshaann, Ħ4. 112 Pruunn-gwuur, 1. R 113 River Capture. The break-through of the Kwun Yam Ho62 from the Lam Tsuen74 valley to Taipo:33 formerly it flowed through Fanling48 and Sheung Shui130 into Deep Bay;152 and that of the two streams which now flow into the sea at Sham Tseng,119 the headwaters of which used to flow through Tin Fu Tsai137 into Tai Lam.38 $ Sei-braak, see 35, 114 Shaahtraw-gok, YA★ · 115 Shaahtrinn, 3⁄4w. + 116 Shaahtrinn-xoe, , still better known to the local people as Lik Yuen Hoi. Shaamm-braak, E★ see 35, 117 shaann-ghoh, Hakka saan-go, L. 118 Shaannloo, #. 119 Shamm-zearng, ##. + 120 Shamm-zeon, . The second word means an artificial channel with earth banks and suggests that the present river was cut to drain the swamps to the east and south-east of the present town. 121 Shann Ngrrdroi-sir, ĦARK - Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 90 J. W. HAYES It is hoped that this account of Peng Chau will demonstrate the diversity of settlers and enterprises which appears to characterise even the smaller settlements of this part of the Kwangtung coastline. Peng Chau is a Cheung Chau in miniature, and because of its smaller size a wider treatment than was possible for Cheung Chau can be given, in an article of this length. Again, my intention is to provide no more than an outline, and an indication that, despite their size, such communities could be complex settlements in which traditional lines of division were blurred by proximity and a common environment. NOTES Any statements in respect of Peng Chau and its people which appear to be unsubstantiated are based on information supplied by various elders. I am most grateful for the assistance given by the Chairman of the Peng Chau Rural Committee, Mr. LAM Shue-chun#, and Mr. LO Chi-chung# of the District Office, South, 1 See "The pattern of life in the New Territories in 1898" pp. 75-102 of this Journal, vol. 2 (1962) and "Cheung Chau 1850-1898" in vol. 3 (1963) pp. 88-106. 2 See Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong—hereafter styled Sessional Papers (Hong Kong Noronha & Company, at yearly intervals, in this case 1905) p. 144 in the Report on the work of the Land Court for the New Territories for 1900-1905. 3 See G. N. Orme, “Report on the New Territories 1899-1912” in Sessional Papers 1912, pp. 56-57, for significant changes in wages and the cost of living. 4 A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer 1960) p. 83. In this article characters have not been given for any place names which appear in the Gazetteer, 5 Schedules to the Block Crown Lease for Peng Chau, District Office, South, New Territories Administration. Hereafter styled BCL. 6 Under the Convention of Peking signed on 9th June 1898, 7 Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103(22) and (26). This figure is broken down into 434 males and 208 females, children included. The preponderance of males is noteworthy and may be due, in part, to the number of single men employed in the limekilns. The boat population are not specified separately in the Census returns and cannot be separated from the 4,442 contained in the Cheung Chau district figure. Cheung Chau with Peng Chau and Nei Kwu Chau formed a census district in 1911, but whilst the land population for each place is given separately, the boat populations are not so specified. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r PENG CHAU 91 There are said to be over 230 islands within the Crown Colony of Hong Kong. See Hong Kong Annual Report for 1962 (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1963) p. 319. ? I am not well acquainted with the Chinese records, but there seems to be little information on Peng Chau available in the San On Gazetteer, or Gazetteer of the San On District, last edition 1819, but reprinted by Kwangtung Printers, Canton, 1933. 10 A lucky day of a winter month of the third year of Chia Ching. 11 A lucky day of the third winter month of the 57th year of Chien Lung. 12 It is customary to do so: in fact the 1878 tablet states whether subscribers are local or from various other places. I base this statement on experience of many such tablets, but there are always exceptions to disprove the general rule. Tablets may be considered generally to be reliable, but are subject to occasional errors and omissions. 13 A lucky day of the third winter month of the year, third year of Kuang Hsü (January/February 1878). 14 The nineteenth day of the seventh Moon of the fifteenth year of Tao Kwang. There is nothing on the tablet to indicate that it was the only one erected. If it was, it confirms the island's importance as a fishing centre, 15 This date and the number of boats stated cannot be confirmed. It is given in a short manuscript account of Peng Chau in Chinese, available locally, compiled anonymously a few years ago, 16 On Cheung Chau a Peng On Tong existed in 1898 when, together with two other Tongs, it held a lease of land for a boatshed. These appear to have been organisations of Tanka fishermen. The Peng On Tong and its boatshed still exist, though its affairs have been managed by several generations of a prominent Punti family since at least 1910 (BCL and Land Registers). 17 For some information on the origins of the Tanka see K. M. A. Barnett "The Peoples of the New Territories" in Hong Kong Business Symposium (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 1957) p. 261 and his Introduction, pp. 2-3 to T. R. Tregear's Hong Kong Gazetteer (Hong Kong University Press, 1958). 18 The local name for trawlers is ... The smaller types of Tanka fishing craft using the anchorage in 1898 are described as * and *. Then there are Hoklo boats of a similar type: one usually equipped with cars and styled #, and a variant called, literally "chicken hair claw", which was the type of boat used by Mr. CHUNG and his fellow Hakka fishermen. I am told that the first are principally shrimp boats and the latter mainly used for catching fish. There is a good description of such craft on p. 53 of Orme's Report in Sessional Papers 1912 quoted above, which is also useful for a contemporary account of the boat people. A list of the various types of local fishing craft (modern) is given in Table I, pp. 45-51 of Stanley S. S. Yuan's paper on Fishing Junks, which was read to the Engineering Society of Hong Kong in the 1955-56 session and published in January 1956 in volume IX no. 2 of their Proceedings. A diagram showing six local types is on p. 55. For an interesting account of the Hong Kong fishing fleet before the Japanese War, see Reports on the Fisheries Industries of Hong Kong by S. Y. Lin, apparently written between 1938-48, of which there is a typescript copy in the Library, University of Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 92 J. W. HAYES 19 The Harbour Master's Report for 1906 in Sessional Papers 1907, p. 130, which presumably gives figures for the whole Colony, states that 1,796 native craft were sunk, and in the majority of cases totally lost. The total loss of life, he said, "must have been excessively high, amounting to approximately 5,000, though there are no positive records to show the actual number that perished". The typhoon was not expected, and a few days afterwards a committee was appointed to enquire whether earlier warning could have been given to shipping. A month later its members opined that "reviewing the evidence as a whole, the committee find that prior to 7.44 a.m. on the 18th September 1906 there was no indication of a typhoon approaching Hong Kong... and warning was given as soon as, in the circumstances, was practically possible." The Report of the Typhoon Relief Fund Committee in Sessional Papers 1907, pp. 277-287, gives no information about Peng Chau, though Table 1, p. 283 may include some Peng Chau craft, 20 The system of credit is briefly described on p. 2 of the Report of the Fisheries Department, Hong Kong Government, for 1946-47. "The practice of the laans before the war was to obtain control over the fisherman by granting loans to him for the repairing of his boat, buying of new gear, etc. at certain period during the year. In return the fisherman was expected to market all fish caught through the laan who would make appropriate deductions although, in many cases, the laan would ensure that the fisherman never settled the loan and therefore was never free to market his catch through anyone else." Peng Chau appears to have had several concerns of this type, though they combined their activities in this direction with general shopkeeping. They dealt in a variety of goods and sold also to land customers, besides acting as middlemen for the fishermen's catch and providing them with all their requirements. The big dealers connected with the Peng Chau fishing fleet at the time of the repair tablet of 1878 appear to have been seven Hong Kong laans mentioned on the tablet. This shows that the number of Peng Chau boats was sufficiently large for outside merchants to do business with them, either directly or through the local smaller dealers. One should not, however, take too narrow a view of the fishermen's position vis-à-vis the laan. The same willingness to allow the fishermen goods on credit, and so run up debts and incur obligations which would ensure that they continued to patronise the same shop or laan, was also extended by shopkeepers to the farmers and townspeople. S. Y. Lan op. cit. gives much detail on laans, some of whom were Tankas. 21 For this information see Hong Kong Annual Report for 1899, pp. 14-15, Colonial Reports, Annual, 1899, No. 314 (London, HMSO, 1901). 22 BCL. 23 BCL. 24 Arthur Waley, The Opium War through Chinese Eyes (London, Allen and Unwin, 1958) p. 101. Orme's Report mentions, p. 44, the diversity of the fishing population thus, "The Hoklos, who are a kind of sea-gypsy, only form a very small section of the land population, some 1500 in all, but much of the fishing is in their hands. Of the junk population, the large majority are Puntis (I assume he means Punti-speaking), and of the remainder some Hakka and some Hoklo." 25 Hong Kong Government Gazette, Government Notification No. 557 of 1901. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 94 J. W. HAYES 96 J. W. HAYES Since writing about Cheung Chau I have discovered that the Kaifong there were responsible for a large communal free grave dated the sixth month of the twelfth year of Tung Chi (summer 1873) and repaired in 1901, which takes its history further back than I had imagined; whilst at Stanley * on Hong Kong island the present Kaifong occupies the premises of its predecessor the Sin On Kung Soi2 which were repaired for that body in the twenty-seventh year of Tao Kwang (1847) according to the inscription on the granite lintel over the entrance and a tablet set in the wall outside of the same date. 51 See Administrative Report 1925 of the District Officer, New Territories for a later example, 52 See the Cheung Chau article p. 92, and my earlier "Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898" pp. 86-88 and note 29. In the latter for "HO family" read "CHEUNG family". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 96 J. W. HAYES Since writing about Cheung Chau I have discovered that the Kaifong there were responsible for a large communal free grave dated the sixth month of the twelfth year of Tung Chi (summer 1873) and repaired in 1901, which takes its history further back than I had imagined; whilst at Stanley * on Hong Kong island the present Kaifong occupies the premises of its predecessor the Sin On Kung Sor2 which were repaired for that body in the twenty-seventh year of Tao Kwang (1847) according to the inscription on the granite lintel over the entrance and a tablet set in the wall outside of the same date. 51 See Administrative Report 1925 of the District Officer, New Territories for a later example. 52 See the Cheung Chau article p. 92, and my earlier "Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898" pp. 86-88 and note 29. In the latter for "HO family" read "CHEUNG family". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r A RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN NOTES 117 1 For a more detailed account of British trade to Canton at this period see J. L. Cranmer Byng, An Embassy to China. Being the Journal kept by Lord Macartney during his Embassy to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung 1793-1794 (Longmans, Green, 1962), 4-17. 2 Macartney's own journal printed in J. L. Cranmer Byng, op. cit., For Parish and Alexander see Appendix A, 313-16. 111-112. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, “The Defences of Macao in 1794: a British Assessment" in Journal of Southeast Asian History Vol. 5 No. 1 (1964). 4 Printed in H. B. Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635-1834, 5 Vols. (O.U.P. 1926-9), I., 237. 5 This report is preserved among the Macartney documents in the Wason collection on China and the Chinese at Cornell University, No. 371 (part). I wish to acknowledge my thanks to the Director of Libraries at Cornell for permission to reproduce this document in full. In doing so I have modernized the spelling and the use of capital letters. I also wish to acknowledge permission received from the authorities of the British Museum to reproduce Parish's sketch map from the original preserved in the British Museum, Add. MS. 19822 (art. 13). 6 The Portuguese name of an island close to Macao which also gave its name to the anchorage there. 7 An officer of the Bombay Marine who had been sent to Macao in 1793 in command of the Endeavour brig, one of two surveying ships, which were earmarked for the use of the embassy. The Jackall had sailed from England in 1792 as tender to the Lion. Both the Endeavour and Jackall sailed from Chusan to Canton in October 1793, but I have not discovered why Proctor was transferred to the Jackall or why the original survey ship, the Endeavour, was not used for this purpose. 8 A large island about twice the size of the island of Hong Kong. The east coast of Lantao, although it has at least one good bay- Silvermine Bay is not sufficiently protected from the wind and is too exposed to the sea to make a good harbour for ships. Lantao Peak rises to approximately three thousand feet and is a useful local landmark. The Chinese name for the island is Tai Yu Shan. + 9 Chek Lap Kok *#, a long island just off Tung Chung bay, See map facing page 27. Like other ports of Lantao it appears to have been more prosperous in the past than at present. The 1911 census gave its population as 77, of whom 55 were men. They probably worked in its stone quarries. to This refers to the Tung Chung valley, which included a fort between the villages of Ha Ling Pei and Sheung Ling Pei. Tung Chung ranked as a cheng M. See Rev. Krone "A Notice of the Sanon District" in Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Part VI (Hong Kong 1859) p. 82. + 11 This is correct, since presumably Parish was referring to the head land of San Tau #. From here the coast runs sharply SW to Tai O. 12 Two islands known as the Brothers, consisting of the West and East Brothers. 13 In the vicinity of Tsing Lung Tau "Green dragon head", on the coast of the New Territories between Tsun Wan and Castle Peak. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 118 CRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD 14 They had every reason to be alarmed on account of the continual attacks from pirates on coastal villages in Kwangtung and other places during the period from about 1787 until 1810. See A. W. Hummel: Eminent Chinese of the Ching Period, 446-8. Also C. F. Neuman, History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810. 15 Macartney took with him on the embassy a "gardener and botanist”, David Stronach. For the botanical side of the embassy see J. L. Cranmer-Byng, op. cit., 317-19. 16 These nets are known locally as "stake nets" or tsang pang are lowered and raised by means of a tackle. They are frequently used along the coasts of Kwangtung today. The fishing season is from February to mid-September, 17 The island is now reasonably well covered with pine trees and there are a few small feng-shui woods of deciduous trees. A large number of kites have been observed using pine trees on a ridge in the centre of the island as a roost during the winter months. 18 Parish knew the island, which he had been sent to reconnoitre, under the name of Cowhee. Now he learned that the inhabitants called it Toong Shing-ow-a. However, this name does not appear to have survived and the island is now always known as Ma Wan4 and was so called as far back as 1859. See Rev. Krone, op. cit. (note 8) p. 73. The word Cowhee was probably a phonetic rendering of the name of an island between Ping Chau island and Hong Kong island known as Kau I Chau 交椅洲. 19 By the small island to the south-east Parish presumably meant Tang Lung Chau## which now has a small light-house on it. There is now a small harbour with a jetty at Ma Wan village, and this is the normal place for landing on the island today. 20 This is a doubtful statement. 21 The word as written in the manuscript report is clearly "profil". I can only suggest that Parish meant "profile", and was using it in a technical, military engineering sense, meaning "outline". A reading of Tristram Shandy and other eighteenth century books about sieges and defence works might give a clue to its technical meaning at that time, 22 From the anchorage position marked on the chart this must refer to the bay of Tsing Lung Tau. Today Ma Wan is connected to the mainland by a regular ferry service running from the bay of Sham Tseng, where the Hong Kong Brewery is situated. 23 By the word "bay" in this context Parish appears to refer to the wide bay formed by the northern coast of Lantao from its headland opposite Tsing Lung Tau to Chek Lap Kok opposite Tung Chung bay, but the wording is somewhat ambiguous at this point. 24 Probably the western arm of Luk Kang - · + + on Lantao. 25 Tung Ku #island opposite Tap Siak Kok on the Castle Peak peninsula. It forms part of the Urmston Road. 26 See Charles Tulse, Local Master's Handbook. Seamanship Illustrated (Hong Kong University Press, 1960). 27 See photograph of the "race" between Ma Wan and Lantao on page It is interesting to know that Professor Deryck Chesterman of the Department of Physics in the University of Hong Kong is carrying out research into the currents off Ma Wan and their effects on the sea bed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r A RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN 119 In 1897, two years before the lease of the New Territories by China to Britain, the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs set up a small customs house on Ma Wan in order to supervise trade between the Pearl River Delta and Hong Kong. The building used still stands. See photograph on p. 28 Ma Wan and a very small hamlet called Tin Liu. The total population of Ma Wan island at the 1911 census was 473. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong (H.K. Government Printer, 1911) p. 103 (36). 29 Morse, op. cit., I, 178. The name Kapsingmun appears to have been used by foreigners as an alternative for Kapsuimun which should be preferred. 30 Joseph Thomson, Review of Considerations Respecting the Trade with China (London, 1835). At this period both Lord Napier and after him Captain Charles Elliot spoke of obtaining an island and raising the flag somewhere. 31 The Chinese Repository, IV (1835-6), 548. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 120 FORKE'S TRANSLATION OF THE LUN HENG' Reviewed by D. LESLIE2 The Lun Heng of about A.D. 85, is the work of Wang Ch'ung £ (c. A.D. 27-96), one of the most original thinkers of Han China. Many, including Hu Shih and most western scholars, have praised his critical ability. In fact, this praise is not entirely justified. Wang Ch'ung, in this respect, falls far short of the Chou Confucian philosopher Hsüntzu (also Chuangtzu and Hanfeitzu). Han philosophy is generally considered to lack the originality of the classical Chou philosophers, and Wang Ch'ung, as Fung Yu-lan points out, was a child of his time. The most we can say is that he rises head and shoulders above his Han contemporaries in his critical abilities. It is true that Wang Ch'ung demands proofs and verification by experience at all stages in his arguments, but his idea of proof and experience is insufficiently empirical. He does not seek out the facts. He believes some of the weirdest stories (that Duke Ai was changed into a tiger; that Huang Ti, the Yellow Emperor, was twenty months in the womb; that hares give birth via the mouth). As Marcel Granet has expressed it (in his La Pensée Chinoise, 1934, p. 580), "son scepticisme a quelque chose de livresque". Wang Ch'ung's criticism is always based on pre-conceived postulates. Rather than reject the superstitions of his time, he merely reinterprets them in accordance with these postulates. Herein lies both his strength and his weakness. A good example is his denial (in his chapter 15 and elsewhere) of the many supernatural births accepted by his contemporaries. For, together with this denial, he accepts the factual truth of all the omens that accompanied these supernatural births. Omens, such as signs in the sky or lines in the hand (the Lun Heng incidentally gives the earliest extant reference to palmistry in China), the appearance of weird animals and plants, all mark, he believes, the rise and 1 Lun-Hêng. By Alfred Forke. Paragon Book Gallery, New York, 1962. Pt. I, iv+577; Pt. II, vi+536. U.S.$20.00, 2 D. Leslic is a Research Fellow in the Department of Far Eastern History, Australian National University, Canberra, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r BOOK REVIEWS 141 ASIAN PERSPECTIVES. The Bulletin of the Far Eastern Prehistory Association, Edited by Wilhelm G. Solheim II. Volume VI, Nos. 1 & 2, 1962. Hong Kong University Press, 1962. Illustrated. HK$25 per number. This issue of Asian Perspectives contains much of value for all students of Far-Eastern Prehistory—for the interested layman no less than for the expert. The journal is divided under three main headings: Regional Reports, Topical Report and Notes, and Original Articles. The regional reports cover the following areas: Eastern Asia and Oceania, Northeast Asia, Mainland China, Southeast Asia, Indonesia, Madagascar, the Philippines, Polynesia, New Zealand and Australia. All the reports have detailed bibliographies, invaluable for further reading and for the comparison and co-relation of work in the various fields of research. Especially interesting are the full note on A. P. Okladnikov's report on important archaeological discoveries in Mongolia in the Northeast Asia report, the notes in the Southeast Asia section which include P. I. Borikovsky's report on recent work in Vietnam and the inclusion, for the first time, of a regional report from Madagascar. The author of the report from Mainland China feels that the volume of work being done there and the problem of obtaining published results, make complete coverage difficult at the moment; but to have such a report at all, with a comprehensive list of references is useful. The Indonesian report is detailed and well-illustrated and covers field work and research in Java, Bali and Flores, Sumba and Timor. Those who have seen some of the Neolithic material discovered in Hong Kong will find the illustrations in this section particularly interesting. The topical report is on the linguistic sessions of the 10th Pacific Science Congress held in Honolulu in 1961; again the bibliography is extensive. The range of subject of the articles in the third section, Notes and Original Articles, is wide, but in this issue of the journal, predominantly archaeological. They include articles on the problems of archaeology in Madagascar, on the work of French prehistorians in Vietnam, on archaeology in North Borneo, Easter Island and in India. A. P. Khatri writes on A century of Prehistoric Research in India, paying tribute to the "father" of... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 146 NOTES AND QUERIES A COLLECTION OF CHINESE BOOKS FROM THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY NOW IN THE LIBRARY OF LEEDS UNIVERSITY Volume 1 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society included a note about a collection of Chinese books presented to the Royal Asiatic Society by Sir George Thomas Staunton in 1824. Volume 2 contained a supplementary note headed "Chinese books in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society London". Readers of this Journal may be interested to know that this collection of Chinese books has now gone to the library of Leeds University. Moreover it has been properly listed by Mr. P. van der Loon, Lecturer in Chinese at the University of Cambridge, and a stencilled copy of this shelf list can be consulted in the Brotherton Library of Leeds University. Mr. van der Loon has recorded a total of 734 items and the books have been placed in a systematic order and numbered from 1 to 734. The list shows the title of the work, the number of the volumes and the reference number given in the list of the collection published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1890. I have recently examined this new list and seen the books systematically arranged on the shelves of the library of Leeds University, and I can affirm that Mr. van der Loon has done an excellent job of work and deserves the gratitude of all scholars interested in Chinese collections in Britain. The proper listing of these books by an expert was long overdue. J. L. CRANMER-BYNG THE TUNG CHUNG FORT Mr. Cranmer-Byng has drawn attention to this fort in the Notes and Queries Section of last year's Journal of the Hong Kong ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 156 BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. - Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., BERTOVICH, Miss R. C. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACK, Mrs. W. A. BLACKMORE, M. BLATCHFORD, C. H. BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. BOAK, C. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BOLLMEYER, Mrs. H. BONSALL, G. W. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, B. BOYD, J. D. I. BRAGA, J. M. BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BROWNE, H. J. C. BRUNN, F. BUCKNELL, P. BYRNE, D. J. H.K. R.D. No. 1, Box 220, Masontown, Pa. U.S.A. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. 10-A, Stanley Beach Road, Stanley, H.K. Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. H.K. University, Pokfulum, H.K. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 408/9 Yu To Sang Building, 37 Queen's Road, C., H.K. H.K. University Library, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. 2, Percival Street, 3rd floor, H.K. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. P. O. Box 951, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 908 Takshing House, H.K. Legal Dept. Central Govt. Offices, H.K. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CASHMORE, Miss M. CHAN, Fook-Lam CHAN, Dr. Hee Chi P. O. Box 15118, H.K Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. 75, Deepwater Bay Road, H.K. 9A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 77 Chun Yeung Street, 10th floor, H.K. Bank of Canton Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 161 HORSMAN, Miss A. M. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOWARD, Miss V. HOWARD, W. J. HOWORTH, J. F. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung Pei- HUGHES, G. M. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* HUGHES, Prof. W. I. HULL, G. B. G. HUNG, C. S. HUTCHISON, Miss P. M. HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. INGLETON, N. J. C. JU, Miss S. JACKSON, R. N. JAO, Tsung-i JENKINS, Miss L. W. JONES, Dr. J. R.* JOSS, F. KARNOW, S. KAY, Miss H. KELLY, Miss E. KENNEDY, Lt. A. I. 74, Pelham Court, London S.W.5, England. Peninsula Court, Kowloon, Sisters Quarters, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. P. O. Box 282, Hong Kong. c/o Leigh & Orange, 2013, Union House, H.K. 53, Stanley Village Road, Hong Kong. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd. 12-14 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. 49 Beach Road, Repulse Bay, HK. 19 Hee Wong Terrace, 1st floor, H.K. Room 509, King's Park House, King's Park, Kowloon. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. Tung Hai Navigation Co., 802 Grand Building, H.K. Matron, H.K. Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, The Registry, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Sisters' Quarters, Kowloon, c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o The Chartered Bank, H.K. 3. Headland Road, H.K. Sisters' Quarters, Gascoigne Rd., Kowloon. P. O. Box 117, H.K. Victoria Officers Mess, Victoria Barracks, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 162 KEOWN, W. C. KEYES, M. P. - KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. KNIGHTLY, F. J. c/o Messrs. Butterfields & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 1, Wing Ying Mansion, 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. 57, Humewood Drive, Toronto 10, Ontario, Canada. 2, University Drive, H.K. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. KNOWLES, Hon. W. C. G.* Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. KVAN, Rev. E.* KUMMER, Dr. M. KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* KWOK, Chan* KWOK, Miss R. Y. KWOK, Walter LACEY, J. A. LAI, T. C. LAM, Yung-fai L LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAW, Chung-kam LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. LAWRY, R. E. - + + - L H.K. c/o Sinologische Bibliother Der Universitate Zurich, Florhofgassell, Zurich, Switzerland. St. John's College, The University, H.K. Goethe-Institut, German Cultural Centre, 6th floor, Caxton House, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 7 Arbuthnot Road, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. Brentwood College, Cobble Hill P.O., Vancouver Island, B.C., Canada. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. Victoria Heights, 43-A Stubbs Rd., Flat 1-A, H.K. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. British Council, Building, H.K. *Life Member 1st floor, Gloucester Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 166 RATH, F. C. REID, A. R. RICHARDS, G. RIDE, Lady L. T.* RIDE, Sir L. T.* ROBINSON, F. C. + ROOKE, Miss B. E. ROSS, Cdr. R. D. ROTHE, U.* ROY, Dr. A. + RUDGE, Mrs. A. K. RUMJAHN, S. M. + RUTTONJEE, Mrs. A. RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. RYAN, The Rev. Father T. F. RYDINGS, H. A. SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHOYER, B. P. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. SELLETT, G.* SHEKURY, Miss E. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHU, Dr. H. T. SHUI, Chien-tung H + Muller & Phipps (China) Ltd., P.O. Box 25, H.K. P.O. Box 479, H.K. 19, Douglas Apts., Old Peak Road, H.K. The Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K. As above. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 3-B, 3 University Drive, H.K. H.M.S. Tamar, H.K. c/o Deutsch-Asiatische Bank, Postfach 944, 2 Hamburg 1, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. 2 Macdonnell Road, H.K. P.O. Box 448, H.K. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. As above. Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 1 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. Univ. of Wisconsin, Dept. of Speech, 2201 Univ. Ave., Madison 6, Wisconsin, U.S.A. c/o H.K. Exchange Control, Fung House, H.K. c/o Labour Department, 22 Ice House Street, H.K. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 168 TALBOT, H. D. TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* THOMAS, L. F. · THOMAS, Dr. O. L. . Dept. of Geography, The University, H.K. Kowloon Motor Bus Co. (1933) Ltd., 505, Pedder Building, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon. THOMPSON, Lt. Col. P. H. CRE, Hong Kong, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. THOMPSON, R. W. THORN, Mrs. R. TILL, The Very Rev. B.* TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TOWNER, J. A. TREGEAR, Miss M. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir M.* UHALLEY, S. Jr. + VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. VISCHER, Mrs. H. B. VISICK, Mrs. M. VOGEL, E. F. WALDEN, J. C. C. WAN, Dr. Yik S. WARD, Miss B. E. WARD, Miss J. E, A. - + - - Senior Lecturer in Spanish, Univ. of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, W.I. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. 3, Mulbury Road, London W.14, England. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. District Office, South, 36 Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. 24 Portland Road, Oxford, England. Valuation Dept., - ► Rating & Building, 9/F., H.K. - - + China Building, 4th floor, H.K. Man Yee "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. A-23, Estoril Court, 15 Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. 3A, Marigold Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 2, Hoi Ping Road, Causeway Bay, H.K. c/o Miss Janet E. A. Ward, National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 1 170 WRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R. - WRIGHT, Miss P. - YANG, Tsung-han YANG, V. T. YAO, Prof. Hsin-nung YAO, Pe-chun YAP, Dr. P. M. YATES, Miss J. N. YEH, Rev. Hua-fen YEUNG, Walter, W. T. - YOUNG, L. K. YOUNG, Dr. R. S. YU, Ping-kuen YU, Yin C, ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. · c/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K. 90, Mt. Nicholson, H.K. P. O. Box 6175, Kowloon. Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. 1, Dorset Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kln. Wilson Road, 2nd floor, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 7, 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Housing Society, P. O. Box 845, H.K. 15, Stangee Place, Katong, Singapore 15. 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K. Clinical Pathology Unit, Dept. of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. 205-7, Gloucester Building, H.K. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 NIAH CAVE, 1947 - 1964 25 Sheila Brooks, Dr. Richard Shutler (who has already made one visit) and their associates in the U.S.A. The work continues actively with increasing emphasis on publication, generously aided by The Asia Foundation and the Otago Museum in New Zealand, as well as those already listed. In conclusion, I stress that from start to finish this has been and is a Sarawak Government-based study. The main costs and all the conceptions have been derived from this Government, first as a Crown Colony and now as a State in Malaysia. APPENDIX —— Specimen list of mammals so far identified from Niah Cave Stone Age food-bone deposits will illustrate the value of keeping everything in an excavation; in this case to build up a complete picture of prehistoric food habits. Similar studies on bird, fish, and reptile bone are in hand. The mammal work was organized and patiently carried on by Lord Medway and largely undertaken by him personally, with special help from Dr. Hooijer, in Holland, Lord Cranbrook in England, and Pat Marshall in Hong Kong. (For an introductory survey see Medway in Sarawak Museum Journal, VIII, 1958, 12:627-636). Comparative frequency of remains in the first seasons for a typical series of trenches down to 72" (Medway p. 631) gave approximately: Total no. of identifiable bones in Stone Age food remains (0 - 72"). (Sample only); Group Mammal Bird Reptile Fish 6,380 85 383+(Turtle, 305) 27 6,875 Over ninety per cent mammal bone is common form. For the mammals eaten, other than seven species of bat (also living in the cave, and difficult to distinguish as between food and dead falls), here is a brief summary, based mainly on Lord Medway's records, but my generalizations (and possible errors): ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 32 SIR JOHN BOWRING race is thus augmenting, the causes which lead to the destruction of food, — such as the overflow of rivers, fires, ravages of locusts, bad seasons, and other calamities, — are to a great extent beyond the control of human prudence or human exertion. It would be difficult to show what new element could be introduced which would raise up the native supply of food beyond its present productiveness, considering that hand husbandry has given to cultivation more of a horticultural than an agricultural character. The constant flow of emigration from China, contrasted with the complete absence of emigration into China, is striking evidence of the redundancy of the population; for though that emigration is almost wholly confined to two provinces, namely, Kwangtung and Fookien, representing together a population of probably from 34,000,000 to 35,000,000, I am disposed to think that a number nearer 3,000,000 than 2,000,000 from these provinces alone are located in foreign countries. In the kingdom of Siam, it is estimated that there are at least a Million and a Half of Chinese, of which 200,000 are in the capital (Bangkok). They crowd all the islands of the Indian Archipelago. In Java, we know by a correct census there are 136,000. Cochin China teems with Chinese. In this colony we are seldom without one, two, or three vessels taking Chinese emigrants to California and other places. Multitudes go to Australia, to the Philippines, to the Sandwich Islands, to the western coast of Central and Southern America: some have made their way to British India. The emigration to the British West Indies has been considerable; to the Havana greater still. The annual arrivals in Singapore are estimated at an average of 10,000, and 2,000 is the number that are said annually to return to China.* There is not only this enormous maritime emigration, but a considerable inland efflux of Chinese towards Manchuria and Tibet; and it may be added, that the large and fertile islands of Formosa and Hainan have been to a great extent won from the aborigines by successive inroads of Chinese settlers. Now these are all males — there is not a woman to 10,000 men: hence perhaps the small social value of the female infant. Yet this perpetual out-flowing of people seems in no respect to diminish the number of those who are left behind. Few Chinamen leave * Journal of the Indian Archipelago, vol. ii, p. 286, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 36 SIR JOHN BOWRING deserving of note, and all display evidence of the inadequate proportion which the produce of the soil bears to the demands for the consumption of the people.* The Chinese, again, have no prejudices whatever as regards food: they eat any thing and every thing from which they can derive nutrition. Dogs, especially puppies, are habitually sold for food and I have seen in the butchers' shops, large dogs skinned and hanging with their viscera by the side of pigs and goats. Even to rats and mice the Chinese have no objection, — neither to the flesh of monkeys and snakes: the sea slug is an aristocratical and costly delicacy which is never wanting, any more than the edible birds' nests, at a feast where honour is intended to be done to the guests. Unhatched ducks and chickens are a favourite dish. Nor do the early stages of putrefaction create any disgust: rotten eggs are by no means condemned to perdition; fish is the more acceptable when it has a strong fragrance and flavor to give more gusto to the rice. As the food the Chinese eat is for the most part hard, coarse, and of little cost, so their beverages are singularly economical. Drunkenness is a rare vice in China, and fermented spirits or strong drinks are seldom used. Tea may be said to be the national, the universal beverage; and though that employed by the multitude does not cost more than from 3d. to 6d. per lb, an infusion of less costly leaves is commonly employed, especially in localities remote from the Tea districts. Both in eating and drinking the Chinese are temperate, and are satisfied with two daily meals "the morning rice" at about 10 a.m., and “the evening rice" at 5 p.m. The only repugnance I have observed in China is to the use of milk -- an extraordinary prejudice, especially considering the Tartar influences which have been long dominant in the land; but I never saw or heard of butter, cream, milk, or whey, being introduced at any native Chinese table. * See a valuable paper on Chinese Agriculture in Chinese Repository, vol iii, pp. 121-27, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 54 J. MCCOY The aspirated stops are analyzed as unit phonemes simply to maintain the pattern of single consonant initials; all other arguments seem equally strong for interpreting them either as units or clusters. Two special points should be noted about the distribution of the consonants. Unlike SC, KS /m,p/ do not appear finally in a syllable but are replaced with /n, t/ respectively. Thus we find KS /sen1/ 'heart' and /it2/ 'leaf' as compared with SC /sêm1/ and /ip6/, with the SC tone contours here the same as the KS counterparts. The possible final consonants in KS then are /n, ng, t, k/. Again unlike SC, KS /n/ does not occur initially and /ng/ occurs initially only before zero final. Initial /n/ has merged with /l/ giving /lui6/ 'female' and /lan2/ 'male'. We find /ng5/ 'five', but all other categories of words which may have initial /ng/ in other Kwangtung Province dialects have a vowel initial in KS, e.g., /ui5/ 'outside', /ngo5/ 'hungry', and /jit2/ 'hot'. It should be noted that KS has no labialvelar consonant phonemes of the type /kw, kwh/ as postulated for SC by many analysts. There are no KS contrasts of the type which might suggest such a phoneme; thus we have KS /kong3/ 'to speak' and /kwong1/ 'bright', /kok3/ 'each, every' and /kwok3/ 'nation'. The point might well be made here that even in SC the phoneme /kw/ is not strictly required by the phonological evidence since there are no contrasts /k/ versus /kw/ which cannot be just as easily handled by /k/ plus /u/ with a saving in the phoneme inventory. The KS vowel system is: Front i Central Back u The vowels require more detailed explanation since, unlike the KS consonants, they are not similar enough to SC to permit descriptions of that dialect to suffice. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 56 a : J. MCCOY e € i 0 = ai ei ui au iu ου at et it ut ak ik ok uk an en in on un ang eng ing ong ung iek ieng 010 If I use my own analysis of SC, the consonant phoneme inventories of KS and SC are the same. This is because I combine the two palatal series as Chao himself suggests, eliminate the labialvelar series (Chao's labialized gutturals), and drop the semivowels. However, similarity of phoneme charts can not be taken as identity between two dialects. Even though the phonetic values may be similar as they are in KS and SC, we still have the problem of distribution which results in unique systems of syllable types. Thus, the loss in KS of initial /n, ng, kw/ creates quite a different picture for this dialect; similarly the loss of final /m, p/ makes no changes in the phoneme inventory but produces considerable variation at higher linguistic levels. 1 For the vowels a convenient comparison can be made of the lists of possible syllable finals. Already we can expect differences in the vocalisms by virtue of the fact that in my analysis KS has five vowel phonemes and SC has six. More significant is the point that KS has 31 syllable finals plus zero, while SC has 48 plus zero in either Chao's system or mine. Since there is no evidence that the consonants, tones, or any other features have conditioned this discrepancy in numbers, it must be assumed that there is a loss in KS of some syllable finals of which the counterparts are distinctive in SC. Twelve of these can be identified immediately as those possessing length or final /m, p/ in SC. The losses, more accurately described as mergers, show up readily in the rime table correspondences but reducing these from tabular form to descriptive text requires more space than can be justified in a non-technical paper. Instead, I propose to give a number of examples for each of the possible KS syllable finals in order to give general indications of the ancient sources ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE 63 10 In KS the zero final is found in syllables of only two types where an initial consonant occurs without a following vowel. These two types are /m2/ 'not' and several words /ng/, as in [ng6/ "Ave. 11 The semivowels are unnecessary in SC and many other Kwangtung Province dialects since there are no contrasts of the type /y/ versus /i/. The analysis here turns on factors which Hockett (1955, pp. 59-60) terms syllable juncture and a concomitant predictability of syllable boundaries. In most Cantonese dialects, with no atonic syllables, it is simplest to delimit the syllable to the domain of one tone and to analyse any difference between non-peak [y] and peak [i] as the allophonic variations of a single phoneme. Chao's decision to retain the semivowels may rest on requirements of his romanization system. 12 This is a possible exception in a rime group predominantly /i/. 13 There is evidence in KS, and some other Cantonese dialects such as Toishan, to suggest that syllables ending in -iek, -eng may be colloquial readings as opposed to literary readings in -ik, -ing/. For KS I did not turn up any double readings for the same word so this hypothesis remains to be tested, but in the speech of Toishan City we find contrast of the type /mieng3/ 'name', usually standing alone, and /men6/ for the same character in more formal compounds. The tone /3/ on the first example is a Toishan changed tone from the regular /6/. The Toishan contours are /3/ high rising and /6/ low level. Compare also SC. 14 This is the only example I have of this syllable final and may well be a loan reading. I include it pending further investigation. 15 /m2/ is a common negative in a number of southern Chinese dialects but it cannot be traced to a form in the ancient rime tables. In KS, as in SC, it is the only form in syllabic /m/. 16 As an example of similarities, we have the forms developed by the loss of initial /ng/ before ho-k'ou finals giving readings such as KS /ui5/ "outside". Compare Tung Kun /wi/ cited by Yuan (1960, p. 204) and probably taken from Wang Li. BIBLIOGRAPHY Note: These titles include only those items referred to in this paper. An excellent and possibly definitive bibliography on the Boat People, including some language data, see Ho Ko-en, 'A Study of the Boat People', Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. V. No. 1 and 2. Hong Kong 1959-60. 1. Chao, Yuen Ren (1947). Cantonese Primer. Cambridge, Mass. 2. (1951a), "T'ai-shan Yu-Jiao Hsü-lun" (Preface to Materials on the Toishan Dialect), Kuo-li Chung-yang-yen-chiu-yüan Li-shih-yü-yen yen-chiu-so Fuso-ch'ung Chi-nien-te-k'an (Bulletin of Academia Sinica, National Research Institute of History and Philology, Special Printing in Memory of Institute Director Fu). Taipei. 3. (1951b). "Tai-shan Yü-liao” (Materials on the Toishan Dialect), Kuo-li Chung-yang-yen-chiu-yüan Li-shih-yü-yen-yen-chiu-so Chi-k'an (Bull. of Academia Sinica, Nat. Res. Inst. of Hist. and Phil.), Vol. 23, Taipei. 4. Egerod, Søren (1956). The Lungtu Dialect. Copenhagen. 5. Hockett, Charles F. (1955). A Manual of Phonology. Baltimore, This book is Memoir 11 of the International Journal of American Linguistics. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 108 BOOK REVIEWS use all over the country, including Peking, are ching1 cheng4, meaning 'compete, competition' and cheng4ch'a2, 'struggle'. The character ch'a2 means 'verbose, slander'. But Goodrich's dictionary links it with tsui3 to mean 'interrupt in speaking' (page 5). This is wrong. The correct character is 1, meaning 'insert, drive into', which is also pronounced ch'a2, but written differently. Despite the great number of character entries, I have chanced to discover that a rather commonplace character t'o3 (oval, elliptical), is missing. Only the list of abbreviated characters at the end of the book gives this character and its abbreviated form, but, of course, not its meaning. Also missing is the character when pronounced k'a3 and used in the expression 1 k'a3p'ien4 to mean ‘card' or 'visiting card'. Another defect of the dictionary is that there exists some minor inconsistency in the romanization system. The circumflex accent which is seen over ‘e' in ‘ên' and ‘êng' in almost all cases such as chên, fên, hên, jên, kên, mên chêng, fêng hàng 'shen' on page 17, kêng, mêng, shêng, têng is missing in 'leng' on page 120 and 'neng' on page 143. Finally, there is a misprint on page xvii. The title at the top of the page should read "A Group Of Four Cycles A.D. 1804 - 2043" instead of "A.D. 1804 - 2064". There is a difference of 21 years. JOHN T. S. CHEN JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL STUDIES, Vol. V, Nos. 1 and 2 (1959 and 1960), Hong Kong University Press, 1965. Two articles in the Chinese language for which English summaries are given form the beginning of this volume. Ho Ke-en submits his research on the origin and geographical distribution of the Tan Tribe (Tan Chia) on pp. 1-40. A shorter article by Jao Tsung-i deals with the "Calligraphy in the Tun-huang Scrolls" and is accompanied by twenty-four plates presenting examples of calligraphy concerning varied subjects. Five studies in the English language follow on pp. 45-173. Herbert V. Guenther begins his "The Philosophical Background ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 116 NOTES AND QUERIES Additional Note on Article “JOURNAL OF OCCURRENCES AT CANTON IN 1839 BY WILLIAM HUNTER” Readers of Volume 4 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society will be grateful to the Editorial Committee for deciding to print the full text of William C. Hunter's manuscript journal preserved in the Boston Athenaeum. It is a happy coincidence that his journal should have been made available in print to scholars of modern Chinese history at the very time when Hunter's manuscript has been drawn on extensively in a recently published account of the causes and events which led to the Opium War. The late Dr. Hsin-pao Chang, in his scholarly book Commissioner Lin and the Opium War (Harvard University Press, 1964), relates in some detail the story of the detention of the foreign merchants in their factories from 24th March until 5th May by orders of Imperial Commissioner Lin Tse-hsü (pp. 151-159). In describing this episode Dr. Chang has used various sources but has taken most of his details from Hunter's manuscript journal. After reading Dr. Chang's book I have discovered answers to a few problems which puzzled me while writing some of the footnotes to Hunter's journal as published in Volume 4 of this journal. May I, therefore, make a few additions and corrections to the text. Firstly, the sketch map of the Canton estuary on page 59 of Commissioner Lin and the Opium War marks most of the places mentioned by Hunter which were not shown on the sketch map on page 27 of Volume 4 of this journal, or left unidentified in the notes to the text. Thus the positions of Lankeet, Chuenpee, Shakok and Chunhow are clearly shown on the map in Dr. Chang's book. Hunter's use of the name Chinn-up under entry for 13th April is still inexplicable but in fact the opium was being unloaded at that date at Sha-chiao ('Sandy Head') which presumably was the Shakok of Western accounts, lying across the estuary from Lankeet. Secondly, some minor corrections. On p. 16, line 1, the word 'songs' should read 'gongs'; on p. 14, lines 9-10, it would be more accurate to say ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 128 BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., BERTOVICH, Miss R. C. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G. BEVERIDGE, R. J. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. + BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. - BLATCHFORD, C. H, BLUE, A. D. - T BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. BOAK, C. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BODILLY, Mrs. M. BOLLMEYER, Mrs. H. BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, J. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, B. BOYD, J. D. I. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. 7 ד BREUIL, Mrs. N. du - BRITTON, Mrs. N. M. BROMHALL. J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BROWN, Miss B. BROWN, Mrs. D. L. + - - + + + H.K. R.D. No. 1, Box 220, Masontown, Pa. U.S.A. Italian Embassy, Tokyo, Japan. University Press, Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon, Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland, Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. c/o World Wide Shipping, Cornes & Co., C. P. O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan. Merton College, Oxford University, England. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 12A Mt. Nicholson Road, H.K. c/o W. F. Bollmeyer & Co. (H.K.) Ltd., Rooms 408-9 Yu To Sang Building, H.K. Flat 4-B, 3 University Drive, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. Dept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ., East Lansing, Michigan 48824, U.S.A. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. P. O. Box 951, H.K, 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 6 Peel Rise, The Peak, H.K. Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, L. 254 Kun Tong, Kowloon, Chatham Galleries, 103 Chatham Road, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 129 BROWNE, H. J. C. BRUUN, F. BRYAN, Mrs. F. L. - BUCKNELL, P. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. BUTTON, Miss J. V. - BUXEY, Miss M. J. BYRNE, D. J. CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CASHMORE, Miss M. CATER, J. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-fam CHAN, Dr. H. C. - CHAN, Leonard CHAN, William Hok-Lam CHAPMAN, Dr. G. W. - CHAU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Yih CHENG, Dr. Irene - CHENG, T. C. CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 908 Takshing House, H.K. 3-F Robinson Road, 10th floor, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Flat 201 Sisters' Qtrs., King's Park House, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. 11, Cambridge Road, Kowloon, Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 132 FUNG, K. S. FUNG. Hon. Ping-fan* GABBOTT, F. R. GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. - GARTNER, J. GEORGE, T. J. B. - GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H. GILES, R. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GODFREY, G.- GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. - - to Hang Tsai & Fung's Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K. Bank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. P. O. Box 232, H.K. c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13/F., H.K. c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. c/o American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road., H.K. 15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Travellers' Club, Pall Mall, London S.W.1., England. Vantage House, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. c/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., H.K. "Crossways", 49 Christchurch Road, Sidcup, Kent, England. Peninsula Court, Kowloon, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, USA, Room 601 Marina House, H.K. GORDON, The Hon. S. S.* Room 703 Prince's Building, H.K. GRAY, Dr. Doris E. GUADAGNINI, Dr. P. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HARRISON, Prof. B. HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. + HAYIM, E. I.* HAYWARD, G. W. HECHTEL, F. O. P. + HECHTEL, Mrs. F. O. P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. = - + Dept. of Biochemistry, The University, H.K. Via Buon Compani, No. 16, Rome, Italy. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Dept. of History, The University, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Seven- oaks, Kent, England. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. As above. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o P. O. Box 70, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 133 J'HESTROY, Baron P, de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. 1633 Compton Road, Cleveland, Ohio 44118, U.S.A. HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. Room 606, Gloucester Building, H.K. HỌ, Mrs. Hung Chiu HO, Hung-pong c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. HO, Teh-kuei 143 Wongneichong Road, 1st Floor, H.K. HO, Tickon* 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. HOCHSTADTER, W. c/o Mrs. N. du Breuil, 86, Main St., Stanley, H.K. HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. Kr. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, The Hon. D. R. Commerce and Industry Dept. HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. Fire Brigade HORSMAN, Miss A. M. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Eric Edward HOWARD, Miss V. HOWARD, W. J. HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. Peninsula Court, Kowloon. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. Room 8 St. George's Building, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. Sisters Quarters, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von P. O. Box 282, H.K. HSIA, Tung Pei D-1, "On Lee", 2 Mount Davis Road, Pok-fulum, H.K. HUGHES, G. M. As above, HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* P. O. Box 70, H.K. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. c/o Leigh & Orange, 2013, Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Building, H.K. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 134 HULL, G. B. G. HUNG, C. S. HURT. Miss E. J. - 49 Beach Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. 19 Hee Wong Terrace, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Sisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. HUTCHISON, Miss P. M. Room 509, King's Park House, King's Park, Kowloon. HUTSON, P. E. HYDE, Miss A. - INGLES, Miss J. M. INGRAM, Miss P. IU, Miss S. JACKSON, R. N. JAO, Tsung-i- JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JENKINS, Miss L. W. JONES, Dr. J. R.* KAY, Miss H. KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. - KEOWN, W. C. KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KNIGHTLY, F. J. KNIGHTS, J. KNOWLES. Dr. W. C. G.* - KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. - c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 123 Breezy Court, 2-A Park Road, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 95 Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. The Registry, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. 2 Stafford Road, Kowloon, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Sisters' Quarters, Kowloon. 3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Sisters' Quarters, Gascoigne Rd., Kowloon, P. O. Box 117, H.K. 7B Lincoln Court, Tai Hang Road, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfields & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 1, Wing Ying Mansion, 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. 57, Humewood Drive, Toronto 10, Ontario, Canada, H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. P. O. Box 113, H.K. Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. As above. Gemeindestrasse 21, 8032 Zurich, Switzerland. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 135 KUMMER, Dr. M. KURATA, Mrs. L. C. - KVAN, Rev. E.* - - KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* KWOK, Chan* KWOK, Walter LAI, T. C. LAM, Yung-fai LANDOLT, M. A. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAW, Chung-kam LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. - LAWRY, Mrs. B. C. 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Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. As above. The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. CA.S. Headquarters, 39 Gloucester Road, 2/F., H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 PORDES, Mrs. A. PORDES, F. - PRESCOTT, J. A. - RASSIM, Mrs. E. RAYNE, R. N. REID, A. R. RICHARDS, G. RIDE, Sir L. T.* RIDE, Lady L. T.* ROBINSON, F. C. - ROE, Capt. J. S. ROOKE, Miss B. E. - ROSS, Cdr. R. D. ROTHE, U.* ROY, Dr. A. + RUDGE, Mrs. A. K. - RUMJAHN, S. M. - RUTTONJEE, Mrs. A. · - 139 9 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. P. O. Box 479, H.K. The British Council, 166 Avenue Louise, Brussels, Belgium. New Haven, Taipo Kau, N.T. As above. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, Hong Kong. 3-B, 3 University Drive, H.K. Cromarty Cottage, St. Catherine's Row, Hayling Island, Hants, England. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. 2 Macdonnell Road, H.K. P. O. Box 448, H.K. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. RUTTONJEE, The Hon. D. As above. RYAN, The Rev. Father T. F. - RYDINGS, H. A. SAUNDERS, I. A. H. - SCHALLER, Miss K. - - SCHOYER, B. P. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. + + Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 746 West Main Street, Apt., 110 Madison, Wisconsin, U.S.A. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. c/o Dept. of Commerce & Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 140 SELLETT, G.* SHEKURY, Miss E. SHING, D. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHU, Dr. H. T. SHUI, Chien-tung SIEGEL, H. W. SIKORA, F. SIMPSON, R. F. SINFIELD, G. H. C. SKELSON, Mrs. M. C. SKELSON, R. E. SLEVIN, B. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Miss A. M. SMITH, L.* SMITH, L. A. SMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.* SOONG, N. SPERRY, H. M.* STANLEY, Major H. F. STANTON, W. T.* STEWART, Miss E. M. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. Administrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon, c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. 29 South Bay Road, H.K. Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. H.K. Telephone Co., Ltd., Prince's Building, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. As above. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. 512 King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. 23-A Robinson Road, H.K. 2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A. 19 Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. 2, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. H.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. c/o The Housing Manager, Hong Kong Housing Authority, Ma Tau Wei Estate, Kowloon, Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. STOKES, J. STONEY, G. S. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. As above. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 141 STOWE, C.- c/o Education Dept., H.K. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, H.K. STUART-JERVIS, Mrs. M. J. 4 Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SWIRE, A. C.* TALBOT, H. D. TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. M. TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TARR, A. D. TARWATER, J. W. THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, Dr. O. L. THOMPSON, R. W. THORN, Mrs. R. TILL, The Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TOWNER, J. A. TREGEAR, Miss M. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir M.* UHALLEY, S. Jr. Evone Court, Flat C, 24 Yik Yam Street, 6th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon, Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House. H.K. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. 6 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K. Room 1701 Central Building, H.K. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 3 Old Peak Road, H4, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon. Senior Lecturer in Spanish, Univ. of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, W.I. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1, England. Room 404 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. District Office, South, 36 Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. 24 Portland Road, Oxford, England. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 150 Page 151 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 143 WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Pao-Hsie WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss Shirley, Ting-yin WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WOOD, Mrs. C.. WOOL-SMITH, Miss J. WORTHY, E. H. Jr. WORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E. WOU, Dr. Paul, P. C. WRIGHT, Miss B. R. + T WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R. YANG, V. T. YANG, Tsung-han YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YATES, Miss J. N. YEH, Rev. Hua-fen YEUNG, Walter, W. T. YOUNG, L. K. YU, Ping-kuen YU, Yin C. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. + · + - + 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon, 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. 22 Wong Ma Kok Road, Stanley, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Sisters' Qurs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, As above. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Flat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K. Wise Mansion 8-C, 32 Robinson Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K. Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. P. O. Box 6175, Hong Kong. 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Housing Society, P. O. Box 845, H.K. 15, Stangee Place, Katong, Singapore 15. 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. 205-7, Gloucester Building, H.K. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 24 JOHN J. NOLDE 20 The Canton Register, October 24, 1833. 21 The Chinese Courier, September 14, 1833. 22 Nan-hai hsien chih (*), 1910 ed., chuan 2, p. 52a. Hsum-teh hsien chih (MRA), 1853 ed., chuan 31, p. 20b. 23 The Canton Register, May 20, 1834. 24 The Chinese Repository, April, 1838, pp. 593-605. 25 Italics mine, 26 For the standard treatment see J. K. Fairbank, Trade and diplomacy on the China Coast, 1842-1854, Cambridge, 1953; Tong tekong, American Diplomacy in China, Seattle, 1964; E. Swisher, China's Management of the American Barbarians, New Haven, 1953. 27 For details see pertinent British Blue Books such as Papers relating to riot at Canton in July, 1846..., 1847; Papers relating to murder of six Englishmen, 1848; Correspondence respecting insults in China..., 1857; etc. For the episode of 1849, see J. Nolde, "The False Edict of 1849", Journal of Asian Studies, May, 1961, pp. 299-315. + - 28 Papers relating to murder.... ... PP. 17-18. 29 The Chinese Repository, June, 1847, p. 320. + 1 30 The Foreign Office archives in the Public Record Office in London contain much material on this case which is not included in the published documents. 31 G. W. Cooke, China: ..., London, 1858, p. 435. This is a translation by Thomas Wade of a memorial by the Chinese official Tseng Wang-yen 曾望颜. 32 Ibid., p. 436. 33 Ibid., p. 439. 34 Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo (*), Peking, 1930, chuan 75, pp. 11a-12b, 13a-14b; The Chinese Repository, January, 1846, pp. 51-52. 35 Kwang-chou fu chih, 81, p. 43b. 36 Cooke, p. 440. 37 I-wu shih-mo, 79, pp. 46b-47a, 38 G. Fox, British Admirals and Chinese Pirates, London, 1940, p. 92. 39 Ibid., p. 94-95. 40 J. C. D. Hay, The Suppression of Piracy in the China Sea, London, 1889, passim. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 38 HUGH D. R. BAKER men temples were built and dedicated to them in many parts of the effected area. In the New Territories there were three such temples - one at Sha Tau Kok,10 one built by the Kam Tin lineage of the Tang Clan,102 and a third in the market town of Shek Wu Hui known as the Chau Wong Yee Yuen,103 which was built by the five clans and endowed by them with land for its upkeep. It was not the five clans as clans which did this, but rather lineages of the five clans which came together and each purchased a share in the temple.104 The Man Clan took two shares in the temple, one purchased by each of the two lineages; as was the case with the eastern Tangs.105 The Pangs, Hau* and Lius each had one share. Not only was land purchased and a temple106 built with this money, but also a ferry boat was bought to assist all members of the five clans to cross the Sham Chun River107 to get to the large market town of Sham Chun, with which all had dealings. The share-holding lineages took part in an annual feast at which the business of the temple was discussed, the feast being paid for out of temple funds. As might be expected, however, the history of this temple association has not all been peaceful, and recently a major dispute has arisen, three members108 claiming complete control of the funds to the exclusion of the others.109 The matter quickly escalated to a point where both sides hired lawyers and placed vituperative advertisements in the Colony's newspapers. Eventually, after three years of argument, it was settled in 1963. The second example of cooperation between the clans is of the army which they raised between them to oppose the arrival of the British when they took control of the New Territories in 1899. Under the leadership of literati of the Tang Clan, working from the ancestral hall of the Ha Tsuen lineage,110 they mustered men, arms and supplies in quantity and attacked the British at their landing point in Tai Po. Unfortunately they lacked training and could do no more than fight an ignominious retreat back over the hills. Some records of the organisation of this force are still available through documents captured by the British at the time, and it is obvious that all the planning was done by and communications established at the level of the literati of the five clans. It seems that these men kept up some kind of informal contact, and there is mention of an organisation called the Tung P'ing Kuk112 in the first British reports on the area, which was said *Hau is the correct spelling, not "Haus". I've made the correction. Please let me know if you need further assistance. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 The Five Great Clans 43 16. Population 95. 17. Population 460. 18. Population 110. 19. Freedman, op. cit., p. 28. 20. Population 1,985. 21. Population 3,600. 22. A.D. 1280-1367. 23. Population 2,046. 24. also known as Cha Hang. Population 505. 25. 江西省, 吉安. 26. See the 寶安錦田鄧氏族譜, section headed 鄧氏之始. 27. i.e. Canton. 28. See the 新安侯氏族譜. Unfortunately this genealogy is not very detailed, apparently being a portion only of an original which was largely destroyed. 29. I have not yet seen a copy of the Pang genealogy, the information here being taken from a sketchy, and perhaps not very reliable, survey made by Government in 1956. 30. See the 新界文氏族譜, preface to the genealogy of the Second Branch. 31. also known as Xin'an 新安, the District of which the New Territories were formerly a part. 32. A.D. 1368-1643. See the 文氏族譜. Apparently the San Tin Mans arrived slightly earlier than the Tai Hang lineage, whose first ancestor moved at some time during his long life of 84 years (A.D. 1341-1425) spanning the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. I have not yet seen the genealogy of the San Tin lineage, but my information is taken from the Government survey of 1956 (See note 29), which includes a section probably copied from a Preface of their genealogy. 33. 本地. 34. 劉家. 35. The Liu lineage, whose first ancestor according to oral lineage history was an itinerant tinker and blacksmith, a trade which appears to have been almost a Hakka monopoly in this part of China. 36. Rev. Mr. Krone, Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Part VI, 1859; "A Notice of the Xin'an District", p. 95. 37. Ibid., p. 80. Of course numbers of villages are not necessarily a true guide to population, and, indeed, Krone does stress that Punti villages were frequently larger and more important; but the 4:1 ratio of examination passes still appears inequitable. 38. Charles J. Grant, The Soils and Agriculture of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1960. Of general use are Fig. 1(d), which demonstrates clearly that the major areas of low-lying (and therefore accessible and probably well-watered) land are within the areas occupied by units of the Five Clans; and Fig. IV(a), which shows that the major areas of paddy-soil coincide with areas of residence of the Five. 39. Ibid., fig. VI(a). 40. Ibid., fig. VI(b). 41. 劉氏族譜, Notes on the seventh generation. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 44 HUGH D. R. BAKER 42 Grant, op. cit., figs, VI(k), (l), (m), (n). 43 ###. Notes on the third generation. + 44 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(m) and (n). 45 **#. Notes on the sixth generation, where the move is said to have been made "at the end of the Yuan Dynasty". 46 Ibid., Notes on the third generation. 47 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(o) and (p) show a perhaps exaggerated picture of the paucity of land around Lung Kwat Tau, since part of the Tangs' area of influence is not shown. Figs. VI(e) and (f) show a no less meagre amount of agricultural land around Tai Po Tau. It must be stressed that geographical and political accident have combined to change the situation greatly in both these areas in recent years, so that Grant's findings do not demonstrate the true historical picture. + 48 ******, Notes on the founding ancestor. He was born in A.D. 1023 and died in 1085, but the date when he moved to Ho Sheung Heung is not recorded. 49 Ibid., Notes on the fourth generation, shows that the expansion occurred in the fifth generation, which we can infer from the data to have been in the mid-12th century. I cannot locate the places mentioned, and, unless they have since disappeared entirely, we must assume that they are not situated in the New Territories, or that they are names for internal divisions in Ho Sheung Heung itself. Without having been able to check on these assumptions, I would incline to the last. 50 Ibid., Notes on the thirteenth generation. This village was founded in the seventeenth generation (possibly mid-16th century, but it is difficult to arrive at even an approximate date) by a man who moved from one of the original expansion villages discussed in note 49 above. 51 Ibid., This village has the same first ancestor as Ping Kong, whence he moved on after some years. 52 Ibid., Notes on the twelfth generation. The village was founded in the last years of the Chien-lung reign period (A.D. 1736-1795). 53 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(o) and (p) show the land surrounding only Ping Kong of these four villages. It is of no better than average productivity (200 catties), and is not a very large acreage. 54 Ibid., figs. VI(o) and (p). 55 Ibid., The same figures show the extent to which vegetable-farming has taken over the land in this area. See also "Changes in Agricultural Land Use in Hong Kong", by C. T. Wong, in S. G. Davis, Land Use Problems in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1964. 56. The 'Rural Consultative Council', which represents New Territories interests to Government. An explanation of its structure and objectives may be found in S. S. Hsueh, Government and Administration of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1962, pp. 84ff. 57 Bk. 'Wind and Water'. For a short but unsympathetic explanation of this belief see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, London, 1904, pp. 312f. 58 廖氏族譜, section headed 韩考座代进移節略, 59 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(o) and (p). 60 M. + 61 feng shui hsien sheng (Mandarin pronunciation). 62 ****, section as in note 58. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 THE FIVE GREAT CLANS 45 63 Ibid., In fact there was a second geomancer (of the eighth generation) cooperating in this plan, 64 松柏朗 65 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(e) and (f). These figures also point to one of the mysteries of the New Territories—the settlement of the very rich upper half of the Lam Tsuen Valley by Hakka lineages, a phenomenon which denies the usual pattern of Punti monopoly of first-class land. 66 Ibid., fig. IV(a). 67 Ibid., fig. I(c), and p. 2. For a map see K.M.A. Barnett, "Hong Kong before the Chinese” in JHKBRAS, Vol. 4, 1964. 68. This moribund market was revived in 1925, and has thriven since 1949. 69 元朗儅爐. 70 大埔舊墟 71 See Robert G. Groves, “The Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories" in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, HKBRAS, Hong Kong, 1965, p. 17. 72 Ibid., p. 18. 73 For a brilliantly worked out study of marketing systems of this sort see G. William Skinner, “Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China” in The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XXIV, Nos. 1-3, 1964-5. 74 For some other ways in which they made the markets pay, see Groves, op. cit., page 18. 75 See J. W. Hayes, "The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898", JHKBRAS, Vol. 2, 1962, for an incomplete list of markets operative at the time. Sha Tau Kok and Shek Wu Hui are notable omissions. 76. 77 坑頭村- 78 See, for example, Freedman, op. cit., pp. 66ff, 79***. But they are often more in the nature of 'leaders' than 'representatives', a fact which is recognised in the title by which the villagers more commonly address them HE. 80 The festival of Chung Yeung. 81 Called ch'i l'ong. 82 荃灣. 83 See J. M. Potter, Ping Shan: the Changing Economy of a Chinese Village in Hong Kong, micro-filmed thesis for the degree of Ph.D. at the University of California at Berkeley, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1964. 84 or T. 85 As witness an incident a few years ago in San Tin, where, in an adultery case, a man was condemned by the villagers to drowning in a pig-basket in the pond. Timely intervention by the police was all that saved him, 86 Rightly or wrongly the view persists in the rural areas that no contact with authority is good contact. 87 A. 88 FA. They are mentioned under the name of Sia-wu in Chen Han-seng, Agrarian Problems in Southernmost China, 1936. 89 Quite what brought about the disappearance of this institution is not clear to me. Certainly it was not interference from the Government of Hong Kong, as witness the report by J. Russell dated 18th July 1886 and appended ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 THE FIVE GREAT CLANS 47 112 Rth. Sec J. H. S. Lockhart, "Report on the New Territory", Sessional Papers, 1899. 113 Hayes, op. cit., p. 83, quotes Lockhart, but does not give any new evidence, though he mentions other similar informal bodies. 114 八鄉 [115] I am not sure that this was the original purpose of the alliance. 116 Ancestral halls are generally sited outside walled villages for reasons of feng shui. 117 Ho Sheung Heung, Ping Kong, and Kam Tsin. The cannon of this last village was not handed in when British administration began in 1899, and still lies hidden in the corner of one of their ancestral halls. 118 南鄉. 119 That is, in Canton. 120 See J. W. Hayes, "Cheung Chau”, in JHKBRAS, Vol. 3, 1963, note 12; and the same author's "Peng Chau", in JHKBRAS, Vol. 4, 1964, p. 79 and note 27. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS 63 testify to their Oriental origin, such as the lute (from Arabic al-lūt, "wood”), and even in our century we have witnessed the spread of Negro jazz over the whole world. A similar development took place in China, and there are many passages in Yüan literature where foreign music and musicians are mentioned.15 In this connection we should perhaps save from oblivion the name of one of these musicians from the Near East. We find her name in the Ch'ing-lou chi “Records from the Green Bowers", an anonymous work dated 1364 which gives a list of the most popular courtesans under the Yüan, together with a description of their accomplishments. Among these ladies of easy virtue we find one solitary girl from the Western Regions mentioned among her many Chinese professional sisters. She was a Mohammedan girl by the name of Miliha (or Maliha) praised for her sweet and clear voice and her skill in singing. She was, alas, not beautiful, but we are told that she was a superb theatrical performer. The author of the book once made her acquaintance and was duly impressed by her acting.16 There must have been many influences from Near Eastern folklore that reached China under the Yüan. I shall quote here only two examples. A well-known Near Eastern folk-tale motif, that of the honest loser, the greedy finder and the Solomonic judge, can be traced both in European medieval and Chinese literature. It reached Europe via Spain through the Disciplina Clericalis of Petrus Alfonsi of Toledo (thirteenth century A.D.), a work which contains many Arab stories and anecdotes that subsequently became immensely popular in the West. Boccaccio has not a few stories from the Disciplina Clericalis in his Decamerone and also at least one motif in Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice, that of the three caskets, comes from that source. The story of the loser, the finder and the judge can be found in European literature in many versions, the classical German version being J. P. Hebel's "Der kluge Richter". In China we find this story in a text dated 1360. Here the story is set in a typical Chinese environment and being given some additional touches typical of China. The most interesting feature is, however, that the Chinese text does not present the anecdote as a mere story but as a historical event. The clever judge to whom the final solution of the case is entrusted was a perfectly real person, a circuit prefect from Kiangsi Province. This shows the Chinese tendency to attach literary clichés and even, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 72 HERBERT FRANKE NOTES 1 On Europe and Europeans as mentioned in Chinese sources, see H. Franke in Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), pp. 65-75. 2 W. Fuchs, The Mongol Atlas of China by Chu Ssu-pen, Peiping, 1946, Monumenta Serica Monographs, No. 8; J. Needham, Science and Civilization in China, Vol III, pp. 555-556. 3 H. Franke in Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 112 (1962), pp. 228-232 (review of Leonardo Olschki, Marco Polo's Asia). 4 Francis A. Rouleau, "The Yangchow Latin Tombstone as a Landmark of Medieval Christianity in China", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 17 (1954) pp. 346-365. 5 John Foster, "Crosses from the Walls of Zaitun", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1954, pp. 1-25. (pl. XII). 6 Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), p. 74-75. 7 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 167-382. 8 See for example, H. Franke, Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Chinas unter der Mongolenherrschaft, Wiesbaden 1956, p. 34 (Nestorian surgeon). 9 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 381, note (c). 10 A. C. Moule, "The Siege of Saianfu and the Murder of Achmach Bailo", Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 58 (1927), pp. 1-28; Vol. 59 (1928), pp. 256-257. 11 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 141. 12 Yüan-shih ed. K'ai-ming, ch. 190, p. 6565, II/III. For the Ho-fang t'ung-i see Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 1486. 13 A. C. Moule, op. cit. 14 R. Loewenthal, "The Nomenclature of Jews in China", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XII (1947), p. 113. 15 H. G. Farmer, "Reciprocal Influences in Music 'twixt the Far and Middle East", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1934, pp. 327-342. 16 Ch'ing-lou chi, ed. Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 2734, p. 9. 17 H. Franke, "Der kluge Richter", in Asiatische Studien, 1950, pp. 55-59. 18 Renate Noethen, Das Sha-kou ch'üan-fu, München, 1961 (Diss.). 19 L. C. Goodrich, "Westerners and Central Asians in Yuan China", Oriente Poliano, Rome, 1957, pp. 1-21; "Western Regions Writers of Chinese Lyrics during the Yuan", International Conference of Orientalists in Japan, No. VII (1962) pp. 17-21. 20 L. C. Goodrich, Oriente Poliano, p. 15. 21 O. Sirén, Chinese Painting, Vol. IV, New York/London, 1958, pp. 54-59, plates Vol. VI, Nos. 57-60. 22 W. Fuchs, "Analecta zur mongolischen Übersetzungsliteratur der Yüan-Zeit", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XI (1946), pp. 34-39; W. Fuchs und A. Mostaert, "Ein Ming-Druck einer chinesisch-mongolischen Ausgabe des Hsiao-ching", ibid., Vol. IV (1939/40), pp. 325-329. 23 E. Haenisch, Mongolica der Berliner Turfan-Sammlung, II, Berlin 1959. 24 A. Mostaert and F. W. Cleaves, Les lettres de 1289 et 1305 des ilkhan Argun et Öljeitü à Philippe le Bel, Cambridge, Mass. 1962. 25 M. S. Ipsiroğlu, Saray-Alben, Wiesbaden, 1964, pl. XLIV, No. 64. 26 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 217-219. 27 H. Franke, "Some Sinological Remarks on Rashid ad-Din's History of China", Oriens, Vol. 4, (1951), pp. 21-26. 28 W. Franke, "Zur Frage der Mongolen in China nach dem Sturz der Yüan-Dynastie", Oriens Extremus, Vol. 9 (1962), pp. 57-68. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 76 HOLMES WELCH against their own laws and protested vigorously against Japanese interference, but to no avail. These developments frightened the Chinese Government, which proceeded to cancel the authorization for its local officials to confiscate monastic property. The wave of affiliation with the Honganji died down. In any case, however, it had been limited to the area of the Treaty ports. Japan had tried to claim the same missionary rights elsewhere, invoking the "most favoured nation" clause, but without success. It failed again in 1915 when the fifth group of its Twenty-one Demands (including parity with Western missionaries) was rejected. Indeed, during the whole first twenty-five years of the Republican period, its missionary work in China was said to have been "hindered by conditions” - a phrase that may allude to growing anti-Japanese feeling as well as to civil wars. Very few new temples were established. Therefore Tokyo turned its attention to the possibilities for ecumenical cooperation. In 1923-1924 the Japanese Foreign Ministry took an interest in the Buddhist conferences held at Lu Shan under the auspices of T'ai-hsü. In 1924 it arranged for Japanese delegates to be present and to offer their country as the venue for a similar conference the next year. Accordingly, the East Asian Buddhist Conference was held in Tokyo November 1-3, 1925. Twenty-one Chinese delegates attended, unofficially led by T'ai-hsü. The only other delegations were from Korea and Formosa with three members each. T'ai-hsü pointed out that whereas the Chinese excelled at religious cultivation, the Japanese excelled in organizing propaganda and community service. Thus the Buddhists of the two countries had complementary talents. A Sino-Japanese liaison committee was set up to put these talents to work, with Wang I-t'ing as the Chinese representative, and resolutions were passed to carry on work in the fields of education and social welfare. Also included in the conference was a symposium on Buddhist doctrine at which T'ai-hsü gave papers on the doctrine of alaya-vijnana and the secularization of Japanese Buddhism. Plans were made to hold the next East Asian Buddhist Conference in Peking--plans that never materialized. After the meeting the Chinese delegates were given an eighteen-day V.I.P. tour. Everywhere local government officials entertained ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 90 1897-1904 ― HOLMES WELCH Christian missionary to the Jews of Hamburg and Montreal, first as a Presbyterian, then as an Anglican clergyman; finally curate in an English country village. 1904-1906 Odd jobs in London. 1906-1909 Director of a large socio-economic survey of Belgium. 1909-1915 Member of Parliament, speculator in Rumanian oil fields, forger of cheques, 1915 Would-be German spy, who, after escaping from Britain, then escaped from the New York police. 1916-1919 In English prison for forgery. 1919-1922 Plotter in the Kapp Putsch in Berlin; salesman of information about other proto-Facist plots in several European countries; again in jail. 1922 To the Far East. 1922-1924 Advisor to a succession of Chinese warlords (Yang Shen, Wu P'ei-fu, Ch'i Hsi-yüan). Back to Europe, then to the U.S., then to China again, where he resolved to enter a Buddhist monastery. 1925-1926 In Colombo, Ceylon, where he began to dress as a Buddhist monk and lecture on Buddhism; returned to Europe for an unsuccessful attempt to save his son from execution for murder in England. 1927-1928 Buddhist missionary in San Francisco; then back to China. 1928-1931 Whereabouts generally unknown, but sometimes living in Buddhist monasteries in Shanghai and Hangchow. From July 1929 to June 1930 on a tour of Europe, lecturing on Buddhism, dressed in Buddhist robes and signing hotel registers "Chao-k'ung". In May 1931 he became Chao-k'ung officially when he was ordained at Pao-hua Shan, the most illustrious ordination center in China. The next year he went to Europe to collect disciples and arrived back in Shanghai with them on July 25, 1933.46 There were twelve of these disciples - English, French, Italian, and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 94 HOLMES WELCH I have not heard of other monasteries in China that had such wide-spreading or deep-rooted connections overseas as Ku Shan. It may have been unique. But it was extremely common for monks and lay pilgrims to go back and forth between overseas Chinese communities and the "famous mountains” at home. Even at Wu-t'ai Shan near the Inner Mongolian border, one could find pilgrims from Singapore. In 1936, when Tai Chi-t'ao was on his way back from Europe, he stopped in Manila to lay the cornerstone of a new Buddhist temple sponsored by a group of overseas Chinese who, since 1930, had been serving as Philippines distributor for a Buddhist publishing house in Soochow. Here as elsewhere in southeast Asia, Buddhism was a link with the motherland. NOTES 1 James Troup, "On the tenets of the Shinshiu or 'True Sect' of Buddhists," Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 16 (June 1886), 14-16. 2 Takada, Giko, Chusi shukyo daido renmei nenkan (Yearbook of the Great Harmony Religious Alliance of Central China), Shanghai, 1943, p. 10. I am obliged to Dr. Ho Kuan-chung for making this book available to me. 3 Yang Jen-shan, Yang Jen-shang chü-shih i-chu (Works of upasaka Yang Jen-shang), Peking, 1923, 1:5. This temple appears to have gone out of existence at some later date, since the Nanking branch of Honganji mentioned by Takada (see preceding note) was set up in 1938. A Japanese temple in Changsha was noted by Hackmann in 1911 (German Scholar in the East, London, 1914, p. 108). This is also unlisted by Takada. 4. Franke, “Die Propaganda des japanischen Buddhismus in China”, Ostasiatische Neubildungen, Hamburg, 1911, p. 159. This article by Franke is the source of most of the information given in the text, pp. 2-4. 5 This episode is also referred to in Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü tashih nien-p'u, Hong Kong, 1950, p. 35-36, where thirteen monasteries in Hangchow alone were said to have become affiliated with the Honganji. More investigation is needed. 6 Takada, p. 14. 7 There were twenty-six Chinese delegates, according to Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 203. The official head of the Chinese delegation and Chinese vice-chairman of the conference was Tao-chieh, under whom T'ai-hsü had studied twenty years before (Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 26 ff). T'ai-hsü may be pardoned, perhaps, for giving people the impression that he was himself the chief of the delegation. (See, for example, Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 177; T'ai-hsü Lectures on Buddhism, Paris, 1928, p. 14, 8 Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 179-180. 9 This and other information given here on the East Asian Buddhist Conference comes largely from Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 176-177. 10 Tokiwa Daijo, Shina bukkyo shiseki kinen shu (Buddhist Monuments in China, Memorial Collection), Tokyo, 1931, p. 203. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM 97 38 I have heard this from many informants. See also Reichelt, The Transformed Abbot, London, 1954, p. 156, and J. B. Pratt The Pilgrimage of Buddhism, New York, 1928, p. 311. A Buddhist monk once explained to me that although it was true that Jesus had risen after three days, no one should think he had done this "just by becoming a Christian". He had performed religious exercises (hsiu-hsing) and that was how he had achieved resurrection. There was no attempt on the part of this monk to deny the miracle of resurrection, only to fit it into the Buddhist scheme. 39 Rev. Joseph Edkins, The Religious Condition of China, London, 1859, p. 75. In 1875 Timothy Richard, when he was baptising converts in Shantung, found that there was no building convenient to the river where they could change their clothes before and after. He explained his problem to the monk in charge of the Buddhist temple there who "readily consented" to lend some of its rooms for this purpose. See Richard, Forty-five Years in China, New York, 1916, p. 95. In 1879 the largest lama temple in Peking allowed a colporteur of the National Bible Society of Scotland to run a bookstore within the temple, where on several days a week Christian books were sold. See C. F. Gordon Cumming, Wanderings in China, London, 1888, pp. 4-9. 40 Harry A. Franck, Roving Through Southern China, New York, 1925, pp. 575-576. 41 In the early 1890's De Groot reported: "It has often happened to the author of these lines that when he was taking his meal in one of the monasteries where he was staying, he was visited by monks who were curious to see how he ate and what he ate: but it was enough for them to smell the odour of his roast of pork or his leg of mutton and they would be forced to make a hasty exit from the room: they felt overcome by nausea. Such strict vegetarianism, it goes without saying that when non-vegetarian lay people came to stay sometimes in a monastery they are not allowed to have their food prepared in the monks' kitchen. There are small separate kitchens for them, where their own servants can stew things up for them." (Le Code du Mahayana en Chine, Amsterdam, 1893, p. 103). In 1908, when Boerschmann stayed on P'u-to Shan, he grew tired of the vegetarian fare and sent his cook to smuggle in some chickens (Pu-t'o Shan, Berlin, 1911, p. 166). In these and other instances the monks are portrayed as tacitly or even gleefully cooperating in getting meat onto the foreigner's bill of fare. It seems more likely that their cooperation, when it was forthcoming (and often it was refused), was reluctant and indignant. There was a compelling practical reason for this. If Chinese pilgrims saw meat being eaten on the premises of a monastery, many of them would take their patronage elsewhere. This was understood by early Western travellers like A. J. Little (Mount Omi and Beyond, London, 1901, pp. 75, 81, and 83). Little also provides an example of the Westerner's tendency to haggle (pp. 68, 83). The meanest bit of haggling was probably perpetrated by Mrs. C. F. Gordon Cumming. In 1879 she visited the Tien-t'ung Ssu, one of the model monasteries of China. After she and her party had enjoyed an "excellent dinner," they were asked to give the equivalent of English tenpence, Mrs. Cumming offered eight pence. When the offer was accepted, she tipped the waiter tuppence halfpenny, and noted that he "grinned with delight. Can I give you a better proof that we have reached a spot where foreigners are almost unknown?" (Wanderings in China, London, 1888, p. 291). Mrs. Cumming was quite mistaken, of course, about foreigners being unknown: probably more had stayed at T'ien-t'ung than at any other monastery. Even today Westerners with plenty of dollars in their pocket take pride in doing the poor Chinese shopkeeper out of a few cents, partly to show their savoir faire and partly out of fear of being cheated themselves. But the monastery was not a shop, and this sort of behaviour was regarded as most inappropriate there. 42 W. E. Soothill, Timothy Richard of China (London, 1924), pp. 162-163. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM 48 Ts'en, Hsü-yün ho-shang nien-p'u, Hong Kong, 1962, pp. 21-22. 49 Ts'en, Hsü-yün, pp. 40-43. 99 50 Ts'en, Hsi-yün, pp. 47-48. I have been unable to get confirmation of this story in Thailand; nor have I been able to confirm the related episode, in which Hsü-yün on his way to Bangkok that year met an Englishman who had been British consul in Teng-yüeh and Kunming and who gave Hsü-yün 3,000 pounds Sterling towards the expense of transporting a set of the Tripitaka back to Yunnan. The records of the Foreign Office in London do not appear to reveal who this may have been. 51 White marble images from Burma and Thailand, termed in Chinese "jade buddhas" (yi-fo) have been popular in China during the past century. In the late 1890's a set of such images was made in India for a Chinese monk from P'u-t'o Shan, who spent the better part of three years at Oudh overseeing the work. So popular were these particular images that when they arrived in Shanghai, they were kept on exhibit in nearby Woosung at the request of the authorities as a large number of Chinese visit them daily, which was quite profitable for the railway." See Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 31 (1896-1897), 203. These may well have been the jade buddhas installed during the reconstruction of the Fa-yü Ssu on P'u-t'o Shan, 52 Ts'en, Hsi-yün, p. 66. 53 Cheng-lien, Ch'ang-chou T'ien-ning ssu-chih, Shanghai, 1948, 7:102. Cf. Chou Hsiang-kuang, History of Chinese Buddhism, Allahabad, 1955, p. 214, 54 See Eastern Buddhist, 3.3 (October-December, 1924), p. 274. This is the earliest instance I have encountered of a Chinese Buddhist going abroad to study Theravada. Unlike Huang Mao-lin he is not stated to have had the goal of spreading Mahayana as well. 55 For example in 1916 the head of the Chi-le Ssu, Pen-chung, led a group of his Refugee disciples to Ku Shan to receive the lay ordination: they numbered five out of the six upasakas and forty out of the 114 upasikas. This information comes from the 1916 ordination yearbook. 56 See Yüan-ying fa-shih chi-nien k'an (Memorial volume for Yüan-ying), Singapore, 1954, pp. 13-14. 57 However, they came from around Amoy rather than around Foochow, where Ku Shan was located. 58 Chinese Year Book 1937, p. 74. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 116 A. L. Y. CHUNG NOTES 1 See H. S. Galt, History of Chinese Educational Institutions (London, 1951) pp. 364-65; also see K. S. Latourette, The Chinese, Their History and Culture (New Haven, Conn., Mar., 1945), pp. 187, 524-25, 2 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku (64 chüan in 20 ts'e, 1805, reprint 1887), 17:4b-5b, 18:1b, 49:17b-21b. 3 Ch'ing-ch'ao t'ung-tien (ed. by Chi Huang and others, 100 chüan. Shanghai, 1935 reprint), p. 2162. For further understanding of the Nei-san-yüan, see A. W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1943-44), vol. I, pp. 3, 308, 603. 4 Shang Yen-liu Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu (Peking, 1956), p. 129; Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien shih-li (ed. by Li Hung-chang and others, 1220 chüan, preface dated 1886), 70:9a. 5 See Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien (100 chüan in 10 ts'e, 1764 ed.), 84:1b. 6 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b. 7 Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu, p. 129. 8 Ch'ing (Huang)-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (edited by Yung Hsüan and others, 300 chüan, 1882, Shih-t'ang ed. from ts'e 841-1000), 47:19a, 9 Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu, p. 129. 10 Ch'ing (Huang)-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao, 50:32a-b; Ch'ing-shih (8 vols., Taiwan, 1961), vol. 2, 1314. 11 Shang Yen-liu, p. 129. 12 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b. 13 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:5a-b. 14 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b. 15 Ku Ching-te Hsiu-ts'ai, chü-jen, chin-shih (Hong Kong, 1956), p. 30. 16 Shang Yen-liu, p. 130. 17 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:21a-b. 18 Ch'u Tui-chih, Wang Hui-tsu chuan-shu (in Chung-kuo shih-hsüeh ts'ung-shu, Shanghai, 1934), pp. 48-49. 19 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 18:1b. 20 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:1b. 21 Ch'ing shih, vol. 2, 1375. 22 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien shih-li, 70:2a. 23 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 21:7a-b. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 OLD BRITISH KOWLOON 133 NOTES The place names are all in Cantonese and can be found in the Hong Kong Government's publication The Place Names of Hong Kong and the New Territories (1960). Where not otherwise stated my authority for information given in the paper comes from the old people mentioned in note 16. The aim of this article is to recover as much of the pre-1899 past of the Hong Kong region as possible, with special reference to the nineteenth century. 1. E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, London: Luzac & Co., 1895, p. 360. 2. The Convention of Peking, 9 June 1898. The text can be found on pp. 198-199 of the Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers, i.e., papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1899. 3. Report on the Sanitary Condition of Hong Kong and Kowloon for 1864... presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty in 1865 to be found in Parliamentary Papers, China, 1861-66, p. 16. 4. C.O.129/85 in the Public Record Office, London. 5. The Commissioners sent an abstract of these documents to London. These were as follows: "No. 1 | List of Red Deeds Owners not belonging to the Teng Family—contains 91 Deeds, comprising an area of 176 acres value computed at $25,865.32 No. 2 List of Deeds belonging to the Two Branches of the Teng Family contains 78 Deeds comprising an area of 276 acres value computed at $40,561.52 No. 3 List of squatters showing the number to be 222—spread over 90 acres value computed at $13,226.16* The "Teng" family mentioned in Nos. 1 and 2 above is the Tang (*) family of Kam Tin, who are Cantonese and are the oldest, richest and best-known of the New Territories landed families. See SUNG Hok-Pang. "Legends and Stories of the New Territories" Parts III-IV, Kam Tin, in The Hong Kong Naturalist, Vols. VI and VII. 6. Hong Kong Government Gazette, Government Notification 41 of 1860, dated 24 March 1860. The population at this time contained a preponderance of men; 3356 to 971 women and 778 children (Hong Kong Government Gazette, 22 February 1862). 7. For instance, the genealogies (##) of the Ng (吳) clan of Nga Tsin Wai and Sha Po and the Lam (林) clan of Chuk Yuen and Po Kong show that their settlement dates back to this period. 8. I base this statement on personal knowledge of the fifty or more Hakka villages in the Sai Kung district of the New Territories. 9. Hong Kong Government Blue Book for 1871 p. 148. 10. See G. N. Orme's "Report on the New Territories 1899-1912" in Sessional Papers 1912 p. 55 and J. H. Stewart Lockhart in Sessional Papers 1899, p. 189. My second statement is based on conversations with families of Hakka stonecutters at Ngau Tau Kok Village, Kowloon. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 134 JAMES HAYES 11 See, for instance, Rev. R. Lechler's article "The Hakka Chinese" in the Chinese Recorder for September-October 1878 in which he writes (p. 355), "Three thousands (sic) of them came to Hong Kong in 1863, having been taken on board by some foreign vessels, which happened to do business with rice etc., in Tai-foo-san. They were kindly taken care of by the English government and the merchants who collected money, and had mat sheds built for the fugitives until they were able to provide for themselves. I was then intrusted with the funds collected and used to buy rice for daily distribution to these wretched people." It is recorded that 189 families — it is not stated how many were Hakkas and how many Cantonese — came to settle in Hong Kong in 1867. (See the Registrar General's Report in the Government Gazette 14 March 1868). Kowloon seems to have attracted Hakka newcomers from Hong Kong. In his Education Report for 1865 Mr. F. Stewart noted with reference to the Tang Lung Chau district of Hong Kong that "nearly all the Hakka families that used to live here have removed to the Kowloon side of the harbour". (See Hong Kong Government Gazette for 24th March 1866). 12 S. Wells Williams The Middle Kingdom, revised edition, London; W. H. Allen & Co., 1883, Vol. 1, p. 486. 13 See D. Maciver in p.v. of the Introduction to his Hakka Dictionary, Shanghai; American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1905. 14 Report of the Proceedings of the Morrison Education Society March 1863 - March 1864, Hong Kong; London Missionary Society Press, 1864, p. 11. I suspect that the 10,000 is an under-estimate of the number of Hakkas living in the San On District at this time. 15 The names may be translated as "Vantage Point" and "Fields of the Ho and Man families". Ho Man Tin was removed to make way for the Kowloon-Canton railway in 1906 (see Sessional Papers 1907, p. 687) and Mong Kok was submerged by urban Kowloon in the 1920s (see Chapter 5 of The Development of Hong Kong and Kowloon as Told in Maps by T. R. Tregear and L. Berry, Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press, 1959). 16 I am indebted to the following persons for information: Mr. NG Kau (b. 1888); Mr. TANG Yuen-li (b. 1897) and Madam SOLI Lin (b. 1888). 17 In 1897 the population of Ho Man Tin was 297 (180 males and 117 females) and of Mong Kok 218 persons (102 males, 116 females). See Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers for 1897, p. 485. 18 Rev. James Johnston, China & Formosa, The Story of the Mission of the Presbyterian Church of England, London; Hazel, Watson and Viney, 1897, p. 266. 19 In this connection it should be noted that until the census returns of 1897 (see Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485), the population of British Kowloon was given as a whole and not split into individual village populations as was always done for the Hong Kong villages. 20 See Orme, p. 44. 21 "Live stock paid but badly" in 1867. See the Registrar-General's report in Hong Kong Government Gazette, 14 March 1868. 22 Then, as twenty years ago, the same. See The Hong Kong Annual Report 1947, Hong Kong, Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., March 1948, p. 50. 23 S. Wells Williams, Vol. I, p. 172. Twenty years later one of the illustrations in Sir Henry Blake and Mortimer Menpes' China, London; A and C Black, 1909, pp. 119-120 shows the vegetable boats arriving from the Kowloon side. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 OLD BRITISH KOWLOON 135 24 With regard to the quantities of firewood brought on foot into Kowloon from as far afield as Sha Tin, see Sessional Papers 1903 p. 209 which list 66,521 loads of firewood, each estimated at 70 piculs (approx. 93 lbs.) as being carried over the hills in 1902. The Sham Shui Po Kaifong, through operating the Mo Tai (A†4) temple's public weighing scales, got its revenue from the vegetable and livestock market there. Much of the produce sold there crossed the harbour to Hong Kong. (See the Registrar General's Report for 1907 in Sessional Papers 1908, p. 194. Other information supplied by elders). I am also informed by Mr. WAI Tau Shue (b. 1885) that in his youth the Kowloon Lok Sin Tong levied a small weighing charge on each load of firewood sold in the Kowloon City market. In each case the proceeds were supposed to swell public funds for charitable work. For social advancement see the career of WONG Lan-shang described in this article. 25 The Third or Kowloon Police Magistrate was not appointed until 1925 (Colonial Estimates 1924-1926). For an example of police assistance in an emergency see the press reports of the two big fires at Hung Hom village on 11 and 16 December 1884 (Hong Kong Daily Press). 26 See Report from the Hong Kong Land Commission of 1886-87 on the History of the Sale, Tenure and Use of the Crown Land of the Colony published in Sessional Papers 1887 pp. XXVI-XXVII. 27 Between 1853 and 1862 the Hong Kong government paid village elders as tepos (18) in an endeavour to enlist their services in the public interest. See G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong 1841-1962, Hong Kong; University of Hong Kong Press, 1964, pp. 37-38. The Colonial Estimates for the period, under Registrar General's department, show that payment was not extended to the elders of the Kowloon villages acquired in 1860. 28 Eitel, p. 160. 29 See, for instance, pp. 8 and 9 and note 40 of my typescript article "Some villages in the North Western Part of the Kowloon Peninsula in 1898” presented to the International Conference on Asian History held at the University of Hong Kong, August 30-September 5, 1964. See also note 37 below. 30 The temple was re-erected in Shantung Street Kowloon in 1927 on a site provided by Government which also gave a grant of $6,000 towards the reconstruction. The rest of the money required for the new building was supplied by the Kwong Wah (Tung Wah group) Hospital, to whom the management of the temple was entrusted. 31 Shui Yuet Kung (KA) is an alternative name for a Kwan Yin temple. See S. Wells Williams, Tonic Dictionary of the Chinese Language in the Canton Dialect, Canton; Office of the Chinese Repository, 1856, p. 650. See also E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, New York; The Julian Press, 1961, pp. 225-227. 32 See E. T. C. Werner, China of the Chinese, London; Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1920, pp. 196-197, and S. Wells Williams, Tonic Dictionary under p. 308 and p. 581 under A. 33) E. J. Hardy, John Chinaman at Home, London; T. Fisher Unwin, 1905, p. 86. See also W. Stanton, The Chinese Drama, Hong Kong; Kelly & Walsh, 1899, pp. 5-6 for a brief description of the position in "China and in the villages of Hong Kong". 34 Robert Morrison, A View of China for Philological Purposes. Macao; Hon. E. I. C. Press, 1817, p. 105. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 136 JAMES HAYES 35 The informants who assisted me with their recollections of the N.W. Kowloon villages in the article mentioned in note 29 above recalled that similar proceedings took place yearly at the Sham Tai Chi or Temple of the Third Prince on the beach at Law Uk, Cheung Sha Wan until it, too, was removed for redevelopment in the mid 1920s. Fights between the various participants, especially Hakkas with Hoklos, were quite common at festival times. 36 See S. Wells Williams, Easy Lessons in Chinese, Macao; Chinese Repository Press, 1842, p. 127. 37 This type of organisation is also common in the New Territories of Hong Kong. Indeed it was apparently found all over China: see Werner's China of the Chinese, pp. 163-165 for a good general description. 38 In 1897 Yau Ma Tei had a population of 8051 (Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485) and by 1907 as much as 17,812 (Sessional Papers, p. 273). The name means Oil and Hemp Ground, though my informants tell me it has an older name Tai Shek Lat (私大石ᑟ) which may be translated as Row of Big Stones. "Lat" is a colloquial word. 39 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 1877, p. 81. 40 See Mr. Chadwick's Reports on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, Eastern No. 38, printed for the use of the Colonial Office in November 1882, pp. 42-43. Through a printer's error he calls Yau Ma Tei “Yan Ma Ti”. See Sessional Papers 1899 p. 482 for another description of the adjoining area. 41 No evidence of this particular type of activity survives from the Yau Ma Tei district. However a few examples can be cited from the Kowloon City area. Mr. W. Schofield has sent details of a tablet (1828) found pre-war beside a broken bridge near the former Kowloon City rifle range which records the names of officials, shops and passage boats contributing to the work; and a tablet dated December 1895/January 1896 recording the repair of "Temple Road" at Kowloon City is still in existence. A direction stone at the site gives left for Kowloon Tsai and Sham Shui Po and straight on for the Hau Wong Temple. The work was organised by sixteen directors (财事) who are listed on the tablet. 42 For a description of one of these processions see Hardy, p. 280. 43 The inscription above the main entrance also records reconstruction (equivalent of) November/December 1878. 44 The tablet is dated the equivalent of November/December 1894. 45 I am indebted to Messrs. Patrick Wong and Dicken Yang of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for part of this information. 46 See, for instance, G. T. Lay's account of missionary visits to Hong Kong and Kowloon in 1839 between pp. 279-300 of his The Chinese as they are, London; William Ball & Co., 1841. Rev. George Smith's visits to Kowloon in 1844/45 are described in his A Narrative of an Exploratory Visit to Each of the Consular Cities of China and to the Islands of Hong Kong and Chusan, London, Seeley, Burnside and Seeley, 2nd edition, 1847, pp. 72 seq.; and Rev. William Burns' visits from Hong Kong in 1848 are mentioned in James Johnston, pp. 71-74. 47 Impressions of China and the Present Revolution: its Progress and Prospects, London; Seeley, Jackson and Halliday, 1855, p. 24. 48 See James Johnston, p. 71. 49 See The China Mission Hand Book, Shanghai; American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1896, pp. 272-280 for an account, with statistics of the Basel Mission's work in South China for 1893. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 OLD BRITISH KOWLOON 137 50 The Hong Kong Blue Books for 1904 onwards list Basel Mission out-stations at Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island and at To Kwa Wan, Sham Shui Po and Kowloon Tong in Kowloon. It is not certain when the Sham Shui Po station was opened as The China Mission Hand Book p. 279 lists two out-stations from Hong Kong but does not give their names. The earlier Blue Books are not much help. 51 Hung Hom, Tai Kok Tsui and Mong Kok Tsui had their docks and in Sessional Papers 1899, p. 482 Tai Kok Tsui is described as "an industrial area". 52 This study was hampered by the fact that no early land records appear to have survived for the group of villages described in this article. The only information I have been able to obtain, besides evidence from maps, relates to squatter licenses. A list for 1896, which appears in Sessional Papers 1897, p. 203, includes Ho Man Tin (37), Tai Shik Kwu (1) and Mong Kok (57). L + Addenda I ought not to leave this subject without mentioning the bad feeling between Hakkas and Cantonese in British Hong Kong which was the legacy of the disturbed times during the Taiping rebellion. Mayers, Dennys and King, the authors of The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (London and Hong Kong, 1867) state that fights between Hakka and Punti were common in British Hong Kong and that many Hakka labourers had come to Hong Kong with vivid memories of ill-treatment in their native place. It seems that these fights were not confined to immigrant labourers with scores to settle. Eitel records that for several days in August 1862 "the peninsula of Kowloon presented the novel aspect of an animated battle field, as the Punti inhabitants of the neighbouring villages were engaged in a bloody warfare with the Hakka settlers at Tsim Sha Tsui". A previous engagement, presumably between the same people, occurred in the same place in August 1859 when hostilities lasted two days though "little damage was done beyond a few knife wounds". We are told that "The Hakkas remained masters of the situation" (Dennys etc. p. 84). At that time, according to this source, the Puntis "have an intense antipathy to the Hakkas" (p. 19). It is interesting that this is reflected in the fact that the Canton Coolie Corps which assisted our army in the Second Chinese War 1857-60 was recruited in Hong Kong entirely from among Hakkas. See W. Stanton The Triad Society, Hong Kong, Kelly & Walsh 1900, p. 26. Further to the early descriptions of Yau Ma Ti given in the text I have since come across another in Sessional Papers 1888, p. 103, in which it is stated that "the boatmen and fishermen who have hitherto constituted the residents of Yau Ma Ti are gradually becoming outnumbered by town people and artizans (sic) from Hong Kong who are attracted to Yau Ma Ti by the lower rents charged them for house accommodation". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 142 BOOK REVIEWS In matters of mutual understanding, as in every real dialogue, mutual respect is essential. In the search for self-understanding, whether for Europeans or Asians, a certain self-respect is primary also. That requires a degree of self-acceptance, the acceptance of one's own past history and present limitations. This would, it seems, qualify the demand for "parity of esteem." (Cf. Joseph Levenson's bold thesis on modern Chinese response to the West and evaluation of Chinese tradition.) Although it is clear, as one gathers from this book, the time of Western arrogance and Asian "colonial or semi-colonial mentality" is past, it is not clear that the time of Western dominance is in fact over, at least for the immediate future. An Asian can certainly agree with Joseph Needham in his essay on "The Dialogue between Asia and Europe" when he warns the man of the West that "before it is too late, let him take one at least of the essential steps towards self-knowledge, that is to say, knowledge of others. Let him study the words of their saints and sages as well as those of his own. Let him experience his own humanity in the image of theirs" (p.289). This is, however, a moral demand. To be fair, it should be made equally of the man of the East. Comparatively little is suggested in this direction by this book, outside of Robert L. Slater's essay on "Living Religions and World Community." "Western science and technology, Eastern religion and ethics" — this idea has been developed in the response to Western predominance and self-esteem on the part of many Asians. This is expressed in the 'i-yung formula of the Chinese: Chinese learning for substance, Western for function. It in fact constitutes a dominant pattern in the Glass Curtain itself. And one finds this pattern present also in the book, in a variety of ways. The Englishman who, in presenting his view on the uniqueness of Asia, idealizes the East and deprecates the West partly for its science and technology represents a curious inversion of the more typical Western arrogance. One wonders whether anyone who seems to be so lacking in sympathy for his own tradition is really capable of appreciating others'. Then, in another essay, the uniqueness of Europe is identified by a Malaysian Chinese to be science — the spirit of science, to be sure, but quite distinct from religion meaning the spirit of dogmatism. The highly autobiographical nature of this essay (the shortest of the twenty con- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 156 BOOK REVIEWS If this romanization was a written language with a large corpus of literature which would be impractical to rewrite, there might be some argument for the conservative attitude which says it is easier to have new students learn a few orthographic inconsistencies rather than revise everything which has been printed. However, here we would not be wiping out past efforts but merely simplifying what is yet to come and we would be giving the student all possible assistance in the quite prodigious task of learning a foreign language. The polemics are quick to appear concerning the relative merits of one romanization over another, and the results will often be essentially a statement of the aesthetic values of the two discussants. In my opinion these discussions are generally pointless and it is not my intention to talk in such terms here. One romanization is as good as another as long as they both use a minimum number of symbols and reflect all the necessary features of the given language; i.e., they must be neither redundant nor ambiguous. The point here is simply that the romanization used in this dictionary is in part both redundant and ambiguous. To this extent one might wish that Rev. Cowles had either used one of the more satisfactory existing systems such as that of Yale, or that he had taken the initiative and revised his present romanization in order to reflect more accurately present-day Standard Cantonese. The student would probably have benefited more from this rationalization of the orthography than from the tie-in with other grammars and dictionaries mentioned above. These comments are, of course, based on the assumption that by Cantonese is meant Standard Cantonese. If this dictionary is in fact designed to record a local variety, a minority speech form, or an elegant but dated pronunciation, then that fact should be made clear. Another problem is created in this dictionary by the decision to exclude the variant or changed tones. There are a good number of very common terms which will never be heard in any but a changed tone. For example, this dictionary lists l'ong (p. 1073) glossed as 'sugar, sweets', but among speakers of Standard Cantonese the meaning for 'sugar' will appear in this tone while the meaning 'sweets' will appear in the high rising changed tone. Examples of this type are almost unlimited. If the decision has been made to strive for completeness, then the changed tone ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 BOOK REVIEWS 157 forms should be included or the student is going to be left in the dark on numerous items which are often heard in everyday speech. K. P. K. Whitaker ("A Study of the Modified Tones in Spoken Cantonese", Asia Major, New Series, Vol. V, Parts 1 and 2) has treated this subject intensively and a glance at her long lists of words normally appearing in changed tone will convince anyone that a student of Cantonese will certainly need some way to handle unknown items showing this phenomenon. Admittedly, as Rev. Cowles points out in defending his decision to ignore the changed tones, they vary considerably from area to area; it would indeed be impractical to attempt to record all the local variants. The point here should be that there is no practical way to design a dictionary to cover all the great multitude of regional varieties of the Cantonese dialects. A choice will have to be made concerning just which dialect form will be treated and the most likely selection would seem to be Standard Cantonese. I believe that this choice should have been made and that this dictionary should have included as many as possible of the common changed tone forms used by the speakers in Hong Kong and Canton. Furthermore, these forms should not be listed under the basic tone of the character but in such a way that the student can look them up in the dictionary on the basis of what he hears. Thus, since the high rising changed tone is often confused with basic tone of similar contour, it might be best to list these under the high rising basic tone and indicate in the symbolization that historically such forms are members of other basic tone categories. Rev. Cowles has indeed made a very important contribution and I do not mean to detract from this by quibbling over minor points. Nevertheless, in striving for totality in a single dictionary the compiler necessarily takes on an impossible task. Obviously decisions to include and exclude face him at every turn, and no two compilers could be expected to make the same decisions. A lexicographer should define his area and depth of concentration then be as thorough as possible within these limitations. One should not in one paragraph (p. vii) defend the size of a dictionary on the grounds that the forms included ‘are in the language, and being there, call for a record and interpretation into English' then three paragraphs later argue against inclusion of the changed tone forms because they "are simply multitudinous, and usage differs widely in many localities". It would seem wise to skip local ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 162 NOTES AND QUERIES with a Mexican name, was also brought to the Old World by the Spaniards. All of these plants crossed the Atlantic in Spanish bottoms and were then carried round the coasts of Africa and Asia to South China by the Portuguese. In the same way the sugar-cane, the banana and the yam were established in Brazil by the Portuguese and the cassava was introduced into West Africa where it has become the source of one of the staple foods of several countries. The sweet potato, of course, presents special problems since there is reason to believe that it may have reached Polynesia in early times as an importation from the Americas. Nevertheless, it is not a native of the vast expanse of islands dotting the Pacific and it is much less likely that it came to China by that route than from the West, The "kind of melon" of which the author speaks is known today in the Macanese dialect of the Hong Kong Portuguese as bobra Guiné (Guinea pumpkin). This word appears in Chinese characters (romanised as mó-pá-lá kin-ní by Mr. Luis Gomes in his Portuguese translation) in the Ao Men Chi Lüeh,? published towards the middle of the eighteenth century. The Chinese gloss has faan-kwa. It is likely then that this plant was introduced into China from West Africa or Guinea, to use the old name, and that the prefix faan cannot link this plant in any way with the Pacific area. The rambutan (nephelium lappaceum), related to the lychee, is a Malayan tree and has a Malay name derived from rambut (hair), because of the hairy coat with which it is covered. This coat is of a reddish hue which no doubt explains the first element of its Malayan Cantonese name hung-mo-tán. The other elements are obviously phonetic renderings of the Malay word. This tree and its fruit were probably introduced to China by the Portuguese. As a last comment on the element faan, are the faan-kwai not more often Westerners than people from the Pacific? On the peanut, which, as Mr. Barnett says, bears no indication of foreign origin in its name, it appears to me that this plant may have been introduced to South-East Asia by the Portuguese. The botanists seem to agree that it is a native of Brazil and the Spanish chroniclers of the Indies describe it as a food-crop in Hispaniola ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 NOTES AND QUERIES 163 under the name mani. Its cultivation in West Africa began early and it is not surprising that it spread quickly to the Arab countries of the Middle East. Some plant-geographers believe that it was introduced to India and Ceylon from China but there is as great a likelihood that it reached these three areas in Portuguese ships at more or less the same time. The Arabic al-luimûn, adapted from Persian limu(n), is the source of such modern European forms of English as lemon, Spanish limón and Portuguese limão. The Cantonese ningmung may be derived from a Portuguese metropolitan or dialectal form. The modern Macanese form, used at the present in Hong Kong, is limang which appears in the Ao Men Chỉ Lüeh as lei-máng, according to Mr. Gomes's romanisation, That the Cantonese form ends in mung and the Macanese in mang is not an unsurmountable obstacle, since, if the sixteenth century Cantonese borrowed the word from European Portuguese speaking the standard dialect of those times, they would have had some difficulty in pronouncing the syllable mão which probably sounded like mao uttered with the nostrils pinched. Such a sound could be represented equally well (or inaccurately) by the Cantonese sounds Mung and mang in all possible tones and reduced to writing by any convenient character chosen ad lib. The authors of the Ao Mun Chi Lüeh had obviously some difficulty in representing this Portuguese suffix in their glossary of Cantonese terms. For example, cumarão (prawn) appears as kám-pá-long (cf. Hong Kong Macanese cambrang), tufão (typhoon) is recorded as tou-fóng (cf. Hong Kong Macanese tufang), jambolão (a kind of fruit) is iâm-po-long (cf. Hong Kong Macanese jambolang). In other places -ão appears as -eng as in si-tát-teng for cidadão (citizen) and a-ueng for afião (opium). More like the modern Macanese dialectal resolution are fu-káng (store) which is the Portuguese fogão, pronounced fogang in Hong Kong Macanese; ka-lá-sâng (trousers) from Portuguese calcão, carsang in Macanese. In short, if the Cantonese name had been derived from the dialectal form we should have expected something like ningmang but if the borrowing was early and from a "standard" Portuguese pronunciation of limão the final syllable could have been heard ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 174 BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. - 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. BURTON, Miss Jill V. BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. - BUXEY, Miss M. J. BYRNE, D. J. CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. · CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CASHMORE, Miss M. CATER, J.- CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam CHAN, Leonard CHAN, William Hok-Lam CHAPMAN, Dr. G. W. CHAU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin* CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Ching-Ho CHEN, Yih CHENG, Dr. Irene CHENG, T. C. CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. CHEUNG, Oswald CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph CHIU, Miss B. T. - 807 The Hermitage, MacDonnell Road, H.K, The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. Flat 201 Sisters' Qtrs., King's Park House, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. P. O. Box 981, Nassau, Bahamas, Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. Room 315 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 3 Peak Pavilions, Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon, c/o Pfizer Eastern Corporation, G.P.O. Box 2513, Bangkok, Thailand. 3327 Graduate College, Princeton University, Princeton, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o The Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Rd., H.K. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong, Dept. of Geography, United College, 9 Bonham Road, H.K. New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, N.K.I.L. No. 4405, San Po Kong, Kowloon, United College, Bonham Road, H.K. 4. University Path, Pokfulum, H.K. Room 703, Prince's Building, H.K. 9 Village Road, 1st floor, H.K. Flat 8, 12th Floor, 91 Dundas Street, Kowloon. 3, Kidderpore Gdns., London, N.W.3., England. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 177 GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. GARTNER, J. GEORGE, T. J. B. - L GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H. GIMSON, C, H, - GILES, R. + GLASS, Miss M. A. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. - c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England, 74 Kenilworth Avenue, London, S.W.19, England. c/o P.W.D. Hq., 4th Floor, Main Wing, Central Government Offices Building, H.K. c/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. "Crossways", 49 Christchurch Road, Sidcup, Kent, England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. GORDON, Mrs. Charles R. 118 Pokfulam Road, H.K. GORDON, K. H. A. J Room 601 Marina House, H.K. GORDON, The Hon. S. S.* - Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. GUADAGNINI, Dr. P. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. - HALE, Richard E. - Via Buon Compani, No. 16, Rome, Italy, Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. New Territories Health Office, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon. The Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P. O. Box 64, H.K, HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HARDEN, Mrs. Guy T. Jr.* 15 Shek-O, H.K. HARRISON, Prof. B. T HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J.* - HAYWARD, G. W. J HEANEY, Robert S. HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. - Dept. of History, The University, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K, 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Sevenoaks, Kent, England. Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., U.S.A. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. + - Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o P. O. Box 70, H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 178 HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. HỌ, Mrs. Hung Chịu HO, Teh-Kuei HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Walter HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. K1, HOLMES, The Hon. D. R. HONG, Sheng-Hwa HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSMAN, Miss A. M. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Eric Edward HOWARD, Miss V. HOWARD, W. J. HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. - + HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. HOWORTH, J. F. - + HOYNINGEN-HUENE. Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung Pei - HUGHES, G. M. - . HUGHES, Mrs. G. M." - HUGHES, Prof. W. I. HULL, G. B. G. HUNG, C. S. HURT, Miss E. J. + - · - + - · + CIECD Engineering Consulting Group, P.O. Box 23, Taipei, Taiwan. Room 606, Gloucester Building, H.K. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lake Side Building, 2nd Floor B, 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 7, Kimberley Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. Commerce and Industry Dept. Fire Brigade Bldg, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. c/o Legal Department, c/o Legal Department, Central Government Offices, H.K. 402 King's Park House, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, Peninsula Court, Kowloon, 10 Stanley Street, H.K. Sisters Quarters, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, P. O. Box 282, H.K. D-1, "On Lee", 2 Mount Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. P. O. Box 70, H.K. c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K, 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Building, H.K. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. 49 Beach Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. 19 Hee Wong Terrace, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Sisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 179 HUTCHISON. Miss Pauline M. HUTSON, P. E. HYDE, Miss A. INGLES, Miss J. M. INGRAM, Miss P. IU, Miss S.* JACKSON, R. N. JAO, Tsung-i JARVIS, Edmund E. JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JONES, Dr. J. R.* KAPLAN, Mrs. Celia KEATLEY, R. L. KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. KEOWN, W. C. KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. KILBORN, Prof. L. G.* KNIGHTLY, F. J. KNIGHTS, J. 907 Hermitage, 75 MacDonnell Road, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 123 Breezy Court, 2-A Park Road, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 95 Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. The Registry, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. P. O. Box 820, H.K. 2 Stafford Road, Kowloon 3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. A33, Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K. Apt. 4-B, 41-C Conduit Road, H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. 7B Lincoln Court, Tai Hang Road, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfields & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 1, Wing Ying Mansion. 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. Park Terrace, Apt. 113, 125 Raymond Street, Guelph, Ontario, Canada H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. P. O. Box 113, H.K. KNOWLES, Miss Moira G. - Training & Examinations Unit, Electric House, 22A Ice House Street, H.K. KNOWLES, Dr. W. C. G.* - Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* - As above. KOCH, Mrs. Renate B. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. KUMMER, Dr. M. 39 Shouson Hill Road, B5, H.K. Gemeindestrasse 21, 8032 Zurich, Switzerland. Goethe-Institut, German Cultural Centre, 6th floor, Caxton House, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 180 KURATA, Mrs. L. C. - KVAN, Rev. Erik* KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* KWOK, Chan* KWOK, Walter LAI, T. C. + LAM, Jahn Cho Han LAM, Yung-fai 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada. Dept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. L - The Library, United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 9A Bonham Road, H.K. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. B. T. J. c/o Mrs. G. W. Lanchester, 4 Fung Shui, LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. - + LAWRY, Mrs. B. C. LAWRY, R. E. LECKIE, J. B. H. LEE, Din-yi LEE, J. S.* LEE, The Hon. R. C.* - LEUNG, Kai-Cheong LEUNG, Pak-kui LEVIN, Burton LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi J 50 Plantation Road, H.K. Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland, Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. A9, Bowen Hill, 10 Peak Road, H.K. British Council, 1st floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium, United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. 19-B, Caine Road, 6th Floor, H.K. 44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 182 MCBAIN, E. B. MCBAIN, G. MCCABE, Donald C. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* c/o Geo. McBain & Co., Union Building, H.K. S.C.M.P. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. New Asia College-Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. MCDOUALL, The Hon. J. C. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K. MCELNEY, B. S. MCFADZEAN, A. J. S. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. MCLEVIE, J. G. MANEELY, Miss M. S. MANEELY, R. B. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. St. Peter-in-Chains Catholic Church, Kowloontsai, Kowloon, Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. MEFFAN, Mrs. N. I. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 104, Macau, c/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 201 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. The British Council, 1st Floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon, c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 183 MORGAN, L. G. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. - NABHOLZ, Mrs. M. E. NEILD, Mrs. C. - NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. N. - NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, John NORONHA, J. E. - OLIPHANT, R. G. L. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. - OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PENNELL, W. V. - PERDIEUS, H.- PERESYPKIN, O. P. PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. R. J. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N. POLAND, T. D. POLDY, Mrs. K. 1 c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3., England. 3, MacDonnell Road, Flat 3, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Insurance Department), H.K. c/o Swiss Reinsurance Co., P. O. Box 172, 8022 Zurich, Switzerland, c/o Welfare Handicrafts, Salisbury Road, Kowloon, Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Shipping Accounts Dept.) H.K. 48, King Henry's Road, Swiss Cottage, London N.W.3, England. c/o Dept. of Agriculture & Fisheries, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept, of History, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. 21 South Bay Road, Ground Floor, Repulse Bay, H.K. 54 Buxey Lodge, 8th Floor, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. Dagobertstraat 45, Leuven, Belgium, P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Butterfield & Swire (H.K.) Ltd. (Staff Dept.), Union House, H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 185 SCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. SELLETT, G.* SHAW-KENNEDY, Miss Anne SHEKURY, Miss E. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, D.- SHU, Dr. H. T. - SHUI, Chien tung SIEGEL, H. W. SINFIELD, G. H. C.* SLEVIN, B. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie* SMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.* SOONG, N. - J + - c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, USA. Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. c/o Dept. of Commerce & Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. Room 812 Hilton Hotel, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Administrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. c/o Royal Bank of Canada, 20 King Street, West, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. 52 Mount Nicholson Gap Flat, H.K. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. 2. Queen's Road, Central, H.K. H.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K. SPERRY, H. M.* STANLEY, Major H. F. STANTON, W. T.* STEWART, Miss Elizabeth H. STEWART, Miss E. M. STOKES, J. STONEY, G. S. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. + Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, c/o The Housing Manager, Hong Kong Housing Authority, Ma Tau Wei Estate, Kowloon. Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. As above. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 186 STOWE, C.- c/o Education Dept., H.K. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., STUART-JERVIS, Mrs. M. J. - SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SUGAR, Mrs. Kathleen - SWIRE, A. C.* · TALBOT, H. D. TAN, Khek-seng" TANG, Mrs. M. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TARARIN, Peter A.* TARR, A. D. + P TARWATER, J. W. THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, Dr. 0. L. - THOMPSON, Dr. R. W. THORN, Mrs. R. THROWER, Prof. L. B.. TILL, The Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. 7 TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TOWNER, J. A. L TRISTRAM, M. P. W. + - · · - - Union House, H.K. Flat C. 22 Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K. Evone Court, Flat C, 24 Yik Yam Street, 6th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon. Flat F3, Villa Helvetia, 69 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. 6 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K. Room 1701 Central Building, H.K. 7560 Willoughby Avenue, Los Angeles, Cal. 90046, U.S.A. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 3 Old Peak Road, H4, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon, Senior Lecturer in Spanish, Univ. of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, W.I. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. Department of Botany, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England. Room 404 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. District Office, South, 36 Gascoigne Road, Kowloon, Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 187 TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. + China Building, 4th floor, H.K. TURNER, Sir M.* UHALLEY, S. Jr. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. VOGEL, Ezra F. WALDEN, G. G. H. WALDEN, J. C. C. WALKER, P. R. WARD, Miss B. E. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARD, W. L. WARRINGTON,STRONG, Cmdr. F. WATSON, K. A. WATTS, Major, E. V. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, Mrs. H. WILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M. WILMOT-MORGAN, E. WILSON, B. D. + "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. East Asian Research Center, 1737 Cambridge St., Cambridge Mass 02138, U.S.A. 22 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K. N.T. Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Tai Po Road, Kowloon, c/o Resettlement Dept., Pui Ching Road, Ho Man Tin, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London, W.C.1., England. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. Apt. 3, No. 7 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. R.N.R. Headquarters, 39 Gloucester Road, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. HQ. Land Forces, B.F.P.O.1., H.K. 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. as above. 93 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon, As above, 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. · Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 188 WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Pao-Hsie WONG, Peng-Cheong* WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss Sybil WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WOOD, Mrs. C. + WOOL-SMITH, Miss J. 402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K. 11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon. 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. 81 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. As above. WORTHY, Edmund H. Jr. WORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E. WOU, Dr. Paul, P. C. WRIGHT, Miss B. R. WRIGHT, D. A. L. WU, Hei-Tak YANG, Tsung-han YANG, V. T. YAO, Prof. Hsin-Nung YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, Walter, W. T. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. 4607, Harrison Street, Chevy Chase, Maryland, 20015, US.A. Flat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K. Wise Mansion 8-C, 52 Robinson Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. P. O. Box 6175, Hong Kong. Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. 1, Dorset Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K. 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform her of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g # PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1966 During 1966, the seventh year since its revival in the Colony, the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society has achieved a gratifying and encouraging success. It continued to diversify its activities and in addition to the regular lectures, a list of which is appended, it published its sixth volume of the Journal while a most successful Symposium was organised under the Chairmanship of Dr. Marjorie Topley in association with Mr. Ma Meng and Mr. James Hayes who also organised an interesting and instructive tour of the old temples and shrines of the Tai Ping Shan district of the island. The lectures given at the Symposium entitled “The Natural and Supernatural in Chinese Social Life and the Role of some Traditional Conceptions in Hong Kong today" covered a wide variety of subjects on cultural, scientific and practical subjects. The Symposium endeavoured to exploit the rich field which Hong Kong affords for the study of the history, life and customs of the Chinese people and to record the traditional patterns of their everyday life before they die out. In this work Dr. Marjorie Topley and her associates repeated the success of the 1964 Symposium, "Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories". Particularly noteworthy was the number of papers and talks by distinguished Chinese medical experts who took part in the discussions. The Society is under a great obligation to Dr. Topley and Mr. James Hayes for their zeal and hard work and I should like to record our deep appreciation also of the valuable contributions of Dr. Gerald Choa, Dr. F. I. Tseung, Dr. P. M. Yap and Mr. K. M. A. Barnett as well as that of Mr. Timothy Birch of Radio Hong Kong who led the discussion panel. The results of these studies are being edited by Dr. Topley and recorded in a booklet to be published this year which is likely to be as much in demand as that of 1964 which has now been sold out and will have to be reprinted. The annual Journal, of which the sixth volume appeared last year, continues to maintain its popularity as well as the high standard of scholarship and of editorial capacity set at the outset by Mr. Cranmer-Byng and continued last year with great distinction by Mr. Uhalley who, to our great loss, has left Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 7 15 & 16 October SYMPOSIUM Natural and Supernatural in Chinese Social Life. The Role of some Traditional Conceptions in Hong Kong today" K 1. Some basic conceptions and their traditional relationship to society" LC 2. Dr. Marjorie Topley Geomancy and the village: some first hand impressions * Mr. James Hayes 3. Chinese traditional medicine and contemporary Hong Kong " Dr. Gerald Choa 4. "The measurement of elapsed time in Hong Kong: the Chinese calendar; its uses and value" 5. CA 6. * Mr. K. M. A. Barnett Some ideas concerning food and diet among Hong Kong Chinese Dr. Gerald Choa Some aspects of fortune-telling in Hong Kong" Dr. F. I. Tseung 7. "Ideas of mental disorder and their practical influence Dr. P. M. Yap Chinese temples in the local setting" Mr. James Hayes 8. 9. Chinese occasional rites in Hong Kong Dr. Marjorie Topley 29 October 10. General question time on subjects arising generally during the Symposium. Panel Chairman: Mr. Timothy Birch Visit to temples and shrines of the Tai Ping Shan district ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g # 9 # HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1966 The Accounts for 1966 have been audited by Mr. O. P. Edwards of The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank. I assumed office as Hon. Treasurer only a month ago following Mr. W. S. Addis and Mr. Michael Morgan who acted temporarily after Mr. T. J. Lindsay's retirement. On the income side, there is a gratifying increase in Life Membership subscriptions, now $2,750 against $650 last year. The annual subscriptions amounted to $10,177, a little over $2,000 short of our total expenditure. The shortage was covered by income from investments amounting to $2,054.69 (against $1,742.54 last year) and from the sale of copies of the Journal. The total amount of annual subscriptions at the increased rate of $30 a year would have been higher had all members paid their subscriptions by the end of the year, and if all members had given instructions to their banks to increase their annual subscriptions from $20 to $30. Members are strongly urged to pay by means of Banker's Orders in order to ease the arduous work of the Hon. Secretary and Hon. Treasurer. Our investments show an increase in market value of over $4,000 in spite of the depressed market. The amount of $13,000 cash deposit is rather illusory. A sum of $2,500 represents a donation from the Asia Foundation and is earmarked to pay for books which have already been ordered. About $7,000 to $8,000 will be required to pay for the next issue of the Journal and off-prints. Provision has also to be made for the printing of the brochure on the 1966 Symposium and for the reprinting of the paper by Sir Lindsay Ride on "The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao". We hope to recoup the cost of these publications by their sale, but we shall need more money to reprint Volume 1 of the Journal which has now been sold out and to build up our library and to provide for its accommodation. There is no likelihood of any real excess of income over expenditure. 3 April, 1967. G. W. LANCHESTER ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 22 JEN YU-WEN older than Hsien and Ping, was also reared by Young, being the younger sister of Shih. Hsien, the 2nd son, by virtue of being the offspring of the Queen, was regarded as the legitimate heir to the throne according to Chinese tradition. After being crowned, the boy emperor named his new reign Tê Yu () beginning with the next year (1275). In the first year of Tê Yu (1275), the Mongol army under the premier Pê Yen (16) invaded South China and after many victories marched toward the capital Lin-an in the winter. The imperial court was alarmed and evacuated the Emperor's two brothers and sister under the care of mother Young and their uncles.3 Before departure, the two princes received new titles: I Wang (1) and Kuang Wang (1), respectively. Early in 1276 the royal party left Lin-an in a hurry heading for the south. It was the beginning of an itinerary of constant flight which would last for three full years. Shortly afterwards, Emperor Hsien and the Queen Mother Ch'uan surrendered to the Mongols who subsequently took them to Peking. The Mongol Emperor Kublai Khan gave the dethroned Sung Emperor the new title of Duke of Ying Kuo (). Years later he was forced to become a Buddhist monk, was banished to Mongolia and died in exile there. It was said that his own son, who had been adopted by a Mongolian prince, would eventually become the last emperor of the Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty. The Ex-Queen Mother Ch'uan became a Buddhist nun and died of old age.4 When the capital Lin-an fell, the royal evacuees arrived at Wuchow (##), Chekiang. They continued their flight toward the south. They had to travel on foot for seven days and the two young princes were carried by their uncles on their backs all the way throughout the rough journey. After reaching Wenchow (), a city near the seashore, they stayed for about three months trying to rally loyal supporters there. A few did come, such as a high official Lu Hsiu-fu (✯✯✯) and generals Chang Shih-chieh (*) and Su Liu-i (***) each bringing soldiers along. An army of considerable size was mustered. The Premier Ch'en I-chung (1), who had deserted the court after the Mongols entered Lin-an, also reported his presence at Wenchow, which was his native city. In view of the grave situation created by the capture of the young emperor, which thus ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g THE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG 23 left the country without a ruler, the ministers and generals, after consultation with their mother, the concubine Young, unanimously installed I Wang Shih as the Generalissimo of the state and his brother Kuang Wang Ping as his deputy. After a while, they decided to travel south by boat. When everything was ready for departure, the cunning premier Ch'en I-chung begged to remain behind, using the excuse that he must bury his mother who had just died in Wenchow. Everybody disliked him and took him for a coward. The impetuous and impulsive warrior Chang Shih-chieh thought up a cunning scheme: he ordered some of his soldiers to remove the coffin of Ch'en's mother and to place it on a ship. Consequently Ch'en had to follow, much against his will. In the 4th month they arrived at Foochow, Fukien, In the next month they crowned I Wang Shih Emperor who thus became the last Sung emperor but one. He was then eight years of age. His posthumous name is Tuan Tsung, (*) by which I shall call him hereafter. From that month on, his reign was called Ching Yen (*). His younger brother Ping received the new title of Wei Wang (£), and his little sister, that of Princess of Tsin Kuo (+), while his own mother was properly honoured as the Queen Mother. They stayed in Foochow until the 11th month when news came that the Mongols were invading Fukien, so they sailed southward. After passing by Ch'uanchow (¥) and Amoy in Fukien and Ch'aochow (¶) (Swatow) and Chia-tsu-men (‡ƒ¶) (of Huichow) in Kwangtung, they entered the territory of Kwangchow-fu early in 1277. Passing by Mirs Bay (Ta-p'eng-wan (★*), northeast of Kowloon), the royal party probably went ashore for a short time to get a rest, since there remain a few historical sites by the names of Wang-mu chuang-t'ai (the Queen-mother's Dressing Table) and Wang-mu hsu (Queen-mother's Market). During the next two months they stayed at an island then called "Mei-wei". (This place at present is still unidentified.) In the 4th month (May 1277) the royal refugees landed at Kuan-fu Ch'ang accompanied by many descendants of former Sung emperors who had joined the royal party from different places along the coast. Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung 29 Sung Wong Toi Garden was finally completed in the winter of 1957. Acting upon the suggestion of the Chiu Clansmen's Association, most of whose members are the descendants of the early emperors and princes of the Sung Dynasty, whose family name was Chiu, the Government, with the valuable assistance of the Association, provided two stone tablets commemorating the Sung Wong Toi, one in Chinese and the other in English, on each side of the entrance to the garden. On the 28th December, 1959, a simple and dignified unveiling ceremony was held in the garden. The design and craftsmanship of the tablets are of the first quality. In particular the two dragons, symbolizing two emperors, were beautifully done. It was said that only a very few craftsmen in Hong Kong could have done them and that they should be ranked as one of the Colony's works of art. I had the honour of being asked to compose the Chinese text and to assist in translating it into English. I was also asked to compile and edit a book entitled Sung Wong Toi, A Commemorative Volume which was published in Chinese in 1960 by the Chiu Clansmen's Association. V. A FEW LEGENDS In the text on the tablets above mentioned I stated that there existed a few historical sites connected with Tuan Tsung's stay in Kowloon. They may be of interest to you, in spite of their legendary character, if you are keen to know more of local history. North of the Sung Wong Toi rock it is said that there was a Chin-fu-jen mu (Lady Chin's Tomb). It is recorded in the Hsin-an Gazetteer that the Princess of Tsin Kuo, younger sister of Tuan Tsung, had been drowned nearby, or en route to Kowloon, and that a golden image of her was buried in that tomb. That was why it was called Lady Chin (Gold)'s Tomb. A large stone tablet was erected there with the name Chin-fu-jen engraved on it. I consider this as sheer legend, unsupported as it is by any substantial proof. To the northwest of the hill is the popular Temple of Hou-wang (Hou-wang miao). Ch'en P'ei-t'ao, a famous scholar of Tung-kuan District in late Ch'ing, put out the theory that Yang Liang-chieh, uncle of Tuan Tsung, had died at sea on the way here; was subsequently buried at this spot; that he was posthumously given the title of wang (king); and that the local people built the temple in memory of his loyalty. I have found ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 30 JEN YU-WEN that this legend is also ill-founded, because it has been ascertained that there are at least six other Temples of Hou-wang in Kowloon and the nearby island of Lantau. Moreover, there are other Hou-wang Temples in different districts of Kwangtung, and the images worshipped in them are different deified persons. But the decisive counter-proof of Ch'en's theory is found in a book written by Chou Mi, Kuei-hsin tsa-chi hsü-chi (B), 47a in early Yuan which records that in the last battle between the Sungs and Mongols at Ya-men in 1279, Young Liang-chieh perished at sea with the Emperor Ping (successor of Tuan Tsung) and other generals and ministers.14 Another story tells how Emperor Tuan Tsung occasionally established his court at Yu-hsien-yen on Pê-ho-shan (Lé iao), northwest of Kowloon Tsai. There was a stone that looked like an armchair. Tuan Tsung used to sit on it as his temporary throne. From that time, the stone got the name “The Royal Armchair Stone" (Yu-tso chiao-i shih #PERM ̄ ). This is a more reasonable tradition for a historic event although there is also no proof for it. VI. THE ERH-HUANG-TIEN VILLAGE There was yet another historical site called Erh-huang-tien Village (in Cantonese Yi-wong-tin Two Emperors' Palace Village) which was closely related to the royal visit. Amongst the many old villages listed in the Hsin-an Gazetteer was the name Erh-huang-tien but written in the form, meaning Two Huangs' Store. Ch'en Pê-tao was the first scholar to point out that this was a mistake and should be Two Emperors' Palace. (The Cantonese pronunciations of huang for emperor and huang for yellow are the same, and in Mandarin tien for palace and tien for store are the same. The error in the Gazetteer may be ascribed to intentional alteration of the two characters to avoid political trouble in the Yuan dynasty which exterminated the last two emperors of Southern Sung.) This interpretation is acceptable. A few other writers in modern times in describing the historical sites in Kowloon have likewise confirmed the existence of such a village. It has been generally taken for granted that it was so named because the last two Sung emperors stayed there for some time, or constructed a palace there. Furthermore, the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g THE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG 37 "the back seat". But before accepting this interpretation, one must verify the identity of the Yunnan Lao with the aboriginal tribe dwelling in Kow-Joon speaking the same language. 6 See my article "The Southern Sung Stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 5, 1965. At line 17 of the article "before this date" should read "after this date". The Chinese text on the engraven rock was given in my article, but was not accompanied by a literal translation, which now follows: [I] Yen I-chang of Ku-pien (K'ai-feng, Honan Province), being the administrator of this Field (namely, Kuan-fu Ch'ang), accompanied by Ho T'ien-chuch of San-shan (Foochow, Fukien Province), come to visit these two mountains (North and South Fu-t'ang). In the course of investigation, [I found, first, that] the stone pagoda (shih-ta, or colloquially called Ku-shih-ta and abbreviated to Ki-ta) at South T'ang was constructed in the 5th year of the reign of Ta Chung Hsiang Fu (i.e., of Emperor Tsen Tsung of Northern Sung, A.D. 1012). Next, Cheng Kuang-ch'ing of San-shan, piling up stones and chopping down trees, renovated the two T'angs. Again, T'eng Liao-chuch of Yung-chia (Wen-chou of Chekiang Province) continued the work. The ancient stone-tablet at North T'ang was established by Hsin P'o-ting of Ch'uan-chou (Fukien province) in the year wu shen but the reign [of what Emperor] cannot be ascertained. Now, Nien Fa-ming of San-shan and Lin Tao-i of this native place (i.e., Kowloon) continue the work. Furthermore, Tao-i can expand the former plan requesting [me] to establish another stone-engraving for commemoration [of the renovation]. Inscribed on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month in the year chia shu [i.e., 10th year] during the Hsien Shun reign (Emperor Tu Tsung of Southern Sung, A.D. 1274). 7 Yuan Yuan, Kwangtung T'ung-chih, Haifang lüeh, chuan 2, kx. Ak Ma. 40%. Shu Mou-kuan, Hsin-an Hsien-chi, chuan 7, Chien-shu lüeh 建署累 8 Ta-ch'ing Hui-tien, Kuan-chih kao. 76. 9 Research notes by the late Sung Hsueh-p'eng (4) who had done much research work on the local history and geography of Hong Kong and Kowloon. A portion of the notes was generously recopied and given to me. 10 Ibid. 11 T'u-shu Chi-cheng, Chih-fang-tien (811A.AZ) records that "This was the old engraving of Yuan times”. 12 Chuan 18, Sheng-chi-lüeh BAY. 13 Before 1941 there were three streets at this place, called "Sung Street", "Ti (Emperor) Street" and "Ping Street". (Apparently Emperor Ping was mistaken for Tuan Tsung (Shib). As the history of Southern Sung in Kowloon had been rather obscure, the mixing up of the two names was not very unlikely; even the Hsin-an Gazetteer made the same mistake. This whole area including the three streets was levelled during the Japanese occupation to facilitate the extension of Kai-tak airfield. 14 See Jao Tsung-i, Kowloon yũ Sung-chi shih-liao ✯‡, ^*‡‡‡£ #, Hong Kong, Universal Book Co., 1959, p. 105. 15 Wu Pa-ling, Sung-t'ai kan-chiulu 4*. *4434 in Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume, p. 108. 16 By the side of the cliff a low-cost housing estate has been recently constructed south of the new Fu-ning Street (3##), east of the now Fuk- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 38 JEN YU-WEN cheung Street (###) and west of the new Shing-tak Street (##). The main entrance to the estate is directly west of the junction of Shing-tak Street and Ma-tau-kok Road. These buildings are constructed on the very site of the Two Emperors' Palace Village (No. 8 in the map). 17 Ibid., p. 108. 18 Ch'en Chung-wei, Erh-Wang pen-mo. 19 See my article, "The Southern Sung Stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 5 (1965). 20 There has been a different theory, from the Ming Dynasty down to the present, that Kan-chou (A) is a small island commonly called Nau-chou (4) south of Hua-chou (#1) near Kuang-chou-wan, but I do not agree with this. See Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume, pp. 175-206, 313f., 323-301 for my lengthy discussion and argument with Jao Tsung-i, the present exponent of this theory. See also Jao, op. cit., chuan 5, pp. 51-83 and Lo Hsiang-lin, ★ R★ Hsiang-kang Ch'ien-tai-shih, Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1959, pp. 92-94. [This book has been translated into English and its title is Hong Kong and Its External Communications Before 1842]. Professor Lo's conclusion agrees with mine. Page 45 Page 46 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 74 L. G. AIJMER 16 The still wider surname groups, hsing (M), in Chinese society, based on entirely fictitious agnatic relationships, expressed in at least preferred exogamy, have often indiscriminately been designated 'clans'. See e.g. Lee 1960, p. 134f. and Willmott 1964, p. 33. This purely conventional consanguinal kin group comes close to the sociological concept of 'phratry', and kin group constellations of this kind may be described better as units of this higher order. The Hakka nomenclature may vary but the units discussed are always conceived of, 17 Freedman 1958, pp. 47, 129. 18 Census 1911, p. 103f. 19 Nine villages with Cantonese-speaking Punti population in the same district at the same time display numbers ranging between 346 and 9, with an average of 108. 20 However, Jean Pratt, in her account of a Hakka village to the north of Tolo Harbour in the New Territories, gives an example of a non-symmetrical segmentation, reflected in the establishment of a new ancestral hall; Pratt 1960, p. 148. 21 This also applies to the Hakka village studied by Miss Pratt: 'The three lineage halls are merely buildings in a row like an ordinary dwelling house'; Pratt 1960, p. 148. 22 Freedman 1958, p. 50. 23 Skinner, in discussing the importance of marketing communities, points out that in Szechuan there existed organizations of Hakka 'composite lineages', with headquarters in teahouses in the market towns (Skinner 1964/65, p. 37). I have no knowledge of similar organizations in the New Territories. One would have expected something of this kind in a portion of China where the Hakka groups suffered political strain from the Punti population. Local groupings on a non-kin basis may sometimes have fulfilled a protective function. Such local organizations, with headquarters in small temples, are for instance to be found in the Sha Tin Valley, and in the Three Fathom Cove area. All three villages studied belonged in pre-British times to an administrative organization called Luk Yeuk, focussed on the old government centre of Kowloon City. Freedman (1966, p. 86) sees yeuk organizations as means for weak communities to seek 'protection against being molested by local powers'. For a discussion of yeuk see op. cit., pp. 82-89 and for the Luk Yeuk especially pp. 85f. 24 A map of Hakka migrations is, for instance, provided by Kuo 1964, facing p. 6. But there are also other views as to the origin of the Hakka, see e.g. Barnett 1958, p. 2. 25 Izikowitz 1963, p. 171. 26 One man from Grass Field Village has settled for good in Borneo. He has taken his wife and children there. This is the only instance of permanent overseas settlement I have come across. 27 This particular migration is said to have been encouraged and even given financial assistance by the Chinese Government as an aftermath of the war mentioned below; Dyer Ball 1925, p. 282. Another author thinks less of the generosity of the government: 'Comme ces tribus Hak-ka se montraient particulièrement turbulentes, les mandarins chinois ne pensaient qu'à les éloigner de leur territoire; c'est ainsi qu'en 1864 et 1866, à la suite de nombreuses revoltes, ils furent expulsés dans le sud du Kouang-Si, vers ces marches frontières qui, comme la province de Moncay, étaient peu habitées et dans un état habituel d'anarchie politique.' ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY 75 Vaillant 1920, p. 85. Leaving this discussion open, there is still reason to assume that both the disturbances in Kwangtung and the Hakka expansion to the south were correlated with a search for new areas for resettlement. 28 'A dreadful internecine strife, in which 150,000 at least, perished, took place between the Hakkas and Pún-téis in the south-western districts of the Canton province, from A.D. 1864 to 1866, and arms and even armed steamers, were procured from Hong Kong by both parties. Ball 1925, p. 282. A Hong Kong resident reports that the Peninsula of Kowloon presented for several days in August, 1862, the novel aspect of an animated battlefield, as the Punti inhabitants of the neighbouring villages were engaged in a bloody warfare with Hakka settlers at Tsimshatsui." Eitel 1895, p. 380. See also n. 27. 29 "Every year is marked unfortunately by an increasing influx of unattached and often undesirable characters from Chinese Territory, most Hakkas from the Wai Chau and Hing Ning District. It is impossible to keep track of the movements of these persons, and many of them are tempted by their opportunity of acquiring unlawful gains by means of robbery, kidnapping, 'White pigeon', and kindred offenses. It is hoped that these undesirable additions to the population will be considerably curtailed before long." New Territories Report 1917, p. J2. 30 The quarry-men are nearly all Hakkas from Kweishin, who settle at the quarries until they have made some money and then return home." New Territories Report 1899-1912, p. 55. 31 This type of extension might also have served as reconnaissance for a future settlement of a permanent kind. The following note from the New Territories could be interpreted in this direction: In the 24th year of the reign of the Emperor Kwong Shu, which was 1897, there came to the Land of the Jumping Dragon a Hakka by the name of Kong Tai Kuen. Up to that time none but Tangs had lived there. Kong rented a house and became a tenant-farmer. He recommended two of his relations to come along also, but they stayed only three years and then returned to the Kong ancestral village at Li Long north of the Shum Chun river, while Kong Tai Kuen gave up farming in the Jumping Dragon Land and moved to Fan Ling, Ingrams 1952, p. 162. 32 I use the word 'sojourner' in a freer sense than Paul Siu, to whom the term implies a stranger 'who spends many years of his lifetime in a foreign country without being assimilated by it;' Siu 1952, p. 34. My term signifies a person who temporarily lives geographically separated from the locality constituting his main focus of social interest. 33 SCPH 1965; Hong Kong 1964, p. 30. Apart from going abroad, some young men from Plum Grove Village and Big Stream Village work as police constables in Sha Tin and Kowloon. One man from Grass Field Village works in a textile factory in Kwun Tong, New Kowloon, 34 This is confirmed by other sources. For instance, the New Territories Report 1900 remarks upon the fact that 'Hakka women work as hard, if not harder, than their men,' (p. 269). An observant traveller noticed that in Mei Hsien in Kwangtung, the Hakka district where both people in Big Stream Village and Grass Field Village had their clan foci. 'it seems to be mainly the women who do the hard work. They do not bind their feet. The women are strong and erect, though excessive toil begun too early in life may account in part for their tendency to be undersized... the women do all ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 76 L. G. AIMER the carrying and other heavy work, "The men do not even know how to carry water" and probably do not demand that the women give them lessons at it.' Frank 1925, p. 210f. Even among the Cantonese-speaking Punti population in Kwangtung, traditional women's participation in the work in the fields occurred; cf. Yang 1959, p. 21f. The notes above, however, are to be read as contrasts to Punti custom. 35 Investments in house building on a large scale seem to be typical for all Chinese peasant communities with a marked inflow of external income. Generalizing from his experiences with three emigrant communities in Fukien and Kwangtung, Chen Ta writes: "The most practical way to gratify their vanity is to build a house. Even when he does not contemplate a return in the immediate future, a Chinese emigrant who has made a fortune in the Nan Yang is quite likely to send a sum of money home for the express purpose of buying a new house"; Chen 1939, p. 109. From another part of China, Francis Hsu notes that "in this Yunnan community people became rich not through South-Seas emigration, but through tin mines and trading. As soon as a family becomes wealthy, it begins to build huge but largely unused houses ..."; Hsu 1945, p. 48. Both authors interpret house building as the symbolic aspect of the move from one social position to another by the sojourner in his home community, the big house being closely associated with gentry status. A comment on increasing house building in the New Territories in the beginning of this century is made in the N. T. Report 1899-1912, p. 56. 36 Although these people have spent many years in English-speaking countries, none of them can converse in the English language. Also, this is largely true for the younger generation now residing in Britain. The Chinese emigrant is often sojourning in a Chinese enclave, the structure of which, in many important respects, is very different from that of his home community; it is still basically Chinese and offers social security in a foreign country. I have the impression that the sojourners have a fairly limited direct contact with the people of the country where they stay, especially if this is in Europe or America. Such contacts are also often highly formalized, of the type client-waiter relations in a restaurant. The surrounding social milieu is, I feel, experienced filtered through the culture of the enclave. 37 In 1963 overseas remittances, in the form of postal and money orders cashed at the New Territories post offices, amounted to the value of HK$20,973,152. The corresponding figure for 1964 was HK$24,076,719; Hong Kong 1963, p. 60; Hong Kong 1964, p. 30. Considerable sums will also have been remitted through banks: these figures are not known. One item of information from the New Territories tells that one farmer annually receives about HK$1,500 from his two sons working in England; Topley 1964, p. 176. Ronald Ng (1965, p. 35) estimates the monthly remittances at £30, or HK$5,760 annually. 38 This means that the daily income for a restaurant worker in Britain would amount to nearly HK$23. This may be compared to the daily wage of a worker in the New Territories which is about HK$10. Ng gives a similar figure for restaurant workers in the U.K.; Ng (1965, p. 35). 39 The situation of the members of the overseas community in Britain could be compared to that of a villager of Big Stream Village working in a grocer's shop on the island of Aruba in the Netherlands West Indies. His salary there is 'over' US$100, i.e., at least HK$130, a month. The daily ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY 77 income of this man is then at least HK$25. It is also interesting to note that costs in the villages are often estimated in terms of British currency. 40 See e.g. Baker 1965, p. 30. 41 Marriage connections were then cast outside the standard market area of Tai Po. This is in contradiction to an assumption by G. W. Skinner (Skinner 1964/65, p. 36), who suggests that standard marketing communities were endogamous in traditional times. 42 Sometimes children by this mating were brought back to the village. In Big Stream Village there is a man whose mother was a Jamaican woman, and his features are quite distinct. However, I have the impression that he is fairly well integrated in the village. He was, for instance, the only male I saw performing ancestral rites at the graves at the Ch'ing Ming festival. He is working as a policeman in Sha Tin. Otherwise I have not come across any secondary marriages in the valley. REFERENCES BAKER, H. [1965] 'Marriage and the Family', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch) n.d. BALL, J. DYER 1925 Things Chinese, or Notes Connected with China, 5th edn, rev. by E. C. T. Werner, (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh). BARNETT, K. A. 1957 'The People of the New Territories', Hong Kong Business Symposium, a Compilation of Authoritative Views on the Administration, Commerce and Resources of Britain's Far Eastern Outpost, J. M. Braga (ed.), (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post). 1958 'Introduction on Hong Kong Place-names', Hong Kong Gazetteer to the Land Utilization Map of Hong Kong and the New Territories, with Chinese and English Names, T. R. Tregear (ed.), (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press). Bot. Report 1906 1907 'Report on the Botanical and Forestry Department for the Year 1906', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1907, (Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers). Census 1911 1911 'Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1911, (Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers). CHEN TA 1939 Emigrant Communities in South China, (New York, Institute of Pacific Relations). CHIU TZE NANG 1964 'Land Use in the Extreme East of the New Territories', Land Use Problems in Hong Kong, S. G. Davis (ed.), (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press). EITEL, E. J. 1895 Europe in China, The History of Hong Kong from the Beginning to the Year 1882, (London and Hongkong, Luzac and Co.). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 102 JAMES HAYES 2 This figure is given in the table at p. 145 in Sessional Papers, i.e. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, for 1906 (Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., Government Printers) included in "New Territories: Land Court, Report on Work from 1900 to 1905". The figure is for all private lots demarcated, and includes house lots as well as agricultural land. 3 Colony Census of 1911 in Sessional Papers 1911, pp. 103 (22, 26 and 37-38). 4 See Extracts from a Report by Mr. Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong in The Hong Kong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899 at p. 541. Also Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JHKBRAS), Vol. 3 (1963), pp. 144-145 and Vol. 4 (1964), pp. 146-150. 5 This information is based on my own extensive enquiries in the Hong Kong region. They corroborate the usual accounts given in many books, among them E. T. Williams, China Yesterday and Today (London etc., Harrap & Co., 1923) pp. 118-136, Chapter VI, "The Village Republic" and E. T. C. Werner, China of the Chinese (London, Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1920), pp. 161-165, "Local Government”. 6 See p. 12 and notes 15-17 of my "The Settlement and Development of a Multiple-Clan Village" (Shek Pik on Lantau Island) in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories (Hong Kong, Hong Kong Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, n.d. but 1965), 7 See also my note "Village Credit at Shek Pik, 1879-1895" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, No. 5 (1965), pp. 119-122, for interest rates of 50% of principal per annum, simple interest, from a money loaning Tong in the same area. This Tong's varied means of doing business are paralleled in the surviving papers showing Cheung Kwong-chuen's agreements with local farmers, * See Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368-1911 (New York, Columbia University Press, 1962), pp. 33-38, "It would not be an exaggeration to say that in Ch'ing times practically anybody who could afford a little over 100 taels could obtain the chien-sheng title and the right to wear the scholar's gown and cap", p. 34. * For more details of the area see my article "A Mixed Community of Cantonese and Hakka on Lantau Island" in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, cited at note 6 above. 10 His name heads the list of twenty-six persons who presented a commemorative red and gilt board on the occasion of the last major repair to the Tin Hau temple at Ham Tin, Pui O dated the equivalent of 15 January 13 February 1915. 11 For a brief account of this village see the article referred to in note 6 above. 12 The Census of 1911 lists 5,694 Cantonese and only 944 Hakka out of an estimated land population of 6,710. See Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103 (22). I have my suspicions about the Hakka figure but have not yet counter-checked by other means. For alleged Cantonese domination see inter alia K. M. A. Barnett, "The Peoples of the New Territories" in J. M. Braga (ed) The Hong Kong Business Symposium (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 1957), pp. 261-265, and G. N. Orme's "Report on the New Territories 1899-1912" in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 44 where he says that the imposition of British rule led to the freeing of the neighbours of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g LAND AND LEADERSHIP IN THE H.K. REGION OF KWANGTUNG 103 many Punti villages from "squeezes" formerly levied on them, "especially the Hakkas". 13 The market town of Tai O had a land population of 2,248 and a boat population of at least several thousands, many of whom lived in mat-huts over the water and were therefore part of the settled population. Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103 (26 and 38). The Hong Kong Government's Administrative Reports for 1911, District Officer South, mentions 221 mat-shed permits in respect of pile huts in Tai O Creek. There were said to be 8 schools in Tai O or district at a New Territories School Census in April 1912, with an average attendance of 21. See Appendix G to Orme's Report in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 63. 14 See for instance Hugh D. R. Baker, "The Five Great Clans of the New Territories" in JHKBRAS, Vol. 6 (1966), pp. 25-47 and his references at his note 9 to Sung Hok-pang's prewar articles in The Hong Kong Naturalist. 15 The schedules of ownership attached to the Block Crown Leases for 1898 New Territories' villages show this general pattern of peasant ownership very clearly. They are kept in the District Offices of the New Territories Administration. 16 A hint of the strength of superstition at this time is given by Orme, op. cit., paras. 97-98, 17 They held, in addition, a considerable number of mortgages from Shek Pik people. Those recorded in the 1904 Block Crown Leases for the Shek Pik Valley may well be less in number than in 1899 because, in the intervening years, it was reported that mortgagors were making great efforts to recover unencumbered ownership, e.g., Sessional Papers 1902, Mr. Stewart Lockhart's 'Report on the New Territory for the Year 1901' p. 4. It is not entirely clear from the context whether this was a general reaction or limited only to New Kowloon, 18 Hong Kong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899, p. 546 under the heading ‘Local Government in the Villages'. The information about there usually being four Tung in any administrative district comes from the former magistrate mentioned in the same paragraph of the text. He was in charge of ## and ✯✯ in Hupeh for part of the first decade of this century. Where no sources are cited, the text is based on information obtained from old inhabitants, some of whom knew Cheung Kwong-chuen and Kung Fong-tsai personally, and from documents in Chinese relating to the land and money transactions of these two men and those of the third, Chan Fu-shing, that have been made available to me through the kindness of their present owners to whom I am much indebted for their courtesy and cooperation. I am also grateful for help with translation, especially to Mr. Chan Kwun-ngok, and for the ready help of many Lantau residents with my enquiries, Addition to Note 8. The quotation in the text comes from Professor Ho's "The Examination System and Social Mobility in China, 1368-1911", Proceedings of the 1959 Annual Spring Meeting of the American Ethnological Society, pp. 60-65. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g NOTES AND QUERIES 153 Long before the arrival of the Europeans in south China (1514) the Chinese were manufacturing cannon. Examples of them, some bearing fourteenth century dates, may be seen in museums in north China. The earliest one known, bearing a date equivalent to 1332, is housed in the Historical Museum in Peking. For an illustration see my short article in ISIS55(no.180), June 1964, pp. 193-4. At the beginning of the sixteenth century a new type appears, apparently introduced from Java or Cochin-China. It is known in Chinese literature as fo-lang-chi (or Farangi-Franks), the name applied slightly later to the Portuguese. This type is remarked as early as 1510. (Cf. Pelliot in T'oung Pao, 1948, pp. 199-207.) In the struggles against the Japanese and other pirates who infested the coast during the Chia-ching reign (1522-66) these cannon were frequently put to use not only on land but also at sea. (See Chao Shih-chen, Shen-ch'i p'u i, published 1598. Chao knew what he was writing about, as he was a drafter in the Grand Secretariat at the court in Peking, concerned with military defense, and is said to have manufactured some firearms himself.) Ming dynasty illustrations of war vessels sometimes show cannon mounted on deck. (See Mao Yüan-i, Wu-pei chih, published 1621, chüan 117. Mao was an expert on military affairs, and saw service both in Liao-ning and Fukien.) In the effort to repel the Manchu invaders in the north the Ming court sought the aid of both the Spanish and the Portuguese. Huang K'o-tsuan, for example, reports that when he was serving in the ministry of war (up to 1619) he recruited people from Luzon who could manufacture cannon; they made twenty-eight pieces, which he sent up to the northeast frontier in Manchuria. These must have been formidable (or Huang was trying to impress his superiors) for one cannon is said to have weighed over three thousand catties, and a shot could dispose of some seven hundred barbarians! (Ming shih-lu, Hsi-tsung, 4/29b. I owe this reference to Dr. Ray Huang, visiting professor at Columbia University.)5 * The importation of cannon and cannoneers from Macao about this same time is well known. In 1621 the well-known Christian convert and high official Hsü Kuang-ch'i ordered a shipment sent up to Peking, and a year later he recommended that the Jesuit fathers, Nicolo Longobardi and Manuel Diaz, proceed to Macao to purchase ten cannon and a few soldiers to operate them. In ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 154 NOTES AND QUERIES 1626 the Manchus were stopped in their tracks at Ning-yüan by the foreign artillery. But this setback was not to last very long. They saw the usefulness of these weapons and set about casting some themselves. These proved effective in the conquest of the northern frontier (1643-44) and in the years to follow as their armies plunged on down across both the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers to Kwangtung and Kweichow. Columbia University L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH NOTES 1 In this I have consulted Mr. C. N. Tay of the American Museum of Numismatics, New York City. 2 The inscription on the cannon is given below. This cannon was found lying on open ground in the Tsiu Keng sub-district in the northern part of the New Territories. It was reported by Mr. R. E. dos Remedios, Senior Land Assistant in the District Office, Taipo in August 1966. The cannon was completely exposed and must have been in this condition for a long time. It is not clear how it came to be there. * This cannon, which was mentioned in passing in the note on the Tung Chung Fort, at p. 148 of Vol. 4 of the Journal (1964), was dredged from the sea in 1956, either from Kowloon Bay in the course of work on the extension to Hong Kong airport or from Fat Tong Mun (otherwise called Joss House Bay) in the approaches to Hong Kong Harbour—sources differ. It is now mounted with a plaque in Chinese and English outside the Central Government Offices (East Wing), Hong Kong. It was heavier than the one recently discovered; 300 catties as compared with 300 catties. The Chinese inscription, which is much the same, is also given below. 4 An insight into the happenings of these troubled times is preserved in the family record of the Tsui (徐) clan formerly of Shek Pik on Lantau island, to which their ancestor had removed in the 16th Century. The family came from Mong Ngau Tun (望牛墩) in Tung Kwun district (東莞) where they had settled in the Sung dynasty from Kiangsi province. There was fighting in Tung Kwun against the Manchus after their success in the North. The record which gives no precise date for this occurrence, though it must have been within a few years of the change of dynasty in 1644 — reads — Sau Yeung-kap, a civil officer, and Li Shing-tung, a general, instigated an uprising against the new dynasty in Tung Kwun. As the revolt gathered momentum, oxen and horses were killed for food, and rice and corn became as expensive as pearls. For miles, one could see nothing animate; the fields were covered with dead bodies. In some places, human flesh was eaten by the starving people, and piles of human bones filled the ruined houses. A detachment of the Manchu army was sent to besiege the district city, then occupied by the rebels. In the conflict that ensued, human beings were massacred as though they were ants, and law-abiding people and bad characters alike were destroyed. Fortunately, our clansmen, then living at Mong Ngau Tun, escaped this calamity. However, many of our former neighbours and fellow-natives in Ming Ka Lane lost their lives and [as the record says in another place] all the dispensations of the previous dynasty were regarded as scrap paper. (I am grateful to Mr. Gilbert Louie for this translation. Ed) Readers will note that Li Shing-tung (Li Ch'eng-tung) is mentioned in Prof. LO Hsiang-lin's Additional Note where he is described as Governor of Kwangtung. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 166 NOTES AND QUERIES held office for many years on the main advisory bodies representing the Chinese community in the Colony, including the District Watchmen's Committee, the Tung Wah Hospital Committee, the Chinese Public Dispensaries Committee and the Po Leung Kuk.15 Sir Show-son CHOW's son, Mr. CHOW Yat-kwong, J.P. has kindly given permission for members to visit the house in the New Village which contains the family's ancestral hall, III. THE Hung Shing Temple And AP LEI CHAU The Hung Shing Temple, The Hung Shing Temple at Ap Lei Chau, judging by the temple bell, dates from the 18th century.16 It appears to have been enlarged in 1847 and some wall-tablets show that it was given a major repair in 1888. The present building dates from that time or earlier. Its origin is uncertain because it is not clear who built it in the first instance. Records show that the Ap Li Chau land population was "no more than two or three families of Hakka grass cutters" before 1841, so that we must look elsewhere for the builders. It could have only been built and supported by the joint efforts of the local (i.e. Aberdeen) land people and boat population. The former only amounted to a few hundreds before the British came, but the boat population was probably as considerable before 1841 as after, e.g. 415 boats and 2,243 persons at the 1856 census18 and 424 boats and 4,130 persons in 1866.19 The temple is interesting in that it has old-style flagpoles still standing in front of the building. Old prints frequently show this kind of pole; but though a few bases can still be seen nowadays in Hong Kong, Macau and the New Territories these could be the only ones left with the poles and their basket-like tops still in place. Ap Lei Chau before 1911. The present land settlement on Ap Lei Chau was founded in the early decades of British rule. By the mid-1860's there were 60 houses there, which implies that several hundred residents were living on the island at that time.20 By 1897 the number of residents was 1,123 rising to 1,437 at the Colony Census of 1911.21 This population gained its livelihood to a great extent from concerns directly associated with the fishing industry, such as boat-building yards, ship chandlers and rope and sail works, and from provision shops and general stores that also catered for the fishermen's daily needs.22 There was very ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g NOTES AND QUERIES 169 NOTES I am most grateful to Mr. Yuen Chun-fang, Liaison Officer, Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for help with the interviews which yielded part of the information given above. 1 Reports on the Past and Present State of Her Majesty's Colonial Possessions, 1845 (London, W. Clowes & Sons, for H.M.S.O., 1846) p. 147 and the same for 1846, p. 230. 2 G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong, Birth Adolescence and Coming of Age (Oxford, University Press, 1937) p. 208, quoting from the Canton Press, February 1842. 3 Sayer, p. 91. 4 Sayer, p. 30. 5 A. R. Johnston (H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade) "Note on the Island of Hong Kong" first published in the London Geographical Journal Vol. XIV, and reprinted in the Hong Kong Almanack and Directory for 1846. 6 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 28 March 1857 p. 4, Table No. 4. 7 The Last Year in China......by a Field Officer actually employed in that Country. 2nd edition (London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1843) p. 75. 8 K. S. MacKenzie, Narrative of the Second Campaign in China (London, R. Bentley, 1842) p. 160. 9 See Hong Kong Administrative Reports for 1934, 1935 and 1936 at pp. Q.86, Q.84 and Q.81 respectively. 10 This information, like any other for which no specific source is quoted, comes from Mr. CHOW Chik-san of Kau Wai, aged 77 and Madam CHAN CHOW Ping of San Wai, aged 81. 11 Rev. W. Lobscheidt, A Few Notices on the Extent of Chinese Education and the Government Schools of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, China Mail office, 1859). 12 See Summary of Report of Squatters Commission 1891-1906, pp. 97-103. This volume of MSS. is kept in the Library, Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. 13 For accounts of Cantonese and Hakka see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (Hong Kong etc., Kelly and Walsh Ltd., 4th edition, 1903) pp. 202, 211 and 323-326. 14 LO Hsiang-lin and others, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842 (Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963) pp. 80-88. This is the English translation of the text, but not the notes, of their work published in Hong Kong in 1959. 15 This information is taken from the accounts given at p. 5 of Prof. Woo Sing-lim's The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, The Five Continents Book Co., 26th year of the Chinese Republic, 1937) published in Chinese and English and at pp. 578-579, under the name CHOW Cheong-ling, of Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent and Progressive Chinese at Home and Abroad, published in London, Shanghai etc. by The Globe Encyclopedia Company, 1917. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 170 NOTES AND QUERIES 16 This bell is dated in the autumn of Chien Lung year (1773). 17 Summary of Report of the Squatters Commission, p. 115. The same man said (p. 122) that Ap Lei Chau 'was built about 1850'. 18 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 28 March 1857 p. 4, Table No. 3. 19 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 1867 p. 92, Table No. 7. 20 Mayers, Dennys and King. The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (London, Trubner and Co., 1867) p. 49. 21 Hong Kong Sessional Papers, i.e. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, for 1897 and 1911, pp. 484 and 103(23) respectively. 22 Mayers, Dennys and King, p. 49 mention 'boat-building and general trade'. See also information given in the printed proceedings of a court case over ownership of land on Ap Lei Chau given in Sessional Papers August 1886 - September 1887 (Appendix to Report from the Land Court of 1886-87), pp. 33-35. 23 For another example see my article on Cheung Chau (an island near Hong Kong that together with the rest of the New Territories was leased to Great Britain by the Convention of Peking, 1898) in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 3 (1963), especially pp. 95-98. 24 Sessional Papers 1911 and 1897 at the pp. quoted at note 21 above. 25 See also the article referred to at note 23 above. 26 This and the previous paragraph are based on the oral statements of three Ap Lei Chau elders born 1887, 1891 and 1897 who had belonged to the three Fongs. Their evidence helps to interpret and confirm the evidence given before the Squatter Board during a hearing to determine ownership of the Hung Shing temple in 1893. See Summary of Report of the Squatters Commission, pp. 120-141. Footnote: It is clear from re-reading Sayer, pp. 22-23, that the Hung Shing temple was originally on a small island that was later, and before Sayer wrote in 1937, joined by reclamation to its larger neighbour Ap Lei Chau. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 182 BOOK REVIEWS Weddell's foray at the Bocca Tigris in 1637 until the exchange of ratifications of the Treaty of Nanking between Ch'i-ying and Pottinger on the newly ceded island of Hong Kong in June 1843. In this short book of 232 pages the author has mainly confined himself to retelling the part played by British subjects in the growth of foreign trade at Canton and the events which finally led to the cession of Hong Kong. He emphasizes the major role played by Macao in these events but without providing much information of interest not already known. Even the picturesque details of life in Macao which one might expect from Mr. Coates' known ability as a descriptive writer are few and far between. In the main this is a simple account of how the British eventually gained Hong Kong, and in telling this story the author has traversed, in a brief space, the same ground that was covered by H. B. Morse in five volumes. The information is so compressed that one wonders whom the author had in mind when writing this book. Two hundred eventful years for which a mass of original documents in Chinese, Portuguese and English exist cannot satisfactorily be cut down to fit such a slim volume. Moreover, the author has resolutely made no concessions to scholarly readers, since the book contains almost no footnotes and no references to support the author's statements and judgments, and no details of the documentary sources from which quotations have been made. The style of the writing may give some clue to the public for whom this book was designed; it is one of ‘imaginative reconstruction' based on the author's own sensibility rather than on thorough historical research and evidence supported by exact references. For instance, describing a Chinese official who could speak Portuguese he writes: "No description of this one survives, yet we see him clearly. He is obviously Chinese, yet his youthful association with foreigners has changed something of his expression.... We cannot help being amused by his subtle understanding of his own people's weaknesses and shortcomings.” (p.9) This method is admirable in an historical novel but is out of place in what purports to be a factual account. At times the style tends to be rather arch, as though the author felt it necessary to sugar-coat his narrative in order to make it acceptable to the weaker students. The following examples show the kind of tricks he employs: "But Weddell, a weather-beaten sea dog as tough as they come, was not a man to be taken in by a civil service answer" (p.5). "Let us ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 191 BURTON, Miss Jill V. - BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. - BYRNE, D. J. - CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. - CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CARLSON, Miss R. E. CATER, J. - CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Alfred T. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam CHAN, Leonard CHAU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin* CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Ching-Ho + CHEN, Yih CHENG, Dr. Irene - CHENG, T. C. CHEUNG, Oswald CHING, Henry CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHOW, Edward T. CLARK, Mrs. A. T. CLARK, Mrs. E. E. CLARK, Mrs. P. M. COLLINS, Mrs. D. A. COMAN, Miss A. A. COMBER, Leon T + + - + + - 807 The Hermitage, MacDonnell Road, H.K. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. P. O. Box 981, Nassau, Bahamas. Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. Room 315 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 4, Mansfield Road, Flat 13, 6/F., H.K. 3 Peak Pavilions, Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Coronet Court, 14/F "H", North Point, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon. c/o Pfizer Eastern Corporation, G.P.O. Box 2513, Bangkok, Thailand. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. Dept. of Geography, United College, 9 Bonham Road, H.K. New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, N.K.I.L. No. 4405, San Po Kong, Kowloon. United College, Bonham Road, H.K. Room 703, Prince's Building, H.K. 9 Village Road, 1st floor, H.K. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3, Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. 13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K. Tytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, The University, H.K. 53 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. K.P.O. Box 6068, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 194 GIEDROYC, M. J. H.* GILKES, D. A. GIMSON, C. H. GLASS, Miss M. A. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODBODY, D. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England. 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o P.W.D. Hq., 4th Floor, Main Wing, Central Government Offices Building, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. "Crossways", 49 Christchurch Road, Sidcup, Kent, England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, Head Office, H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. GORDON, The Hon. S. S.* Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. GRANSDEN, J. H. GRANT, I. F. H. GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. GRAY, Miss Audrey M. GREGORY, Prof. W. G. GRIFFITHS-OWEN, Miss M. GUILLAUME, Baron P. HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. HALE, Richard E. HALL, Miss Joyce de Dept. of Modern Languages, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. 9A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Rd., H.K. Dept. of Architecture, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. D-12, Bay Court, Repulse Bay, H.K. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. New Territories Health Office, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon. The Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P. O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HANSON, Miss Katherine Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle St., Kowloon. HARDEN, Mrs. Guy T. Jr.* 15 Shek-O, H.K. HARRISON, Prof. B. Dept. of History, The University, H.K. HAYDON, E. S. The Supreme Court, H.K. HAYES, J. W. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 195 HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HEANEY, Robert S. HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Seven-oaks, Kent, England, Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., USA. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o P. O. Box 70, H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. Hồ, Mrs. Hưng Chịu HO, Teh-Kuci HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Dr. Walter HOGAN, Sir M. Kt. HOLMAN, J. P. HOLMES, Hon, D. R. HONG, Sheng-Hwa HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Eric Edward HOWARD, W. J.* HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. HOWORTH, J. F. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung Pei HUI, Miss Wai-haan CIECD Engineering Consulting Group, P.O. Box 23, Taipei, Taiwan. Room 606, Gloucester Building, H.K. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lake Side Building, 2nd Floor B, 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. 15A Vivian Court, Mt. Kellett, Peak, H.K. Commerce and Industry Dept. Fire Brigade Bldg., H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. Peninsula Court, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282, H.K. D-1, "On Lee", 2 Mount Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. P. O. Box 70. H.K. c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g HUGHES, G. M. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. HULL, G. B. G. HUNG, C. S. HURT, Miss E. J. - - - + HUTCHISON, Miss P. M. HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. INGRAM, Miss P. • IRETON, Mrs. Polly Hogue* IU, Miss S.* JACKSON, R. N. JAMES, Miss S. C. JAO, Tsung-i - JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JOHNSTON, James J. - JONES, Dr. J. R.* - KEATLEY, R. L. KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. KESWICK, Henry KESWICK, S. L. KEYES, M. P. + KHAN, Dr. L. A. - L + - KIDD, S. T. KINOSHITA, James H. - American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Building, H.K. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. 49 Beach Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. 4B, Headland Road, H.K. 601, The Hermitage, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. 176 The Avenue, Lowestoft South, Suffolk, England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 95 Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K. 10, Peak Road, H.K. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. The Registry, The University, H.K. D-12, Bay Court, 127 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. 2 Stafford Road, Kowloon, United States Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 3, Abermer Court, May Road, H.K. Apt. 4-B, 41-C Conduit Road, H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. 7B Lincoln Court, Tai Hang Road, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. As above. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 1, Wing Ying Mansion, 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 197 KLEIN, Prof. Leonard - - Flat C, 4/F, 70 Conduit Road, H.K. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. KNIGHTLY, F. J. + KNOWLES, Miss Moira G. - Training & Examinations Unit, Electric House, 22A Ice House Street, H.K. KNOWLES, Dr. W. C. G.* - Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England, KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* As above. KOCH, Mrs. Renate B. c/o American Embassy, Djakarta, Indonesia. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. Gemeindestrasse 21, 8032 Zurich, Switzerland. KURATA, Mrs. L. C. 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada, KVAN, Rev. Erik* Dept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. KWOK, Robert Chin-kung. Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. KWOK, Walter 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. LAI, T. C.* The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. LAM, Yung-fai c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. - + - LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. 4 Fung Shui, 50 Plantation Road, H.K. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland. LAU, Michael Wai-mai Fung Ping Shan Museum, The University, H.K. LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. LECKIE, J. B. H. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britainia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4. Belgium. LEE, Din-yi United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. LEE, J. S.* 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. LEE, Hon. R. C.* Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. LETHBRIDGE, H. J. c/o Dept. of Economics, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. LEUNG, Pak-kui 44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K. LEVIN, Burton c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. + + + * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 198 LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi LINDSAY, T. J.* LIU, D. H. LIU, Sydney C. - + LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOCKING, J. R. - LOCKS, Miss A. M. - LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, Francis B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S.- LUM, Miss Ada* LUPTON, G. C. M. MA, Meng MACCABE, Miss Eileen MACGREGOR, Miss M. MACK, A. M. - MACKEITH, J. S. MACKENZIE, J. . - - The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon, 3. Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W. c/o U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 22 Tai Hang Road, 3rd fl., H.K. Dept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K, Flat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. 176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. G J King's Park Kowloon. + - - MACKENZIE, Miss Susan MAGEE, M. W. P. MCBAIN, E. B. MCBAIN, G. G House, Gascoigne Road, 69, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.I., England. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 199 MCCABE, Donald C. - MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. - MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* MCDOUALL, J. C.* MCELNEY, B. S. - New Asia College Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon, Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. 13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. MCFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J. St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. MCLEVIE, J. G. Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MADING, Dr. Klaus c/o German Consulate General, P.O. Box 250, H.K. MANEELY, R. B. Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. P. O. Box 104, Macau, MAXWELL, D. P. F. Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. MAYNARD, Prof. David M. Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. MEFFAN, Mrs. N. I. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O.* c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. MILBURN, K. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. MILLER, A. C.* Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon. MILLER, C. F. O.* c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 200 MILTON, Mrs. Norma J. Flat 51, Dina House, Duddell St., H.K. MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. Olav. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. NEILD, Mrs. Christine NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. H. NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, Prof. John J. NORONHA, J. E. P OLIPHANT, R. G. L. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PEARSON, Miss E. F. PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. R. J. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N. PLAG, Rev. A. POLAND, T. D. POLDY, Mrs. K. PORDES, F. A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Insurance Department), H.K. 12-1, Manson House, Nathan Rd., Kowloon. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Shipping Accounts Dept.) H.K. 148, King Henry's Road, Swiss Cottage, London N.W.3, England. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University of Maine, Orono, Maine. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, HK. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. 21 South Bay Road, Ground Floor, Repulse Bay, H.K. 54 Buxey Lodge, 8th Floor, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Flat 1002, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. C'an Boye! Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Shouson Villa, Flat B, G/F, 16 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. Butterfield & Swire (H.K.) Ltd. (Staff Dept.), Union House, H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 201 PRESCOTT, J. A. RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, William RIDE, Sir L. T.* RIDE, Lady L. T.* RIGBY, Lady West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. Training Unit, H.K.R.N.R. Building, Gloucester Road, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 101 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. New Haven, Taipo Kau, N.T. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. ROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M. ROBERTSON, Dr. M. J. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. ROBINSON, F. C. ROBINSON, Prof. Kenneth E.* ROE, Capt. J. S. ROGERS, Rev. D. L. ROSEMANN, Mrs. F. I. ROTHE, U.* ROY, Dr. A. RUMJAHN, S. M. RUST, H. A. Dept. of Social Studies, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Flat I, 4 Caldecott Road, Taipo Road, Kowloon, Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st fl., Kowloon, - - University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, Hong Kong. Union Church, Kennedy Road, H.K. 204, Ridley House, 2 Upper Albert Road, H.K. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. P. O. Box 448, H.K. -Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. RUTTONJEE, The Hon. D. RYAN, The Rev. Father T. F. RYDINGS, H. A. SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHALLER, Miss K. SCHOYER, B. P. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, M.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. 37, Northbridge Road, Greenwich, Connecticut, 06870, U.S.A. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 202 SCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. M. SELLETT, G.* SERSALE, Miss S. M. SHEKURY, Miss E. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, D. - - SHU, Dr. H. T. - SIEGEL, H. W. SIMPSON, R. F. SINFIELD, G. H. C.* SLEVIN, B. F. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie* SMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.* SMYTH, Miss L. SO, Dr. Chak-lam SOONG, N. SPERRY, H. M.* STANLEY, Major H. F. - STANTON, W. T.* STARRETT, A. V. STEWART, Miss E. M. STOKES, J. - STONEY, G. S.. + + c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. 70, Mt. Nicholson Gap, Stubbs Road, H.K. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon, 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Administrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. "Woodside", University of H.K., Pokfulum, H.K. Apt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Unit, Kennedy Road, H.K. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. 52 Mount Nicholson Gap Flat, H.K. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Asia Magazine. 31 Queen's Road, Central. H.K. Lime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, US.A. H.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K. Dina House. Duddell Street, H.K. 5 Douglas Apts., 22 Old Peak Road, H.K. Flat 3A, 4 Mt. Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K. Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g STONEY, Mrs. G. S.. As above. 203 STOWE, C. - Flat No. 112, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., STUART-JERVIS, Mrs. M. J. - SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SVENDSEN, Mrs. H. C. + SWIRE, A. C.* - TALBOT, H. D. TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. M.. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TARARIN, Peter A.* TARR, A. D. TARWATER, J. W. THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, Dr. O. L. THOMAS, T. H. THORN, Mrs. R. J THROWER, Prof. L. B. TILL, The Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. - TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. - + Union House, H.K. Flat C, 22 Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K. 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon. 30 Kennedy Road, 7/F, H.K. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. 6 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K. Room 1701 Central Building, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A, Flat 202, Balmacara, 17 Old Peak Road, H.K. 3 Old Peak Road, H4, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon, c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England, 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. - 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. + + 57 Buxcy Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy TURNER, Sir M.* Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 205 WORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E. WRIGHT, Miss B. R. WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. WU, Hei-Tak YANG, V. T. YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, Walter, W. T. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. Flat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of History, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon, Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K. 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d # HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1967 The Accounts have again been kindly audited by Mr. O. P. Edwards of The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corporation. I assumed office as Hon. Treasurer last June following Mr. G. W. Lanchester. The Accounts show a small deficit amounting to $738. This is due almost entirely to the increase in expenditure on publications which amounted to $12,670, almost double the expenditure of the previous year. Most of this increase is due to the printing of the 1966 Symposium and Journal and the reprinting of Sir Lindsay Ride's article "The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao", referred to in the Hon. Treasurer's Report for 1966. It is hoped to recover the cost of these publications by their sale during the current year, and it is gratifying to note that Journal sales for this year are already in excess of the figure for 1967. Members are reminded that Journal receipts for 1967 are predominantly from sales to those outside the Society, the annual Journal being free to members. Annual Memberships, whilst showing an increase over the previous year are considerably less than the total expenditure, and the Society was only able to meet the heavy expenditure on Journals by the income from investments and the sale of Journals. In spite of reminders there are still about 25 members who have not yet altered their bankers' orders from $20 to $30 and it is earnestly hoped that they will take the necessary action. The investments still show an increase in market value over cost, in spite of the depressed market and the effects of devaluation. The amount of $25,333 cash deposit is illusory. Almost one-half has already been used for meeting the printing charges of the Journals, and shown as a Sundry Creditor in these accounts. A further amount of approximately $1,500 representing the balance of a donation from the Asia Foundation has already been used to pay for books: this grant is now exhausted. It is also hoped to reprint Volume I of the Journal which has now been sold out and to increase the stock of books in the library. Members and their friends are earnestly requested to note that there are several back issues of Journals and other publications for sale as listed in the recent pamphlet in the 1967 Journal. Their sale is one way of increasing our income over expenditure. 8 April, 1968 D. A. GILKES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 40 zation MARJORIE TOPLEY sometimes helped to integrate groups of neighbouring communities who would be encouraged to form associations to resist their disruptive activities. Religion, then, was often a means of fortifying existing groups of people with common interests or roles in the community. It also sometimes brought organized groups into being among those already having common interests but no other form of organization. In certain circumstances it gave rise to organizations contributing to the integration of whole communities: when all individual members of a community had a status or interest in common. Ancestor worship did so when all villagers were kinsmen; temple organization might do so when it could appeal to all members of the community as residents, for whom a particular god had significance. In both cases wealth and education were needed to bring such organization to its highest development and were themselves factors limiting control. In certain circumstances secret organizations might provide some form of village cohesion: either through a common interest in resisting them, or, when economic and social conditions reduced the differences among members of a community, through common membership of such bodies. This kind of integration would probably last only as long as the conditions reducing differences among the community members lasted. NOTES 1 This paper was prepared originally for a seminar on micro-social organization on China held at Cornell University in October 1962 and sponsored by the Sub-committee on Chinese Society of the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council. It has been slightly abridged and rearranged by me for publication here. I have been limited in my use of published material to works available to me in Hong Kong. The research notes to which I refer were collected during field studies in Singapore during the years 1951-52 and 1954-55, and during the early 1960's in Hong Kong. 2 See his Lineage Organization in Southeastern China (London, Athlone Press, 1958), and Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung (London, Athlone Press, 1966). 3 See for example Hui-chen Wang Liu. "An Analysis of Chinese Clan Rules: Confucian Theories in Action", in Confucianism in Action, ed. David S. Nivison and Arthur F. Wright (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1959) pp. 63-64. 4 See his Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1960) p. 335. 5 For example Hsiao, ibid., p. 329 and 359ff. Page 45 Page 46 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION 6 Ibid., p. 329. 41 7 When carrying out research on lineage villages and communes in 1964 by interview of immigrants in Hong Kong, I questioned respondents on the surname composition of their village of origin. In many cases it was stated that people of a single surname lived in the central part of a village and those of other and various surnames lived beyond boundaries of old village walls, or beyond their previous location where they had been pulled down. 8 Freedman, Lineage Organization, p. 105. But he adds that politically and ritually the lineage was a centralized unit within which the peace could usually be kept. 9 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 329. 10 Ibid., p. 227. As early as the eighteenth century it was found necessary to scrutinize names recommended carefully. It was suspected that officials serving in the imperial capital and who came from the same province as the persons under consideration were inclined to favouritism. 11 Ibid., p. 228 and p. 229. 12 Ibid., p. 228. 13 Ibid., p. 225. 14 On the earth god see E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1932) pp. 527-528. 15 Some of these were deified Sung and Ming figures of note and not all stood for solidarity with the Ch'ing dynasty. 16 See his Village Life in China: a Study in Sociology (New York, Fleming H. Revell Co., 1899) pp. 136-138. 17 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 226. 18 Ibid., p. 278. 19 Ibid., p. 279. 20 Op. cit., p. 138. 21 For example, Hsiao, op. cit., p. 280. 22 Ibid., p. 279. 23 Ibid., p. 281. 24 Ibid., p. 231. 25 Ibid., p. 230. 26 Cf. Chan Wing-tsit, Religious Trends in Modern China (New York, Columbia University Press, 1953) p. 81. 27 Some aspects of Buddhist "kinship" are discussed in Holmes Welch, "Dharma Scrolls and the Succession of Abbots in Chinese Monasteries" T'oung Pao, vol. L, Liv, 1-3, 1963, pp. 93-149. At the time of writing this paper little else was available on this form of organization in the published literature and I rely largely on my own research notes and documents shown to me during this research. Since that time Welch has also published The Practice of Chinese Buddhism, 1900-1950 (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1967) and chap. IX particularly has additional relevance. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 90 ARMANDO M. DA SILVA It will suffice here to say that the exterior defence of the Chu Kong estuary consisted of a series of forts, customs-stations and guard-posts in the Lo Man Shan 老萬山, Kai Pong 鷄澎, Sam Chau Mun 三洲門, Ngoi Ling Ting 外伶仃, and the Tam Kon ## groups of the outer off-shore islands. The civil administration ruled from Nam Tau, the district city of the San On district. The military administration was centred at Tai Pang, on the western arm enclosing Tai Pang Hoi (Mirs Bay). The civil administration operated on a north-south axis, as against the east-west axis of the military coastal defence system. This is understandable when one realizes that the military could facilitate their control of the coast-line by establishing easy communications by water running the length of the coast-line from strongpoints on strategic head-lands and the offshore islands. 3 For the Chinese characters of place names of some locales in the vicinity of Tai Yu Shan see map 3. For names of places within the present territory of Hong Kong see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960). 4 So far as I know there has been no published study of this fort by Hongkong's local historians, except for a brief mention in one work which states that Kai Yik Kok fort was of Ch'ing dynasty date. Lo Hsiang-lin, Hongkong and its External Communication before 1842, (Hongkong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963) p. 172. 5 The principal ingredients of this cement are clam and oyster shells which are crushed and burnt to produce slaked lime. The lime is then mixed with fine sand to produce a holding cement. Shells and fine sand are common to many local beaches and are, apparently for this purpose, used in lime kilns. 6 San On Yuen Chi, kuen 22, under section on Coastal Defence reads: 看復界後海絮籹寧而設險更捻周密雖今之汎地 及設兵皆與舊制不同而大嶼山雞翼角炮臺南頭 炮臺赤濘炮蠱最為餓要 7 Fan Lau is also known as Shek Sun meaning "boulder growths", a reference to the numerous residual boulders at Kai Yik Kok, 8 Luis Gomes, Monografia de Macau (Macau, 1951), a Portuguese translation of the O Mun Kei Leuk p. 70. "No 7° ano de long Tcheng (1730) construiram-se fortalezas nas duas montanhas, distribuiram-se as guarniçoes para a sua defensa e foram reforçadas as tropas que guarneciam Tai-U-San formando assim como que um angulo semelhante ao que e constituido pelos chifres dum boi, para servir de defensa exterior de Macau e o Boca Tigre", 9 J. J. L. Duyvendak, "Sailing directions of Chinese voyages" T'oung Pao, vol. 34 (1938) pp. 230-237; and "The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century", T'oung Pao, vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412. 10 The district of San On (新安) was formed in the sixth year of Lung Hing (隆慶) ie. 1572-73, Fourteen years later, in 1587, the San On district gazetteer was written by Yan Tai-kon (縣太君), the District Magistrate. Various editions followed. The latest edition was published in 1819. This gazetteer provides the best primary source of information on pre-British Hongkong. Chapters (kuen) XIV and XXII deal with Coastal Defence. These are chapters of special interest to historical geographers. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 118 STEPHEN UHALLEY, JR. torical accuracy, either for detail or theory, a reflection of Sun's indifference to the past and the problems its recovery poses. Nationalism can be the cause of historical distortion, but it might be kept in mind that it is not necessarily the only such cause when history is written by nationalist revolutionaries. As history itself, the subject can be considerably more complex, NOTES 1 Sun Yat-sen. Memoirs of a Chinese Revolutionary. Taipei: China Cultural Service, 1953, p. 82. 2 Ibid., p. 55. 3 Ibid., pp. 38-39. 4 Sun Yat-sen, The Three Principles of the People: San Min Chu I. Taipei: China Publishing Co. (no date), p. 37. 5 Memoirs, p. 37. 6 Ibid., p. 38. 7 San Min Chu I, pp. 117-118. 8 Ibid., pp. 118-119. 9 Ibid., p. 122. 10 Chang Chi-yun, Chinese History of Fifty Centuries, Vol. I, Taipei: Chinese Artistic Printing Office, 1962, pp. 47-48. 11 San Min Chu I, p. 163. 12 Ibid., p. 57. 13 see Maurice Meisner, Li Ta-chao and the Origins of Chinese Marxism, Harvard University Press, 1967, p. 170. 14 see Lyon Sharman, Sun Yat-sen: His Life and its Meaning, New York: John Day, 1934, pp. 286-289. 15 Leonard Hsü, Sun Yat-sen: His Political and Social Ideals, Los Angeles: University of Southern California Press, 1933, p. 207. 16 Memoirs, p. 148. 17 Ibid., p. 143. 18 see Joseph R. Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China, Harvard University Press, 1959. 19 San Min Chu I, p. 41. 20 Ibid., p. 42. 21 Memoirs, p. 79. 22 San Min Chu I, p. 84. 23 Memoirs, pp. 79-81. 24 San Min Chu I, p. 111. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 120 H. G. H. NELSON 2) the parallel process by which the wider market has penetrated the village economy; Potter here provides a detailed analysis of family finances. In each of these two sections, one chapter is devoted to an historical analysis, and another to a description of the modern situation. 3) a single chapter on the ownership and management of property, which describes the structure of the local lineage in terms of the distribution of its landholdings. This is, both descriptively and analytically, the best section of the book: the treatment of conflicts within the lineage and its prospects for change and survival, is worth a review in itself. There is then an all too brief chapter on the social and cultural effects of economic change, before the concluding essay. All this goes to make up a wealth of material for the general anthropologist, the China specialist, and the interested Hong Kong reader. I have nothing but admiration for the field-work which lies behind this book, and hope that by selecting only a few points for comment, I shall not do any injustice to the quality of the data and the thoroughness of its presentation. Potter gives a lucid exposition of the changes in a peasant economy which result from its adaptation to the modern world, observing that in a traditional society the economic is not fully differentiated from the social, political and ritual spheres of activity. It is unfortunate, however, that he makes little more of this crucial point. The body of the book is concerned with the increasing differentiation of the various spheres of peasant life; but one could have wished for a fuller analysis of their previous integration. For background data on the traditional economy, the quotations from the reports of Colonial Secretary Lockhart and Governor Blake, about 1900, might have been supplemented by information contained in the Chinese gazetteer for San On county, if not by the "historical data available in out of the way places" (p 32 fn), which, one hopes, will soon be located and researched. At a more theoretical level, I feel that Potter might have attempted to place the social structure of peasant China in a wider context: he does not, for example, cite Leach's work on the balancing of the "total social exchange account". It may well be that the differentiation of spheres of activity has gone a good deal ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 130 J. NACKEN Congee. As they pass your door you have your choice. Here comes the first, crying Mai 'chü 'hüt 'chuk:* the next, Mai' yü *shang 'chuck,† etc. You may have pigs' blood congee, fish congee, mulberry-root flavoured congee, or barley, or kidney or pork and a variety of other congees. I may be allowed to here remark that all street cries are also heard on the water. When you see a man paddling his own canoe among the Chinese shipping, you may know that the articles he has for sale are the same as these sold on shore. As these hawkers do not come within the regulation which is in force on shore, I cannot say how many there may be. They simply have a small boat license; their lungs are so good that I hear their cries pretty distinctly in my house up the hill, and they assist their cousins on shore to swell the number of cries considerably. Some of these are of bad character; they will paddle out to the foreign shipping, having concealed bottles of samshoo under their heaps of sugar-cane or pine-apples. They bargain with the sailors and will steal if opportunity offers. The second batch of hawkers who have articles of food for sale go out in the hours that precede the two principal Chinese meals at 9 a.m. and 5 p.m. There are firstly the sellers of vegetables. In spring they sell celery, coarse greens, water cresses, salad, spinage, and bean sprouts. In summer; pumpkins, squash, cucumbers, egg plant, popaga‡, lotus root§, bamboo sprouts, many kinds of beans, etc. In autumn: caraway plant, pepper, potatoes, taro, various cabbages etc.; and in winter: mustard plants, white greens, colewort, parsley, onions, garlic, scallion, etc. Mai tau' fu' is a cry heard very frequently. This bean curd is often the only "sung" on the table. It is made of bean flour, prepared with salt, gypsum, and water, then pressed between two boards, and sold in little square pieces at one cash each. * ⭑## [The diacritical marks in the text are difficult to read from the microfilm, Ed.] 广费魚生粥 + *** $ # This is a very good vegetable, which is not yet found, as far as I know, on European tables. This root, after being dried and powdered, forms the well-known arrow-root, || 費荳腐 , ie, whatever is on the table besides the rice. Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d NOTES AND QUERIES JARDINE, MATHESON & CO.'S FIRST SITE IN HONG KONG 149 Alexander Matheson told the House of Commons Select Committee on Commercial Relations with China in 1847 that his firm had, without authorisation, commenced building "to a certain extent" before the first Land Sale held by Captain Elliott* on 14 June 1841 in Hong Kong. It is commonly assumed that the site of this building was at what later became known as East Point, in the present Causeway Bay area of Hong Kong, where the firm was to build extensive godowns and residences. One writer, for example, speculates that by the time of those first land sales, Jardine, Matheson & Co. had already selected for themselves a "spacious area at East Point" and intimates that it was there that they were building in June, 1841.2 However, even on the rather scanty evidence available, it seems clear that the site of this unauthorised building was not East Point but an area on the present Queen's Way, in the old Admiralty Dockyard. Contemporary evidence, in any event, makes it unlikely that East Point was the site. Pottinger, the first Governor of Hong Kong,† gives us a graphic description of East Point as he saw it, possibly in August 1841 but more likely in mid-1842, when he returned from the military expedition against China. He describes its "wild and uncouth state being one chaos of immense masses of granite and other rocks, that it was hardly accessible by person or on foot, either on the side of the water or the land, that the firm in question, by the application of science and extraordinary labour and by an expenditure of about £100,000 (sic), have not only made it available for their vast mercantile concerns, but have rendered it a credit and an ornament to the colony." The site sounds at that time, to put it mildly, somewhat unattractive though it did stand at the head of the Wongneichung Valley and would be well-placed to dominate any settlement there; there is evidence that the firm conceived a plan in 1842 for building a seawall and * Administrator of Hong Kong January-August 1841 as well as plenipotentiary for the current negotiations with the Chinese authorities. See p. 16 and Appendix I of G. B. Endacott's A History of Hong Kong (London, Oxford University Press, 1958). † Sir Henry Pottinger, Administrator and subsequently first Governor of Hong Kong August 1841-May 1844. Endacott op. cit. Appx, I. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d NOTES AND QUERIES 165 he charged two or three cash a chih, with food and a place to sleep as was the custom. That was a lot of money for a man to earn; he could live for a week on one day's labor. At page 53 it is mentioned that a few years later, at or about the Boxer time, the Old Weaver no longer came to the Chu home to weave cloth each winter, and that no one took his place, it being then cheaper to buy British or foreign cloth in the market. 1. For descriptions of hemp spinning wheels from Chekiang see pp. 167-169 of Rudolf P. Hommel's China at Work... (New York, The John Day Company, 1937). Photographs of two such wheels are at pp. 170 and 171. I have not yet come across any such relics from the Hong Kong region. 2. The Hakkas of Hing Ning district, mentioned above, appear also to have played a large part in weaving foreign cotton yarn imported via Swatow. Consul F.S.A. Bourne in his section of the Report of the Mission to China of the Blackburn Chamber of Commerce 1896-7 (Blackburn, The North-east Lancashire Press Company, 1898) at pp. 153-4 mentions them as using foreign yarn for weaving cotton cloth "sent down the Canton East River past Hui-chow Fu to Fatshan where it is dyed black and called ch'ung-ch'ang-ch'ing i.e. imitation long black. This cloth, like that of which it is a copy, is very largely exported to Singapore." 3. For local, i.e. Hong Kong, place names see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960). Hong Kong, 1968. JAMES HAYES THE TUNG CHUNG FORT (LANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG) For earlier references in NOTES AND QUERIES see Vols. 3 (1963) and 4 (1964) of this Journal at pp. 144-145 and 146-152 respectively. In late January 1966, I heard of, and spoke with, an old lady aged 90 sui (歲) born on 2nd October 1877. She had spent all her days in the Tung Chung valley, having been born in Wong Ka Wai and married into Sheung Ling Pei village. A series of questions... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 192 LIU, James J. Y. THE LIBRARY The Chinese knight-errant. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1967. LIU, Hsiang (NA) Le Lie-sien tchouan (* *(4): biographies légendaires des immortels taoïstes de l'antiquité. Traduit et annoté par Max Kaltenmark. Pekin, Centre d'études sinologiques, Université de Paris, 1953. LIU, Kwang-ching. Anglo-American steamship rivalry in China, 1862-1874. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U. P., 1962, (Harvard East Asian studies, 8) LIU, Shih-shun (*) One hundred and one Chinese poems, with English translation and preface. Introd. by Edmund Blunden; foreword by John Cairncross. Hong Kong, University Press, 1967. MACKEY, Sean, ed. Symposium on the design of high buildings; proceedings of a meeting held in September 1961 as part of the Golden Jubilee Congress of the University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, University Press, 1962. MARCHAL, H. Guide archéologique aux temples d'Angkor: Angkor Vat. Angkor Thom et les monuments du petit et du grand circuit. Paris, Van Oest, 1928. MARRINER, Sheila, and HYDE, Francis E. The Senior: John Samuel Swire, 1825-98; management in Far Eastern shipping trades. Liverpool, Liverpool U.P., 1967. MARTIN, Bernard. The strain of harmony: men and women in the history of China, London, Heinemann, 1948. MEDHURST, Walter Henry, A glance at the interior of China, obtained during a journey through the silk and green tea districts, taken in 1845. [Shanghai, 1849] This copy formerly belonged to the Canton Library and Reading Room, and is inscribed "W. C. Hunter, Hong Kong, January 29, 1852". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 203 CHENG, Dr. Irene · CHENG, T. C. · CHEUNG, Oswald CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHOW, Edward T. CLARK, Mrs. A. T. CLARK, Mrs. E. E. CLARK, Mrs. P. M. COHN, Dr. A. J. COLLIN, P. H. COLLINS, Mrs. D. A. COMAN, Miss A. A. COMBER, Leon COOKE, Miss M. B. CORBALLY, E. COSTANTINI, G* COWPERTHWAITE, Lady CREMA, Mario CRONE, Dr. D. L. CUMINE, E. CUMMING, Mrs. D. M.* CUMMING, M. S. CURTIS, Miss Sue DAIKO, P. DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, N.K.I.L. No. 4405, San Po Kong, Kowloon United College, Chinese University of H.K. 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Room 703, Prince's Building, H.K. Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 3, Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. 13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K. Tytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. Estoril Court, B-11, 17 Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of European Languages, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, The University, H.K. 53 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. K.P.O. Box 6068, Kowloon H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, Kwun Tong L254, Kwun Tong, Kowloon c/o Central Magistracy, Albert Road, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 45 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. Flat 2B, 1 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 14. Embassy Court, H.K. 16 Peak Road, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 26 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. P. O. Box 201, H.K. Government Ophthalmic Centre, Arran St., Mongkok, Kowloon c/o P. O. Box 5096, Kowloon Penthouse, Marina House, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 206 GORDON, Hon. S. S.* GRANSDEN, J. H. GRANT, I. F. H. - GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. GRAY, Miss Audrey M. - GREGORY, Prof. W. G. GRIFFITHS-OWEN, Miss M. GROVE, Mrs. Rosemary + - - + GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. - - HAFFNER, C. HALE, Richard E. + HALL, Miss Joyce Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. Dept. of Modern Languages, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Jardine House, H.K. As above. 9A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Rd., H.K. Dept. of Architecture, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. D-12, Bay Court, Repulse Bay, H.K. 10A Barbecue Gardens, 171 Milestone, Castle Peak Road, N.T. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. New Territories Health Office, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon, Room 1002 Alexandra House, H.K. The Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Room 514, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. - St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HANSON, Miss Katherine • HARDEN, Mrs. Guy T, Jr.* HARRISON, Prof. B. + H.K. J P. O. Box 1209, Porterville, California 93257, U.S.A. 15 Shek-O, H.K. Dept. of History, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada, HARTWELL, Sir Charles H. c/o Public Service Commission, Central Government Offices, H.K, HARTWELL, Lady · HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. + HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G, W. HEANEY, Robert S. HECHTEL, F. O, P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha - - As above. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, 10th floor, International Building, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. British Embassy, Kastelsvej 38-40, Copenhagen. Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., U.S.A. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 207 HERRIES. Hon. M. A, R. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. HILL, D. A. HỌ, Mrs. Hung Chịu CIECD Engineering Consulting Group, P.O. Box 23, Taipei, Taiwan, HO, Teh-Kuei 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. HO, Tickon* Lake Side Building, 13th floor, "B", 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. HOCHSTADTER. Dr. Walter 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. HOGAN, Sir Michaci 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. HOLMAN, J. P. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, Hon. D. 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Dept. of Chemistry, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 208 HUNG, C. S. HURT, Miss E. J.- HUTCHISON, Miss P. M. - HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. Yuet Ming Building, 17th floor, Flat B, King's Road, North Point, H.K. 601, The Hermitage, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. 176 The Avenue, Lowestoft South, Suffolk, England, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. IRETON, Mrs. Polly Hogue* 10, Peak Road, All, H.K. IU, Miss S.* - JACKSON, R. N. JAMES, Miss S. C. JAO, Tsung-i JEN, Prof. Yu-wen - JOHNSTON, James J. JONES, Dr. J. R.* - KEATLEY, R. L. KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. - KESWICK, Henry KESWICK, S. L. KEYES, M. P. KIDD, S. T. KINOSHITA, James H. - KHAN, Dr. L. A. KLEIN, Prof. Leonard KNIGHTLY, F. J. 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LEE, Din-yi LEE, Mrs. Dorothea LEE, J. S.* LEE, Hon. R. C.* LETHBRIDGE, H. J. LEUNG, Pak-kui LEVIN, Burton LEVY, Andre LI, Dr. Choh-ming Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland. Fung Ping Shan Museum, The University, H.K. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium. United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. c/o UTC Far East Ltd., G.P.O. Box 13044, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of Economics, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 5 Tung Shan Terrace, B2 Stubbs Road, H.K The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 211 MANEELY, R. B. Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. - c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. MAO, Dr. Philip Wen-chee + 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon. MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J.- MAXWELL, D. P. F. · Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 104, Macau, Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. MAYNARD, Prof. David M. Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. MCBAIN, E. B. MCBAIN, G. T MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* MCDOUALL, J. C.* MCELNEY, B. S. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. 13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. MCFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J. MCKENNA, Sister M. P. - St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church. Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon McKEIRNAN, Sister Agnes - As above. MCLEVIE, J. G. MEFFAN, Mrs. E. I. - MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. - ► MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* - MILBURN, K. T Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan. Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 212 MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. Olav. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. NEILD, Mrs. Christine NELSON, Howard G. H. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. H. NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, Prof. John J. NORONHA, J. E. OLIPHANT, R. G. L. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. OU, Miss G. OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PEARSON, Miss E. F. PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. R. J. PICKFORD, J. B. Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. 61 Mile Taipo Road, N.T. 1201 Manson House, Nathan Road. c/o Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 148, King Henry's Road, Swiss Cottage, London N.W.3, England. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University of Maine, Orono, Maine, U.S.A. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd., 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. c/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. 21 South Bay Road, Ground Floor, Repulse Bay, H.K. 1 Chater Hall, Ground floor, 1 Conduit Road, H.K. Flat 1002, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Dept. of Zoology, University of Hull, England. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 213 PIKE, E. N. PLAG, Rev. A. - POLAND, T, D. POLDY, Mrs. K, PORDES, F. POST, Miss Elizabeth M. PRESCOTT, Jon RAINBIRD, S. W. - RASSIM, Mrs. Eleanor RATH, Mrs. R. H. RAYNE, R. N. = REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, William RIDE, Sir Lindsay* - RIDE, Lady*. RIGBY, Lady - + - The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Shouson Villa, Flat B, G/F, 16 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. C-24 Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. Secretariat Training Unit, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. 79 Deep Water Bay Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 101 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. 8A Beach Road, Stanley, H.K. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. ROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M. Dept. of Social Studies, The University, ROBERTSON, Dr. M. J. = Pokfulum, H.K. Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st fl., Kowloon. ROBINSON, Prof. Kenneth E.* ROE, Capt. J. S. ROGERS, Rev, D. L. - ROSEMANN, Mrs. F. I. ROTHE, U.” ROY, Dr. A. - RUMJAHN, S. M. · RUST, H. A. - - - + • RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. - + University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, Hong Kong. Union Church, Kennedy Road, H.K. c/o Neckermann Versand Ltd., P. O. Box K-45, H.K. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. P. O. Box 448, H.K. Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. 2-E Wongneichong Gap Road, Flat 7, H.K, * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 214 RYAN, Rev. Father T. F. L RYDINGS, H. A.. + Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, H.K. SAUNDERS, Hon, J. A. H. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. SCHALLER, Miss K. SCHOYER, B. P. - SCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, David M. - SELLETT, G.* SERSALE, Miss S. M. SHAW-KENNEDY, Miss Anne - SHEPHARD, A. J. SHEKURY, Miss E. SHOEMAKER, John F. - SHING, D. SHU, Dr. H. T. SIEGEL, H. W. - SINFIELD, G. H. C.* - SIMPSON, R. F. SKELSON, R. E. SLEVIN, B. F. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie* + + + + H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, 37, Northbridge Road, Greenwich, Connecticut, 06870, U.S.A. c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A, Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. c/o H.K. Government Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W. 1, England. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 2B Fairland Towers, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon, 73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. Apt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada, "Woodside", University of H.K., Pokfulum, H.K. 43 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Headquarters, Kennedy Road, H.K. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 216 TARR, A. D. - THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, Dr. O. L. - THOMAS, T. H. THORN, Mrs. R. + THROWER, Prof. L. B. - TILL, The Very Rev. B.* + TISDALL, B. TOLMAN, Norman H. TOOGOOD, C. W. - TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir Michael* TYLER, Mrs. M. R. + - - P - Flat 202, Balmacara, 17 Old Peak Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon, c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England, 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. Cultural Office, U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. 57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. 402 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. UHALLEY, Dr. Stephen, Jr. Department of Oriental Studies, University VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. + VIO, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. WALDEN, J. C. C. + WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARRINGTON-STRONG, Cmdr. F. WATSON, Hon. K. A. WATERS, D. D. WEBB-JOHNSON, S. A. WEI, Dr. Tat of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85721, U.S.A. Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above, 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. c/o Urban Services Dept., Central Govt. Offices, (West Wing), H.K. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. c/o Registry of Persons Office, Causeway Bay Magistracy, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. Technical College, Hung Hom, Kowloon. 46 King's Park Flats, Kowloon, 3. Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 217 WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, P. B. - WILLIAMS, Roger A. WILSON, B. D. - WILMOT-MORGAN, E. WILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M. - WILSON, Mrs. A. W.. WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Peng-Cheong* WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss Sybil WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WOOD, Mrs. C. - WOOL-SMITH, Miss Judy - WORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E. WRIGHT, Miss B. R. WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. - WU, Hei-Tak YANG, V. T. YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, Walter, W. T. YOUNG, Miss Pauline - ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. 7 Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 10, The Albany, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. c/o P.W.D. Headquarters, Central Government Offices, H.K. As above. 2 University Drive, H.K. 402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K. 11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon, 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. G. P. O. Box 497, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, Address unknown, Flat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of History, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon, Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K, 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234. Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1968 On the retirement and return to Britain of Mr. O. P. Edwards of the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank the accounts have been kindly audited by Mr. N. N. Chan of Butterfield & Swire (H.K.) Ltd. Members will note that there is an excess of Income over Expenditure amounting to $6,970, compared with a deficit amounting to $738 in the previous year. This has largely been brought about by the increase in sale of publications, which this year amounted to $6,118 (against $1,708 last year). Such a high figure for the sale of publications cannot be expected for the future since this year's figures include the sales of 2 Journals (1967 and 1968) and the full effects of the sales of the brochure on the 1966 Symposium and Sir Lindsay Ride's booklet "The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao". There is therefore no room for complacency, and it will be noticed that once again annual subscriptions do not cover our total expenditure, the shortfall being covered by bank interest, income from investments and the sale of publications. In December 1968 the 125 shares in the Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corporation (London Register) were sold at a profit of $9,981 and are responsible for the large current account balance ($23,736). The proceeds of this sale have since been re-invested in buying 400 Hong Kong Electric and 400 Lane Crawford, the latter now showing a gratifying increase in market value together with a rights issue of 50 shares. There has also been a recent bonus issue of 133 shares in the China Light & Power. The cost over market value of 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80 can be attributed not only to the low market value of this stock but also to the effects of devaluation. The Society is expected to meet heavy expenditure in the forthcoming year. The 1969 Journal with offprints will call for an amount of $8,000 to 9,000, and it is expected that Volume I of the Journal will be reprinted in the near future, calling for another $3,000. Members are strongly urged to assist in increasing the membership of the Society not only to help towards the cost of this high anticipated expenditure but also to obtain a more satisfactory income over expenditure for the future. D. A. GILKES, Hon. Treasurer. 28 April, 1969. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 26 T. C. CHENG in 1936 he was succeeded by Mr. (later Sir) Man-kam Lo. Sir Man-kam, born in 1893, was the eldest son of the late Lo Cheung-shiu, J.P., who was Chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1915. He was also the son-in-law of the late Sir Robert Hotung. Sir Man-kam went to England to study law in his youth and later founded the solicitors' firm, Messrs. Lo & Lo, his partner then being his younger brother, M. W. Lo. He was appointed a J.P. in 1921 and served on the District Watch Force Committee, the Sanitary Board and many other Boards and Committees. He was Chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1929 and was a member of the Legislative Council from 1936 to 1941. After the war he was appointed to the Executive Council and was knighted in 1948. Sir Man-kam was not only a brilliant lawyer but also a very conscientious and outspoken member of the Legislative and the Executive Councils in his time. His views and advice were always highly esteemed by the Government. He died suddenly in 1959. In his book Via Ports, a recent Governor of Hong Kong, Sir Alexander Grantham, had this to say about Sir Man-kam: “Out-standing amongst them (i.e., Executive Council Members) was Sir Man-kam Lo, whose death in 1959 was a great loss to the Colony. He had a first class brain, great moral courage and a capacity for digging down into details without getting lost in them. I can picture him at a meeting of the Council when some difficult or controversial subject was under discussion. Another member would be expounding his views. From the glint in 'M.K.'s' eyes and the way his lips were moving, I knew he had something forceful to say. I could hardly wait for the previous speaker to finish and to hear 'M.K.' Then again, when a complex but dull matter was being dealt with by the circulation of papers, on which members would write their opinions, I would look to see what 'M.K.' had written and, as often as not, save myself the tedium of reading all the other minutes. He was invariably right to the point” 28 When Dr. Tso Seen-wan resigned from the Legislative Council in 1937, he was succeeded by Dr. Li Shu-fan who, born in 1887, received his early medical training at the Hong Kong College of Medicine and later at Edinburgh University. In 1964 he published his autobiography, entitled Hong Kong Surgeon and it is recommended that any one wishing to know more about the late ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 28 T. C. CHENG NOTES 1 During these early years, schools like the Morrison School, operated by the Morrison Education Society founded by Dr. Robert Morrison, the Anglo-Chinese School (or Ying Wah School) operated by Dr. James Legge of the London Missionary Society (Dr. Legge is best known for his translation of the Chinese classics and for his appointment as the first professor of Chinese at Oxford University in 1874), and St. Paul's College operated by the Anglican Bishop, were dismal failures whether from the missionary or from the educational point of view. In 1855, the Governor Sir John Bowring had this to say about St. Paul's College: "For the last six years, £250 a year has been voted by Parliament to the Bishop's College for the education of 6 persons destined to the public service, and not a single individual from that College has been yet declared competent to undertake the meanest department of an interpreter's duty See E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, London; Luzac and Co., 1895, p. 349. 2 On p. 60 of Fragrant Harbour by G. B. Endacott and A. Hinton, a statement was made that Ng Choy was "educated at the old Central School (Queen's College)". I find no evidence to support this. 3 As a result of the founding of the Government Central School (the present Queen's College) in 1862, a number of educated Chinese well-versed in both Chinese and English had been produced, who began to regard Hong Kong as their home town and who began to develop a keen interest in the welfare of Hong Kong. Thus leading Chinese founded the Tung Wah Hospital in 1870 and the Po Leung Kuk in 1880. It is of interest to note that in the 1870's, the educated Chinese actually pressed for the election of representatives to form a Chinese Municipal Board. In 1878, when the foreign community protested against Sir John Hennessy's policy of lenient treatment of prisoners, the Chinese in Hong Kong for the first time despatched an address to Queen Victoria which was in effect a vote of confidence in the Government. 4 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 94. *G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 94. 6 In 1862 an Institute of Foreign Languages was founded in Peking and translation bureaux were established to translate scientific books into Chinese. In 1866 the first modern shipbuilding yard was started in Foochow, Fukien, and from 1872 to 1875 four batches of selected young Chinese scholars, totalling 120, were sent to the U.S.A. to further their studies. 7 General Chan (陳炯明, Chen Chiung-ming) revolted against Sun Yat-sen in Canton in June 1922. For details about this revolt, see Tang Leang-li's The Inner History of The Chinese Revolution, London, p. 140. 8 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 199. 9 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 98. 10 After 2 years there, Yung Wing (容閎, Rong Hong) went to Yale University and was the first Chinese to graduate from that famous institution in 1854. Yung later became a famous person in the history of modern China, being responsible for the opening of the first school of mechanical engineering in Shanghai; the formation of the China Merchant Steamship Navigation Company; the translation of many scientific books into Chinese; and the sending of young Chinese scholars to the U.S.A. for western studies in the 1870's. In the case of Wong Foon, after 2 years' study in the U.S.A., he crossed the Atlantic to Scotland and entered the University of Edinburgh where he graduated with honours in medicine and surgery. He returned to Canton in 1857 and distinguished himself as a surgeon. See also Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and Western Cultures, Honolulu, East-West Center, 1964, Chapter 4, "Yung Hung (Yung Wing) and Foreign Schemes". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS JI13 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 205. 29 12 Now known as the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital. Its subsequent history is described in a brochure privately published by the Hospital in 1957, enlarged and re-issued for the eightieth anniversary in 1967. 13 區德,又名區仰德,列字澤民, 14 The Government took over the project in 1927 and turned it into the Kai Tak airfield which came into being in 1928. 15 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 200. 16 Ho Kai's sister was married to Wu Ting-fang, i.e. Ng Choy. 17 韋寶珊 18 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, pp. 120-124. 19 Chinese members of the Legislative Council were ex-officio members; the other members were elected by the Chinese Justices of the Peace, 20 Li Shu-fan, Hong Kong Surgeon, p. 39. Wei Yuk is, however, wrongly described as a member also of the Executive Council. 21 The Hong Kong Government later built the Kowloon Canton Railway which was started in 1906 and completed in 1910. It may be of interest here to mention that the Beacon Hill Tunnel was designed and constructed by Mr. F. Southey, a former student of Diocesan Boys School who won a Hong Kong Government Scholarship in 1890 to study in England. 22 Named after the first and outstanding headmaster of the Central School, Dr. Frederick Stewart who later became Colonial Secretary in the years 1887 and 1888, under the Governor Sir George William Des Voeux. 23 G. Stokes, Queen's College, 1862-1962, Hong Kong, p. 221. 24 Among his grandchildren whom I know personally are the following distinguished officers in the Hong Kong Government Service: Dr. Ho Hung-chiu, O.B.E., Senior Specialist in Radiology, Mr. Eric Ho, Staff-grade Administrative Officer, Miss Daphne Ho, M.B.E., Principal Social Welfare Officer and Miss Helen He, O.B.E., Senior Medical Social Worker, Mr. Stanley Ho, a prominent businessman in Hong Kong and Macao, is also his grandson, 25 The ages of the boys ranged from 10 to 16. It is said that because of their pig-tails, they were often mistaken to be girls and had often times to fight very hard to repel the advances made to them by the American boys! 26 On p. 294 of Endacott's A History of Hong Kong, it is stated that "a Chinese member was added to the Executive Council in 1921". This is presumably a typographic error, 27 Sir Robert Kotewall left eight daughters and one son. His son, Cyril, is now practising as a solicitor in Hong Kong and one daughter, Bobbie, is the principal of the well-known St. Paul's Co-educational College. 28 Sir Alexander Grantham, Via Ports, p. 110. 29 Li Shu-fan, Hong Kong Surgeon, London, Victor Gollancz, 1964. 30 At one time, a director of the Bank of East Asia. Educated at Queen's College, Mr. Chan was a generous benefactor of education. In 1917 he donated HK$50,000 to the University of Hong Kong for the erection and equipment of the School of Pathology. He also endowed prizes in all the faculties of the University. 31 Father of Sir Tsun-nin Chau, 32 Father of Mr. Li Fook-wo, O.B.E., Deputy Chief Manager of The Bank of East Asia, and Mr. F. K. Li, Staff-grade Administrative Officer in the Hong Kong Government. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE 41 Most of these cases are summarily dealt with by the village council... But if either of the parties to a case is dissatisfied, he can appeal to a council of a Tung [Tung='cave', translated by Lockhart as division], or to a general council made up of the representatives of the different Tung.... Each council of a Tung contains representatives of the villages which make up the Tung. In addition to a council of a Tung there is a general council for the whole of the Tung Lo or Eastern Section. This general council is styled the Tung P'ing Kuk or Council of Peace for the Eastern Section. It has its chamber at the market town of Sham Chun, which is regarded as the centre of the Eastern Section."47 The organization of the Tung P'ing Kuk may be represented schematically as follows: Tung P'ing Kuk Tung Tung Tung Tung Village Councils Village Councils Village Councils Village Councils Apart from the description above, little is known about the Tung P'ing Kuk. Hayes, setting Stewart Lockhart's description against local material gathered from his own enquiries in the area, accepts that "a form of genuine local self-government existed in 1898"48. Freedman comments: "I have not yet been able to convince myself that I know what tung are."49 It is likely that what Stewart Lockhart described as a system of "local government" was the formal framework of a militia organization. Everything he says is consistent with this interpretation. Militia organizations commonly undertook responsibility for the maintenance of local order. The title of the general council is also suggestive: the character p'ing ('peace') often appeared in the style of militia forces. It is possible to get an idea of the areas of the various tung within the northern district of the New Territory from Appendices III and V of Stewart Lockhart's report. Three of the tung, Sha Tau Kok, Yuen Long, and Sham Chun, seem to have been roughly ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE 59 part of further studies of militia, both within Kwangtung Province and elsewhere in China. It is possible that the approach to militia used in this article could be applied to other, more significant, military organizations as they existed in nineteenth century China. For example, recent studies of the regional armies of Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang indicate that they were, initially, amalgamations of local militia forces.78 A more detailed analysis of these militia could contribute to a greater understanding of the particularistic relationships which appear to have been important in maintaining regional armies as viable organizations over relatively long periods of time. NOTES This article is based upon research in Hong Kong between 1963 and 1965. I am grateful for the financial support provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies. A number of colleagues have commented upon the subject matter of the article during its various stages of preparation. I would particularly like to thank the following for their advice: Dr. Christopher Turner, Dr. George C. Bond, Mr. James Hayes, Professor Maurice Freedman, and Professor Göran Aijmer. A draft of the paper was read to the Sociology Seminar, School of Social Studies, University of East Anglia. I am grateful to my colleagues in this context for their comments. Place names will be rendered according to A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hong Kong Government Printer, Hong Kong, n.d., but published 1960. 2 Brine, Lindesay. The Taeping Rebellion in China: A Narrative of its Rise and Progress. London, 1862, pp. 11-12. 3 Krone, [R]. “A Notice of the Sanon District", Article V, Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, pt. VI, Hong Kong, 1859, p. 71. 4 Freedman, Maurice. Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. London, 1966, p. 115. 5 The Governor of Hong Kong, commenting upon robbery and piracy during the year 1903, said: "they are the most common offences in the Southern provinces ... the Provincial Authorities do not attempt to deal with such cases until some village is reported as being specially notorious as harbouring robbers, when, if the authorities do not consider them too strong, a force is sent out and as many as possible arrested or the village destroyed." Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1903, Hong Kong, 1904, pp. 348 ff. Freedman, op. cit., p. 112, quotes an account of such an expedition which took place in "about 1870" and resulted in the beheading of more than a thousand people. 6 Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960, p. 503. 7 For a detailed account of these events, see: Wakeman, Jr., Frederic, Strangers at the Gate: Social Disorder in South China, 1839-1861. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 60 R. G. GROVES * Skinner, G. W. "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China Part I: The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XXIV, no. 1, November 1964, p. 32. 9 Ibid., p. 5ff. 10 Ibid., p. 32. 11 Ibid., pp. 32ff, C. K. Yang brings out clearly the significance of the market town as the centre of a system of communication. “In times of peace and tranquility, the subjects for chatting range from the births and deaths, weddings and quarrels, conditions of crops, some strange signs in the stars, some mishaps in certain villages, to all the big things and little things that make up the interest and chores in the daily life of the village peasants. But in time of war and political upheavals, in periods when banditry runs rampant or natural calamities plague upon the countryside, from the markets wild rumours fly; seeds of fear and suspicion are sown; signs of omens are interpreted and widely scattered." Yang, C. K., A North China Local Market Economy. Institute of Pacific Relations, New York, 1944, p. 13. 12 See, for example, Freedman, op. cit., pp. 82ff., Hsiao, op. cit., p. 423. 13 Skinner, op. cit., pp. 21ff. 14 Skinner, op. cit., p. 27. 15 Freedman, op. cit., pp. 18ff. 16 Ibid., p. 20. 17 Ibid., pp. 20-21. 18 Amyot, J. The Chinese Community of Manila; A Study of Adaptation of Chinese Familism to the Philippines Environment, Research Series no. 2. Philippines Studies Program, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago (mimeo), 1960. As will become clear, Amyot's analysis is important to the arguments of both Skinner and Freedman. 19 Hsiang is commonly translated as 'township', a practice followed by Amyot. Freedman points out that both 'Hsiang' and 'township' have been used as administrative terms and proposes the more neutral 'vicinage' as an alternative translation, Freedman, op. cit., p. 23. 20 Amyot, op. cit., p. 40. Quoted by Freedman, op. cit., p. 22. 21 Ibid., pp. 52ff. Quoted by Freedman, op. cit., p. 23. 22 Freedman, op. cit., p. 23. 23 Ibid., p. 25. 24 Ibid. It will be argued below that, even in the case of the Hsin-an higher-order lineages, the standard marketing area was organizationally significant. 25 The New Territories formerly constituted roughly three-fifths of Hsin-an county. By the Convention of Peking, 6th June 1898, they were leased to Britain for 99 years. 26 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 36. The term "local corps" is used by Chiang Siang-tseh in his work The Nien Rebellion, Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1954. 27 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 38. 28 Ibid., p. 39. 29 Ibid., pp. 39-40. 30 Ibid., p. 63. 31 Ibid., pp. 64-5. 32 Ibid., p. 112. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 64 71 Papers.... Despatches R. G. GROVES + * op. cit., p. 68. 72 Correspondence..., op. cit., p. 167. 73 Ibid., p. 297. Skinner postulates models of intermediate marketing systems in which each intermediate market is ringed by six standard markets. Skinner, op. cit., Part I, pp. 23f. 74 Correspondence 75 Ibid., p. 296. 76 Ibid., p. 380. + I P 1 op. cit., p. 295. 77 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 39. 78 See, for example: Spector, Stanley, Li Hung-Chang and the Huai Army, Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1964, Folsom, Kenneth E., Friends, Guests, and Colleagues; the Mu-Fu System in the Late Ch'ing Period, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968. Since writing this article, and further to note 37, Dr. Hugh D. R. Baker's study, Sheung Shui: A Chinese Lineage Village has now been published (London, Frank Cass & Co, Ltd., 1968). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 65 TUNG KWU ISLAND: THE TYPE SITE OF HONG KONG'S OLDER PRE-HISTORIC CULTURE INTRODUCTION W. SCHOFIELD* The present paper describes the writer's investigations of the large site revealed from 1925 onwards by sand diggers on the island of Tung Kwu beyond Castle Peak,† This dumb-bell island, which is formed entirely of Hong Kong granite and the sand which links its two portions by an isthmus, has not only yielded pottery of the historic period in one area of its western beach, but a great many remains of a culture obviously earlier than that of the Bronze Age in Lamma described by Father Finn.‡ DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND (See Plates 1 and 2) Tung Kwu is a typical single dumb-bell with an isthmus joining a large northern hill ridge 76 metres high to a smaller southern one of 68 metres. These hills show all the signs of early loss of their original woods, followed by washing away of most of the thick subsoil of clay full of quartz grains which formed beneath their cover, some of which remained on the isthmus and beaches. Much of the hill surface is occupied by large masses of granite boulders formed by chemical action in the clay, and left behind when it was washed away. A noteworthy feature of the northern hill area is the 35 metres hill that rises just north of the isthmus and is surrounded by a * Mr. Schofield (1888-1968) served in Hong Kong between 1911-1938 as a Cadet Officer and Police Magistrate, He was noted for his work pre-war on the geology and archaeology of Hong Kong, in which fields he was a pioneer scholar. More recently his article "Further Notes on the Sung Wong Toi" appeared in the 1968 Journal. Ed. †This island has long been misnamed on local maps. The Hong Kong Government's official Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (no date, but 1960), p. 161, calls it Lung Kwu Chau (##) and describes it as "an uninhabited island in area 0.158 sq. mile off the west of the Castle Peak Peninsula, incorrectly named TUNG KWU (Tongku) on the 1:25,000 official map. (Sheet 13, 1957 edition)". ‡ The photographs which illustrate this article may be found at Plates 1 to 9 at the rear of this volume. They are representative, and not ordinarily related to items mentioned in the text because Mr. Schofield died before we had chosen and discussed the illustrations. I am greatly indebted to Mr. James C. Y. Watt, Assistant Curator of the Hong Kong City Hall Museum and Art Gallery and Hon. Sec. of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, for much help and advice with the sketch-map, charts and plates. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 76 W. SCHOFIELD Other stamped designs of various kinds, curves, ovals, paired spirals, chevrons, etc., lie at an average depth of 127 cm. Sherds without patterns numbered 33, distributed at all depths averaging 115 cm. Many are jar rims or come from jars with equatorial ridges, plain above and patterned below, so that statistics would be useless. Some of these were food vessels buried beside the dead, of very fragile material, broken in fragments as they lay buried by the weight of earth and sand piled on them, but still keeping their upright position. Two such, as well as the only perfect jar found, came from the north extremity of the west beach, under the hill, so that earth washed off it adds to the measured depth of the vessels. This averaged 161 cm. for the three vessels, 40 cm. below the 122 cm, which was the chief culture level. This area probably served at one time as a cemetery of the early inhabitants. The complete jar was partly filled with decayed granite rainwash, lying against the side of the vessel when I found it at the foot of the low cliff. No stratum level could be assigned to it, but its perfect condition shows it could hardly have dropped from any great height and was most likely washed out of its matrix by rain and fairly gentle wave action. Its form is worth noting. Below the plain, slightly flared lip, pinched into two rough spouts on opposite sides, it expands gradually to the ‘equator'. Above this it is undecorated: below, a neatly impressed network of vertically arranged rhombs covers the rest of the body surface, in each mesh a raised stud which I interpret as a watching eye, or the pupil of an eye. The base is hollowed into a dinge for stabilising the vessel and is also ornamented.* The food vessel in grave IV at Shek Pik, of coarse pottery, also had stamped ornament, and two spouts on the rim.† The distribution in depth of soft pottery bearing stamped designs other than net patterns shows a certain slight degree of concentration around the 122 cm. level, with three above and three below it: they number only eight. All but one were found in the sand sectors of the site. The only tentative conclusions that may be drawn are that such designs were less favoured for funerary pottery than the net patterns, and that they were known *This jar is illustrated at Plate 5. † See Schofield, op. cit., p. 269, cxxi. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 104 JOHN MCCOY Unfortunately, in the vast collection of Chinese literature there is comparatively little folk poetry and most of it is of recent origin. Doubtless it has existed at all periods, but except for the very early samples which became part of the classical tradition, or for the occasional single item preserved in other writings, most of it was lost. The literati generally scorned it, at least in public, and today we are able to turn up only a few collections of any significant age and these chiefly through historical accident. In recent years the Peking government has published a collection of Ming and Ching Dynasty folk songs as part of a general policy to point attention to the artistic efforts of the proletariat. I was lucky enough to run across this material in a Hong Kong book store. Of particular interest was a book called Shan Ko or 'Mountain Songs', a collection made in the later years of the Ming Dynasty by Feng Meng-lung. These songs were recorded verbatim from the farmers and laborers in the fields near Feng's home, that is, in Wu District near Soochow. To date this group of poems represents the earliest popular collection which I have been able to find. At least it is my earliest collection showing no evidence of revision and rewriting by the collector. More such materials doubtless exist but I have not come across them yet. Mountain Songs as a literary genre have probably enjoyed a long life. The oldest reference to them may be that found in the 'Song of the Lute' or P'i P'a Hsing by Po Chu-i of the Tang Dynasty. However, this may be merely a general reference to songs from the mountain areas rather than 'Mountain Songs' as a specific genre. Today the Mountain Songs flourish, particularly in South China, with new verses appearing daily. Other Peking publications have collected modern Mountain Songs and added a companion set of more acceptable lyrics with political themes. This gives us a possible spread of at least 1300 years with extant samples of a homogeneous genre going back about 300 years. The poetic structure of the Mountain Songs won't add anything especially new to our picture of Chinese poetry. The basic verse is four lines of eight metric beats each, or multiples of eight in various combinations. This is much like the classical seven character poem where the eighth metric beat is realized as a pause at the end of each line. The major difference is that the Mountain Songs allow a considerable variation in the actual ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MING DYNASTY 'MOUNTAIN SONGS' 105 number of syllables used to fill up this eight beat line. (Note that from this point on I am referring specifically to the Ming Dynasty collection of Mountain Songs and not to the genre as a whole.) The line may consist of as few as six characters, divided into two groups of three each with a pause on the fourth and eighth count; or it may number as many as 12 or 13 characters in various combinations of one, two, or three characters per beat. In these latter cases there are usually a number of grammatical markers and functor words which were apparently unstressed and run together rapidly without breaking the rhythmic beat. It is important to make proper identification of the unstressed syllables in order to maintain the eight count line in all these poems. Longer Mountain Songs are found in the collection which are either multiples of the four line basic verse or the basic verse with rhythmic phrases inserted, usually between lines two and three. The rhyme scheme is typically ABCB or AABA. There is no hesitation about using the same character to rhyme with itself, and in one case I found the same character used in all three rhyming positions in one song. This may not sound so elegant as the classical poem, but at least in the particular song it was a very effective emphasis of a special point. It is in subject matter that the Mountain Songs make the biggest break with the tradition of classical poetry. The predominant topic is that of boy-girl situations and the treatment is invariably humorous and often even bawdy. Only rarely since the Classic of Poetry 2000 years earlier is there such preoccupation with romantic love, and with the possible exception of the Tzu Yeh Ko of the Nan Pei Ch'ao Period, seldom does one find such humor in dealing with the subject. Here we get a picture of a hearty people who do not take themselves too seriously. They seem to find fun in many things and they have a gift for putting their fun into words. In the Mountain Songs the humor is subtle more often than coarse. Although the verses may be risqué or even highly suggestive, there is none of the heavy-handed attention to pornographic detail as in Chin P'ing Mei or Jou P'u T'uan. The entire effect is carried by double entendre and pun, but the intent is obviously to make the listener laugh. The spirit is similar to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MING DYNASTY 'MOUNTAIN SONGS' 111 3) Note the character probably pronounced (S) yi-咦, appearing at the beginning of lines three and four. Here we are fortunate in that Feng Meng-lung gives us a gloss indicating the meaning to be equivalent to (M) yù X, but since (M) yù is used elsewhere in the Shan Ko I interpret this character to mean ‘either ...or. 别人笑我無老婆, 你弗得知我破飯籮淘米外頭多, 好像深山裏野鷄路宿, 老鴉鳥無窠到有窠。 ‘Others laugh at me because I have no wife. You could not know that when I wash rice in my broken strainer much more leaks out than stays inside. It is like the pheasant in the deep mountains who sleeps anyplace along his path, Or the crow who has no nest yet can nest anywhere.' 1) Referring to prostitutes by various names of wild birds is common in many dialects. I assume the reference also applies here. 娘又乖,姐又乖, 喫娘提箇石滿房篩 小阿奴奴拚得馱郎上床馱下地, 兩人合着一雙鞋。 ‘The mother is clever but the daughter is clever, too. So when mother took some lime and sifted it all over the floor of my room. I dared to carry my lover pickaback, into bed and out, Two people joined together wearing just one pair of shoes.' 1) The character (M) ch'i吃 at the beginning of line two here functions as a passive marker much like (M) pěi 被. Page 117 Page 117 Page 117 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 114 H. G. H. NELSON (in an attempt to use the physical structures as a basis for a random sampling frame), and reached the conclusion that in the conditions of New Territories villages, it is strictly undefinable. The local "village houses" are built in terraced rows: each "house" consists of a single "room", which, although generally divided by a partition into living and sleeping quarters, is regarded as the living accommodation proper to one married couple and their unmarried children. It is very rare for an old and widowed mother to share the same "house" as her son and daughter-in-law: I have not come across a single instance of more than one married couple, however closely related, sharing the same "house". The correspondence between room, house, and household is by no means exact: not only may one household (defined as a group of kin sharing a common budget and a single stove) be spread over a number of "houses", but where one household is occupying two adjacent "houses", an interconnecting door may be opened between them, turning them, to all intents and purposes, into a single "house" of two "rooms". It might almost indeed be more logical to regard each unit in a terrace as a "room", and define "house" as that combination of "rooms" which is occupied by a single household, even when the "rooms" are located in more than one terrace; but Chinese usage does not support this — each unit is called uk, never fong. The Hong Kong Government surveyors who numbered all agricultural and building lots in the early years of this century evidently came up against a similar problem of definition; and there are inconsistencies in the system of numbering they adopted. Where two adjacent units were owned (and occupied?) by one man, they are numbered together as one (double-sized) house-lot. There is one row in Sheung Tsuen, however, where the living quarters of each house are separated from their kitchens by the narrow lane that gives access to them: it is clear from the pattern of ownership in 1905 (when the Block Crown Lease was drawn up), and from the way these structures have been passed down the generations since then, that each kitchen is linked with a single * I use the Meyer-Wempe Romanisation of Cantonese terms throughout. † Sheung Tsuen (1) in the Pak Heung (^#) where Mr. Nelson carried out his research. See p. 171 of A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong Government Printer, n.d, but 1960), Ed. Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM 121 of the two should in fact have proportionately more empty houses than its poorer neighbour22; it is not impossible that the sort of inefficiencies in the descent system that I have described whereby the swelling of a descent line in one generation may leave the next with more house-property than it needs or can redistribute — may account for this anomaly.* H. G. H. NELSON. NOTES 1. Göran Aijmer, "Being Caught by a Fishnet: On Fengshui in South-eastern China", J.H.K.B.R.A.S., Vol. 8, 1968, pp. 74-81. 2. Field data drawn on in this paper are derived from a period of work in Sheung Tsuen, Pat Heung, from June 1967 to October 1968. I was employed as a Research Officer of the London School of Economics, on a project financed by a grant made to Professor Maurice Freedman by the Social Science Research Council. Much of the information from the Hong Kong Government's land records was collected by my wife, whose fare to Hong Kong was provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies, financed jointly by the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Nuffield Foundation. I am very glad to acknowledge their generosity. 3. See for example J. E. Spenser, "The Houses of the Chinese", Geographical Review, Vol. XXXVII, 1947, pp. 254-273. 4. Cf. J. W. Hayes, ‘A Chinese Village on Hong Kong Island Fifty Years Ago Tai Tam Tuk, Village Under the Water', in I.C. Jarvie and Joseph Agassi, eds., Hong Kong: A Society in Transition, London, 1969, p. 33. 5. Block Crown Lease, Demarcation Districts Nos. 112 and 114, 1905; various Memorials in Yuen Long District Office; and ‘A-Roll' volume X.14. I am most grateful to the New Territories Administration for their courtesy in allowing me access to the invaluable information contained in their Land Records. 6. The current records conceal the difference between inhabited structures and "house-lots' (Crown Rent being assessed on the site rather than the structure) - a difference of which the villagers are aware. Many of them, when asked how many houses they own, will say, "so many houses and so many lots "(uk-tel_£)". It seems to me possible that some villagers may, in 1905, have been far-sighted ---or fortunate enough to register both their houses and their ruined lots, thereby avoiding the expense and complication of obtaining a New Grant Lot when they wanted to rebuild on an old site. * Groups of houses, bigger and more durable than usual, have also been built as a form of long-term investment (and prestige expenditure) by particularly wealthy men; but their hopes of producing enough sons and grandsons to justify this deliberate over-production of houses are often sadly unfulfilled. * On the subject of this article see also Mr. Hayes' note at pp. 158-160. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 122 H. G. H. NELSON * Records covering 380 houses from 1905 to 1968 reveal 55 sales of houses. This includes sales within (the majority) and between surname groups of which Sheung Tsuen has seven, formerly eight -- but does not include sales to outsiders; these do not in any case become significant until after 1963. The 55 house-sales include 12 houses which were sold twice, which for reasons given below, may be regarded as a significant reduction of the total; and also include sales of empty sites, cowsheds, and latrines. These latter are sometimes, but not invariably, indicated in the Memorial of sale, so it is likely that there were more of this type than the records reveal: I estimate the total at about 10. The number of original sales of habitable houses in this 63 year period is therefore a little above thirty. 9 I occasionally heard the term chinguk EA used to describe such a house; but strictly speaking this refers to the house which contains that version of the ancestral tablet which has been passed down the eldest son line. T T 10 The question of the completeness of the records may be raised: in general, I think it is safe to say that in as important a matter as title to house-property, transactions are almost certain to be registered eventually at the local District Office. The only exception to this is the adjustment of property rights which may involve a sale between brothers after a division: this often occurs before the brothers' succession to their father is registered, so that the sale does not reach the Land Records. In one such case that I know of, however, the sale between the brothers was felt to be important enough for it to be documented and witnessed by "the Village Representative and all the elders". This took place in 1960 or 1961. The Hon. Editor has drawn my attention to non-registration of transactions in the early years of the British administration of the New Territories, citing the District Officer's report for the Southern district (1912) which says:- Eight hundred and sixty-five deeds were registered during the year. This is only slightly above the average for the last seven years during which the Land Ordinance has been in force. There is no doubt that much land changes hands without registration; and it is probable that not more than 10 per cent of mortgages on land in the less accessible parts of the district are registered. The journey from Lantao is an almost insuperable obstacle and a "stamped paper" is generally considered sufficient security. In this case the principal reasons for non-registration were distance and poor communications. At Sheung Tsuen the main land office was at Tai Po until the Yuen Long District Office was established in 1947. (though it appears there was some kind of Land Office-cum-Court at Ping Shan pre-war). If people had to go all the way over Tai Mo Shan to Tai Po there would have been similar disincentives to registration here too. 11 Cf. M. C. Yang, A Chinese Village: Taitou, Shantung Province, Columbia University Press, New York and London, 1965 edition, p. 40: although this instance comes from a very different part of China, and a village where domestic architecture is different from that in Hong Kong. 12 The institution of k'ai-tsai ## often loosely translated as “godson' - is not relevant here. 13 See for example H. D. R. Baker, A Chinese Lineage Village, London, 1969, p. 49. 14 Apart from its obvious restriction to a unilineal descent system, kwoh-kai also differs significantly from Western forms of adoption in that the initiative may come either from the adopter or the adoptee, as indicated below. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d NOTES AND QUERIES 151 So, on November 18, he despatched a memorial to Peking which laid the blame for mismanagement of the country not only on Chang Fu-ching, but also on several others in responsible positions. The emperor, naturally, was infuriated, and Feng nearly lost his life as a result; but that is another story. Now back to the comet. Becoming curious about its very long duration, I wrote to Mr. D. J. Schove of St. David's College, Beckenham, Kent, with whom I have previously corresponded on sun spots and similar phenomena, and asked if there had been any report on it by observers in Europe. He replied: +4 The comet of 1532 was more important than that of Halley and was visible even in the daytime. It is recorded e.g. in Italy, Switzerland, England, Russia, Japan and Korea.” And one of my American correspondents, Dr. C. Doris Hellman, professor of history at Queens College, New York, adds to this a Spanish record left by Gaspar G. Molera, who published a tract on it in Barcelona in 1533. Now I am curious as to whether there is any notice of the comet's appearance in the New World. Mr. Schove writes that Aztec chronicles record the comets of 1490 and 1529, but not those of 1531 and 1532. If any reader of this Journal knows of one I hope he will let me know, or publish it in the JRAS, Hong Kong branch. Columbia University, 1968. L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH WHAT INSPIRED SIR JOHN BOWRING'S HYMN? Ever so often one hears that John Bowring's famous hymn “In the cross of Christ I glory Tow'ring o'er the wrecks of time” was inspired after he saw the facade of the Collegiate Church of St. Paul in Macao. But is this true? These words were penned in, or shortly before, 1825, the date of the publication of Bowring's own book entitled HYMNS, in * See for example, M. Hugo-Brunt in his excellent article on St. Paul's Church in the Journal of Oriental Studies, 1-2 (1954-55) p. 344. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d NOTES AND QUERIES 155 as it stands though I have changed the position of a few sentences dealing with the gate in order to put all description of it in one paragraph. The words in italics are editorial additions. As mentioned elsewhere in this number, Mr. Schofield died in December, 1968, I did not have the benefit of discussing the note with him. Ed. This wall commands the path from Kowloon Tsai to Kowloon City, at the top of the pass which rises about 150 feet above the plain by Kowloon City: i.e. it faces due East. It runs on the North, up the hill, and curves slightly to North West for the last 15 yards of its length. At its highest, it is quite 80 feet above the path. On the South it descends the hill for only 30 feet or so, and is very ruinous. Nearly all of it is built of 'chunam',* laid on in layers 5 inches or so thick, and with a coping of the same material which is ridged - not rounded. The wall rises in 'steps', following the hill slopes, and keeping an average height of 10 feet. The middle of the wall is sometimes hollow; this hollow, where seen, being 2 or 3 inches across, and having thin slabs of granite in it. Twenty yards East of and behind the gate on the path, at the top of the pass is a screen wall (to keep out devils), of rough polygonal blocks mortared with 'chunam' and plastered over. It is 30 inches thick. The gate itself is of granite slabs mortared together, a massive buttress each side and a platform on top. This is narrow; the floor is two thicknesses of granite slabs. The wall of 'chunam' runs across the top of the gate, and is 6 feet high. The main wall is quite 30 inches thick. The gate has holes for 7 wood bars, square at the bottom (for 'earth') and round at the top (for 'heaven'). The gate measures 6 feet through the masonry, and the granite blocks are large and well squared, the whole thing very massive. Steep steps lead up on the right of the gate to the platform. The earth for 3 or 4 feet outside the gate is held up by a granite retaining wall for 4 feet outwards from gate. On each side of the gateway this wall is pierced by a low, square loophole lined with blue bricks, suited only for a musket * E. C. Bridgman's Chinese Chrestomathy in the Canton Dialect (Macao, S. Wells Williams, 1841) p. 204 has this description of Chunam, "Chunam is an Indian word for lime, but in China it is applied to a mixture of lime and oil, used for caulking boats and junks; the mixture of lime, sand and oil, which is so commonly used in this country for floors and walks instead of a pavement is called Fúi Shá, or sanded lime." Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d NOTES AND QUERIES 163 connection with cremation burial was introduced by an "iron-using people influenced by Buddhism”. The present discovery is thus not only of interest to Hong Kong, it also serves to establish cultural links between south China and South-east Asia during the “Proto-historic” period of South-east Asia. It is hoped that this discovery will lead to more systematic work on the archaeology of the Ming period in Hong Kong. Hong Kong, 1969. JAMES C. Y. WATT. + NOTES 1 See J. W. Hayes, "Preliminary Report on the Finds at Shek Pik” at pp. 122-124 of H.K.B.R.A.S. Vol. 2, 1962 elaborated by James C. Y. Watt and J. W. Hayes in "Sung Finds at Shek Pik" in Vol. I of the Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, (1969). 2 These bowls are usually quite shallow with an incised pattern of vertical lines on the outside and often a stamped pattern in the centre. Kilns producing such bowls have been discovered in Wai Yeung county, about 100 kms. east of Canton reports in Kaogu 1962.8 and Kaogu 1964.4. 3 Kaogu 1964.10. See also Kaogu 1962.2 and Kaogu 1965.6. 4 Rosa C. P. Tenazas, A Report on the Archaeology of the Locsin University of San Carlos Excavations in Pila, Laguna. Manila, 1968. 5 Wilhelm G. Solheim II. Archaeological Survey and excavation in Northern Thailand. Preliminary report on excavations at Ban Nadi, Ban Sao Lao, Pimai No. I. Honolulu, 1966. (Quoted by Tenazas, op. cit.) “KELLY AND WALSH” All members of the Branch will have seen books bearing the name of this famous Eastern publishing house, and some may own a few of their many publications over the last century. Dr. J. R. Jones has contributed a note taken verbatim from an old book in his possession, which demonstrates the firm's long history. It reads: Probably the next oldest printing and publishing concern in Shanghai is Messrs. Kelly and Walsh, Limited, formed in 1876 by the amalgamation of two local booksellers, Kelly and Company and F. & C. Walsh. While this firm's main concern is bookselling, it also runs an important printing business, turning out high-class work of every description. It, too, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d BOOK REVIEWS 167 these statements of how the study was done, one is always faced with the possibility of laying open to question important segments of the findings because one cannot evaluate the sources of the data. I write this in the belief that this requirement should be common to all social scientists. 8 For example, Baker discusses the problem of worshipping at graves, when the graves are located in the territory of another lineage. First he notes that "the old men of Sheung Shui denied that their procession (to the grave) had ever been interfered with" which is a clear enough statement, apparently made by more than one respondent. Baker then proceeds to contradict his respondents and contends that indeed there had been interference. Minimally, the methodological point must be clear --- in any study of this kind one must have "rules of evidence"; rules by which respondents' views are accepted or rejected. If, in fact, Baker had earlier stipulated that some minimum number of people agreeing to a piece of testimony makes it accepted and less than that number makes it doubtful, then this problem could not arise. But one cannot have it both ways. An author cannot accept interviews as authoritative at one point and literature at another point without first setting up guide-lines for himself and the reader so that what he is doing can be assessed and evaluated. Complex studies, such as this one, frequently require sophisticated methodological solutions. Similarly Baker has not chosen to make his theoretical orientation clear and to analyze that orientation in the light of the data which he has gathered. There can be no real question that his orientation is structural-functional and this writer feels that implicit in Baker's work is the possibility of a major creative contribution to the literature of functionalism, particularly its structural aspect. Perhaps it clearly is asking too much to include this in an empirical monograph, but Baker most assuredly must have materials with which to make important comments on the analytic use of functionalism in field research, Baker's work will hopefully introduce a new sequence of competent and problem-oriented studies. In analyzing the lineage, Baker has provided highly significant data on the formal organization of a wealthy and powerful village. In essence, he has 8 Ibid., p. 191-2. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 172 BOOK REVIEWS term “militia” to translate tuan lien (). Wakeman uses this term and, to my mind, strays further from its real meaning when he differentiates between tuan lien and "genuine tuan lien". I would prefer to use Siang-tseh Chiang's term "local corps" for all "tuan lien”, whether "genuine" or not. In English this is a more accurate, because more loose-fitting, term, and it does not abuse the word "militia” which in Britain at least has a precise meaning. Militia were auxiliary troops not on full-time service except when embodied in time of war for home or overseas service. These forces were totally under government control, and indeed were an integral part of the military forces of the English Crown and as such subject to considerable constitutional constraint. This led Cardwell, the 19th-century Army reformer, to describe the militia as "the constitutional force of England.. a force ever dear to the people of England from constitutional antecedents".* Thus the circumstances of the existence and mode of use of the British militia after the establishment of the Standing Army in 1660 were quite different from those obtaining in China during the Ching dynasty; which surely strengthens the case for selecting another term to describe "local forces" that were not financed by government and might never have had official blessing. That the appearance of tuan lien might be deceptive is, however, certain. The Kwangtung Viceroy commented as follows on Hong Kong Governor Sir Henry Blake's theory that Chinese regular troops might have taken part in the disturbances that followed the occupation of the New Territories of Hong Kong in 1899: The Governor of Hong Kong suspected that they were regular troops from the fact that they had guns, cannon, and uniforms. He was not aware that the villagers of Kwangtung, in their constant fights with each other, are always erecting forts, and use guns and cannon, and wear uniforms. This is a matter of common notoriety. This quotation is borrowed from Mr. Groves' article, printed elsewhere in this number of the Journal, in which he uses Wakeman's book to put together an interesting essay on the interaction of market, lineage and militia (local forces) during the opposition to the British occupation of the New Territories in 1899. Secondly, this reviewer found the discussion of "local schools" * Quoted in The Spectator, 14th March, 1969, p. 331. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d BOOK REVIEWS 173 and their connection with the militia movement rather confusing. (See pp. 39-40 and 62-64 and Appendix II.) It seems that they could be long-established schools with pupils and teachers whose buildings were from time to time used by the local gentry for meeting purposes when such matters as local defence might be considered; or could be restored or newly set up schools which, at the time, were intended as meeting houses, drill halls and armouries first and as academic institutions after, because this was a convenient 'cover'. It also appears that they could be local schools (she-hsüeh) or charity schools (i-hsüeh) the two being apparently of much the same academic level at this period. It would have been useful to have had more detailed information on some of these establishments. Writing in Hong Kong, there is one example of a large charity school in Kowloon which may serve to illuminate the position a little. This was the Lung Chun Yee Hok (**龍津義學**) in Kowloon City (九龍城), one of the sub-administrative centres of the San On District. This building was erected in 1847 and fortunately the text of the wall tablet commemorating its establishment has been preserved, though the stone itself is now buried under concrete laid after a fire. This indicates that the school project originated with local officials who each contributed money to assist its progress and (reading between the lines) encouraged local gentry to participate. At this time its stated object was 'to stimulate the morale of local inhabitants and set a good example for the foreigners to follow'. Whether this school served as a headquarters for local militia in the 1840s and 1850s is not known; but it is reported that at the end of the 19th century just before the lease of the New Territories to Britain in 1898, this school, in addition to being a reputable academic institution, was also the meeting place of officials and local gentry when there were matters to discuss. Why and how often these meetings took place can, at this distance of time, hardly now be determined but it is likely that the two-fold use of the premises, and the interest of officials and gentry in both sides of its activities, paralleled those of the she-hsüeh. In an earlier review of this book (Journal of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 1967, p. 728) Dr. Hugh Baker asks "But of what area of organisation was the local school a manifestation? Was it based on a marketing area or on an administra- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 184 BELL, G. J. BENANZIO, Dr. Mario BERKOWITZ, Dr. M. I, BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.* BEVERIDGE, R. J. BEYENS, Baron F. BIRCH, Dr. A. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. BLUE, A. D. BLUNDELL, G. S. BOARD, D. B. M.* BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, H. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. BRIDGES, G. A. BRIGGS, G. G. BRIM, J. A. BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. Royal Observatory, H.K. 189 Ampang Road, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. c/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Pittsburg, Pa., USA. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy. c/o 4A, Horsburgh Grove, Armadale, Melbourne, S.E. 3, Victoria, Australia. Room 145, Alexandra House, H.K. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon, Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. "Upper Woodburn", 19 Millig Street, Helensburgh, Scotland. D-4 Silverstrand, 94 Mile Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o The University Library, University of Hong Kong, HK. P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. Dept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ. East Lansing, Michigan 48823, U.S.A. P. O. Box 951, H.K. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon. c/o Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Broadcasting House, Broadcast Drive, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d DAWSON, Prof. J. L. M. DAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. - DAWSON GROVE, Miss J. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. DJOU, G. G. DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* DRAKEFORD, L. S. - DUNCANSON, J. D.* DUTTON, H. A. DUTTON, Mrs. M. M. DWYER, Prof. D. J. - EDWARDS, O. P. - EITZEN, Mrs. J. EMERSON, G. C. ENDACOTT, G. B. EUSTACE, Col. F. A. EVANS, C. J. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVANS, P. J. · - EWING, Miss E.* · FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* FEHL, Prof. Noah E.* FESSLER, L. - FISCHER, Mrs. I. FISCHER, W. D. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, A. J. - - + Dept. of Philosophy & Psychology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 1 Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. As above. 187 Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. No. 1, Stubbs Road, H.K. 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 12 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. 26 Leinster Mews, London W2, England. [OB, Stanley Beach Road, H.K. As above. Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Flat 16A, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Road, Kowloon. c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. Ray-O-Vac International Corpo., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 25, The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, Guildford, Surrey, England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. American Universities Field Staff, 15 Tung Shan Terrace, 2nd Floor, H.K. P.O. Box 1416, H.K. As above. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon. 8, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 188 FOORD, Dr. R. D. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. GARTNER, J. + GEOFFROY-DECHAUME, F. GEORGE, T. J. B. GIBB, H. + GIEDROYC, M. J. H.* GILKES, D. A. GIMSON, C. H. GOLD, E. L. GOLD, Mrs. S. T. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. GORDON, Hon. S. S.* GRANT, L. F. H. + GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. GREGORY, Prof. W. G. GROVE, Mrs. R. 48 The Rutts, Bushey Heath, Hertfordshire, England. 187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England. Tạo Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K. Bank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland, c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. 8128 Hamilton Spring Road, Carderock Springs, Bethesda, Maryland 20034, U.S.A. 15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia. c/o French Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England. c/o P.O. Box 64, H.K. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England. 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o P.W.D. Hq., 4th Floor, Main Wing, Central Government Offices Building, H.K. 12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, USA. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 10A Barbecue Gardens, 174 Milestone, Castle Peak Road, N.T. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. E Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 189 HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. - HAFFNER, C. Hall, J. Unknown. Room 1002 Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Room 514, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HARDEN, Mrs. G. T., Jr.* - HARRISON, Prof. B. - H.K. 15 Shek-O, H.K. Dept. of History, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. HARTWELL, Sir Charles H. c/o Public Service Commission, Central Government Offices, H.K. HARTWELL, Lady - HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HEANEY, R. S. - HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Prof. Bertha HERRIES, Hon. M. A. R. T - As above. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Secretariat for Home Affairs, International Building, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. British Embassy, Kastelsvej 38-40, Copenhagen. Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., U.S.A. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K. PHESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. HILL, D. A. HILSDALE, Mrs. E. P. HINDMARSH, R. H. HỒ, Mrs. Hungchiu HO, Teh-kuei - HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W. HOGAN, Hon. Sir Michael HOLMES, Hon. D. R. - 1633 Compton Road, Cleveland, Ohio 44118, U.S.A. 6387 Bryn Mawr Drive, Los Angeles, Calif. 90028, U.S.A. Room 606 Gloucester Building, H.K. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lake Side Building, 13th floor, "B", 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Secretariat for Home Affairs, International Building, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 195 Page 196 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 191 KANN, P. R. - KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H.- KESSELRING, Dr. R. KESWICK, H. KESWICK, S. L. KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. · KINOSHITA, J. H. KJELLBERG, Carl C:son KJELLBERG, Mrs. I. - KNIGHTLY, F. J. KNOWLES, Miss M. G. - KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. - KURATA, Mrs. Mary F. KVAN, Rev. E.* KWAN, H.C., Sir Cho-yiu" KWOK, Chin-Kung KWOK, W. LAI, T. C.* LAM, Yung-fai · T - The Wall Street Journal, 1 Branksome Towers May Road, H.K. P. O. Box 16004, H.K. Unknown. German Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K, c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O, Box 70, H.K, As above. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., 3 Lombard Street, London, E.C.3, England. 1, Wing Ying Mansion, 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. 55, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Training & Examinations Unit, Electric House, 22A Ice House Street, H.K. Wakes Colne Place, Nr, Colchester, Essex, England. 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland. 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada, Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. Extra-Mural Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 12th Floor, Star House, Kowloon. c/o Ye Olde Printeric Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. Highclere (Middle Flat), 3 Middle Gap Rd., H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 192 LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-Mai, Michael LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. LECKIE, J. B. H. LEE, Din-yi LEE, Miss Tsu-Wei, Flossy LEE, J. S.* LEE, Hon. R. C.* LETHBRIDGE, H. J. LEUNG, Pak-kui LEVY, A. LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi LINDSAY, T. J.* LIU, D. H. LIU, Sydney C. LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Prof. Hsiang-Lin LO, T, S.* LOBO, Mrs. R. H. (Margaret) LOCKING, J. R. LOCKS, Miss A. M. Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland, Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, HK. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium. United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. c/o University Library, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. Dept. of Economics, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. 5 Tung Shan Terrace, Flat B2, Stubbs Rd., H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon. 3, Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W. c/o U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Rose Court, 117 Wongneichong Road, 12th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia. Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. Race View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 194 MCCRARY, M.* McELNEY, B. S. McFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. McKEIRNAN, Sister Agnes MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. + L McKENNA, Sister M. P. MCLEVIE, J. G. MEFFAN, Mrs. I. E. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. L = MIDDLEBROOK, R. W. MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. NEILD, Mrs. C. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Dr. Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. H. NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, Prof. J. J. NORONHA, J. E. + + - - 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. University of Hong Kong, H.K. Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon. St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon, Dept. of Education, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan, Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. 34 Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th Floor, H.K. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea, A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. 64 Mile, Taipo Road, N.T. 1201 Manson House, Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, W.C.1, England. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University to the College of Arts and Science, The University of Maine, Orono, Maine. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 195 OBRIEN, Dr. J. P. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. - OU, Miss G. - + OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PEARSON, Miss E. F. - PENNELL, W. V. - PERESYPKIN, O, P. - PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N. PIMPANEAU, J. PLAG, Rev, A.* - POLAND, T. D. PORDES, F. T POST, Miss E. M. · + PRESCOTT, J. A. RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. - RASSIM, Mrs. E. RATH, Mrs. R. H. (Jacqueline) RAYNE, R. N. REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, W. RICHES, G. C. P. · J + Sandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. c/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. 21 South Bay Road, Ground Floor, Repulse Bay, H.K. 24 Buxey Lodge, 8th Floor, 37 Conduit Rd., H.K. Bag 3 Bundoora, Victoria, Australia. C'an Boyer Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Dept. of Zoology, University of Hull, England. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. 15 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K. Shouson Villa, Flat B, G/F, 16 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. 3 Coombe Road, First Floor, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K, c/o American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Training Unit, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. 79 Deep Water Bay Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. 101 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 196 RIDE, Sir Lindsay* RIDE, Lady* RIGBY, Lady 8A Beach Road, Stanley, H.K. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. ROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M. Dept. of Social Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. ROBERTSON, Dr. M. J. Institute of Pathology, Kowloon Hospital, Kowloon, ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st fl., N.T. ROBINSON, Prof. K. E.* University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. ROE, Capt. J. S. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 350, H.K. ROGERS, Rev. D. L. Union Church, Kennedy Road, H.K. ROSEMANN, Mrs. F. I. c/o Neckermann Versand Ltd., P. O. Box K-45, H.K. ROTHE, U.* Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. ROY, Dr. A. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. RUMJAHN, S. M. P. O. Box 448, H.K. RUST, H. A. Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. 2-E Wongneichong Gap Road, Flat 7, H.K. RYAN, Rev. Father T. F. Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. RYDINGS, H. A. The Library, University of Hong Kong, H.K. SAUNDERS, Hon. L A H HK. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. P.O. Box 64, H.K. SCHNEIDER, H. c/o Jebsen & Co., P.O. Box 97, H.K. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. SCOTT, A. C. Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, USA. SCOTT, J. M. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. SELLETT, G.* "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. SERSALE, Miss S. M. 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 198 SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SU, Samon SWIRE, A. C.* SYKES, Major A. E. - TALBOT, H. D. - TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. Jack C. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TANNER, R. F. TARARIN, P. A.* - THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, T. H. THROWER, Prof. L. B. · TILL, The Very Rev. B.* + TISDALL, B. TOMLIN, Mrs. Ian TOOGOOD, C. W. - TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. + TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir Michael* - TYLER, Mrs. M. R. UHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr. · 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon. c/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. c/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K. A1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K. Room 1701, Central Building, H.K. 27 Macdonnell Road, Room 32, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o The British Council, P.O. Box 753, Steuart Lodge, 154 Galle Road, Colombo 3, Ceylon. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1, England. 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. 41D, Shouson Hill Road, H.K. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. 57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. 402 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. Dept. of History, Duke University, Durham, N. Carolina, U.S.A. + Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 10 willing help has been of great value to me as President and to the Council generally. 13th May, 1970. Lectures in 1969 comprised:----- 20 January Dr. M. W. M. Lau 24 February J. R. JONES The F. A. Nixon Collection of Nestorian Crosses and the Fr. Finn Collection of Finds on Lamma Island Dr. Morris I. Berkowitz The Effects of Resettlement on the Plover Cove Villagers Prof. P. G. O'Neill The No Theatre of Japan Today Mr. K. M. A. Barnett Removing Some Barriers to Comprehension Aspects of Hong Kong Marine Fauna 11 March 8 April 15 April Dr. Lamarr B. Trott 28 April Annual General Meeting. 5 May Mr. Holmes H. Welch 24 May "The Role of Religion in Chinese Life 9 June 11 23 June A Tour of Old Shau Kei Wan organized by Mr. J. W. Hayes. Dr. Hugh D. R. Baker The Chinese Lineage Village: A Pyramid of Kinship Dr. R. K. Murton Wild Life in Hong Kong 29 September Mr. J. C. Y. Watt 23 October 17 November The Use of Jade in Old China "Look Around" Tour on Hong Kong Island organized by Mr. J. W. Hayes. Mr. G. E. Johnson From Rural Committee to Spirit Medium Cult ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 18 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH Hsieh's proposal approved, the emperor appointed him editor, and associated with him a staff of 147 assistants. For seventeen months they toiled diligently; then, on December 13, 1404, they submitted to the throne the first draft, entitled Wên-hsien ta-ch'êng. The emperor, however, was not satisfied. He ordered work resumed, adding two other scholars as co-directors of the enterprise: Yao Kuang-hsiao (1335 - 1418) and Liu Chi-ch'ih (1346 - 1423). The staff too was enlarged to the number of 2,169. On December 14, 1407, Yao submitted the Wên-hsien ta-ch'êng once more to the emperor. By this time it had grown in size to 22,211 chüan, bound in 11,905 pên. His majesty showed his satisfaction by bestowing on it the title Yung-lo ta-tien. But it was still not quite finished. A year later he contributed a preface, now included in the table of contents (an additional 60 chüan), in which he used the phrase "completed in the winter of our sixth year" (i.e., 1408). In this preface the number of chüan is given as 22,937. (The table of contents, excluding its own 60 ch., gives the figure as 22,877 ch. in 11,915 pên.) Obviously the editors had added some 700 chüan in the interim between Dec. 14, 1407, and the writing of the preface (Dec. 17, 1408). The original was stored in the Wên yüan ko, Nanking, and a copy began to be made ready for printing in 1409. The cost was found to be so prohibitive, however, that this plan was abandoned. Woodblocks for a small number may, on the other hand, have been engraved. (This is the assertion of the eminent official and collector, Tuan-fang (1861-1911), who informed Professor Paul Pelliot that at one time he had seen more than one hundred chüan in printed form.) Following the removal of the capital, the YLTT was taken in 1421 to Peking and stored in the Wên lou in the palace area. In May 1557 a fire destroyed three palaces in the imperial precincts. Happily this work survived; it was then shifted to the historiography office. Five years later (Sept. 11, 1562), because of the danger of another conflagration, Emperor Chu Hou-ts'ung (1507-67) ordered the making of another set, with the calligrapher Ch'eng Tao-nan in charge of more than one hundred scribes delegated for this service by the ministry of Rites. Other responsible persons were Kao Kung (1512-78) and Chang Chü-cheng (1525-82). As this work is essentially a mammoth ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN 21 served in the Legation Guard in Peking in 1900. The Chester Beatty Library (Dublin) has three volumes not otherwise accounted for (chüan 803/4, 805/6, and 10,110/1). The Wason Collection of Cornell University has chüan 13,853, and the National Central Library, Taipei, has chüan 7527, which Yang Chia-lo failed to reproduce. The number at present count then is 809 chüan out of the original total of 22,877 chüan (not counting the table of contents which has been separately published). What subjects are covered in the volumes that have been saved? Practically everything that concerned the Chinese around the year 1400, but in fragmentary fashion. Thought, morals, poetry of several kinds, frontier people (the Hsiung-nu and Hu, for example), geography, surnames, government, law, the spirits, biography, divination, architecture (gates, bridges, halls, storehouses, walls, offices), villages, capital cities, history, burial customs, astronomy, botany, grain, military matters, Buddhism, Taoism, travels, bronzes, food and drink, caves, dreams, scholars, drama, sacrifices, clothing, mathematics, images, carpentry, post stations, shamans, literary collections. Dr. Walter Swingle, writing on the YLTT in the Report of the Library of Congress (1922-23), asserted: "It combined all existing Chinese books that were available to Yung-lo, excepting novels and possibly some plays." Fortunately, his remark was found to be in error when the Library of Congress acquired (1935) from the collection of Dr. H. A. Giles, professor of Chinese at Cambridge University, a copy of a "short historical novel, Ch'ieh-fên-lu and a hsü-lu, purporting to describe the experiences of Sung Hui-tsung, made captive by the Chin in 1127." (The son of Dr. Giles, Lancelot, was in the British Legation during the siege in 1900, and doubtless picked it up then.) The first notice of the famous play P'i-pa chi (The Lute Song) also appears in a volume of the YLTT. Professor Pelliot has characterized as one of the most important volumes saved the sections from a great Yuan dynasty encyclopaedia (Ching-shih ta-tien, published 1331), including a part on courier stations (jamči), now in the Toyo Bunko. Among other interesting works saved, generally fragmentary, are geographical. Francis D. M. Dow of Australian National University has recently drawn attention to certain gazetteers preserved: one of the prefecture of Soochow, published in 1379, for example; and years ago (1929) the Metropolitan ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 22 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH Library of Peiping reported on its copy of the local history of Shao-hsing-fu, Chekiang (YLTT ch. 7963). One must also mention the excellent use made by Professor Jao Tsung-i of chüan 11,907 (preserved in Peking) in his article on "Some place-names in the South Seas in the Yung-lo ta-tien."8 Finally, because everyone is interested in Marco Polo and the authenticity of his record of travel, let us mention the discovery in chüan 19,418 of the YLTT by two Chinese scholars of the names of the three envoys from the Mongol court of Persia who were dispatched in 1290 to Kubilai in Cambaluc to convey the Lady Kukachin (Marco's Cocachin) to Tabriz to become the bride of Argon. Their names, rendered in Chinese transcription, correspond fairly closely with those preserved in Marco's account. His name and the names of his father and uncle, unfortunately, were not considered of sufficient importance to receive mention. Hopefully we may expect more enlightenment on China's past as these rare volumes are further explored. NOTES 1 For example, Leonard Aurousseau in Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient XII: 9 (1912), and both Walter Swingle and Arthur W. Hummel in Reports of the Library of Congress, 1922-23, 1935-36, 1940, etc. 2 Wang Chung-min1 has recently identified 246 of these individuals, including the three principals, in an article entitled "Yung-lo ta-tien tsuan-hsiu jen k'ao,”†^#, Wên-shih★★ 4 (June 1965), 17 ff. (Mrs. Lienche Tu Fang kindly drew this to my attention.) 3 Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient IX (1909), 828, n.3. 4 Communication to the author, dated 15th Oct., 1969, from the curator, D. Zichy. 5 I owe this to Mrs. Delano Young (née Yang Chin-yi) who received the information from a member of the staff of the Library. 6 Extracts of books were distributed under different tone groups. 7 A Study of Chiang-su and Che-chiang gazetteers of the Ming Dynasty (Canberra 1969), p. 5. 8 Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies of Southern China, South-east Asia, and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong 1967), 191-7. 9 Yang Chih-chiu and Ho Yung-chi, "Marco Polo quits China," Harvard Jo. of Asiatic Studies IX (1945), 51. See also Yule-Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo (London 1903), I, p. 32. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS 33 of the river ports is contingent on the suppression of the rebellion."40 Thus the record of Elgin's own visit through Taiping territory adequately lays to rest any notion that he might have been harboring an alternative policy of dealing with the Taipings. Without question, his angry remark was merely rhetorical, entirely lacking substance. He was frustrated with Manchu behavior, both in his own repeated experiences with them, and with their poor handling of the Taiping resurgence of 1860.41 Yet Elgin had done nothing to cultivate the political alternative that Taiping China posed. Nor would he ever do so. NOTES 1 Elgin referred to a "Chinese" government as an alternative to the Manchus. This presumably meant the Taipings who were the only viable such alternative readily at hand. See, for example, Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, China's Entrance into the Family of Nations: The Diplomatic Phase 1858-1880, Cambridge; Harvard University Press, 1960, p. 104. 2 See Stephen Uhalley, Jr., "A New Look at the Diplomatic Missions of 1853-54 to Taiping-held Nanking," The Chung Chi Journal, Volume 6 (May 1967), 171-190. For the best general English-language history of the Taiping movement as a whole, see Franz Michael, The Taiping Rebellion: History and Documents, Vol. I, Seattle and London; University of Washington Press, 1966. Unfortunately the fine work of Jen Yu-wen, the foremost Chinese authority on the Taipings, is for the most part unavailable in English translation; although a concise English edition of his narrative history of the Taipings is in preparation, 3 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, Shanghai, January 5, 1859, "Papers Respecting Lord Elgin's Special Mission to China and Japan, 1857-1859," 1859, Parliamentary Papers or Blue Book (BB), IX, 444. 4 Ibid. 5 Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, London, 1860, Vol. II, 310. 6 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 444. 7 Oliphant, II, 361-362. 8 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 444. 9 Oliphant, II, 314. 10 "A Cruise up the Yangtze in 1858-59," Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine (May 1860), 704-705. 11 It was of an event during this exchange that Oliphant later wrote: "A large crowd had collected outside the gate, chiefly composed of rebel soldiers watching the proceedings. We sent them a ten-inch shell just to give them some idea of our armament." Ibid., p. 318. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941 NOTES 51 1 Since the end of war with Japan in 1945 both Hong Kong and its Government Service have experienced major changes of circumstance and outlook. Whilst the cadet or administrative grade continues in being there are now (April 1970) administrative officers in a total permanent Civil Service establishment of there are Chinese officers, the first of whom was appointed in 1948. 2 The title was later changed to "Cadet on Probation". In 1862 cadets received a salary of £200 per annum on arrival in the Colony and at the end of two years' study or as soon afterwards as they were declared qualified by a Board of Examiners £400 per annum. In 1924 the salary was still only £350 on arrival and £400 after passing the final examination; in 1936 the amounts were £450 and £525 respectively. Information on the Cadet Service is to be found in the various General Orders of the Hong Kong Government. 3 The following books have information on the origin of the scheme: E. J. Eitel Europe in China, Hong Kong, 1895, p. 365; G. B. Sayer Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, London, 1937, p. 194; J. W. Norton-Kyshe The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. 2, pp. 8-11; and Sir Charles Collins Public Administration in Hong Kong, London, 1952, pp. 126-127. 4 Aucuparius: Recollections of a Recruiting Officer, London, 1962, p. 164. Major Sir Ralph Furse was Director of Recruitment, Colonial Service, 1931-48; and Adviser to the Secretary of State for Colonies on Training Courses for the Colonial Service, 1948-50. 5 For a sketch of Caldwell's career see G. B. Endacott A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, Singapore, 1962, pp. 95-99. Daniel Richard Caldwell was of mixed blood, born at Singapore, and married to a Chinese. He was a brilliant linguist and occupied, at one time or another, various senior posts in the Hong Kong Government. His proved association with Ma Chow Wong, a frequenter of pirates, ruined Caldwell's career. Caldwell was found unfit by a Commission of Inquiry to continue in the public service. He died in 1875. 6 E. J. Eitel "Chinese Studies and Official Interpretation in the Colony of Hong Kong”, China Review, vol. 16, 1877-8, p. 5. 7 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit., vol. I, p. 579. 8 January 28, 1867, 9 See note 6. 10 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 8-9. 11 Ibid., p. 10. The revised regulations for Hong Kong Cadetships, published in the Government Gazette, 7 September 1872, gives the heads of examination as follows: "(A) Obligatory — 1st. Exercises designed to test Handwriting and Orthography; 2nd. Arithmetic, including Vulgar and Decimal Fractions; 3rd. Latin, and one of the following languages: Greek, French, German, Italian; 4th. English Composition, including Précis writing; (B) Optional 5th. Pure and Mixed Mathematics; 6th. Ancient and Modern History, and Geography; 7th. Elements of Constitutional and International Law, and Political Economy; 8th. Geology, Civil Engineering and Surveying". Every candidate was expected to show a competent knowledge of the first four subjects, but could select any two of the optional subjects. 7 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941 53 19 Sir Francis Henry May (1860-1922), Educated at Harrow and Trinity College, Dublin. Hong Kong Civil Service 1881; Captain Superintendent of Police, 1893-1902; Colonial Secretary, 1902-1910; Governor of Fiji and High Commissioner of Western Pacific, 1910-12; Governor of Hong Kong, 1912-1919. First cadet to become Governor. Altogether May spent 38 years in Hong Kong. 20 Sir Reginald Fleming Johnston (1874-1938), Educated at Edinburgh University (Gray Prize; prox. accessit., Lord Rector's Essay); Magdalen College, Oxford (mentioned hon, causa Stanhope Essay). Hong Kong Civil Service 1898; Assistant Colonial Secretary, 1899-1904, Transferred to Weihaiwai 1904; Senior District Officer and Magistrate, Weihaiwai, 1906-17. Tutor to the Ex-Emperor of China, 1919-1925. Commissioner of Weihaiwai, 1927-30. Professor of Chinese and Head of Department of Languages and Cultures of the Far East, School of Oriental Languages, London University, 1931-1937. 21 Sir Cecil Clementi (1875-1947). Educated at St. Paul's School and Magdalen College, Oxford, Hong Kong Civil Service 1899. Clementi, following his uncle and godfather, Sir Cecil Clementi Smith, preferred an Eastern Cadetship, and was posted to Hong Kong. Land Officer and Police Magistrate in the New Territories, 1903-6, Clementi had the task of recognizing the land titles of over 300,000 claims. Appointed Colonial Secretary of British Guiana 1913-1921; Colonial Secretary, Ceylon, 1922-1925; Governor of Hong Kong, 1925-30; Governor of the Straits Settlements and High Commissioner for the Malay States 1930. In 1934 Clementi retired on account of ill-health. 22 James Legge "The Colony of Hong Kong", China Review, Vol. I, 1872-3, p. 173. 23 Dominions Office and Colonial Office List 1939, p. 624, states: "The average number of cadets appointed to Malaya and Hongkong during the period of 1919-31 inclusive was between 9 and 10. Since 1931 the average has been 5-8, 6 generally. In 1937, 7 cadets were appointed, and 9 in 1938. There were none appointed to Hong Kong 1937, and only 2 in 1938. The demand for cadets in Hong Kong was always small”. 24 For example, Thomas Sercombe Smith (1854-1937) was appointed a Hong Kong Cadet in 1882. In 1883 he was attached to the Colonial Office for a year; and in 1884, after a brief spell attached to the Colonial Secretary's Office, Hong Kong, proceeded to Peking where he studied Chinese, 1884-6. On the other hand, Arthur Winbolt Brewin (1867-1946), proceeded to Canton in 1888. Brewin, who was educated at Winchester, succeeded Eitel as Inspector of Schools in 1897; became Registrar General in 1901 and retired in 1912. 25 Victor Purcell The Memoirs of a Malayan Official, London, 1965, pp. 108-109. The Index to Correspondence (of the Colonial Secretariat), compiled in 1902 by R. H. Kotewall, has a cryptic entry: "Cadets studying Chinese in China must reside at a place removed from European social surroundings". 26 Alexander Grantham Via Ports, Hong Kong, 1965, p. 5. 27 I have been able to discover the schools attended by 64 of the cadets: 52 went to schools listed in the Public Schools Yearbook; the other 12 to small private schools. Two cadets (H. E. Wodehouse and A. W. Brewin), it seems, did not go to a university; five I have been unable to trace; and of the rest - 78 in all — 55 went to English universities (Cambridge 25; Oxford 23; London 4; and one each at Leicester University College, Liverpool University, and Manchester University); 10 to universities in Ireland (Trinity College 8); and 11 to Scottish universities (Edinburgh 6, -55 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941 55 19 Kenneth Myer Arthur Barnett (born 1911). Educated at Mill Hill School, London, and King's College, Cambridge, Hong Kong Civil Service 1934. Retired as Director of Census and Statistics 1970. 40 Quoted in James Hope Hennessy's Verandah, London, 1964, p. 186. Hennessy is quoting, presumably, from Sir George Bowen's Thirty Years of Colonial Government, London, 1889, which I have not seen. 41 Margery Perham, op. cit., p. 302. Lugard also liked and trusted A. W. Brewin, the Registrar General: "if he once said, he was very 'pro-Chinese' this was really a compliment. He would allow Brewin to forbid his own delivery of a speech to a Chinese gathering. He could not always understand the reason ‘but I trust implicitly in him'." 42 E. J. Eitel "Chinese Studies and Official Interpretation", p. 8. 43 Alleyne Ireland, Far Eastern Tropics, London, 1905, p. 34. In 1901 Ireland was appointed Colonial Commissioner of the University of Chicago for the purpose of visiting the Far East. 44 Ibid., p. 32. 45 Norman Gilbert Mitchell-Innes (1860-1947). Educated at Repton and Edinburgh Academy, Hong Kong Civil Service 1881; Treasurer 1891; left Hong Kong Service in 1896 and transferred to the Home Prison Service. Des Voeux thought highly of Mitchell-Innes. See G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong 1841-1962, Hong Kong, 1964, p. 112. 46 Report on Defalcations in the Treasury, Sessional Papers, Hong Kong, 1893, p. 546. 47 Ibid., p. 546. 48 Norton-Kyshe, vol. 2, p. 447. 49 Ibid., p. 447. 50 Sir Arthur George Murchison Fletcher (1878-1954). Educated at Cheltenham College and Trinity College, Oxford, Hong Kong Civil Service 1901; transferred to Ceylon 1927; Colonial Secretary, Ceylon, 1926-9; Governor of Fiji and High Commissioner for Western Pacific 1929-36; Governor and Commander-in-Chief, Trinidad and Tobago, 1936-38. 51 Geoffrey Norman Orme (1879-1966). Educated at Cheltenham College and Hertford College, Oxford, Hong Kong Civil Service 1902. Director of Education 1924-26. Left Hong Kong Service in 1926. 52 The Report on the Land Court, 1900-1905, Sessional Papers, 1905, gives a list of the presidents and members of the Land Court in order of their appointment, most of whom were cadets. H. H. J. Gompertz was appointed in 1900 and resigned in 1904; Cecil Clementi in 1903; and C. M. Messer and J. R. Wood in 1904. The Registrars in order of appointment - all cadets were: J. H. Kemp, E. D. C. Wolfe, and S. B. C. Ross. The Land Court in 1905 consisted of three members: C. M. Messer, Cecil Clementi, and J. R. Wood. The New Territories became popular with cadets as a place to walk or shoot in on week-ends. Robert Oliphant Hutchison (1880-1920), the Superintendent of Imports and Exports, on his way to shoot snipe at Saikung fell off a launch in a squall and drowned. His body was never found. With him at the time was D. W. Tratman, the Colonial Treasurer. One imagines from the evidence that both had "tiffined" rather too well. 53 "At first British officials were limited in principle to two, dealing with police and land. In 1899 a police magistrate was appointed and also an assistant land officer to deal with land cases, and the police were placed Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 56 H. J. LETHBRIDGE under the Captain Superintendent in Hong Kong. The islands, and later, an outlying part of the mainland, were organised separately as the Southern District, with an assistant land officer appointed on 1 January 1905; he became an Assistant District Officer in 191054. G. B. Endacott Government and People in Hong Kong, pp. 134-5, Stewart Lockhart's Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong, 1900, says: "Since Mr. Lockhart's return to Hong Kong in July (1899) the work of the New Territory has been carried on by Messrs. Messer, Kemp and Hallifax, three cadets who are carrying out their instructions in a most satisfactory manner". The tradition developed of sending newly passed cadets to be "blooded" in the New Territory before they took up more sedentary duties in the Central Government Departments. 54 Austin Coates Myself a Magistrate. London, 1968, p. 13; speaking of his appointment as a Magistrate in the New Territories, Mr. Coates writes: "It was a job which would demand a complete change of thought and attitude after the Secretariat, occupied as I had been there with the doings of the modern world. Yet in this older world, bypassed by time, might I not find the roots—perhaps even the soul of the people who, met with in the city, held in their hearts something that everlastingly eluded me?” 55 G. B. Endacott Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 169. 56 Ibid., p. 169. 57 A particularly acidulous, but fictional, portrait of an Assistant Colonial Secretary is presented in Somerset Maugham's The Painted Veil (London, 1925). This so enraged the then Assistant Colonial Secretary of Hong Kong, A. G. M. Fletcher, that he threatened an action against the publishers, Heinemann. The name Hong Kong was replaced in the second issue of the book by "Tching Yen". 58 Richard Symonds The British and Their Successors, London, 1966, p. 16. 59 G. B. Sayer Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, London, 1937, p.15. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 62 LAMARR B. TROTT attempt to correlate Government activities with conservation policies and to educate the populace about the importance of conservation and properly planned development. I hope sincerely they are successful in their aims. In brief conclusion I would like to note that we are living in a unique time in history, in a unique spot on the globe. Our marine resources are great and varied, and are as important to our growth, beauty, and economy as the land. In planning for the future, let us enhance rather than destroy the marine natural resources of Hong Kong. Literature Cited Mayr, E. 1963, Animal Species and Evolution, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 797 p. Harvard Univ. Press Trott, L. B. 1970. Contributions to the biology of carapid fishes (Para-canthopterygii: Gadiformes). Univ. of California Publ. in Zoology 89:1-60. Williamson, G. R. 1968. "A biologist looks at Hong Kong fisheries." Fishing News International. July, 1968. 4 p. Walford, L. A. 1958. Living Resources of the Sea. Ronald Press, New York, 321 p. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 78 DAFYDD EMRYS EVANS "See their petition, reprinted in Friend of China, 4 May 1844, and also below, P. 10 The contents of the petition, Pottinger's reply and the lot-holders' rejoinder were all published in the Friend of China, 4 May 1844. "I Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, (Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, English translation, 1963) p. 117, maintains that there had long been a settlement in the area of the present Taipingshan, The name is said to have originated from the pacification of the pirate Cheung Po-chai in 1810 who is known to have had a stronghold there. The mountain now known as Victoria Peak was renamed Taipingshan (the Mountain of Peace) and is so known in Chinese today. The Man Mo temple, standing today in Hollywood Road, is said by Lo to have been built by Cheung in the first decade of the 19th Century. There is considerable documentary evidence as to the existence of such a settlement in the early 1840s. 12 Caine, Gutzlaff and Gordon to Pottinger, C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 440. 13 Woosnam to Caine, Gutzlaff and Gordon, 17 April 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 442. 14 Caine, Gutzlaff and Gordon to Bruce, 21 May 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 444. 15 Aldrich to Bruce, 20 July 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 445. 16 Notification dated 25 July 1844. It appeared in the Hong Kong Register on 30 July 1844 and the gist of it was contained in the Friend of China on 3 August 1844. Only in the former, official, version, does the information about the date of possession for the purchasers appear. 17 10 August 1844. 18 Friend of China, 2 October 1844. The site is still occupied by a branch of the present Western Market, 19 Davis to Stanley, (no. 44 of 1844), 26 July 1844 and Stanley to Davis, 3 January 1845; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 438. Under-Secretary Stephen commented on the despatch that, though the expenditure would have to be referred to the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, "it must, however, ultimately be sanctioned " 20 Davis to Stanley, 29 October 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 157. The additional expenditure was sanctioned without further comment: Stanley to Davis 1 April 1845; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 161, 21 Inland Lots Nos. 223A, 223B, 223C, 223E, 224, 224A, 224B, 224C, 224E, 225, 226, 226A, 229D, 231A, 233, 233A, 234, 234D, 238B, 239A, 239B, 240A, 241, 242A, 243, 243A, 244, 244B, 245A, 245B, 245C, 245D, 245E, 245F, 245G, 245H, 245I, 246A, 247B, 247C, 248A, 253, 253A, 272. 22 Inland Lots Nos. 213, 224D, 228, 228B, 229, 231, 232, 232A, 232C, 233E, 234B, 234C, 234E, 238, 244A, 252B, 255B, 256B. 23 Inland Lots Nos. 223, 246, 246B, 246C, 247, 247A, 247D, 248B, 248C, 248D, 249C, 252C, 253B, 254, 255D, 255E, 256. 24 Inland Lots Nos. 214, 234A, 223D, 227, 235A, 241A, 246C, 246B, 253B. 25 Inland Lots Nos. 238C, 239C, 240, 241B, 241C, 242B, 245, 250, 255A, 256A, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 106 K. M. A. BARNETT emerges: these are not possessed of separate life, but occupy the place of what in English are not treated as separate words but as prefixes, suffixes and the like. I propose to dissect only three of these classes: the pronouns, or pointing-words; the nouns, or thing-words; and the verbs, or become-words. I prefer to call them by different names to avoid the slight misunderstanding which might come from using the English, that is the Latin, terms. The pronouns or pointing-words fall into two distinct groups: personal and general. The personal are very much like our personal pronouns, with 4 points of difference: (a) they don't really have plural forms; though each of the three can be expanded by a particle (-DREI) to a generalized sense which I will explain when I come to nouns; (b) they are omitted unless emphatic or unless their omission would cause doubt; (c) they refer to animate things; except that the third person in the objective position only, and without the generalizing particle, can refer to an inanimate thing or things. (d) as objects, direct or indirect, of a compound verb they are often infixed. (and one further point for Mandarin speakers — the Cantonese indirect object cannot come before the direct.) The general pointing-words are four in number and are particles inasmuch as they cannot stand unbound but only with a congruence-class word or classifier. With the classifier they behave like the pronouns this, that/near, that/far and which (including who and what), but with measure-words and the class of nouns which take no congruence-word they are bound directly to the noun: an odd point being that cardinal numbers are infixed, e.g. NHI-SHAAMM-ZHEONQ40, NHI-GEE-NRINN41 42 39 呢三張41 呢幾年 + 42 This may be an echo of the classical order noun-number-classifier which survives in some Cantonese usages, and is the usual rule in Thai. See, however, DOBSON op. cit. (19), para. 2.6.4.4.1 and p. 21 footnote 5; and the same author's Early Archaic Chinese (University of Toronto Press, 1962) paras. 2.6.7.4.4 and 5. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 A NEW LOOK AT CANTONESE EXPLETIVES 109 Chinese keeps the simple form for the generality: JRANN,55 human beings, Man (with a capital!). QHUK, houses. DRIPV, plates. JRYHV, fish. CEAKS, foot-rules. To particularize, whether by specifying as this or that, one, two, three or any small number, my, your, his (usually, as I mentioned, further specified by this or that), the appropriate congruence-class word precedes the noun, closely bound to the pronoun or numeral. Note that the use is the same whether singular or plural: NHIGO-JRANN60 this person SHAAMMGHAANN-QHUK6 three houses JHATZEAK-DRIPV® one plate (the thing) GEETRIW-JRYHV63 a few fish NREE GORBAAR CEAK your (that) foot-rule. Some students are mystified to find GEE “several, a few” used as a definite number. Some large numbers are also used with some nouns as though they were themselves measure-words (therefore requiring no second classifier). Thus you hear BAAKGEE-JRANN05 over a hundred people BAAKGEE-GHAANN QHUK over a hundred houses BAAKGEE-TRIW JRYHV67 over a hundred fish Others are mystified, after learning always to include the “classifier" with numbers, to find the numeral directly bound to a measure-word. The explanation simply is that measure-words behave syntactically just like classifiers: this is one of the reasons it is impossible to compile a really comprehensive list of classifiers. JHATDRIP-SUNG GORDRIP-JRYHV a plateful of not-rice that plate of fish In the use of the pointing-words, whether personal or general, since they are nearly always, the demonstratives always, found bound to a congruence-class particle (or a measure word), there 55 人 60 呢個人 65 百幾人 56 A MEMA 66 TAMA 57 # 59 R SH 煲碟 63 * * 64 你嗰把尺 GR 一碟送 69 PÆ## 62 一隻碟 67 TÁR ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 120 K. M. A. BARNETT APPENDIX II ANALYSIS OF 92 VERBAL PARADIGMS WITH ZROU (&) LEGEND & TABLE Aspect A-Unspecified; B-Complete; C-Incomplete. Duration E-Unspecified; F-Continuing; G-Not continuing. Mood I-Unspecified; J-Indicative; K-Subjunctive; L-Not-subjunctive; M-Optative/Imperative. Tense O-Unspecified; P-Past; Q-Not-past; R-Present; S-Future. Voice U-Unspecified; V-Active; W-Passive; X-Reciprocal. CHARACTER INDEX OF PARTICLES USED SOAS CEARNG CREOYFHEY M•W (O'M)* Character TS'ENG CH'UE-FEI Basic Meaning * Mild request 除非 # negative condition positive indication DHAK TAK DOO TÓ FHEY FEI GAIZRUK KAI-TSOK GARN KAN GWO KWOH JHAT YAT JIU IÚ JRAO YAU LHA LA 得出非繖過一要有喇 續 LO LO 咯 MAE MAI MREI MEI 未 MREILROY MEI-LOI 未來 MRH M RA MROO MO 冇 MROOWRAA MO-WA 冇話 SEORNG SEUNG 想 SHEONQ SEUNG MAI (should be 咪 WRAAK (ZEAR) WAAK-(CHE) WRUUSHEONQ OÔ-SEUNG 或者 互相 肯 XARNG XOO HANG но XOOCRIR HÓ-TS'Z 好似 # positive result (see CREOYFHEY) continuation inhibition experience immediate consequence intention positive existence peremptory imperative postive completion peremptory prohibition past negative, future possibility future negative negative existence disclaimer wish (see WRUUSHEONQ) possibility reciprocal action consent approval verisimilitude * Meyer-Wempe (O'Melia). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 122 Serial Analysis K. M. A. BARNETT SOAS 14 AEM S V CEARNG-MRH (XO0) ZROU 15 A FJO U ZROU-DHAK 16 AJFO U MRH-ZROU-DHAK Approximate English equivalent please do not. yes! I will (can) do it, it will (can) be done. no! I will not (cannot) do it, you may not do it, it will (can, may) not be done. 17 AF JO U ZROU-MRH-ZROU-DHAK will (can) you do it? May I do it? Will (can, may) it be done? 18 A FJQ V MREI ZROU-DHAK-DOO one has not been (but perhaps will be) able to do it. 19 A FJQ V ZROU-DHAK-DOO-MREI has one been able (will one be able) to do it? 20 A FJR Ụ ZROU-GARN what is being done prevents something else from being done (e.g. "he is busy doing...") + 21 A FJRU ZROU-MRH-ZROU-GARN is something being done 22 A FJR V ZROU-DHAK-DOO 23 AFJR V ZROU-MRH-ZROU· 24 A FJ SU 25 A FLQ V 26 A FM Q V 27 AFM RV DHAK-DO0 ZRAU-ZROU MREI-ZROU-ZRY MAE-ZROU-ZRY MAE-ZROU 28 AGJ PU MREI-ZROU 29 BEJO U ZROU-MRH-DOO 30 BEJ P U ZROU-DOO 31 BEJ P U ZROU-MRH-ZROU-DOO 32 BEM SU JIU-ZROU 33 BEM SU MRH-SAE-ZROU which prevents, etc.? I (you, he, one) can do (the negative is ambiguous, see serial 29). can I (you, he, one) do? about to do or be done. defer doing, do later but not now. don't do now. don't do it! Stop doing it! has not (been) done but may do (be done). action did not, or cannot, achieve its result (used as negative both to 22 and 30). action achieved its result. did action achieve its result? I intend (if you, etc., intend) to do, this must be done. I (you) need not do, this need not be done (contrast serial 39). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 Approximate English equivalent 124 K. M. A. BARNETT Serial Analysis SOAS 56 CEK QU ZROU-ZRAU (Note the idiom 57 CEK QU MRHZROU-ZRAU (Note the idiom 58 CEM QU XOO-ZROU 59 CEM QU MRHXOO-ZROU 60 CEM QU XOO-MRHXOO-ZROU 61 CFI O V ZOI-ZROU 62 CFI O V ZOI-MRHZROU 63 CF JO V GAIZRUK-ZROU 64 CF JO V GAIZRUK-MRHZROU 65 C FJ P U MREIJRAO-ZROU 66 C FJ PV ZROU-GWO if you do, if it be done. 56+1 "well, do it then!") unless you do, unless it be done. or 唔做罷就 or 唔做唔做罷 all meaning "Well, don't then!") should do (be done). should not do (be done), don't. should it be done? Shall I? repeat or continue. again refuse to do, continue not doing. go on. go on not doing. has never done (but may do) or been done, (Note that Northerners mis-use this idiom in the sense of 67). MREIZROU-GWO 67 CF JP V MREIZROU-GWO 68 C FJ P V ZROUGWO-MREI 69 C FJ PV JRAO-ZROU-(GWO) once did, has experienced doing. never did. did you ever? once did, used to do. (Note: NOT "has done") 70 C F JP V MROO-ZROU-(GWO) 71 CFJQV XRAI-ZROU (Note: 72 CF JQ V XRAI-MRHZROU 73 CFJQV XRAI-MRHXRAI-MRHZROU 74 CFJR U MRHXRAI-ZROU 75 CEJRU XRAI-MRHXRAI-ZROU 76 77 78 CFK S V ZOI-ZROU-ZRAU C F K S V ZOI-MRHZROU-ZRAU CFL R V 79 CFM OV ZROU-ZRY SEORNG-ZROU never did, used not to do. NOT "has not done") does, is doing, will do. does not, is not doing, will not do. does not do? + not? will... is not doing or being done, does not do. is doing or being done, does do? J · + if... continues to do. if ... continues not to do. still doing. wish, intend to do, think of doing. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH 177 "At first the people thought they would soon return and tried to stay together, but when they saw that there was no hope they began to separate. Sons were sold for a bushel of rice, daughters for a hundred cash. Speculators were able to buy people into slavery for practically nothing. Those who were young and strong were made to join the army. The authorities looked on the people as so many ants." The evacuation had in fact led to more disorder on the coast than there had ever been before. In 1663, for instance, the Tanka fishermen who were prevented from earning a living revolted all over the Canton estuary and at one time attacked Canton itself. They were defeated in this neighbourhood and retired to Mirs Bay, where they menaced the town of Tai P'ang. At the same time, a revolt was organised near Sha T'in in our region, which spread as far as Kun Fu Cheung or Kowloon City. It is obvious that these disorders must have prevented the troops from building adequate fortifications. In spite of this, however, the evacuation lasted from 1662 to 1669. During this time, enormous numbers perished, and others were forced to go far inland to obtain food. The Topography states that only 2,172 males were allowed to remain (presumably as soldiers), and no women or children during the whole of this period. These figures include the whole of San On district, and they are perhaps exaggerated and give too ideal a picture of the effectiveness of the evacuation, such as local officials would have felt themselves bound to present, and it seems most probable that more of the population may have remained. I have heard from a source that cannot be checked that the area west of the Tai Lam Ch'ung valley was not affected. This would include most of the fertile land held by the Tang family, and it would be natural that this part of our region, which is nearer to the Canton estuary than any other, would have been less suspected than the islands and wilder parts of the mainland of helping the Ming cause. These places, except in so far as they harboured rebels, may have been entirely emptied. This fact, if it is a true one, will explain why so many Punti villages in that area were abandoned and later colonised by Hakka. The attached map (see T'ien Hsia Vol. XI, No. 4)* shows *Plate 16 here. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 NOTES AND QUERIES THE J.O.P. BLAND PAPERS Introduction One day in September 1967, I received, quite out of the blue, a letter from my former commanding officer during the Second World War, Michael St. J. Packe, to say that he had been entrusted with J.O.P. Bland's private papers, with instructions "to find a good home for them," and asking me whether I would like to have them. Before going further, let me explain that Mr. Packe is himself a historian and wrote an excellent biography of J. S. Mill.* We have kept in touch intermittently since we were demobilized from the First Airborne Division (British) at the end of the war, and I have been to visit him at his home on Alderney. This is the really fantastic part of this chain of coincidences. Here was Mr. Packe, living and writing on the little island of Alderney in the Channel Islands while a near neighbour of his was Mrs. Dolores Coombs, an old friend of the Bland family, who had often visited them at their home at Aldburgh in Suffolk. Bland himself died in 1945 and Mrs. Bland in 1953. His private papers were entrusted to his goddaughter, Miss Ailsa Cochrane, who was to act as his literary executor and to try, if possible, to complete the memoirs which he had begun before his death, and to have them published. Before she could achieve much Miss Cochrane became ill and in 1955 her brother sent these papers to Mrs. Coombs who, in turn, was to act as literary executor. Meanwhile Bland's books on China had been given to Trinity College, Dublin. However, a list of these books, preserved among his papers, shows that they amounted to a modest collection without containing anything rare. Sometime in 1966 Mrs. Coombs was forced by illness to leave Alderney, and it was at this point that she entrusted her friend and neighbour, Michael Packe, with the task of finding a home for these papers. Thus for a period of over twenty years Bland's private papers disappeared from view while two successive literary executors struggled with the task of trying to complete and publish his memoirs. Bland himself, to judge from his instructions to his * The Life of John Stuart Mill (London: 1954). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 NOTES AND QUERIES 181 executors, clearly thought that his papers were likely to be of interest to others. These papers have recently been donated to the University of Toronto by Mrs. Coombs. The following brief summary will give readers of this note some idea of their scope, though it does not show the range of Bland's correspondence with prominent politicians, diplomats, civil servants, artists, actors, scholars, social scientists and public figures in general on subjects not specifically connected with Chinese affairs. Brief Summary of Contents 1. Diaries. Those for October 1883 - March 1885 and 1906 - 1910 were kept while he was in China. Bland left China in 1910. 2. Typescript of chapters incorporated into his various books. These include material later discarded, as well as translations from Chinese, handwritten by Backhouse, of material used in their two books. Unfortunately, these translations do not appear to contain any references to the Chinese sources from which they were made. Also included in this section is the original version of Backhouse's translation of Ching-shan's so-called 'Diary', together with correspondence from 1920 until 1945 with various authorities concerning its authenticity. Victor Purcell, in The Boxer Uprising, 1963, devoted an interesting appendix to Ching-shan's 'Diary', stating that Backhouse's papers were burned in Peking during the Japanese occupation, and adding: “I have not, so far, been able to trace the whereabouts of any private papers of J.O.P. Bland”. 3. Manuscript notebooks, essays, etc. E.g., "In a Peking compound and around it”. 4. Thirteen scrapbooks of clippings and articles by and about Bland. 5. Photographs of Peking, Shanghai, etc. 6. Correspondence. This comprises the most important part of the collection. One large group of letters concerns Bland's relations with the British and Chinese Corporation Ltd., and his case against it. Also in this section are letters concerning the Mackay Treaty, the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, and the British Legation in Peking. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 188 NOTES AND QUERIES But luckily for them and for me, the prophet's prediction proved to be an invention of his own, and nobody was injured but his own reputation. Hong Kong, May 1969. JAMES HAYES HEMP A few years ago, I wrote about itinerant Hakka craftsmen who came regularly to some of the New Territories villages to weave locally grown hemp-flax into cloth for making clothes (see the 1968 Journal, pp. 162-165). In the course of reading and making further enquiries, more information has become available that may interest readers of my earlier note on this now relatively obscure subject. A few words of background may serve to show that the disappearance of this crop and this craft from Hong Kong in comparatively recent times signals the end of a practice that must have been followed from time immemorial in this region and elsewhere. Hemp constituted the main source of textiles in China until the introduction of cotton from the tenth or eleventh centuries A.D. According to M. Loewe's Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (London, B.T. Batsford, Ltd., 1968), the planting of hemp for the coarse raiment in which most of the population was clothed was already one of the farmer's main occupations in the Han time (202 B.C.-A.D. 200) along with another prime necessity, grain for food. Fragments of a short text on husbandry ascribed to Ts'ui Shih (c. 100-170) set out a yearly programme of activities for the farmer and his household and include instructions on the cultivation and use of hemp. Unfortunately, however, despite the use of hemp clothing by the bulk of the Han population, it is of silk fabrics that most is known today. By the late Sung period in the mid-13th century, ordinary people still wore clothes made of hempen cloth since cotton, too, was a luxury, though its use had begun to spread (see Jacques Gernet Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276 (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1962, p. 130). The description of the planting, preparation, and processing of hemp that follows is taken from pp. 205-208 of Samuel... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 188 NOTES AND QUERIES But luckily for them and for me, the prophet's prediction proved to be an invention of his own, and nobody was injured but his own reputation. Hong Kong, May 1969. JAMES HAYES HEMP A few years ago, I wrote about itinerant Hakka craftsmen who came regularly to some of the New Territories villages to weave locally grown hemp-flax into cloth for making clothes (see the 1968 Journal, pp. 162-165). In the course of reading and making further enquiries, more information has become available that may interest readers of my earlier note on this now relatively obscure subject. A few words of background may serve to show that the disappearance of this crop and this craft from Hong Kong in comparatively recent times signals the end of a practice that must have been followed from time immemorial in this region and elsewhere. Hemp constituted the main source of textiles in China until the introduction of cotton from the tenth or eleventh centuries A.D. According to M. Loewe's Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (London, B.T. Batsford, Ltd., 1968), the planting of hemp for the coarse raiment in which most of the population was clothed was already one of the farmer's main occupations in the Han time (202 B.C.-A.D. 200) along with another prime necessity, grain for food. Fragments of a short text on husbandry ascribed to Ts'ui Shih (c. 100-170) set out a yearly programme of activities for the farmer and his household and include instructions on the cultivation and use of hemp. Unfortunately, however, despite the use of hemp clothing by the bulk of the Han population, it is of silk fabrics that most is known today. By the late Sung period in the mid-13th century, ordinary people still wore clothes made of hempen cloth since cotton, too, was a luxury, though its use had begun to spread (see Jacques Gernet Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276 (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1962, p. 130). The description of the planting, preparation, and processing of hemp that follows is taken from pp. 205-208 of Samuel ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 NOTES AND QUERIES 189 Mossman's China, A Brief Account of the Country, its Inhabitants, and their Institutions, published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London about 1867 (no date is given on the frontispiece but the contents date it to this period, see e.g. p. 60). It is the first I have come across that provides any detail, though E. Watson's The Principal Articles of Chinese Commerce (Import and Export), published at the Inspectorate-General of Customs, Shanghai 1930, deals with the various types of Hemp and Ramie under the general head of Ma (麻) between pp. 50 - 59. "Hemp, or, more properly speaking, fibres analogous to those of the plant which we know by that name, are extracted from several indigenous plants in China: these no doubt formed the first textile fabrics worn by the Chinese, as they did of other ancient civilized races. Since the introduction of cotton, however, the cultivation and manufacture of these fibres is limited to the finer sorts, called by the English grass-cloth. This is principally made from a plant belonging to the Urtica, or nettle family, named ma by the Chinese. In cultivating it, great care is taken in the selection of the seeds, and in preparing the soil. The former when gathered are packed in jars with sand or dry earth. A loose dry soil is selected; the ground is well ploughed, manured, and divided into beds, about eight yards long and one wide, whereon the seed is thrown broadcast, and earth is swept over it with a broom. Before it sprouts, a framework with matting is laid over the beds, to protect them from the fierce heat of the sun in June. When three inches high they are transplanted. Being perennial they are carefully tended during the winter and spring; and in the third or fourth year are ready for cutting. The plant is also propagated by roots, and yields three crops annually, the first in June, when the blades are comparatively short; but in a month or two they are seven or eight feet high, when the second cutting takes place. The latest crop is cut in September or October, from which the finest cloth is made; the first being inferior, coarse and hard. On being cut the leaves are soaked in water for an hour, and the fibre stripped by breaking in the middle; whilst the operator, generally a woman or a child, separates the filaments skilfully from one end to the other with the finger-nails. The next process is scraping the hemp with a knife by drawing the strips over the blade from within outwards, taking off all the mucilaginous parts; then it is rolled up into bundles, exposed for a day Page 195 Page 196 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 198 NOTES AND QUERIES known geologist and archaeologist. A few notes and articles from his pen on Hong Kong subjects appeared in Vols. 8 and 9 (1968 and 1969) of this Journal. These pile houses are the habitation of Tanka,(4) the boat people of South China, and Tai O has long been a considerable fishing port and market town, indeed the principal and only one of any size on Lantau Island. At the 1911 census of the Colony the land population was 2248 persons and was probably outnumbered by the floating population which stood at 5413 for the whole of Lantau. The pile huts were probably there long before the British took over the New Territories in 1899 following the Convention of Peking, 9th June, 1898. One of the early administrative reports of the District Officer, South (1911) mentions taking over responsibility from the Harbour Office for issuing licences to pile dwellers at Tai O Creek, when 221 new matshed permits were issued at $1 p.a., and in 1916 it was stated that there were still as many as 350 matsheds there. Fires were always a hazard to these dwellings of wood and palm leaves. A big fire was noted in the 1916 report and it is no surprise to read in a later report of a really big one in 1926 when 300 matsheds were destroyed. Fortunately there was no loss of life, due, it was related, to it being high tide at the time of the fire. Typhoons, too, were a constant menace to these frail structures and in 1927, the year after the big fire, the District Officer notes that a typhoon caused great damage to the matsheds. The photographs at plates 26 to 29 are by Mr. Schofield, and the plans at Figs. 1 and 2 are re-drawn from his notebook. I am greatly indebted to Mrs. Katherine M. Schofield for permission to reproduce her husband's valuable notes. The italicised sentences are my additions. The aerial view of Tai O Creek at plate 25 is by courtesy of the Hong Kong Government. Mr. Schofield's Text The accompanying plan (Fig. 1) is of a typical shed at Yee Chung (二涌) Second Creek, Tai O. It measures 9′ in width and 29′ 2′′ in depth (32′ 5′′ including the 1 metre deep veranda) and is 7′ high. It is 8′ above the waters of the creek at mid ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 204 BOOK REVIEWS because there is a much greater body of pre-war material than the items included here. This criticism could have been turned away by an indication, beyond the qualifications already made in the introduction, that this was a selected bibliography. The introduction is a useful and stimulating part of the work. Besides explaining how the bibliography has been brought together, and why, it draws attention to some of the lacunae in Hong Kong studies, especially in the social science field. However this is surely as much due to the lack of a social science faculty at the University of Hong Kong until recently and the small size of the faculties in the colleges of the Chinese University, than, as the writers suggest, to 'purposive decisions..... to avoid issues with important policy overtures'. The complaint that nowhere in Hong Kong is there a full collection of Hongkongiana is still, I believe, justified and should be remedied... perhaps to the extent of compiling a master list of books on the subject available in the main Hong Kong libraries. As a publication, it is well produced and printed, though it bears many marks of hasty compilation and checking that were probably due to its issue coinciding with the departure of the joint compilers from Hong Kong. These should be put right on a second issue. And, if I may end on a personal note, I always like to see titles and authors on the spine - it is so much more convenient when looking for a book. Hong Kong, 1970. + JAMES HAYES FOLK RELIGION IN AN URBAN SETTING. A STUDY OF HAKKA VILLAGERS IN TRANSITION. Morris I. Berkowitz, Frederick P. Brandauer, John H. Reid. Hong Kong, Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture, 1969. As the first book-length study of Chinese religious practices in Hong Kong, this report deserves our careful consideration. Studies of Chinese folk religious practices are rare enough, and those of Hakka villagers are still rarer; therefore this general study of Hakka religion is very welcome indeed. The book represents the first of a series of research projects to be conducted by the Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 210 BOOK REVIEWS by prolonged contact with the urban environment. Excellent material for comparison with the Plover Cove situation exists in the Tai Lam Chung (1956) and Shek Pik (1960) removals. Like the Plover Cove villages, they were agricultural villages which were removed to urban Tsuen Wan to allow the construction of reservoirs. They have been resettled for a number of years, however, and a brief survey of their religious practices would provide the Christian Study Centre with a most interesting supplement to its information on the Plover Cove villages. Hong Kong, 1970. ELIZABETH L. JOHNSON NOTES 1 p. vii of the book under review. 2 More information on this village removal can be found in M. I. Berkowitz, "Plover Cove to Tai Po Market: A Study in Forced Migration." Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Volume 8, 1968, pp. 96-108. 3 p. 142. * V. R. Burkhardt, Chinese Creeds and Customs. 3 vols. Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1955, and Wolfram Eberhard, Chinese Festivals. New York: Henry Shuman, 1952. 3 p. 100. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 See, for example, pp. 14-15, 116-117. TRADITIONAL CHINESE PLAYS, translated, described and annotated by A.C. Scott, Ssu Lang visits his mother, Ssu Lang T’an Mu, The Butterfly Dream, Hu Tieh Meng, The University of Wisconsin Press, 1967, Madison, Milwaukee, and London, pp. ix, 165, 13 photos hors-texte. A. C. Scott, the best Western specialist of Chinese and Japanese theatre, here gives us a translation of two Peking operas. The first, Ssu Lang visits his mother, is a tragedy which takes place in the second half of the tenth century, under the reign of the Sung. The son of a famous general has been taken prisoner by the barbarians, but, because of his fine looks, he is married ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 BOOK REVIEWS 213 academic subject. Indeed, Scott has tried this with American actors: the Butterfly Dream was played at the Institute for Advanced Studies in the Theatre Arts of New York. This approach to theatre breaks a new path in research. Generally speaking, academics store culture in books as if they were canning it — but tinned food loses its flavour. Here Scott treats Chinese plays as a living part of culture, made to be played, not to be kept in libraries. But if the author, by trying not to cut culture off from life, shows that universities need not necessarily be funeral parlours of art, his publisher is singularly backward. It is very difficult to visualise movements from written descriptions alone. It would have been much better if we could have had photos and drawings of each movement in the margin and colour photos for the costumes; and if, as well as providing the tapes, the publisher could supply a little film. Books continue to be published on the same old pattern. In this instance, a little case with a tape, a film, an album of photos and the text itself would have suited the aims of A. C. Scott far better. A documentary film might have been even better than a book; but from my own experience here in Hong Kong, where I have tried to persuade companies and so-called “cultural” organisations to make a purely explanatory film on Chinese opera, I have learnt that films are the monopoly of a mafia and the scholar is condemned to be book-bound. Hong Kong, 1970. ANON GOLDEN GUIDE TO HONGKONG AND MACAO. P.H.M. Jones, Hong Kong, Far Eastern Economic Review Ltd., 1969, pp. 453, with colour and black and white illustrations and maps. HK$10. (Paperback) The preface to this work states that the Far Eastern Economic Review had long planned a companion volume to its Golden Guide to South and East Asia in the form of a detailed guide to Hongkong. This has now materialized in the present Guide ‘which is designed primarily to help tourists and travellers on their way and to sharpen their interest in the modern scene'. The compiler ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 217 BARR, Miss E. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. BARRETT, Rev. Cyril, S. J. c/o Wah Yan College, Queen's Road, East, BARRY, Cmdr. R. S. - BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. BEDLINGTON, Mrs. M. BELL, G. J. - BENANZIO, Dr. M. L BERKOWITZ, Dr. M. I. · BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.* BEVERIDGE, R. J. BIRCH, Dr. A. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. · + BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. + BLAKER, D. J. R. - BLUE, A. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, H. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. BRIDGES, G. A. BRIGGS, G. G. BRIM, J. A. T · - · + H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K. Unknown. c/o Royal Observatory, H.K. Unknown. c/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Pittsburg, Pa., U.S.A. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy. c/o 4A, Horsburgh Grove, Armadale, Melbourne, S.E. 3, Victoria, Australia. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon, Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. Chief Engineer, M.V. “World Soya", World Wide (Shipping) Ltd., c/o Cornes & Co., G.P.O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o Hong Kong University Press, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan 48823, U.S.A. c/o National Library of Australia, Canberra, Australia. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology, Stanford Univ., Stanford, California, U.S.A. + Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 221 FESSLER, L. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, A. J. FOORD, Dr. R. D. - FREEDMAN, Prof. M. FROST, Dr. C. C. - · FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Mrs. Lawrence FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. - GEOFFROY-DECHAUME, F. GEORGE, T. J. B. - GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H.* - GILKES, D. A. - GIMSON, C. H. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. GORDON, Hon. S. S.*. GRANT, I. F. H. GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. - GREGORY, Prof. W. G. + c/o American Universities Field Staff, 15 Tung Shan Terrace, 2nd Floor, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon, 8. Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 48 The Rutts, Bushey Heath, Hertfordshire, England. 187, Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, NW.1., England. C-71, Carolina Gardens, 28 Coombe Road, H.K. Unknown. 65 Mt. Kellett Road, Ground Floor, H.K. c/o Bank of East Asia, Ltd., Des Voeux Road, C., H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland, c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon, 8128 Hamilton Spring Road, Carderock Springs, Bethesda, Maryland 20034, U.S.A. c/o French Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K, c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England, c/o P.O. Box 64, H.K. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England, 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o Public Works Department, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 222 GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G.. HAFFNER, C. HALL, Miss J. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Unknown. Spence Robinson Architects, The Atelier, Broadwood Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Room 514, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. c/o St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton HAMILTON, Bill G.--. HARDEN, Mrs, G. T., Jr.* - HARRISON, Prof. B. HARTWELL, Sir Charles HARTWELL, Lady HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G, W. HECHTEL, F. O. P. - HENSMAN, Prof. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. - - - Road, H.K. 13768 Hower Drive, Saratoga, Calif. 95070, US.A. 15 Shek O, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada, c/o Public Service Commission, Central Government Offices, H.K. As above. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Kastelsvej 38-40, Copenhagen. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. c/o St. Anne's College, Oxford, England. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. The Belgian Embassy, 1653 Galle Viamonte, HILL, D. A. HILSDALE, Mrs. E. P. · HỌ, Mrs. Hung-chiu HO, Teh-kuei. HO, Tickon* - HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W. HODGE, Peter HOGAN, Sir Michael - T - Buenos Aires, Argentina. 1633 Compton Road, Cleveland, Ohio 44118, U.S.A. 2762 Woodshire Drive, Los Angeles, Calif. 90028, U.S.A. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lakeside Building, 13th Floor, B, 259 Gloucester Road, H.K, 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Unknown, * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 224 KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. - - KESSELRING, Dr. R. KESWICK, H. KESWICK, S. L. KEYES, M. P. - KIDD, S. T. - KINOSHITA, J. H. KJELLBERG, Carl C:son KJELLBERG, Mrs. I. KNIGHTLY, F. J. - KNOWLES, Miss M. G. - - P. O. Box 16004, H.K. Unknown. German Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., 3 Lombard Street, London, E.C.3, England. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. 55, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Training & Examinations Unit, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. - 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland. KURATA, Mrs. Mary F. KVAN, Rev. E.* G 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada. c/o Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, H.K. KWAN, Hon. Sir Cho-yiu* - Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. KWOK, Chin-kung KWOK, W. LAI, T. C* LAM, Yung-faj c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. Extra-Mural Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 12th Floor, Shui Hing House, Kowloon. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. Highclere (Middle Flat), 3 Middle Gap Rd., H.K. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai, Michael c/o Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland. c/o Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 225 LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. - LECKIE, J. B. H. · LEE, Din-yi LEE, Miss Flossy Tsu-wei - LEE, J. S.* LEE, R. C.* LETHBRIDGE, H. J. · LEUNG, Pak-kui LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi LINDSAY, T. J.* - LINTHWAITE, Mrs. F. I. - LIU, D. H. - LIU, Sydney C. LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Prof. Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOBO, Mrs. R. H. LOCKING, J. R. LOCKS, Miss A. M. - LOFTS, Prof. B. - LOSEBY, Miss P. + 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph 2nd., Brussels 4, Belgium. c/o United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. c/o University Library, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. c/o Lce Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 25th Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. c/o The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon, 3. Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W. c/o Nackermann Versand Ltd., P.O. Box K-45, H.K. c/o American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road, H.K. Rose Court, 117 Wongneichong Road, 12th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, Australian National Univ. Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia. c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong. H.K. c/o Lo & Lo, Jardine House, 7th Floor, H.K. Race View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. c/o Trade Development Council, Ocean Terminal, Deck 2, Kowloon. Flat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 231 STONEY, Mrs. G. S. STOWE, C. - + As above. Unknown. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SU, Samon + SULLIVAN, Rev. J. G. SWIRE, A. C.* - SYKES, Major A. E, TALBOT, H. D. B. TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. Jack C. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin' TANNER, R. F. TARARIN, P. A.* THOMAS, L. F. - THROWER, Prof. L. B. TILL, Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. - TOMLIN, Mrs. Ian TOOGOOD, C. W. - TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TUCK, Miss Jean - - T Union House, H.K. 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Floor, Flat "C", Kowloon c/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. Maryknoll Fathers, Stanley, H.K. c/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. c/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K. A1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt. 402, H.K. Room 1701, Central Building, H.K. 27 Macdonnell Road, Room 32, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England. 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. 41D, Shouson Hill Road, H.K. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. 57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 233 WILLIAMS, R. A. WILLIAMS, W. D. F. - c/o Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. King Fung Villa, 101 Miles, Castle Peak Road, N.T. WILLIAMS, Mrs. W. D. F. As above. WILSON, Mrs. A. W.- WILSON, B. D. · + WILSON, Miss E. M. - WINKLER, E. WONG, Kwok-long WONG, Mrs. Margaret Homan WONG, Peng-cheong* - WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss S. - WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, Miss B. R. - WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. WU, Hei-tak - YAO, Miss Joyce T. Y.- YEUNG, Walter, W. T.- YOUNG, Miss P. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. . ZIMMERN, W. A. - 2 University Drive, H.K. 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. Flat 104, The Hermitage, 75 MacDonnell Road. H.K. Flat 402, 12 May Road, H.K. 92-A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. 39 Mody Road, 10th floor, Front, Kowloon. Cho Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, Room 732/735, Alexandra House, H.K. 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. G. P. O. Box 497, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Dept. of Education, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 38 Kotewall Court, Kotewall Road, 6th Floor, H.K. 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K. c/o Triangle Motors Ltd., Morrison Hill Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses, Page 240 Page 241 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 14 issues of The Hong Kong Naturalist to complete our set, we received from two London booksellers a total of two complete volumes (VIII and IX) and three other issues (I no. 2 and II nos. 1 & 2). This was arranged through the kindness of Sir John Galvin, and we are extremely grateful to him for this generous gift, which has greatly enhanced our collection. However, we still lack a number of issues of this important set, and anyone locating any parts of The Hong Kong Naturalist, either for sale or exchange, is invited to contact the Hon. Librarian as soon as possible. As in previous years, the main problems facing the library are (i) how to encourage members to make more use of it, and (ii) shortage of space. Until the Branch has its own premises in which the whole library may be housed it seems that this will be an annual plaint. Meanwhile, we have to thank both the British Council and the University of Hong Kong for providing space for the collection, and for making it available to members on request. Hong Kong, 26th April, 1970. H. A. RYDINGS Hon. Librarian, ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY, 1970-1971 (Books and pamphlets) BERKOWITZ, M. I., and others. Folk religion in an urban setting: a study of Hakka villages in transition, Hong Kong, Christian Study Centre, 1969. BOK, pseud. Piracies Ltd. London, Jenkins, 1938. Vampires of the China coast. London, Jenkins, 1932. CLARK, A. D. and CLARK, D. N. Seoul, past and present: a guide to Yi T'aejo's capital. Seoul, R. A. S., Korea Branch, 1969. (Its guidebook series, no. 1) CRANE, P. S. Korean patterns. 2nd ed. Seoul, Hollym Corp., 1968 reprinted 1969. (R. A. S. Korea Branch. Handbook series, no. 1) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g ADV : 32 STEPHEN UHALLEY, JR. 23 Inclosure 7 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 46. 24 Inclosure 8 in No. 32, Ibid., pp. 46-47. 25 Inclosure 12 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 49. 26 Inclosure 13 in No. 32, Ibid. 27 Harvey to Hammond, No. 27, Ningpo, May 16, 1862, Inclosure 2, Ibid., p. 38. 28 Dew to Hope, Ningpo, May 7, 1862, No. 32, Inclosure 15, Ibid., p. 50. 29 Inclosure 16 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 51. 30 Harvey to Hammond, No. 27, Ningpo, May 16, 1862, Inclosure 1, Harvey to Bruce, Ningpo, May 9, 1862, Ibid., p. 36. 31 Dew, "Proceedings of Encounter at Ningpo detailing the events which led to the capture of that city on May 10th, 1862,” Gordon Papers, Vol. VII, British Museum 52392, p. 22. Intriguingly, there is in this handwritten account a following sentence which says that Hope replied to Dew asking the latter to keep the peace until he could get there with sufficient force. This sentence was crossed out in the manuscript. 32 Inclosure 17 in No. 32, "Further Papers relating to..." p. 51. 33 Inclosure 19 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 52. 34 Hsiang Ta, et al, eds., T'ai-ping Tien-kuo, Chinese Modern History Collection, Shanghai, 1952, Vol. 6, p. 602. 35 Inclosure 1 in No. 27, "Further Papers relating to....,” pp. 36-37. 36 T'ai-ping T'ien-Kuo, Vol. 6, p. 604. 37 Admiralty to Hammond, July 14, 1862, Inclosure 2, Dew to Hope, Ningpo, May 10, 1862, Ibid., p. 30. 38 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, May 15, 1862, No. 592, Local Correspondence Section, Ningpo (1858-62), B2/132, Jardine Matheson Archives, Cambridge University Library, 39 Cited in A. F. Lindley, Ti-Ping Tien-Kwoh: The History of the Ti-Ping Revolution, London, 1866, II, 536. 40 Jen Yu-wen, T'ai-p'ing T'ien-Kuo tien-chih t'ung-kao, II, Hong Kong, 1957, p. 1059. 41 Captain D. Patridge to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong) via Shanghai, Ningpo, July 28, 1860, Local Correspondence Section, Ningpo (1858-62) B2/132, JMA, 42 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, August 1, 1862, No. 602, Ibid. 43 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, November 5, 1862, No. 613, Ibid. 44 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, January 20, 1863, No. 622, Ibid. 45 Inclosure 3, Harvey to Bruce, Ningpo, May 16, 1862, in No. 27, p. 39. 46 Russell to Bruce, No. 28, July 22, 1862, "Further Papers relating to..." 47 Alexander Mitchie, The Englishman in China, I, Edinburgh & London, 1900, p. 380. 48 Cited in Lindley, II, 538 49 Ibid., 537. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION 49 That there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler from of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the people have no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the state. I (4) was skilful at archery, and Ao (R) could move a boat along upon the land, but neither of them died a natural death. Yu (§) and Chi () personally wrought at the toils of husbandry, and they became possessors of the kingdom. NOTES 1 For Tseng Chi-tse, see Arthur W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of Ching Period Vol. II, pp. 746-747; Lee En-han, Tseng Chi-tse ti wai-chiao, Taipei, 1966. 曾紀澤的外交 2 Cf. Boulger D. C., The Life of Sir Halliday Macartney. London 1908. 3 Boulger D. C., op. cit., pp. 433-435. Papers which published Tseng's work include the China Mail in Hong Kong, the North China Herald in Shanghai and the China Times in Tientsin. In Hong Kong, Tseng's article appeared in the China Mail only. However, many historians have mistaken the Daily Press of Hong Kong for the China Mail. This confusion first appeared in Ko Kung-chen's Chung-kuo pao-hsüen shih, Shanghai, 1927, Ch. III, p. 20. Recent Japanese scholars in the field of modern Chinese Studies have followed Ko Kung-chen's mistake. Cf. Onogawa Hidemi - "Kai Kei Ko Reien no 'Shinsei Rongi'" Oriental Studies in honour of Juntaro Ishihama on the occasion of his seventieth birthday, Kansai University, Osaka, 1958 pp. 121-133; Watanabe Tetsuhiro, "Kai Kei Ko Reien no 'Shinsei Rongi'" Ritsumeikan bungaku, Journal of the Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto (1961) pp. 59-75. 4 Tseng's work was translated into Chinese by Yen Yung-ching and Yüan Chu-i. Both were graduates of the Peking Tung-Wen Kuan. The title of the Chinese version is Tseng-hou Chung-kuo hsien-shui how-hsing lun; cf. Hsin-Cheng chen-chüan ch'u-pien; Tseng-lun shu-hou fulu; Huang-chao hawi wen-pien, chuan i, pp. 32-37; North China Herald, Vol. 38, No. 1021, Feb. 16, 1887, p. 181; Dispatches From U.S. Ministers to China, Microcopy No. 92, The National Archives of the United States, Roll 80, No. 340, Denby to the Secretary of State, March 21, 1887. 5 North China Herald, Vol. 38, No. 1023, March 2, 1887 p. 229. 6 Ibid. Vol. 38, May 27, 1887, p. 569, 7 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1887, No. 158, Denby to Bayard, March 8, 1887, pp. 196-197. Dispatches from U.S. Ministers to China, Microcopy No. 92, Roll 80, No. 328, Denby to Bayard, March 8, 1887. Denby further pointed out that Tseng purposely ignored the importance of the evangelical missions in China in his article. Denby believed that Christian activities were directly supported by foreign powers in China. The priests were always acted as the mediators between the Western Powers ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION 51 12 In June, 1885, Li Hung-chang signed an agreement with the French minister to China, Jules Patenotre, in Peking. The outline of the agreement was as follows: 1. Annam was to become a French protectorate; 2. The ports Lao-kay and Lang-son were to be opened for international trade; 3. The French were to withdraw from Kee-lung and Peng-hu ; 4. The French were to be the sole builders of all railways in Annam. An additional agreement was also signed in 1887. By this agreement Long-Chou and Mong-tzu were to be opened as trading ports, the prohibition of opium-smoking was to be revoked and the French were to have all privileges in South-east China. Cf. Liu Pei-hua, op. cit. 13 Cf. Kung Kuang-te (Compl), P'u-tien chung-fen chi Foochow Machiang chan-shih ta-luch ching-hsing, Vol. 2, 22a; T'sai-chiao Shan-jen, "Chung-Fa Ma-chiang chan-i chih hui-yi” also Chung-Fa Chan-cheng, Vol. 3, pp. 115-140. 14 Liu Pei-hua, op. cit., pp. 121-122. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HON EDITOR of the period in later life in two well-known books entitled The 'Fan Kwae' at Canton before Treaty Days 1825-1844 (Kelly & Walsh, 1882 and 2nd edition 1911) and Bits of Old China, also published by Messrs. Kelly & Walsh at the same dates. C. Toogood Downing's The Fan-Qui in China (three volumes, London, Henry Colburn, 1838) is another well-known contemporary account. Extracts from the Letters * TO HIS SISTER, DATED CANTON, 12TH DECEMBER, 1835 My time here is fully occupied, I am glad to say. If sometimes rather too much so there's no great harm done; I assure you I have supped too full of the horrors of idleness in time gone by, to fret at hard work now. There are several circumstances in Canton life which agree with me very well—and these are just enhanced by contrast with its disadvantages. There is some interest too in the strange faces, browned and weather-beaten, of the ship-captains from Liverpool and London etc. who are lodged and boarded of necessity in our Hong here all the time their Ships are in the Port, so that Covers are laid every day for an indefinite number, and the whole Domestic Establishment in short is a Boarding-House with a Table d'hôte at 7 p.m. The comfort of this evil, is the sanctity with which folks' private-rooms are regarded—seeing that there is no privacy whatever elsewhere; and in my bedroom accordingly, I enjoy greater security and deeper seclusion than if I were a stranger in an Inn with boots and chambermaids and postboys to interrupt me whether I have business with them or no. Sundry persons who dislike the strict imprisonment of a Canton-life, venture out, of evenings, on the river, in wherries. As there is a barrier, a break-water, of some thousands of boats and river-crafts of the most unutterable forms and still more unmentionable characters, to break, bruise and burst through, before ten square feet of dirty water can be won free, this is not an amusement I have taken to; and fond as I used to be of it, I think I shall become more and more averse to experiments on the Canton River the longer I remain in China. Three Europeans have been drowned by accident since my arrival here, which is just an * * The text has been left in the writer's style. Additions and queries in square brackets are the Editor's. Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g LETTERS FROM China 1835-36 57 of subjects that will one day avenge themselves on all of us if neglected. This is almost a more painful sight than the ignorance of the poor Chinese around us; it is being regularly "blinded by the god of this world" in spite of the light of day; in the other case, day has not yet dawned on the benighted souls..... I am more chagrined than I can tell you, at being unable as the time draws nigh, to give Herschel any hopes of meteorological observations here on the 21st Inst. Instruments cannot be borrowed from the Ships at Whampoa, and I cannot leave Canton for two days at this over-busy season to go to the instruments, and I have tried to move one or two Ships' Officers residing there in vain. My old Partner G.I. Gordon (whom you may know by my report of old, for a man of uncommon talents and most cultivated mind, as well as amiable and honorable feelings) is at Macao now, with Herschel's brochure in his hands, endeavoring something: he may be up here in a few days and then I shall know the worst. I look forward to disappointment on this 21st Decr as now fixed. But if I live till 21st March, I shall have better hopes of doing something, however little that something be, because for one thing I shall not be so excessively busy in office at that period as at present. So my regret though great is not altogether despair; and I wish you would give H. [Herschel] my warm love with the assurance of the hearty zeal I take in this matter, and which I shall yet evince I hope more practically than in all this bow-wowing. I am sending under the care of Lieutenant P. Nicolson by this opportunity, a small parcel to H's [Herschel's] address containing what I daresay will be a great curiosity to you both – genuine Chinese Map of China, and eke of both hemispheres. The latter (the Old World at least) you will make out immediately. But the New World will be new to most Geographers who look at it. I am sorry I have not time to search for some translation of the Chinese characters on it, but perhaps I may supply the want yet. Accompanying this map, is a Prospectus of a most excellent Institution lately set agoing here, for the success of which I feel a deep interest - a Diffusion of Useful Knowledge Society in China! Is not the idea good? Simple elementary Treatises on all useful subjects to be translated by it and diffused as much as possible, over the Empire, and into the Imperial Palace itself if ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND KAIFONGS 65 linguistic and economic elements of the community into one self-protective league." The self-protective The self-protective league among the overseas Chinese takes its physical form in the famous "Chinatowns', and its invisible form in the numerous associational ties which we just described. However, the closeness of Chinese communities has proved, in the long run, to be a disservice, to both the Chinese themselves and to their host societies. For centuries the Chinese emigrants have not been culturally and socially assimilated with the native populations. To the governments of the newly independent South East Asian countries, the Chinese communities form special social and political problems of their own, standing particularly in the way of national unity. No wonder many newly independent governments take up aggressive policies towards the Chinese, including both political control, such as by abolishing systems of indirect rule, and social-cultural assimilation, such as by a system of compulsory national education, and by discriminatory economic opportunities. Some writers have noted that it was only a myth that the Chinese overseas were "unassimilable” and ascribed the closeness of Chinese communities to the fact that the host governments had not provided the Chinese with special services. Thus, it is logical to predict that in due course, the Chinese will be integrated into their host societies once the protective functions of their associations are removed. Also, the third and fourth generations of the immigrant Chinese are not exempted from the all-pervasive influence of the Western culture, particularly because they live mainly in the cities where the influence of the West is most intensively felt. Thus, the younger generations are subject to the same processes of cultural change as those experienced by the younger generations of the native population. Therefore it is not difficult to foresee that both the Chinese and the indigenous South East Asian peoples are going to be drawn together by the influence of the West.10 KAIFONG ASSOCIATIONS IN HONG KONG Hong Kong is considered by some as an overseas Chinese community. However, I believe that strictly speaking, Hong 9 Richard Coughlin, op. cit., p. 60. 10 Ibid., p. 190. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 66 ALINE K. WONG Kong stands apart from the Chinese communities in Southeast Asia, or elsewhere, in the United States, England, or New Zealand. The reasons are these: 1. Unlike the Chinese communities in Asia or elsewhere in the world, the Chinese in Hong Kong are not a minority people in the numerical sense. On the contrary, the Chinese make up 99% of the local population. 2. The Nationalist and the Communist governments in China have never regarded the residents of Hong Kong (and Macau) as "overseas Chinese" in the same way as they look at the Chinese in other parts of the world. Residents in Hong Kong are considered by both governments as Chinese citizens per se, and not as people with dual nationality, as were so many Chinese in Southeast Asia before the Communist government took a firmer stand on the question of nationality status, beginning in 1954. 3. The dominant culture in Hong Kong is the Chinese culture. If it is true that many overseas Chinese in other parts of the world still consider themselves as "Chinese" irrespective of their actual nationality, it is more true of the beliefs and attitudes of the Hong Kong Chinese. The organization and cultural content of their social life is unmistakably Chinese, although Hong Kong seems to be very westernized in certain aspects, such as in the styles of dress, food habits and recreational life. 4. A large number of people in the Colony are political refugees from China. According to the 1955 United Nations Report on the Problem of Chinese Refugees in Hong Kong, at least 385,000 people could be considered as political refugees at the time.11 As such, these people demand a special kind of status and require some special policy treatment. The problem of the refugees is not just a problem of cultural assimilation, but is one calling for political solutions. For the above reasons, I do not think that Hong Kong should be considered as one of the "overseas" Chinese communities. It is a city with a unique society of its own in which social life bears an unmistakable Chinese stamp. It is within this context 11 E. Hambro, The Problem of Chinese Refugees in Hong Kong. Report submitted to the United Nations High Commissioner of Refugees, 1955, p. 125. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG 87 Only a few were able to survive the perils of the business. They were not accustomed to building in the Western style and therefore often underestimated on contracts, resulting in their bankruptcy. In 1844 the Land Officer comments that "almost all contracts hitherto entered into with Chinamen have been obliged to be finished by Government, for the works were taken at far too low an estimate, and the consequence was, when the parties found they would become losers, both contractor and security decamped, and in some instances they were imprisoned."16 One of the few contractors who did survive in this early period of Hong Kong's history was Tam Achoy †, alias Tam Sam Tshoy, alias Tam Shek Tsun, although he too almost went into prison for debt, escaping only through the generosity of his creditor. Achoy was generally recognized as the most prominent leader of the Chinese community when an élite was first beginning to emerge out of the hodgepodge of shopkeepers, craftsmen and traders. We have noted that he and Loo Aqui built the Man-Mo Temple where they performed in part the traditional role of village elder. He was also Trustee for the I Ts'z Temple in Taipingshan (1851) and the Temple in Queen's Road East at Wanchai (1869). In 1847 the Colonial Treasury had on deposit £185.16.8 from Tam Achoy for erecting a Chinese School in the Sheung Wan (Lower Bazaar). Achoy had come to Hong Kong at its foundation in 1841, having been formerly a foreman in the Government Dockyard at Singapore. He was granted a certificate for the easternmost of the lots in the Lower Bazaar, and soon began to buy up the interests of the adjacent property owners until he had acquired an extensive sea frontage. He built some of Hong Kong's most prestigious early buildings such as the P. and O. Building and the Exchange Building, which was bought by Government and used for many years as the Supreme Court Building. With the accumulation of increasing capital he began to broaden his interests and secured permission from Government to build and operate a market. This was a most profitable venture and when the Lower Bazaar was destroyed in the Christmas fire of 1852, he soon rebuilt it, operating it under his firm's name, Kwong Yuen. During the period after 1848, when Hong Kong became a port of embarkation for thousands of emigrants, Achoy was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG 113 corporated as a more integral part of government, and its members may be regarded in many ways as the élite of the élite. But these developments are beyond the time limit set for this particular study. NOTES 1 See the studies by Chung-li Chang, The Income of the Chinese Gentry (Seattle, 1926) and The Chinese Gentry: Studies in their Role in Nineteenth Century Chinese Society (Seattle, 1955) and by Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China (New York, 1964). 2 The South China Morning Post, 12 July 1933, in column "Old Hong Kong". 3 Colonial Office Records (hereafter given as C.O.), Series 129-12. 4 The Friend of China, 6 Nov. 1861. 5 George Smith, The Consular Cities of China (London, 1847), p. 82. 6 Yen-p'ing Hao, The Compradore in Nineteenth Century China (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), p. 195. I have not been able to check the sources he cites. 7 These were Loo King A owner of I.L. 99, LL.102, I.L. 103; Lo Lye or Alloy A owner of M.L. 16 C., M.L. 19; Loo Foon owner of M.L. 16 D.; Loo Sing A owner of M.L. 17 C.; Loo Chuen alias Loo Chew alias Young Aqui alias Loo Choo Tung owner of M.L. 16 A., M.L. 28 A., M.L. 35 A. The family lived in Aqui's Lane, or as it is now known Kwai Wa Lane† running from Hillier to Cleverly Street and lying between Queens Road and Jervois Street. Here in 1872 lived Loo Wan Kew, Loo Yum Shing, compradore of D. Sassoon, Sons and Co., and Loo Achew. 8 The China Review, Vol. 1 (1872), p. 333, "The Districts of Hong Kong and the Name Kwan-Tai-Lo". This source also confirms the deleterious effect of Aqui's activities in Hong Kong: "In 1843, when there were but few merchants or shop keepers, one Sz-man-king, unto whom those who were in distress, in debt, or discontented, resorted, opened a place for gambling along Chung Wan to which all among the fishing-boat people, who loved gambling, came." 9 Quoted by R. M. Martin in his report, 24 July 1844, in G. B. Endacott, An Eastern Entrepot (London, 1964), p. 97. 10 E. J. Eitel, Europe in China (Hong Kong, 1895), pp. 168-169. 11 Endacott, op. cit., pp. 96-98. 12 Ibid., p. 107. 13 Ibid., p. 96. 14 A Singapore house was a pre-cut timber house ready for assembling imported from Singapore. At the time of the gold-rush in California, a similar type house was shipped from Hong Kong to San Francisco in large numbers. The trade enriched a number of Hong Kong carpenters. 15 C.O. Series 129-12, No. 97, 10 July, 1845. 16 C.O. Series 129-7, 23 July, 1844. 17 C.O. Series 129-3, Treasurer's Report 1847. 18 The Friend of China, 5 Jan., 1856. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 114 CARL T. SMITH 19 C.O. Series 129-78, No. 113, 24 Aug., 1860. 20 Tam Achoy was survived by five sons: Tam Kung Ping alias Tam Ping Kai, died 1887 at Canton, Tam Mo Seen, Tam Yun Yeen, Tam Kee Chun, and Tam Lin Tai. The latter had been adopted by Achoy's fourth wife in 1865. 21 Tang Aluk was survived by a daughter, the wife of Hu Yu Chan; a son Tang Tung Shang alias Tang Pak Shan, died 1899; and a grandson Tang Yeung Mau, the only son of Tang Shau Shan alias Tang Kau Chun. Some of the court suits revolved around whether the deceased son Tang Shay Shan was a natural or an adopted son of Tang Aluk. The family retained much of its real estate holdings up to the present. 22 C.O. Series 131-2. 23 The China Review, Vol. 1 (1872) p. 171. 24 K. G. Tregonning, Under Chartered Company Rule (Borneo 1881-1946) (Singapore, 1958) Chap. 1. 25 The China Mail, 23 July, 1891. 26 Ibid., 17 Oct., 1861. 27 For details on the Chiu (Hsü) family see: Hsü Jun, (Chronological Autobiography of Hsü Jun), #M. #****†# (1927). 28 See my article "The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong", Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 48 (May, 1970), pp. 30-31. 29 For notice of Cheung Achew see Chung Chí Bulletin, No. 45 (Dec., 1968) p. 11. 30 The China Mail, 9 Dec., 1858. 31 Ibid., 19 Dec., 1871; 7 Feb., 1872. 32 The Daily Press, 4 Nov., 1868. 33 Li Chin-wei, editor (A History of Hong Kong, 1848-1948) £34. điều (Hong Kong, 1949), p. 271. 34 The Daily Press, 23 April, 1880. 35 Archives of the London Missionary Society, London, South China, Box 8, 23 Sept., 1876. 36 C.O. Series 133-5. 37 The name of Ho Tsin Shin does appear on a list of contributors to the Berlin Missionary Society Chinese Vernacular School Fund in 1868 and 1869, 38 For reference to these various aspects of the career of Ho Shan Chee see The Daily Press 24 July, 1868, 20 Sept., 1878, The China Mail 28 Feb., 1882. 39 For details of the career of Ho Kwan Shan see The Daily Press 4 Oct., 1871. 40 The China Mail, 28 Aug., 1891. 41 A biographical sketch of Ho Kai is found in Wu Hsing-lien, (The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong) AA, SEP^S^ (Hong Kong, 1937). 42 The Hong Kong Telegraph, 3 Sept., 1891. 43 The information on the family of Wu Ting Fang is from the Archives of Presbyterian Missionary Society, New York. The exact relationship is deduced from probable evidence rather than having been directly stated in the sources, At the marriage of Ng Achoy and Ho Amooy, 14 Jan., Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 134 H. J. LETHBRIDGE of its history64. The Hong Kong government utilised a number of Chinese associations that had developed independently, gave official status to a few and drew them for the convenience of administration into its orbit. In doing so, to some degree it had to forego total control over the Chinese population and share such control with a small number of Chinese notables. Both benefited from the arrangement. This system has been called one of 'indirect rule' but I feel the phrase conceals more than it reveals, for a committee such as the District Watch could on occasion shape government policy. Government had to play along with a number of Chinese committees for without their support the regulation of the Chinese masses would have been at best an uncertain matter. The heaping of honours on a small number of Chinese notables was, surely, a recognition of the key part they played in promoting stability rather than prizes given for their alienation from Chinese society. Such prominent Chinese, as I have suggested, were as much watchdogs for the Chinese community, and especially the Chinese bourgeoisie, as barking dogs for the colonial government. NOTES 1 Lennox A. Mills, British Rule in Eastern Asia, London, Oxford University Press, 1942, p. 398. 2 i.e., Sir Shouson Chow, Sir Robert Kotewall, Lo Man-kam, Dr. Li Shu-fan, and William Ngartsee Thomas Tam. 3 S. F. Balfour states that Hong Kong Island was owned originally by the Tang (Têng) clan of the New Territories: 'Hong Kong Before the British', Tien Hsia Monthly, vol. xi, 1941, p. 464. A translation of a Chinese notice printed in the Friend of China, 24 July 1858, reads: Tung Wing-Fook-Tong (sic) of the Sun-on district, was formerly sole proprietor of the Island of Hong Kong, and of the hills and coast of the North Side of the Harbour under the general name of Tsin Shat-Choy.... Lately Tung Wing-Fook-Tong petitioned the Magistrate of Sun-on to examine Tung's claim to Tsin Shat-Choy and the Magistrate issued a proclamation declaring that Tung Wing-Fook-Tong is the real owner of the Property. The editor asseverated 'as to his having been a Lord of this Isle, as well as of Tsim-shat-choy, —in a word, we do not believe a word of it'. Barbara Ward writes of fishermen that for reasons probably mainly connected with their spatial mobility and the lack of land, these fishermen do not have a developed lineage system nor any real concept of one'. See Barbara Ward, 'Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong: Their Post-peasant economy', in Maurice Freedman, ed., Social Organisation: Essays Presented to Raymond Firth, London, Frank Cass, 1967, p. 278. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 138 H. J. LETHBRIDGE with a passion for tidiness disliked them intensely. In this case, I suspect, the Registrar General bowed to the will of the Committee. 26 There was a marked tendency for the committees of such associations to grow very large in size-so many affluent Chinese wanted their names recorded as committeemen, and to donate money, without of course doing any committee work. Professor Freedman supplies an explanation for this phenomenon in Singapore: 'Since office-holding occupies a strategic position in the formation of social status, it is not surprising that the structure of associations seems adapted to this function. This adaptation is clear in two features: the elaboration of offices, such that many positions are made available, and the institutional arrangements for filling the offices with the well-to-do', Maurice Freedman, Chinese Marriage and Family in Singapore, London, H.M.S.O., 1957, p. 95. 27 In 1903 the proposed scheme of detectives under the control of the Committee was not approved; but permission was given at a later date, apparently during the First World War and probably because of the shortage of European policemen. 28 In 1938 there were 5 Head District Watchmen, 6 Assistant Head District Watchmen, 26 detectives and 103 uniformed men. The position was approximately the same in 1941. 29 In 1902 the rate paid by Chinese shops was increased slightly and in 1924 it was increased by another 1/4 per cent. 30 Butters writes that the figures which appear annually regarding the cost of living in the report of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs are based on information obtained from the District Watch Force. At my request figures were furnished from the same source showing the cost of living of an ordinary labourer': H. R. Butters, Report on Labour and Labour Conditions in Hong Kong, Sessional Papers, No. 3 of 1939, p. 137. Applications from guilds and trade unions to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs for permission to hold 'sing songs' were granted conditionally on a district watchman attending the meeting to see that nothing unlawful transpired. See Butters, p. 126. The watchmen were always regarded as a source of information about the Chinese population. When the commission on chair and jinricksha coolies attempted to discover whether there was a secret union of public transport workers, the first people they contacted for information about the matter were district watchmen. See Report of the Commission on Chair and Jinricksha Coolies, Sessional Papers, No. 47 of 1901, p. 56. 31 The Registrar General in his report for 1868 made this quite clear: 'the chief object of the Chinese paying these watchmen is to drive away thieves, the cardinal evil of a shop-keeping population, And it is thought that the watchmen succeed, not only in arresting actual offenders, but also in keeping away those who live by pilfering'. 32 These constables were recruited mostly from Weihaiwei, a territory leased to Britain on 1 July, 1898. 33 These facts are taken from the reports of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs for the respective years. 34 See above: note 33. 35 The Lok Sin Tong was an association established by officials and village gentry in Kowloon about 1879 to perform charitable works in the surrounding district. See James Hayes, 'Old ways of Life in Kowloon: The Cheung Sha Wan Villages', Journal of Oriental Studies, vol. viii, 1970, p. 167. The Chung Sing Charitable Society, originally known as the Chung Sing Opera Society, was founded around 1917 by a leading merchant, Tsang Foo. This charity also maintained a free school. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 140 H. J. LETHBRIDGE 44 Sir Robert Ho Tung was never a member of the District Watch Committee although he was at one time chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital Committee. Sir Robert's brothers—Ho Fook and Ho Kom Tong—and other relatives became members of the Committee. 45 Sir Chau Tsun-nin, who served on the Committee, was the son of Chau Siu-ki, a prominent financier and member of the Committee until his death. Chau Siu-ki (1863-1925) was killed in the collapse of a house during an abnormally heavy rainstorm. 46 I think one may conclude that by the time the Committee met the Registrar General most of the problems to be discussed had been thrashed over previously, most likely at the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce or at the Chinese Club, both located in Connaught Road. There was also a Compradores' Club. 47 For an account of Ho Kai's involvement in Chinese politics see Harold Z. Schiffrin, "The Enigma of Sun Yat-sen", in M. C. Wright, ed., op. cit., pp. 246 ff. 48 The Hong Kong Chinese General Chamber of Commerce was in close touch with the Canton Chamber of Commerce and members flitted between one and the other. Many members of the District Watch Committee had offices and businesses in Canton and invested heavily in Kwangtung enterprises. Many bought land. 49 Ho Kai, however, believed in the 'Open Door' policy in China, which he thought would be beneficial to both China, Hong Kong and the West. See the letter sent to Lord Charles Beresford in Beresford's book, The Break-up of China, London, Harper and Brothers, 1899, pp. 216-233. 50 This is made clear, I feel, by a perusal of the commissions of enquiry into the workings of the Po Leung Kuk and the Tung Wah Hospital. In both cases Ho Kai worked in concert with Lockhart to protect the interests of the Chinese community. Ho Kai was no yes-man. On the other hand, he did use his inside knowledge of government activities to line his own pockets. Endacott states that Ho Kai and his cronies were suspected of spreading rumours about British intentions in the New Territories before the takeover in order to reduce land prices. Endacott, op. cit., p. 263. See also Despatches and other papers relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, Sessional Papers, No. 32 of 1899, p. 20. 51 For example, Ho Fook, Chau Siu-ki and Wei Yuk all died in office. 52 This board was set up to oversee the working of the managing committee and to see that continuity in policy was maintained. 53 See note 52. An important function of the Advisory Board was to see that money was spent wisely. 54 The Committee controlled fee-paying cemeteries at Aberdeen and Tsun Wan. Burial was reserved for Chinese who had been permanently resident in the Colony. 55 This Committee, like the others listed above, was under the chairmanship of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs. Chinese temples were controlled, in accordance with Ordinance No. 7 of 1928, by this Committee. 56 The Chinese Recreation Ground was an open space situated off Hollywood Road. Funds derived from the rents of stalls in both Hollywood Road and the Yaumati Public Square in Kowloon. 57 Before 1941 there were 9 Chinese Public Dispensaries controlled and maintained by a committee under the chairmanship of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs. They were originally established to help combat plague. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g SUNG-TYPE POTTERY FINDS IN HONG KONG 149 among the sites, will at least be an important step towards an understanding of the overall pattern of early cultural and trade relations between China and South-east Asia over a period of several centuries. This comparative study will, of course, become more meaningful still when the pottery traditions of South China are better known, NOTES 1 A report of the finds at Shek Pik by Hayes and Watt appeared in the Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, Vol. I, 1968, pp. 19-23. 2 Jao Tsung-i: Kowloon in Historical Records of Sung Period, Hong Kong 1959. 3 Lo Hsiang-lin: Hong Kong and Its External Communications before 1842, Chapter on “Last of the Sungs", Hong Kong 1963. 4 According to the survey sheets and land ownership schedules kept in the District Office, Islands, New Territories Administration. 5 WW 1963.1, pp. 27-35. 6 WWTKTL 1958.2, pp. 34-37 and WW 1959.6, pp. 62-71. 7 WWTKTL 1958.2, p. 37. 8 L. and C. Locsin: Oriental Ceramics discovered in the Philippines, Tuttle, 1968. 9 Ku-Kung Po-wu-yuan Yuan-k'an, No. 2, 1960, pp. 121-123. 10 WW 1965.2, pp. 26-31. 11 UKK 1965.6, pp. 287-288. 12 Kuang-chou Hsi-ts'un Ka-yao I-tzu, 1958.9, Wen Wu Press. 13 See, for example, Plate V, KKTH 1956.4. Also Plate XVI (2) in J. C. Y. Watt: A Han Tomb in Lei Cheng Uk, Hong Kong, City Museum Handbook, 1970. 14 WWTKTL 1955.10. 15 See notes on pp. 161-3 JHKBRAS Vol. 9, 1969. 16 KK 1962.8 pp. 414-415 and KK 1964.4 pp. 196-199. WWTKTL = Wen-wu-ts'an-k'ao-tzu-liao WW = Wen-wu KKTH = K'ao-ku-t'ung-hsün KK = K'ao-ku Chinese Names and Terms Nim Shu Wan 稔樹灣 Kai Tak 啟德 Page 165 Page 166 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 152 JAMES HAYES in 1859 and spread outwards through the self-governing and other territories of what became the Commonwealth and Empire. It extended to Britain's Eastern Colonies and to the foreign communities of the treaty ports of China and Japan where, from time to time, various alarms and excursions added self-preservation to the list of factors motivating the continuance or periodic resuscitation of volunteer corps. In Hong Kong the Laws of the Colony early provided for their existence as a constitutional force. A succession of Ordinances established volunteers on a proper basis. The earliest of these was No. 2 of 1862, which was repeated with slight variation in No. 18 of 1882. An important re-modelling was carried out by No. 6 of 1893. This was followed by a Volunteer Reserve Ordinance No. 25 of 1910. Both these Ordinances were replaced by a further Volunteer Ordinance No. 2 of 1920, still modelled largely on the important 1893 Ordinance. Volunteer forces were the rule in the various foreign concessions in China, though save in the larger ones local volunteer forces tended to be formed and reformed whenever events seemed to warrant it. For example, the Shameen Defence Corps was formed after a serious riot in 1884 and was reformed from time to time, e.g. in May 1911 due to the unsettled state of affairs in Canton (see Diary of Events and the Progress on Shameen 1859-1938 compiled by H.S.S. and privately printed about 1938, pp. 19-26). The largest of the China volunteer units was, in time, the Shanghai Volunteer Corps. This originated at two public meetings held in April 1853 and its early doings are described in Chapter XXXV of Lanning and Couling's The History of Shanghai, Part I (Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1921). Interesting details of its development are given here and there in Brigadier J. V. Davidson-Houston's Yellow Creek, The Story of Shanghai (London, Putnam, 1962). As in Hong Kong, the passing of the first emergency resulted in the demise of the Corps. "Enthusiasm for the Volunteer Corps sank to a low ebb, members neglected to turn up for training and it was soon practically defunct" (p. 58). The Corps was again raised in August 1860 with the onset of the Taiping rebels, when 107 volunteers came forward for enrolment (p. 65). However, after the successful operations against the rebels the Corps "wilted and died" and was wound up in 1867 to "pay for its debtor's balance by selling its rifles" although the rifle club continued to function (p. 90). The Corps was again formed in 1870 following the Tientsin massacre and continued in being thereafter, its numbers fluctuating between 250-350 for the rest of the 19th century (pp. 92-93). It then continued to grow in size, like the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps, to meet the difficulties of the troubled 1920s and the war with Japan. The number of foreign residents in China is relevant to the size and location of Volunteer Corps. Some figures are given at pp. 292-295 of J. Dyer Ball's Things Chinese or Notes Connected with China, 4th edition, Hongkong, Kelly and Walsh 1903. There were, for instance, 4,424 foreigners in Shanghai (exclusive of those living in the French Settlement) in 1895 and 6774 in 1900. The Hong Kong Census of 1891 listed 10,446 British and foreign residents. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 157 statue now in Victoria Park at Causeway Bay which, up to 1941, stood in Statue Square, beside the Hong Kong Club in the centre of the city. Continuing with our survey, the period from 1893 up to the outbreak of war with Germany in 1914 was one of great activity for the Hong Kong Volunteers. It was one in which a great many important persons in the local community joined the Corps and when, reading between the lines, it was not only the 'done thing' to join the Volunteers but might be remarked upon if one did not. Pressure came from the Governor himself. When the Volunteer Reserve Ordinance of 1910 was in passage, Sir Frederick Lugard ended his statement by saying "I think that every young Englishman in this Colony ought to join the Volunteers, and every Englishman who is no longer young ought to join the force which I hope will at once be enrolled when this bill has been read a third time."14 The Volunteer Corps' annual inspection reports for the period are available in Hong Kong. They were printed for tabling at Legislative Council, itself an indication of an important activity. They make interesting reading and show the vitality of the Corps and its impact on Hong Kong European polite society and on the Establishment.15 As stated, the Governors of the time took a keen interest in the Corps and it was Sir Mathew Nathan himself (Governor 1902-07 and formerly an officer of the Royal Engineers) who is credited with inspiring the formation in 1906 of the Mounted Troop—known irreverently as "Mathew's Mounted Mugs"16—and the institution of the Volunteer Reserve Association which was eventually embodied by Ordinance in 1910. Another, more temporary, inspiration in 1899 had been the calling out of the Volunteers to assist the Regulars in repelling an expected attack on Kowloon by New Territories' villagers in arms against the British take-over, and their part in the occupation of the Kowloon Walled City later in the same year.17 Much of this resurgence in the popularity of the military—a phenomenon which is usually held to be un-British— 14 Han., 1910, p. 91. 15 See S.P., 1894-1908. 16 Vol, 1954, p. 50. was 17 See S.P., 1900, pp. 637-638, Y.B., 1940, p. 23, and Vol, 1954, p. 43. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 158 JAMES HAYES undoubtedly due to the Volunteer Movement and to the succession of small imperial wars in the last 25 years of the 19th century which popularised the Army, and fed the emotional needs of imperial Britain in the Victorian age. Between 1902 and 1914 it was due to the sobering effect of the Boer War and the growing realisation by many of the need to reform and rearm against a possible European enemy. Soldiers, in short, were in the public eye, and Hong Kong was no exception to the general rule. Here, and in the treaty ports, another factor in the popularity of, and support given to, the volunteer corps was the pool of potential recruits provided by the employees of the major European firms, many of whom had attended public schools in Britain and were well suited by their education and sentiment to play a leading part in the volunteer movement. (b) 1914-41 The 1914-18 War saw many Volunteers go off to the War in Europe, and led to increased duties for the Corps due to the need to employ regular forces on active service elsewhere. Numbers dropped and compulsory service was introduced in 1917.18 In 1920, shortly after the War, a new Volunteer Ordinance was introduced to replace those of 1893 and 1910 which regulated the existing Volunteer Corps and Volunteer Reserve. When introduced into the Legislative Council, it was stated to closely follow the old Ordinance, but with a few changes to meet altered times. The Volunteer Force was now "considered desirable for two reasons for defence against foreign enemies, and also in order to assist the Police and regular forces in case of any serious local disturbances'19 (my italics). We are coming nearer our own times in which the present Regiment was called upon in 1966 and again in 1967 to assist with “duties in aid of the civil power” i.e., internal security. The obligation to serve was also to become more serious. Every Volunteer was to be deemed to have engaged himself to serve for a period of three years and if he left before this without showing good cause he would henceforth have to 18 For the war period see Vol, 1954, pp. 58-67 and Endacott, pp. 284-285. See also the Military Service Ordinance, No. 19 of 1917, 19 Han., 1920, p. 15. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 165 kam Lo (1893-1959) as a private.40 He was Oxford-educated and a prominent barrister, related through marriage to the Ho Tung family, and thus could fit in. He was no doubt persuaded to join because of the emergency created by the General Strike of 1925-26; that is, if he had not joined earlier. It would be interesting to know whether he was the first, or among the first, Hong Kong Chinese to join the Corps.41 Because of the empire-wide Volunteer Movement and because of or perhaps despite two World Wars, the British volunteers have often been ex-Regulars, ex-Militia or, mostly, ex-Volunteers either at home or in other places. A few examples will show this general tendency over the years. H. H. Read, who sent a letter and photograph of the 1882 Volunteers for the 1937 Year-book, mentions that he had come out from England in 1882 “and having served in the 2nd Norfolk Rifle Volunteers (Windsor Review 1881) I joined the Hong Kong Volunteer Artillery which was commanded by Col. Crawford, R. A.”.42 Sir John Carrington, Chief Justice of Hong Kong, who was Commandant of the Corps 1896-1901, had served with the British Guiana Militia before coming to Hong Kong.43 Arthur Chapman, Commandant from 1907, had come to Hong Kong in 1889 as Assessor of Rates and had served in his native Yorkshire for some years as a member of the 1st East Riding of Yorkshire Royal Garrison Artillery (Volunteers).44 Many other examples could be quoted, including His Excellency Sir Thomas Southorn, Colonial Secretary and Officer Administering the Government in 1935 who, in his address to the Corps printed in the 1935-36 Year Book, was described as "a Volunteer in Ceylon for many years".45 In the later period, because of two world wars, the amount of previous military experience met with in the Volunteers has been considerable, particularly in the period between the wars when there were many persons in the Colony who had seen much service in 1914-18. When the Volunteers got going in earnest 40 Vol, 1954, p. 240. 41 But see note 28 above. 42 Y.B., 1937, p. 28. 43 J. W. Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 2 Vols, 1898): see index. 44 Twentieth Century Impressions, p. 277. 45 Y.B., 1935-36, p. 4. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 171 kept the Force alive at all periods of need and, in quieter times, has kept the few going to whom volunteering is a way of life and worth doing for its own sake. One illustration of this may serve for the rest. When the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, General (later Lord) Harding inspected the Hong Kong contingent of the Coronation Parade that went to London in 1952 he said to C. S. M. Walker “You're a P. S. I., of course." Walker's chest swelled about three inches. "No, sir," he replied “a Volunteer with thirty years service" 59 59 Vol, 1953, p. 27. P.S.I, is Permanent Staff Instructor, seconded from the Regular Army. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE COLONY OF HONG KONG 173 a Convention between Captain Elliott, who was then our plenipotentiary, and the Chinese commissioner Ke-shen; and some adventurous spirits had soon after located themselves on it. Ke-shen got into disgrace with his government for the cession; but it was fully confirmed by the subsequent treaty, and the island received the status of a Colony from an order in Council dated the 5th April, 1843, its principal town to be dignified with the name of our Queen. When I arrived, it was under the government of Sir Henry Pottinger, who had brought the war to a successful close. To give you an idea of the place as I first saw it, I had proposed to take a walk with you along the Queen's Road from the west to the east, but I found that that would take too much time. That road was marked out, in many places imperfectly, from Sae-wan on towards Aberdeen, the waters of the bay, from which so much land has since been taken, coming, in the greater part of its course between East and West points, up to it on the north, Hollywood Road, and the streets running down from it to the Queen's Road, were also indicated in a rudimentary fashion. A little beyond the present Sailors' Home, were the Naval Stores, and, south of them, all the indentation of the hill where the Reformatory now stands was occupied with tents and huts peopled by the 55th Regiment. From that eastwards all was blank to the bluff where the Civil Hospital rises, and on which was a bungalow built by Jamieson, How & Co., and occupied by Mr. Edger, belonging to that firm, and in later years a member of the Legislative Council. On the other side of the road were some godowns of the same firm, washed by the sea. The next European buildings were Gibb, Livingston & Co.'s premises, enclosed within a ring fence, and where partners and employés all managed to reside, with none of the massive godowns which now seem to serve as buttresses to the offices. Up and down, and athwart, T'ae-p'ing-shan, were thread-like paths, with a Chinese house here and there, but the ground was mainly boulder and sandy gravel. Turning to the west, where Wellington Street runs into Queen's Road, you could see a few Chinese houses on either side of the latter, and Jervois Street was in course of formation, the houses on the north side of it having the waters of the bay washing about among them. Eastwards from the same point on to Pottinger Street, Queen's Road was pretty well lined with Chinese houses; ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE COLONY OF HONG KONG 177 It ought always to be considerably lower than that, seeing the majority of our population consists of people in the prime of life, and we have hardly any of the deaths of the very old, and not so many of the deaths of children, which are the principal elements in the mortality at home. My belief, however, is that for young people coming out here, who will live regularly, and somewhat abstemiously rather than the contrary, the chances of their living out, and being uninjured by, the years of their sojourn, are quite as good as they would be in London. Returning from this digression on the health of the Colony, I may observe that before the end of 1843, I moved from the Morrison Hill to a house in D'Aguilar Street, that now forming the offices of Lapraik & Co. It was then a very different house from the present, and hardly half the size, but I had to pay $130 a month for it. Those were good days for parties who had houses to let. In the following year I moved to a house in Hollywood Road, which I had built, and which was subsequently for many years the Printing office of the London Missionary Society. From these two houses I used to walk to the Post Office which I have mentioned, when there was any arrival in the harbour by which I might expect letters. If there were any letters for me I got them; and then the postmaster would say, "Here are letters also for so and so, and so and so, and so and so, in your neighbourhood. Please oblige me by taking them with you, and sending your coolie on with them." We used to get our home-letters then from Bombay by fast sailing clippers. It was an era when the "Lady Mary Wood" came in with the Mail on the 13th August, 1845. She was the first of the P. & O.'s Mail steamers, and her passengers had been, I think, 55 days on the way from London to Hong Kong. And now have we not the same noble Company's steamers coming in twice a month in much shorter time, and the French steamers, and those of the Pacific Mail Company? Above all, have we not the Electric Telegraph, flashing news almost instantaneously from this to home, from home to this, Ariel-like putting its girdle round the earth? Verily the difference is great between that time and this. In the early days there was next to no police guardianship; and the consequences were frequent disorders on the streets during the day, and many burglaries on a great scale during the night. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 184 REV. JAMES LEGGE the Colony, which his predecessor had not done, and which his successor was still less able to do. During all his time the Colony was in a dead-alive state. What trade had sprung up during its first years had rather decreased under Sir John Davis, and it was not till about 1854 that it received a fresh impulse. I remember walking, in 1849, one afternoon with old Mr. Holliday—so we should call him now with his stalwart sons among us—and having a gloomy conversation with him on the state and prospects of the place. Taking our stand at a point a little beyond what is now St. Paul's College, where we had a good view of the harbour, we counted 28 square-rigged vessels in it, storeships and all, with hardly a steamer among them. "After all,” said Mr. Holliday, "there must be some trade, else those vessels would not come to the place." By and by came the emigration to California, and afterwards that to Australia, but though these produced some excitement, they did little to the furtherance of trade. In 1850 the T'ae-p'ing rebellion began to be talked of, and, Sir George Bonham going on a visit to England, Dr. Bowring came down from his consulate in Canton to take his place, which finally became his own, when the other vacated his office in 1854, leaving his name in the Bonham Strand. About this time Yeh, whose name ere long became notorious all over the world, and who had for some time been governor of Canton province, was appointed viceroy of the two Kwang. The T'ae-p'ing rebels made themselves masters of Nanking, and the south and seaboard of China began to heave with rebellion. One body made itself master of Fat-shan, and Canton was threatened. Yeh, however, maintained himself there, keeping his executioners busy. The numbers put to death in 1852 and 1853 were very many every month, and they greatly multiplied, as the insurgents were gradually got under. It has always seemed to me that this was the turning point in the progress of Hongkong. As Canton was threatened, the families of means hastened to leave it, and many of them flocked to this Colony. Houses were in demand; rents rose; the streets that had been comparatively deserted assumed a crowded appearance; new commercial Chinese firms were founded; the native trade received an impetus which it had not lost till it was arrested by the superfluous vigour of some of Sir Richard MacDonnell's early ordinances. Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g NOTES AND QUERIES + + + 201 Sha Wan villages about also remembers them. When I asked these ladies whether the charcoal burners were village people or outsiders, their reply was typical, and to the effect 'they weren't from our villages and probably not from adjacent ones either, but we didn't go near them to ask.' I have seen the Lantau and Lamma pits only, all linked with charcoal burning by the local people. The kilns, or rather the pits that remain, vary in size. Most are circular and fairly small, about 7 to 8 feet in diameter and a few feet deep at the present time. One of the Lamma pits, near Mau Tat, styled as ‘a big kiln' by the old village person mentioned above, is larger, being 15 feet across. Its earth walls are smooth and impregnated with tell-tale carbon. All these pits are cut into low banks or into the ground. Perhaps the last kilns to be operated in the Hong Kong area are some near the Shek O Road. According to Hok Tsui and Lan Nai Wan villagers living nearby, these were opened and operated by the Japanese during the war-time occupation of the Colony between 1941-45. They recall passing them and seeing them in operation when on their way to market in Shau Kei Wan, though giving them a wide berth for fear of trouble. Shau Kei Wan people say that the kilns were used to provide fuel for the electric plant at North Point, to which the charcoal was transported on little wooden trucks hauled by local men and women workers engaged by the Japanese. These pits differ from the others in that they are domed, being cut into a high bank. They are apparently very similar, though newer, to those north of the Kowloon hills described over twenty years ago by G. A. C. Herklots in The Hong Kong Countryside (Hong Kong, S.C.M.P. Ltd. 1947). His description is worth quoting in full, though he was not clear whether or not the pits were used for charcoal burning and he had not sought to ask in the villages of the area. "There are some curious dome-shaped holes by the path, one is actually immediately under the path. They are roughly six feet high in the centre and nine feet across. The sides are vertical, the roof domed and the floor space circular. The holes are holes in the ground and their roofs are level with the surface of the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 204 NOTES AND QUERIES in Macao, when he was a Cadet of the Hong Kong Civil Service, some thirty years earlier, and of how he had heard of Sir John's friendship for Macao and of his association with the Church of San Paulo and that it had had some influence on the hymn. Prof. Hugo Brunt, whose account of San Paulo is so well liked,* tells me that he is rewriting the article and adds that he was told by Mr. T. Bowring, then Director of Public Works in Hong Kong, about the influence of the ruins on his grandfather. It is not surprising that so many people, not making an effort to trace the date of the first publication of the hymn, were led to believe that it was written after Sir John Bowring had actually seen the ruin, but we are indebted to Prof. Goodrich for pointing out the facts. However, I have come across a reference which may serve to shed some light on the subject. There is a reference to the hymn in Rev. W. T. Keeler's Romantic Origins of some Favourite Hymns, London, Letchworth Printers, 1947, where mention is made that although the hymn was first published in 1825 the fourth verse was added after 1859. It is not impossible, therefore, that Bowring could have been impressed with the close appropriateness of his hymn to the Cross surmounting the old ruin at Macao and this could have explained how his name came to be associated with the ruin. Canberra, 1971. J. M. BRAGA * Journal of Oriental Studies 1-2 (1954-55) p. 344 seq. CEREMONIES OF PROPITIATION CARRIED OUT IN CONNECTION WITH ROAD WORKS IN THE NEW TERRITORIES IN 1960 Editor's Note. Early in 1960, road widening took place at Hiram's Highway which links the Clear Water Bay Road with Sai Kung Market. Objections to the work were received from villagers of Pak Wai, where the existing road passed behind the village fung shui grove and from Sai Kung Market where the road passed behind a family's ancestral hall. In accordance with usual Government practice, due notice was taken of these legitimate objections, and payments were arranged for ceremonies to offset the adverse influences which those concerned feared would result from disturbing the two locations. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g BOOK REVIEWS 219 testify, long ago revealed the theoretical relevance of much of the earlier literature on China: it is pleasing to note, therefore, that some of the contributors to this volume are now combining field research with an extensive use of the available documentation on China. This has led to a much more sophisticated treatment of theoretical problems and has, I feel, made such works much more interesting to read and more intellectually attractive for people in other disciplines. The essays in this volume, apart from one by Professor Arthur P. Wolf, were in their original form papers written for, and discussed at, a conference on Kinship in Chinese society, held in New York in 1966 and sponsored by the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council (New York). As it is not possible for a workaday sociologist to discuss every paper meaningfully and in detail in a short review, I shall comment on only a few of the papers, not because they are necessarily the best or the more significant but simply because I have some comments on them. The first essay is by Professor Myron L. Cohen, who discusses a key problem: the structure of the Chinese family. Professor Cohen argues that the relevant components of the chia (family) can be reduced to three: the chia estate, the chia group, and the chia economy, and that the connection between the three components can assume a variety of forms or types. As he writes, 'the Chinese family has by and large been described in terms involving or assuming the existence of a chia in which the estate is concentrated, the group is concentrated, and the economy is inclusive'. Much of his essay is taken up by a rigorous discussion of chia variations, such as that an inclusive economy can be found in association with a dispersed estate and, of necessity, a dispersed group. Professor Cohen concludes that 'the possibility arises that a good deal of the movement of persons in Chinese society, movement connected with "horizontal" or "vertical" social and economic mobility, or with efforts to achieve such mobility, in fact occurred within a chia framework'. The points he makes are important and crucial: they illuminate basic concepts used to understand Chinese society; and I am persuaded by his claim 'that there may be more to domestic units than meets the demographer's eye'. There is certainly some evidence from nineteenth century Hong Kong to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g BOOK REVIEWS 221 Professor Jack M. Potter's essay on land and lineage in traditional China draws heavily on the data collected for his Hong Kong study, Capitalism and the Chinese Peasant (1968). He sets himself the problem of trying to account for differences in the distribution of strong lineage organization in various parts of China, of lineage structure Type Z, as described and formulated by Professor Freedman. The hypothesised factors favourable to the development of a strong lineage are given by Professor Potter as a rich agricultural environment, frontier conditions, the absence of strong governmental control, and commercial development; all present, he concludes, in the New Territories of Hong Kong, where the Ping Shan Tang lineage flourished. He also argues that in all areas lineage organization would tend to be weaker under strong dynasties and stronger in inter-regnal periods or under weak dynasties. Professor Potter affirms that the four variables 'can form a set of inter-related hypotheses that, if validated by further research, would allow us to predict when and where strong lineage organization tended to appear in Traditional China'. But I should also think that strong lineages must depend very much on the quality of the personnel contained within them; for some human groups do seem to produce a more adroit leadership for a longer period of time than others. An institutionalization of virtue, as it were, may take place in some groups (lineages) more readily than in others.* And the task of plotting the frequency of powerful lineages in China has scarcely begun, so far as I know. The study of Chinese society by Western scholars has been mainly androcentric in its selection of problems, thus reflecting Chinese views of their own social universe; but both Professor Freedman and Professor Arthur P. Wolf in their respective papers pay attention to the ambivalent and ambiguous status held by women in Chinese society. Professor Freedman's essay on ritual aspects of Chinese kinship and marriage discusses, among other matters, the problem of 'how is a woman to reconcile her duties as wife and daughter-in-law with those she has as sister and daughter?' The rites of marriage, he argues, "are not to be taken as simple statements capable of being given clear and unambiguous meanings by those who participate in them. Rites, as symbolic * Dialect groupings may constitute another variable that has not yet been examined. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 227 BARD, Dr. S. M. BARNES, Mrs. A. M. BARR, Miss E. c/o University Health Service, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. Mercantile Bank Ltd., Bombay 1, India. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. BARRETT, Rev. Cyril, S. J. c/o Wah Yan College, Queen's Road, East, H.K. BARRY, Cmdr. R. S. BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. BEDLINGTON, Mrs. M. BELL, G. J. BERKOWITZ, Dr. M. I. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.* BEVERIDGE, R. J. BIRCH, Dr. A. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. BLUE, A. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BOEHMKE, Mrs. A. Karl BONSALL, G. W. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. BRIDGES, G. A. BRIGGS, G. G. BROOKS, D. E. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K. Unknown. c/o Royal Observatory, H.K. Unknown. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy. c/o 4A, Horsburgh Grove, Armadale, Melbourne, S.E. 3, Victoria, Australia. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. Unknown. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. 15, Lansdowne Crescent, Edinburgh, Scotland. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 4, Shouson Hill Road, A-2, H.K. c/o Hong Kong University Press, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. 167 Laurel Circle, Princeton, New Jersey 08540, U.S.A. c/o National Library of Australia, Canberra, Australia. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Radio Hong Kong, Broadcasting House, Broadcast Drive, Kowloon. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 230 DAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. - 1 Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. DAWSON GROVE, Miss J. As above, DEVONSHIRE, Mrs. John W. DIAMOND, A. I. DJOU, G. G. DOWER, Mrs. Christine DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* DRAKEFORD, L. S. DUNCANSON, J. D.* DWYER, Prof. D. J. - EDWARDS, O. P. EITZEN, Mrs. J. EMERSON, G. C. ENDACOTT, G. B. - EUSTACE, Col. F. A. - EVANS, C. J. EVANS, David S. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVANS, P. J. - - EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. + FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* - FEHL, Prof. Noah E.* FESSLER, L. - FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, A. J. + - - + 4B Rose Gardens, 9 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. No. 1, Stubbs Road, H.K. A-3, 1st floor, 3 Conduit Road, H.K. 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 121 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. 26 Leinster Mews, London W.2. England. c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K, 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Flat 16A, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Road, Kowloon, c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Flat B-10, 25 Park Road, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, 1906 Prince's Bldg., H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. c/o Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 25, The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, Guildford, Surrey, England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. c/o American Universities Field Staff, 15 Tung Shan Terrace, 2nd Floor, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon. 8, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. . Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 231 FOORD, Dr. R. D. FORD, J. F. - FREARSON, William FREEDMAN, Prof. M. FROST, Dr. C. C. - FRY, R. A. FUNG, Mrs. Lawrence FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* GAILEY, Mrs. Norah · GALVIN, J, A, T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. + - GEOFFROY-DECHAUME, F. - GEORGE, T. J. B. - GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H.* - - GILKES, D. A. - GIMSON, C. H. - GOLDBERG, Frank J. M. - GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODBODY, D. M. - GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H, A. + GORDON, Hon. S. S.* - GRANT, I. F. H. - GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. - - + - - 48 The Rutts, Bushey Heath, Hertfordshire, England. c/o Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon. 908 Caritas, 2 Caine Road, H.K. 187, Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, NW.1., England. 88. South Shore Drive, Springfield, Massachusetts 0118, U.S.A. 13, Leighton Hill Flats, 16 Link Road, H.K. 65 Mt. Kellett Road, Ground Floor, H.K. c/o Bank of East Asia, Ltd., Des Voeux Road, C., H.K. Flat 16, 14 Mt. Austin Road, H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland. c/o Central Magistracy, H.K. 8128 Hamilton Spring Road, Carderock Springs, Bethesda, Maryland 20034, U.S.A. c/o French Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England. c/o P.O. Box 64, H.K. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England. 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o Public Works Department, H.K. 100 Peak Road, Flat 2, The Peak, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 727 Prince's Building, H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, USA. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 232 GREGORY, Prof. W. G. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. - HAFFNER, C. HALL, Miss J. - Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Unknown. Spence Robinson Architects, The Atelier, Broadwood Road, H.K. Secretariat for Home Affairs, International Building, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. - c/o St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HAMILTON, Bill G. 13768 Hower Drive, Saratoga, Calif. 95070, U.S.A. c/o Dept. of History, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. HARDEN, Mrs. G. T., Jr.* - 15 Shek O, H.K. HARRISON, Prof. B. HARTWELL, Sir Charles HARTWELL, Lady HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. - HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Prof. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. HICKS, Miss Catherine M. HILSDALE, Mrs. E. P. HO, Mrs. Hungchiu HO, Teh-kuei HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W. HODGE, Peter HOLMES, Hon. D. R. - - c/o Public Service Commission, Central Government Offices, H.K. As above. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. Room 129, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 41, Island Road Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Sevenoaks TN13 7, England. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. c/o St. Anne's College, Oxford, England. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., H.K. 2, Ava Mansions, May Road, H.K. 2762 Woodshire Drive, Los Angeles, Calif. 90068, U.S.A. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lakeside Building, 13th Floor, B, 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. 50, Village Road Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Secretariat For Home Affairs, International Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 233 HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, E. E. HOWARD, W. 1.* HOWARTH, Richard H. - HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. - HOWNAM-MEEK, R, S. HOWORTH, J. F. + HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung-Pei HUGHES, G. M. + - HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* - HUI, Miss Wai-haan HUNG, Chiu-sing HURT, Miss E. J. - HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. IRETON, Mrs. P. H.* IU, Miss S.* JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JENNER, J. P. JOHNSON, G. E. JOHNSTON, James J. JONES-PARRY, Rupert 7 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282, H.K. American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Flat 2, Coombe Apts., 15 Coombe Road, The Peak, H.K. Unknown. c/o Midland Bank Ltd., St. Mary Street, Weymouth, Dorset, England, c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. P.O. Box No. 20027, 1 Hennessy Road Post Office, H.K. c/o American International Assurance Co., Ltd. AIA Building, I Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong H.K. 48 Headland Road, H.K. c/o Skilts Residential School, Gorcott Hill, Nr. Redditch, Wores., England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. P.O. Box 362, Langley, Washington, 98260. U.S.A. c/o Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. 2, Stafford Road, Kowloon, c/o International Bank of Commerce, Central Building, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, B.C., Canada. P.O. Box 65, Marshall, Arkansas 72650. U.S.A. Longman Group (Far East) Ltd., P.O. Box 223, H.K. 3 Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 234 JORDAN, Dr. David K.* KANN, P. R. - - - KELDAY-SANDERS, Alan John KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. KESSELRING, Dr. R. KESWICK, H. KESWICK, S. L. KIDD, S. T. - KINOSHITA, J. H. Dept. of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, CA 92037, U.S.A. 1, Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. 403 Ridley House, 2 Upper Albert Road, H.K. P. O. Box 16004, H.K. Unknown. German Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. KINSEY, Miss Margaret J. Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. KJELLBERG, Carl C:son KJELLBERG, Mrs. I. - + KNIGHTLY, F. J. KNOWLES, Miss M. G. - + 55, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Training & Examinations Unit, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland. KURATA, Mrs. Mary F. + 313 Main Street East, Shelburne, Ontario, Canada. KVAN, Rev. E.* KWAN, Hon. Sir Cho-yiu KWOK, Chin-kung KWOK, W. LAI, T. C* c/o Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. Extra-Mural Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 12th Floor, Shui Hing House, Kowloon. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 235 LAM, Yung-fai ■ LAMBERT, Miss D. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. c/o The Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation, P.O. Box 64, H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W.* Nighclere (Middle Flat), 3 Middle Gap Road, H.K. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. Barns House, Kirkton Manor, Peebles, Scotland. LAU, Wai-mai, Michael c/o Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, H.K. LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. LECKIE, J. B. H. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph 2nd., Brussels 4, Belgium. LEE, Miss Flossy Tsu-wei c/o University Library, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. LEE, J. S.* 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. LEE, R. C.* c/o Lee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 25th Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. LETHBRIDGE, H. J. c/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. LEUNG, Pak-kui 22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. LI, Dr. Choh-ming c/o The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. LI, Shi-yi 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon, LINDSAY, T. J.* 3, Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W, Australia. LINTHWAITE, Mrs. F. I. c/o Nackermann Versand Ltd., LIU, D. H. P.O. Box K-45, H.K. LIU, Sydney C. c/o American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road, H.K. LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan Rose Court, 117 Wongneichong Road, 12th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. LLEWELLYN, J. c/o Dept. of Chinese, Australian National Univ., Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia. LO, Prof. Hsiang-lin c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. LO, T. S.* c/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, H.K. + c/o Lo & Lo, Jardine House, 7th Floor, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 237 MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. McCOY, Dr. J. 2 McDOUALL, J. C.* MCCRARY, M.* McELNEY, B. S. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA. The Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxfordshire, England. Flat 6A, United Mansion, 7 Shiu Fai Terrace, H.K. c/o Johnson Stokes & Master, H.K. Bank Building, H.K. McFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. c/o University of Hong Kong, H.K. McGEE, Mrs. Joan S. MCGEE, Dr. T. G. Flat 1A, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. McKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. Maryknoll House, Stanley, H.K. MEFFAN, Mrs. I. E. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. MUNN, Mrs. Elizabeth NEILD, Mrs. C. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Dr. Ronald C. Y. NG, Peter P. K. NICHOLS, E. H. NICOL, C. A. A. NIXON, F. A. B10, Repulse Bay Mansion, Repulse Bay, H.K. The British Council, Halls Croft, Old Town, Stratford-upon-Avon, England. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. 34 Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th Floor, H.K. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. 64 Mile, Taipo Road, N.T. c/o Taikoo Dockyard, Quarry Bay, H.K. 1201 Manson House, Nathan Road, Kowloon, c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 164 Prince Edward Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon, 304, Man Yee Building, H.K. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. No. 8 Abermor Court, 15 May Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 238 NORONHA, J. E. - O'BRIEN, Dr. J. P. O'CALLAGHAN, Sean OGDEN, B. J. N. OLIVER, J. R. + ORR, Iain C.. OU, Miss G. - OVERBURY, Miss U. M. OXLEY, C. W. B. - PANG, Potter · PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PAYNTER, J. L. PENNELL, W. V. - PERESYPKIN, O. P. PICKFORD, J. B. - PIMPANEAU, Prof. J. PLAG, Rev. A.* POLAND, T. D. PORDES, F. - POSTON, Williams S. PRESCOTT, J. A. PYE, Miss Beverley QUESTED, Mrs. R. K. I. + + - c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. Sandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, Sandy Bay, H.K, Y.M.C.A. International House, Waterloo Road, Kowloon, c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. 17 Crown Terrace, 3rd Floor, Bisney Villas, H.K. c/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Secretariat for Home Affairs, International Building, 10th Floor, H.K. c/o The H.K. Model Housing Society, 908 The H.K. Chinese Bank Building, H.K. 11A, Stanley Beach Road, G/F., Stanley, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Department, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. c/o Canadian Trade Commission, P.O. Box 126, H.K. C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. 15 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K. 7000 Stuttgart 1, Roemerstr 41, Germany. (Federal Republic). 3 Coombe Road, First Floor, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. Flat B-4, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. House 8, 61 Mt. Davies Road, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o B.N.P. Central Building, 2nd Floor, H.K. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. J Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 240 SALMON, Mrs. P. A. - SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHNEIDER, H. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, David S. SELLETT, G.* SERSALE, Miss S. M. SHANNON, Capt. J. M. - SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, David SHOEMAKER, J. F. SHU, Dr. H. T. SIEGEL, H. W. + SINFIELD, G. H. C.* SJOHOLM, Gunnar A. - P SKELSON, Mrs. R. E. SLEVIN, B. F. · SMITH, L.* SMYTH, Miss L. SO, Dr. Chak-lam - SOO, Dr. Hoy-Mun SPERRY, H. M.* SPOONER, M. G. - T ■ · + 40 Plantation Road, The Peak, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Jebsen & Co., P.O. Box 97, H.K. c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o H.K. Govt. Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. England. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543, Tai Po Road, Kowloon 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. B-4, Garden Mansions, Repulse Bay, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. Unknown. Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. A3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. Unknown c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 249, Jalan Pekeliling, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Allied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K. c/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 242 TOOGOOD, C. W. - TORRENS, Dr. Paul R.. TORRENS, Mrs. Paul R. TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TUCK, Miss Jean TURNER, Sir Michael* UHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr. VALE, Miss M. VARNEY, Dr. C. B. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIÒ, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. VOSS, Dr. A. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. 59A Nga Tsin Wai Road, A2, Kowloon, As above. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. Unknown. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. Unknown. 'Whispers', Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o Dept. of History, Duke University, Durham, N. Carolina, U.S.A, 49 Talbot Road, London, W.2. England. c/o Dept. of Geography, United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Belmont Court 10A, 10 Kotewall Road, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 27, Babington Path, H.K. WAINWRIGHT, Mrs. J. A. 5, Goldsmith Road, Jardines Lookout, H.K. WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WATERS, D. D. WATSON, James L. WATSON, K. A. WATT, James C. Y. WEBSTER, J. L. H. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, North Devon, England. Morrison Hill Technical Institute, 6 Oi Kwan Road, Morrison Hill, Wan Chai, H.K. Dept. of Anthropology, University of Houston, Houston, Texas 77004, U.S.A. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. c/o The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. c/o The British Council, P.K. 15, Sisli, Istanbul, Turkey, 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. c/o Weinrebe & Pennell Ltd., Room 805 The Bank of Canton Building, H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g WESLEY SMITH, Peter WHITE, Robert N. - WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V. + WILLIAMS, P. B. WILLIAMS, R. A. WILLIAMS, W. D. F. - - - 14 Pokfield Road, 4th Floor, H.K. 12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K. 58 Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 10, The Albany, H.K. c/o Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 243 King Fung Villa, 104 Miles, Castle Peak Road, N.T. WILLIAMS, Mrs. W. D. F. As above. - WILSON, B. D. · WILSON, Miss E. M. WINKLER, E. - WONG, Kwok-fong WONG, - Mrs. Margaret Homan. WONG, Peng-cheong* WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss S. WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, Miss B. R. WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. WU, Hei-tak - - YAO, Miss Joyce T, Y.- YEUNG, Walter, W. T. · YOUNG, Miss P. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. + ZIMMERN, W. A. + + - · 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. Flat 104, The Hermitage, 75 MacDonnell Road, H.K. Flat 402, 12 May Road, H.K. 92-A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. 39 Mody Road, 10th floor, Front, Kowloon, c/o Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, Room 732/735, Alexandra House, H.K. 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. G. P. O. Box 497, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Dept. of Education, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 38 Kotewall Court, Kotewall Road, 6th Floor, H.K. - · 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K. c/o Triangle Motors Ltd., Morrison Hill Road, H.K. City Hotels (Development) Ltd., Executive Offices, 2nd Floor, Mandarin Hotel, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1971 · HON. TREASURER's ReporT FOR 1971 - THE LIBRARY, 1971 - - TRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH Chinese Medicine and its Contribution to Modern Medical Science (A Lecture given on 16th November, 1971) DR. F. I. TSEUNG - Some Nineteenth Century Water Colours of Canton and the Far East (A Lecture given on 15th December, 1971) P. H. COLLIN - Raja James Brooke and Sarawak: An Anomaly in the 19th Century British Colonial Scene (A Lecture given on 18th January 1972) -DR. L. R. WRIGHT ARTICLES: The Establishment of the Tsungli Yamen: A Translation of the Memorial and Edict of 1861 — J. L. CRANMER-BYNG Sir James Haldane Stewart Lockhart: Colonial Civil Servant and Scholar- HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE A Historical Review of Housing Conditions in Hong Kong DR. E. G. PRYOR Traditional Chinese Regional Architecture: Chinese Houses LINDA F. SULLIVAN · - Page 1 6 9 12 20 29 41 - - 55 89 130 The Origins of Hong Kong's Central Market and the Tarrant Affair Dafydd Emrys Evans Archaeology in Hong Kong and South China (1938) — W. SCHOFIELD ― Three Chinese Deities: Variations on a Theme KEITH STEVENS NOTES AND QUERIES - Who Hoisted the Union Jack? DR. J. R. JONES China's Earliest Printing—a Note a Note L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH - - Unusual Trees in Hong Kong: the Canton Water Pine SHEN DZE-CHIA A Note on Agricultural Change in Hong Kong AIJMER - Letting Go the Wooden Goose JAMES HAYES 150 - · 161 169 196 - 197 - 198 GORAN - 201 207 - 207 - 213 Programme Notes for the Visit to Pokfulam, Hong Kong Island, 29th July, 1972 - JAMES HAYES - BOOK REVIEWS - ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h the help they have rendered to the Society in its learned and cultural activities: 20th January 15th February 15th March 27th April 19th May 18th October 17th November 15th December Professor L. Carrington Goodrich "The Ming Biographical Project" Mr. James Hayes An informal talk on the scope and activities of the 28th International Congress of Orientalists held in Canberra in January 1971 (illustrated with slides). The Rev. Carl T. Smith "The Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong”. Dr. Hui-Ching Lu "T'ai Chi Chuang: Its Principles and Practice", (illustrated by a 15 minute film show). Professor Woodbridge Bingham "The People of T'ang China as we know them today". Dr. F. I. Tseung "Chinese Medicine and its contribution to Modern Medical Science". Mr. M. J. Smithies "Village Mons of Bangkok Province" or "The Survival of Good and Bad Ghosts Beyond the Traffic Jams", (illustrated with slides). Mr. P. H. Collin "A British Officer in China, 1857-58", (illustrated with slides). Council: During the period under review your Council met nine times and, naturally, much of the business dealt with was of a routine nature. There were however in addition a few important matters of general interest which called for the consideration and action of your executive body and these are now mentioned separately here. Hon. Secretary. On the departure of Mr. J. L. H. Webster from the Colony (as foreshadowed in my last Report), Miss E. M. Bellord, also a member of the staff of the local British ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h CHINESE MEDICINE AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO MODERN MEDICAL SCIENCE DR. F. I. TSEUNG, O.B.E., J.P., K.ST.J., LL.D.* (The text of a lecture to the Branch given on 16th November, 1971) Many people seem to despise Chinese medicine thinking that it is only of legendary or historical interest and that it has no scientific value. Being a scientifically trained medical man, I will not believe theories of a superstitious nature; but to say that Chinese medicine is of no use at all would be too bold a statement to make. Realising that China and her people have existed long before the introduction of scientific medicine, there must be some good in it, although we may not yet know its intrinsic value. I therefore venture to relate some salient points of China's contribution to the medical world. It is my hope that this may create an interest to explore further the scientific value of Chinese medicine. To begin with, the Chinese character I (yi) has a very significant origin. This character consists of a radical Fang (fang), meaning a cavity, with a radical Chi or Shih (chi/shi), meaning an arrow inside it. The radical Shu (shu) means some knife or instrument, and the radical Yau or Yu (yau/yu) means alcohol. The whole character then signifies that an arrow has entered the cavity (thus creating a wound) and that it is necessary to use some knife or instrument to extract it and then apply alcohol to treat it. To a modern medical mind, this seems very scientific. Although there is no denying the fact that superstitions are prevalent in China, it has to be pointed out that the regular Chinese doctor is one who treats diseases according to certain rules and standards, and that he has a clear conception of his noble calling. In spite of the varied speculations and sometimes absurd theories as to the causation of diseases, there is yet a rational, semi-scientific and dignified practice which is based on the accumulated knowledge * Dr. Tseung, who was born in Hong Kong in 1903, is a distinguished member of the medical profession here. He is a past president of the Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association, was Commissioner of the St. John Ambulance Brigade and has also been active in community and educational activities for many years, including four years as President of United College, now part of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h CHINESE MEDICINE 19 competitive examinations. Thus, it appears that the medical services of this period were quite well organized. The Tai I Yuan (太醫院) had special charge of medical education, the Han Lin I Kuan Yuan (翰林醫官院), of general administration and the Yu Yao Yuan (御藥院), of the medical needs of the Imperial Household. Such is a brief summary of the contributions of Chinese medicine. It will be seen from the above that whilst the Chinese have acquired a lot of experience, accumulated a mass of information, collected a great variety of facts, formulated some fundamental principles, anticipated many discoveries, invented some useful methods, some of which have been brought to a high degree of excellence, yet they have never pursued a single subject in a way calculated to lead them to final success. It is a bad tradition that the leading medical men in China seldom passed on their knowledge to others, including sometimes even their own sons; and even if they did pass on, they did not impart a full hundred per cent of their knowledge, accumulated experiences and technique. Most of them know what it is, but cannot explain the whys and wherefores. It is due to this that most of the things hinted at have remained barren of results until centuries later, when modern science stepped in and secured the prize. It is a matter much to be regretted, that in spite of a good start, the native doctors never seem to have pushed their investigations further, but, on the contrary, have lost many of the valuable clues left them by their ancestors.* I am sure that if, in joint co-operation with our foreign medical colleagues, preferably through the medium of the World Health Organization, we put our heads together, forget our prejudices and work persistently on it, we shall succeed in bringing out much more from this old historical art. *This echoes the words used by S. W. Williams in 1848 in the first edition of his classic, The Middle Kingdom, vol. II, p. 192:- On the whole it may be said that, in all departments of learning, the Chinese are unscientific, and, that while they have collected a few facts, invented many arts, and brought a few to a high degree of excellence, they have never pursued a single subject in a way calculated to lead them to a right understanding of it, and proper classification of the information they possessed relating to it. Editor. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 24 P. H. COLLIN "Soon after moving on, we came to a rivulet, the course of which assured us our problem was solved; there must be a pass through the mountains. We followed the stream, and emerged on the great plain. Our spirits rose, and we walked on, admiring the peacefulness and tranquillity of everything, and the hospitality of the poor industrious countrymen. We concluded that we might with ease and comfort walk to Pekin. Some quail fell to some of our sportsmen's guns, and some distant trees gave promise of the nobler woodcock. On nearing this wood, we found that it formed the background to a large village, but we saw a path leading round outside, which we resolved to follow. We were considerably astonished by several villagers coming forward gesticulating, and, as we afterwards supposed, entreating us not to go on. We could not at the time quite make out what they meant, but supposed that they did not wish us to pass through the village. So on we went by the outer path, and entered a grove of tall pine-trees. We were instantly saluted by such a din of gongs, and clamour of voices as I never heard as if we had upset a hive of people. Individual Chinese soldiers displayed themselves, beating two swords together, and capering about, as if to challenge us to single combat. We caught one man, and tried, through our interpreter, to explain that we were only out for a walk. "It was manifest enough that the scrape we had been endeavouring to avoid, we had at last fallen into, and in a more unpleasant form than we anticipated; in fact, that we had stumbled on the enemy's camp. The hum of voices sounded as if upwards of a thousand people were in movement. Our first step was to load, and our next to get back into the open plain, where we could not be surrounded without seeing our assailants. Whilst we were loading, bang came a great jingall shot right among us, fortunately hitting no one. Another shot or two were fired which were not very well aimed, and we got on to the plain. "Of course our danger was that we should be cut off from Canton, whence we were distant, as the crow flies, about six miles. But, unfortunately, it was not visible from where we were, and of course we only had an idea of about where it ought to be. We saw from the plain that there was a succession of villages in the direction of the city, and we feared the alarm would spread, and that we should be headed by these villagers turning out in front of us, Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 28 P. H. COLLIN NOTES 1 Wingrove Cooke, China, London, 1858. p. 254. 2 Ibid., p. 279. 3 This was J. Scarth, who in 1860 published Twelve Years in China, illustrated from his own sketches. In this work Scarth has little to say of the events in Canton during the Arrow War, pointing out that the subject had been fully treated by Wingrove Cooke. 4 Albert Smith, To China and Back, London, 1859, p. 27. 5 J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, 1900 edition, p. 38, gives the following description. "Gingals, or Jingals, are long tapering guns, six to fourteen feet in length, borne on the shoulders of two men and fired by a third. They have a stand, or tripod, resembling one of a telescope”. 6 Lt. Col. Fisher, Three Years' Service in China, London, 1863 p. 25. 7 Ibid., p. 72. 8 E. Fraser & L. G. Carr-Laughton, The Royal Marine Artillery. 1804-1923, London, 1930, p. 459. I am indebted to Miss J. S. Crockett of the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, for drawing my attention to this work. 9 Ibid., p. 462. 10 Cooke, op. cit., p. 329. 11 Fisher, op. cit., p. 4. 12 Parliamentary papers on Lord Elgin's mission to China. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h RAJA JAMES BROOKE AND SARAWAK 31 slavery. One of the Brunei princes, Raja Muda Hasim, had shown a rather more friendly attitude toward European traders out of Singapore than had the pirate chiefs. Brooke was commissioned to make contact with Hasim and see what he could do to make English ships welcome in the rivers of Borneo. Brooke was given a letter from Governor Bonham addressed to the Sultan of Brunei, Omar Ali Saifuddin. Sarawak in those days was the southernmost part of the Brunei sultanate, little more than the Malay village of Kuching and the Sarawak River. The local Malay chiefs had for some time been in rebellion against the extortionary rule of the Brunei governor, and Raja Muda Hasim had been sent to suppress the rebellion but without much success. It was in Sarawak that Brooke, on the 15th August 1839, met Hasim and his brother Bedruddin who impressed him with their “overawing and stately demeanour”, and their above average intelligence and political acumen. They were not at all the ordinary dissipated Malay chiefs that proliferated in the environs of the Brunei court. Brooke was made welcome and carried on conversations about Malay politics and trade. He then continued his voyage to Celebes and again returned to Kuching in the summer of 1840. Without going into the details of Malay intrigue and procrastination that surrounded a most fascinating episode of British colonial history, suffice it to say that within a year Brooke had successively: convinced himself that it was worthwhile attempting to settle the rebellion in a just and fair way; had thrown the considerable weight and prestige of his expedition behind Hasim; had negotiated an end to the rebellion, which characteristically included a fair and humane amnesty for the rebellious chiefs; and had accepted in the bargain the governorship of Sarawak. Brooke wrote a lively account of the proceedings for his journal entry,2 Under the guns of Royalist, and with a small body of men to protect me personally, and the great majority of all classes with me, it is not surprising that the negotiation proceeded rapidly to a favourable issue. The document was quickly drawn up, sealed, signed, and delivered; and on the 24th of 2 R. Munday, Narrative of Events in Borneo and Celebes from the Journals of James Brooke, Esq. (John Murray, London, 1848), Vol. I, p. 271. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h RAJA JAMES BROOKE AND SARAWAK 37 France, and in 1859 he "broke off" relations with Britain, upon which the Foreign Secretary, Lord Russell commented,12 Tell Brooke that the people of Sarawak are welcome to any independence they can achieve and maintain but that a British subject cannot throw off his allegiance at pleasure. And Spencer St. John noted13 that "the Raja's correspondence during this year with Her Majesty's Government was not pleasant, and ended, apparently, in complete estrangement”. Over the years Brooke had acquired a respectable following of supporters in Britain and Singapore, among whom were some influential figures such as Lord Grey, Bishop Wilberforce of Oxford, and the late Victorian philanthropist, Miss Angela Burdett-Coutts, later Baroness Burdett-Coutts. His friends now took up his cause and lobbied Whitehall from the Prime Minister's office down. Britain refused to extend a colonial or protectorate status to Sarawak on practical political grounds. Henry Layard, an under-secretary in the Foreign Office, wrote that a protectorate was declined because of the "inconvenience of such relations between this country and a foreign territory", because Sarawak “would not be of sufficient value politically and commercially", and because Brooke's title was not "sufficiently clear"14 Brooke's friends persuaded the Government to have another look at Sarawak, and in 1861 Lord Elgin, who was about to depart as the new viceroy of India, was instructed to investigate the prospects and potential of Sarawak. He delegated the task to Colonel Cavenagh, Governor of the Straits Settlements. In due course Cavenagh and Elgin provided an optimistic assessment of Raja Brooke's state and suggested making Sarawak a lieutenant-governorship under Singapore. "I am disposed to think", wrote Lord Elgin,15 that the acquisition of Saigon by the French and the persistent endeavor of the Dutch authorities to cripple British trade... give enhanced importance to the preservation of the independence of Sarawak as a matter affecting British interests.' 12 See correspondence between the Foreign Office and Raja Brooke between 26 November and 17 December 1859, FO12/35. 13 Spencer St. John, Life of Sir James Brooke, Rajah of Sarawak, (Edinburgh, 1879) p. 327. 14 Layard memorandum to Lord Elgin, 2 January 1862, FO12/35. 15 Elgin to Russell, 8 January 1863, FO12/35. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 70 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE depressed and the Grant-in-Aid was increased, but not to its original figure. Lockhart had received the administration of a territory that could never be a great financial success. Except for two periods of leave, in 1909 and 1918, and short absences from the Territory, such as ceremonial visits to the Chinese Governor of Shangtung at Tsinan, Lockhart was continuously in charge for nearly nineteen years. Weihaiwei was an extremely healthy place, free of malaria, with a climate like that of a northern European country and Lockhart was able to indulge in the recreations he loved most. He rode nearly every day or played a round of golf on the mainland on Yuan Shih-k'ai's parade ground. The dedication to Lockhart of Johnston's book, Lion and Dragon in Northern China, reads: 'In memory of two moonlit nights at Lutao-k'uo, five frosty mornings at Pei-K'uo Temple and a hundred breezy gallops over the hills and sands of Weihaiwei.' In 1904, Johnston, then Acting Assistant Colonial Secretary at Hong Kong, had been appointed to Weihaiwei and the two men, who had worked together previously in Hong Kong, soon became close friends. In 1919 Johnston accepted an appointment as tutor to the ex-Emperor of China, P'ü-i,37 and Lockhart in his report for that year spoke of the 'great loss to the service. He had served uninterruptedly in Weihaiwei since 1904 and had proved himself an officer of exceptional administrative capacity, his intimate knowledge of the Chinese, their customs, and their language having won for him a high place in the esteem of the native population with which his duties brought him into such intimate contact.'38 They were both Scots but their friendship, it would seem, was based not on tribalism but on a mutual admiration for Chinese civilisation. Lockhart left Weihaiwei on 23 April, 1921, on H.M. Ship Cairo, a passage having been placed at his disposal by the Commander-in-Chief, China Station. His popularity with all classes of the Chinese population 'was evidenced by the erection of two "Pei" (commemorative tablets) in his honour and the presentation of numerous addresses and scrolls, two "myriad name" umbrellas, one dress of "myriad name robes" and a bowl of pure water (the symbol of purity of administration).'39 Lockhart had been popular mainly because he understood the Chinese and left them alone. As he wrote: "There is in China a ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART 79 relationships between ruler and ruled, proper behaviour according to status. Lockhart was a scholar-administrator in the Confucian sense. The profession of Colonial Civil Servant is coming to an end with the dissolution of the British empire. Lockhart, then, is a representative of a stage in the evolution of English society — the stage of imperial expansion that is now over and can never return. In contemporary Hong Kong the European official is not likely to be a Chinese scholar, for the system of language training that produced a Lockhart has been radically curtailed?. Yet if an official is of a scholarly turn of mind, he is now more likely to be found reading history, politics or economics. The scholar-administrator of Lockhart's type is not to be found. He has become a specialist or bureaucrat. There is no doubt that Lockhart would have been saddened by this consummation. NOTES 1 Sir William des Voeux, My Colonial Service..... London, 1903, vol. 2, p. 211. 2 George Watson's College was founded by George Watson, first accountant of the Bank of Scotland, who died in 1723. It became a day school in 1878. The Senior School has now about 890 boys. 3 Sir Everard Duncan Home Fraser, K.C.M.G. (1859-1922). Educated at Aberdeen University. Passing a competitive examination, he was appointed a student interpreter in China in 1880, being promoted Acting Consul at Foochow in 1886. At the time of his death, Fraser was Senior Consul in Shanghai and, therefore, chairman of the Consular Body. 4 In Britain the first chair of Chinese was created in 1838 at University College London. In 1846 Samuel Fearon, the Registrar General of Hong Kong, was appointed Professor of Chinese Language and Literature in King's College, London. The next incumbent of the chair at King's appears to have been James Summers, who was twenty-four at the time of his appointment in 1852. Summers had been for a few years a tutor at St. Paul's College, Hong Kong; but Hong Kong society was highly critical of the elevation to a chair of a mere stripling (see J. W. Norton-Kyshe, History of the Law and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. i, p. 348). Summers resigned at the end of the 1872/73 session and apparently departed for China and Japan. He was succeeded by Robert Kennaway Douglas (1838-1913), who was also Senior Assistant in the Department of Printed Books in the British Museum. It was presumably Douglas who first introduced Lockhart to Chinese. (On Douglas see the short obituary in T'oung Pao, vol. xiv, 1913). For a long time the sole chair of Chinese in Britain was that at King's College until a chair was created in 1876 for Dr. James Legge at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Professor Douglas had few full-time students, only a Frenchman and a Pole; Legge had only one student and Sir Thomas Wade at Cambridge 'n'avait qu'un auditeur: il est vrai qu'il était Chinois'. (See Henri Cordier, 'Les Études Chinoises', T'oung Pao, 1898, p. 48). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 80 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE 8 E. T. C. Werner, Autumn Leaves: An Autobiography, Shanghai, 1928, pp. 487-8. Werner, a student interpreter, studied Chinese in Peking in 1884. With him were two Hong Kong cadets -- Henry Francis May and Thomas Sercombe Smith. May became Governor of Hong Kong and Smith Puisne Judge in the Straits Settlements. 6 E. H. Parker, John Chinaman and a Few Others, London, 1903, p. 210. 7 Ibid., p. 211. 8 Lockhart's preface to A Manual of Chinese Quotations, 1st edition, 1893, p. iii. Lockhart also states: 'my attention was first called to the Ch'êng Yu Kao by my late teacher Mr. Ou-yang Hui.... I commenced to translate it under his guidance.' 9 A report of Ho Kai's speech is given in one of a series of articles called Old Hong Kong by 'Colonial', published by the South China Morning Post (June 17, 1933-April 13, 1935). Mimeographed copy, University of Hong Kong Library, 10 See, for example, T. O. Ranger, ‘African Reactions to the Imposition of Colonial Rule in East and Central Africa', in L. H. Gann and Peter Duignan (eds.), Colonialism in Africa 1870-1960, Cambridge, England, 1969, vol. 1, pp. 293-324; Lord Hailey, An African Survey, 2nd edition, London, 1945, pp. 527-8; and also J. D. Legge, Britain in Fiji 1858-1880, London, 1958, especially his ch. ix, 'Native Authority Systems'. 11 For a more detailed account of Lockhart's design see my article, "The District Watch Committee: "The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xi, 1971, pp. 116-141. 12 Hong Kong Sessional Papers (cited henceforth as Sessional Papers), no. 26 of 1896, pp. 425-427. 13 T. H. Whitehead (1851-1933). See obituaries in the Times of 17 May, 1933, and in the South China Morning Post of 18 May, 1933. He was from 1883 to 1902 manager of the Hong Kong office of the Chartered Bank. Whitehead, a great imperialist, was a member of the Royal Empire Society, the Fellowship of the British Empire, and the China Association. The Times speaks of him as a typical Scot, of rugged energy and determination, and of great intellectual force.... In the domestic politics of Hong Kong Colony he took an active, not to say aggressive part.... In his retirement he was active in promoting emigration to the Empire, especially of boy scouts. 14 Sessional Papers, no. 26 of 1896, p. 431. 15 Ibid., p. 428. 16 Ibid., p. 429. 17 Most of the clerks in the Registrar General's Office were recruited from Queen's College. 'In March 1900, at the Queen's College Prize Giving, the Hon. Stewart Lockhart, C.M.G., said: "I do not know what the Government would have done if it had not had the College to turn to when it wanted a staff at work in the New Territory, and I cannot give them any higher praise than to say they are carrying on their duties in a manner worthy of the College in which they received their education." See Gwenneth Stokes, Queen's College, 1862-1962, Hong Kong, 1962, p. 66. 18 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit. vol. 2, p. 461. +3 19 See 'Extracts from a Report from Mr. Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong', Sessional Papers, no. 9 of 1899. 20 Ibid., p. 198. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 82 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE It is an interesting comment on Johnston that he visited England only twice in twenty-eight years of residence in China. See Johnston's obituary in the Times of 8 March, 1938. 37 R. F. Johnston's, Twilight in the Forbidden City, London, 1934, describes his experiences as an Imperial tutor. 38 Much information on Johnston's experiences as District Officer and Magistrate are given in his book, Lion and Dragon in Northern China. 39 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1921, p. 3. 40 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1903, p. 5. From time to time the Magistrate's office issued proclamations in Chinese, notifying the people of the wishes of the Government. All the villages of the Territory were provided with large notice boards on which such proclamations were posted. The style of governing in Weihaiwei owed much to Chinese example. 41 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1904, p. 26. The statement is taken from Johnston's 'Report of the Secretary to Government for the Year 1904'. This is a most interesting report on Chinese society in Weihaiwei, 42 The China Review was founded in 1872 by N. B. Dennys. The publication terminated with vol. xxv, 1901. It was published bi-monthly. 43 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1937, pp. 391-3. 44 In his obituary notice of E. H. Parker, E. T. C. Werner wrote: "The editor's request to write this notice puts me in a rather awkward position, for I cannot but refer to the very great amount of valuable sinological work which has been done by members of the British Consular Service in China. Considering its relatively small size, the Service has produced proportionately more brilliant sinologists than any body connected with the Far East.” See Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (henceforth cited as JNCBRAS), vol. lvii, 1926, p. vi. 45 Sir Cecil Clementi (1875-1947). Educated at Oxford. Hong Kong cadet in 1899. Governor of Hong Kong 1925-30. He published, among other books, The Chinese in British Guiana, Georgetown, 1915, Cantonese Love-Songs, Oxford, 1904, and Summary of Geographical Observations taken during a Journey from Kashgar to Kowloon, 1907-8, Hong Kong, 1911. 46 Lockhart's interest in the Chinese language is recognised in the dedication to him of Mok Man-cheung's Tah Tsz Anglo-Chinese Dictionary, 2nd edition (Chinese foreword dated 9th October, 1914). Mok had served in the Registrar-General's department with Lockhart, and moved to the Supreme Court as an interpreter in 1891. See also note 71 below. 47 China Review, vol. xxi, 1892/93, p. 405. 48 Vols. xx to xxii. The disputants included E. J. Eitel, E. H. Parker, E. D. H. Fraser, H. A. Giles, and Lockhart. The first edition of Lockhart's book was dedicated to Dr. John Chalmers, the distinguished sinologue, and the second to Dr. James Legge as well. Lockhart spoke of them as 'two famous Aberdonians'. 49 China Review, vol. xxi, 1892/93, p. 412. 50 China Review, vol. xxii, 1893/94, p. 547, 51 T'oung Pao, vol. viii, 1897, pp. 412-430. 52 Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 6, 1930-32, p. 812. 53 Chinese Recorder, Sept. 1903, p. 464. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART 54 Index to the Tso Chuan, p. iii of Lockhart's preface. 55 Ibid., p. iii. 56 T'oung Pao, vol. xxix, 1932, p. 180. 83 57 On the study of folklore see Alan Dundes (ed.), The Study of Folklore, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1965. 58 N. B. Dennys (1840?-1900), a student interpreter in the Consular Service, published in Hong Kong in 1867: The Folklore of China, and its affinities with that of the Aryan and Semitic Races. It was a reprint of a series of articles first published in the China Review. Dennys' study is influenced particularly by the work of Max Müller. A typical example of Dennys' conjecturing would be the following: 'But what are we to make of the monotheistic spirit pervading the numerous sayings in which the "Heaven" of the Chinese answers to the "God" of Christian Europe or the "Jehovah" of the chosen race? Is this the spontaneous invention of an isolated people, or is it the surviving trace of a long-forgotten worship, when the ancestors of the Chinamen and the Semite worshipped at the same tomb?' (p. 155). See also Thomas Watters, 'Chinese Fox-Myths', JNCBRAS, vol. viii, 1873. The article by E. T. C. Werner, 'China's Place in Sociology', China Review, vol. xx, 1891/92, pp. 303-310, provides another example of the speculative thinking current among the educated in the 1880s. 59 Lockhart's circular was also printed in the JNCBRAS, vol. xxi, 1886, p. 120. 60 China Review, vol. xiv, 1885/86, p. 352. 61 In 1860 the Hong Kong Daily Press published a separate newspaper in Chinese. This was the Chung Ngoi San Po and its first editor was Wong Shing (Huang Shêng). 62 The collection contains over 600 letters from R. F. Johnston to Lockhart. 63 JNCBRAS, vol. xlvii, 1916, p. 152. 64 Arthur Bradden Cole, An Encyclopedia of Chinese Coins, New Collegiate Press, Kansas, 1967, vol. 1, p. 335. 65 South China Morning Post, 5 January, 1972. 66 Jean Gittins, Eastern Windows, Western Skies, Hong Kong, 1969, p. 47. 67 The Times, 4 March, 1937. See also the obituary in the North-China Herald of 10 March, 1937. The South China Morning Post on 1 March, 1937, declared that Sir James' name is immortalised in Hong Kong by Lockhart Road on the Praya Reclamation.' Lockhart received the C.M.G. in 1898 and became a K.C.M.G. in 1908. 68 R. F. Johnston's obituary notice of Lockhart: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1937, p. 393. Johnston states he was one of the first to receive the honorary degree of LL.D from the newly founded University of Hong Kong. He received this honour in 1919 and was in fact the twelfth person to be so honoured. 69 See, for example, Lockhart's letter to Dr. G. E. Morrison after Morrison's speech to the China Association in 1907: 'I admired your pluck', Lockhart wrote, 'in telling your hosts what could not have been entirely pleasing to their self-satisfied ears, and in giving expression to what you well know will not make you popular with the white men in the Far West. You boldly advised removal of the troops. See Cyril Pearl, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 84 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE Morrison of Peking, Sydney, 1967, p. 186. There is a blunt letter from Lockhart to Sun Yat-sen, who had protested against his banishment from Hong Kong in 1896, given in Harold Z. Schiffrin, Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution. Berkeley, California, p. 145: 'I am directed to inform you that this Government has no intention of allowing the British Colony of Hong Kong to be used as an Asylum for persons engaged in plots and dangerous conspiracies against a friendly neighbouring Empire, and that, in view of the part taken by you in such transactions, which you euphemistically term in your letter "emancipating your miserable countrymen from the Tartar yoke", you will be arrested if you land in this Colony under an order of Banishment issued against you in 1896.' One feels that although this was an official letter it expresses precisely what Lockhart felt. 70 Cadet officers (administrative officers) are still expected to learn Cantonese but the present standard is that reached after an eleven-week course at the Government language school; before the war cadet officers usually went to Canton for a two-year full-time course. 71 Since writing note 46 above, I have found another reference to Lockhart's scholarship. James Dyer Ball writes in the second edition of his Cantonese Made Easy (Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1887): 'Great care has also been exercised in a careful revision of the lessons, and here the author must acknowledge the great assistance rendered to him by the Hon. J. H. Stewart Lockhart, C.M.G., who kindly volunteered to assist him.' Page 90 Page 91 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h CHI SHAN KOWLOON WESTERN DISTRICT VICTORIA SOURCES PORT DIVEICH WORKS P. T. D. MAR HOUR HUNG HOM BAY HONG KONG ISLAND MILE! V/2 * KOWLOON BAY NORTH POINT EMUN TONG 2 MILES NOTATION PERIOD OF RECLAMATION UP TO 1987 APPROX ACREATES THECLAIMED 330-4 10-1904 1905–1924 537-4 +2 882, 1945-1967 IZITO + APPROVED PROJECTS IN HAND HONG KONG HARBOUR SHOWING VARIOUS STAGES OF RECLAMATION AT 31-3 · 67 LEI YUE SEM 118 E. G. PRYOR FIG. 2 = However, upon closer inspection, it appears that the original text is likely a mix of geographical names, abbreviations, and figure/table references, possibly from a historical document or map related to Hong Kong. To better format this text, I will reorganize it into a more coherent structure while adhering to the given rules. # HONG KONG HARBOUR RECLAMATION ## GEOGRAPHICAL AREAS CHI SHAN KOWLOON WESTERN DISTRICT VICTORIA HUNG HOM BAY HONG KONG ISLAND KOWLOON BAY NORTH POINT EMUN TONG LEI YUE SEM ## RECLAMATION DETAILS PERIOD OF RECLAMATION APPROX ACREATES RECLAIMED UP TO 1904 330-4 1905–1924 537-4 1945-1967 882 ## ADDITIONAL INFORMATION SOURCES PORT DIVEICH WORKS P. T. D. MAR HOUR V/2 IZITO + APPROVED PROJECTS IN HAND E. G. PRYOR FIG. 2 However, to strictly follow the output format requested, the above Markdown formatted response should be converted to HTML. Here is the final output in HTML as requested: CHI SHAN KOWLOON WESTERN DISTRICT VICTORIA SOURCES PORT DIVEICH WORKS P. T. D. MAR HOUR HUNG HOM BAY HONG KONG ISLAND MILE! V/2 * KOWLOON BAY NORTH POINT EMUN TONG 2 MILES NOTATION PERIOD OF RECLAMATION UP TO 1987 APPROX ACREATES THECLAIMED 330-4 10-1904 1905–1924 537-4 +2 882, 1945-1967 IZITO + APPROVED PROJECTS IN HAND HONG KONG HARBOUR SHOWING VARIOUS STAGES OF RECLAMATION AT 31-3 · 67 LEI YUE SEM 118 E. G. PRYOR FIG. 2 = Let's correct and simplify the output directly in HTML as per the instructions: HONG KONG HARBOUR RECLAMATION CHI SHAN KOWLOON WESTERN DISTRICT VICTORIA SOURCES PORT DIVEICH WORKS P. T. D. MAR HOUR HUNG HOM BAY HONG KONG ISLAND MILE! V/2 KOWLOON BAY NORTH POINT EMUN TONG 2 MILES PERIOD OF RECLAMATION UP TO 1904 1905–1924 1945-1967 APPROX ACREATES RECLAIMED 330-4 537-4 882 + APPROVED PROJECTS IN HAND HONG KONG HARBOUR SHOWING VARIOUS STAGES OF RECLAMATION AT 31-3 · 67 LEI YUE SEM 118 E. G. PRYOR FIG. 2 = The final answer is: CHI SHAN KOWLOON WESTERN DISTRICT VICTORIA SOURCES PORT DIVEICH WORKS P. T. D. MAR HOUR HUNG HOM BAY HONG KONG ISLAND MILE! V/2 * KOWLOON BAY NORTH POINT EMUN TONG 2 MILES NOTATION PERIOD OF RECLAMATION UP TO 1987 APPROX ACREATES THECLAIMED 330-4 10-1904 1905–1924 537-4 +2 882, 1945-1967 IZITO + APPROVED PROJECTS IN HAND HONG KONG HARBOUR SHOWING VARIOUS STAGES OF RECLAMATION AT 31-3 · 67 LEI YUE SEM 118 E. G. PRYOR FIG. 2 = ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 170 KEITH STEVENS combination of an historical hero, with considerable legend surrounding him, and a mythical being who is very popular in Chinese folklore; thus creating a complicated and fabulous story. The second, Fa Chu Kung, was in all probability a historical being, the actuality of his origins lost in time, who now appears as a legendary being. The third, Cheng Ho, is a comparatively recent and well-documented historical being, deified by popular appeal, with little myth or legend added to his story. Two of the three are popular Taoist spirits or gods (†‡) and believed to be beneficent whereas the third, T'ai Sui, is a feared Taoist god. The detail of the development of each cult, the recognition features of each deity, the frequency of sightings and the identities of other deities co-located with the main deity described below are based on sightings and conversations in some two and a half thousand temples, and six god-carvers' shops located in Hong Kong and Macau, Taiwan, the Philippines and in most parts of South East Asia; and also from notes culled from many books, mostly written by Christian missionaries who so often vented their spleen on the subject of heathen idols. One final prefatory note is necessary at this point, a short description of a novel which is one of the main sources of myth and legend about the gods. The novel, the Feng Shen Yen I (#Ħ✯A), The Deification of the Gods*, written in about the fifteenth century about the supernatural, describes the historical struggle between the last king of the Shang Dynasty, King Chou (*†£) and the victor, the first king of the subsequent Chou Dynasty, King Wu (1). The capital of the Shang Dynasty was the ancient city of Anyang, where King Chou, infamous for his tyranny, cruelty and excesses is said to have reigned for thirty-three years, 1154-1121 B.C. King Chou was destroyed with the Shang Dynasty in the flames of his palace at the Deer Terrace after a crushing defeat by a rebellious army under Hsi P'o (‡) on the banks of the Yellow River. Hsi P'o founded the Chou Dynasty and is remembered as King Wu (1). This defeat of the Shang and the inception of the Chou is variously * See (in translation) Lu Hsun, A Brief History of Chinese Fiction, Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1959, pp. 220-224, where the title is rendered Canonization of the Gods. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h NOTES AND QUERIES 197 and his three small survey ships have given their names respectively to Sulphur Channel, Starling Inlet and Plover Cove. J. R. JONES. CHINA'S EARLIEST PRINTING A NOTE LLL In Volume 7 (1967) of this Journal I published a brief note entitled "Printing, a new discovery." This told of a find in a stone stupa, standing in the courtyard of a temple called Pulguk-sa, in Korea, erected in 751, of a printed Buddhist sutra. The find was hailed by the Korean archaeologists as perhaps the oldest example of printing known, although the exact date of the printing still remains a mystery. Recently I have learned that the Chinese discovered another piece of printing as far back as 1944. (Somehow, perhaps because of the war, news of this had escaped my attention.) Known in Chinese as T'o-lo-ni ching chou (dharani sutra charm), it was unearthed in a T'ang dynasty grave site in Chengtu, Szechwan, inside the silver bracelet of a young woman. As Professor Max Loehr has written, it "is a charm printed on a single sheet showing a six-armed Bodhisattva figure in the center of concentrically laid out Sanscrit words written in Lantsa letters." This is surprising, but not unreasonable. In the last half of the Tang, Chengtu happens to have developed into perhaps the chief center of printing, and, as everyone knows, by the middle of the eighth century Chinese civilization had reached one of its heights. It was the age of Li Po and Tu Fu, Wu Tao-hsüan and Wang Wei, and Buddhism was at the summit of its influence. With the demand for reduplication in every circle - Confucian, Buddhist, and Taoist - and with all the tools and techniques at hand, the printing of a highly popular charm seems natural. So it came about that there have come to light charms, printed within a few years of each other, in Korea (751?), China (757), and Japan (764-770). Bibliography: Chung-kuo pan-k'o lü-lu, compiled by the Peking Library (Peking 1961), pl. 1, text Vol. I, p. 7; ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 208 NOTES AND QUERIES it is easy to see what it was like in 1841 when Britain occupied Hong Kong. University Hall began life in the early 1860s as Castle Douglas, the fanciful creation of Douglas Lapraik, an early Hong Kong ship-owner (see J. Llewellyn's article from Volume XI, (1967-68) of Outpost, the annual magazine of University Hall Students' Association). The house and estate were sold to the Société des Missions Étrangères de Paris (hereafter called the French Mission) in May, 1894, rebuilt and extended, and renamed Nazareth House. The Mission figures prominently in today's tour, since we shall visit the Maison de Béthanie, opposite Castle Douglas, that also belonged to it. Before proceeding further to describe Nazareth House and Béthanie, I shall mention something of its work and history. According to Samuel Couling's Encyclopaedia Sinica (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1917) p. 378, the Société, all of whose members were French, was, at the time he wrote, a society of secular priests who, without being tied to any religious vow, devoted themselves to the propagation of the Catholic faith in the Far East. It originated in the middle of the 17th century by some French priests proceeding by invitation to Tonkin to assist the work of the Jesuits there. Its first missionary to reach China proper was Mgr. Pallu in 1681. It had no Superior-General but was administered by the heads of the different Missions, and by the Directors of the Seminary in Paris. The Society provided more workers and more martyrs than any other of the bodies that evangelized the Far East. At the time Couling wrote, it had under its care 12 Vicariats with 462,321 Christians, and more than 160 of its members had been made bishops. Besides its Missions in China, the Société had in Hong Kong a famous printing house, the Nazareth Press, which began its work soon after the first Nazareth House was opened in Macau in December 1884. Nazareth House soon moved to Hong Kong, to Tai Ku Lau, Pokfulam, (see below) 1885-1891, then to Richmond Terrace above Kennedy Town in the Western District of Hong Kong (1891-1895) and then to Castle Douglas, renamed Nazareth (1895-1953). The printing press went with it in all these removals. The Nazareth Press was a notable achievement. It occupied a special building at Tai Ku Lau, with the presses on the ground floor and the setting rooms above. A special extension was later built ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h BOOK REVIEWS 217 fourteen centuries (i.e. from the 7th century, the period of the beginning of the grand romance of the Lan-t'ing Preface, to less than ten years ago?) evaporates in the presence of the magical magnificence of the calligraphy. By religiously translating every single word of the miscellaneous writing on the Lan-t'ing as collected in the KKYL by Wang Tso, Sir Percival David became the first Englishman to dive into the dark waters of the mystery of the cult of Lan-t'ing. The translation reads well, even if no attempt is made to ease the task for the English reader of identifying personages referred to by multifarious names and titles. A great deal of patience and labour must have gone into the translation of this long section which can only have minimum appeal to the general reader but will be useful to the specialist student who wishes to explore the more esoteric subjects of Chinese art—although the student must also expect to do some homework before he or she can achieve full understanding of the stories told in this section. Similar criticism can be applied to other sections of the book which are mainly Wang Tso's additions. They deal with such subjects as imperial patents, imperial seals, and wandering spirits. The reviewer must not give the impression that there are no notes at all; but that many more notes are required to make such a strange (in the sense of being foreign) book intelligible to the English reading public which, though large in numbers, is not and cannot be generally familiar with China of the 14th century and before. Of the notes which are given, some are useful, such as that on "hsi-p'i" lacquer on pp. 145-6. All in all, the most accomplished production of the book contrasts sharply with the unfinished nature of its contents. And this brings us back to the cautionary remark made earlier, that the book must be judged as an unfinished work. With this work, Sir Percival David has taken English scholarship in Chinese art history to the verge of a new level of understanding. It is hoped that a new generation of scholars will follow the path that he has shown. As a postscript, it may be mentioned that the plates, chosen by Mr. Basil Gray who has otherwise done excellent work in preparing the book for printing, do not relate too well to the subject matters dealt with in the book. Again, to perform this task satisfactorily, it would have been necessary to do a great deal of research into the kind of objects which would go into the collection of a Ming scholar. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 218 BOOK REVIEWS dilettante. Nevertheless, one would have wished for at least a reproduction of one of the many important Lan-t'ing rubbings which form such an important part of the book. The reviewer therefore begs the permission of the editor of this journal to reproduce one of the most interesting versions of the Lan-t'ing mentioned in the text; that of an early rubbing of the version caused to be carved by the Sung calligrapher Hsueh Shou-p'eng, supposed one-time owner of the ting-wu stone, from a T'ang copy of the "original".* Chinese University of Hong Kong. NOTES J. C. Y. WATT. 1 For a critical account of the Tu-hui Pao-chien, see Yu Shao-sung's (***) Shuhua shulu chieh-t'i (#£###). 2 Almost from the beginning, there have been scholars who were sceptical of the authenticity of the version which appeared at the beginning of the Tang and good copies of which have been handed through the centuries as being very near the original. However, up till the beginning of this century, sceptics have been "laughed off the stage" by "those who know". The controversy nevertheless continued. The last outburst was in 1965 when a series of articles appeared in the journal Wen-wu, which were sparked off by the discovery of the tombstone of one of Wang Hsi-chih's cousins. For the first time, the sceptics, led by a figure no less than Kuo Mo-jo himself (President of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and grand old man of letters in China), had the upper hand - with the help of archaeological evidence. * See Plate 31. LONG-TERM ECONOMIC AND AGRICULTURAL COMMODITY PROJECTIONS FOR HONG KONG 1970, 1975 and 1980, by The Economic Research Centre of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1969, 248 pp. Reading this study puts one in mind of a music student patiently practising scales on a piano - an exercise, apparently pointless and ploddingly executed, yet with the virtues of keeping the student busy and contributing to some unseen attainment. The authors of this study, directed by Professor Tang, nowhere explain why they wrote it beyond stating that the U.S. Department of Agriculture paid them to make these commodity projections. Perhaps cash is regarded as a self-explanatory motive for academic research in Hong Kong. Nor does the conception of the study become any clearer to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h BOOK REVIEWS 237 the path of English speakers learning Mandarin. A pronunciation problem exists because most English speakers do just what Huang directs them to do, i.e., make voiced-voiceless contrasts for these initial sounds instead of the voiceless aspirate-inaspirate contrasts made by the native speakers. If such mistakes are understood by the native speaker it is only because they are adapting to the pronunciation errors and not because the errors are unimportant. Such adaptation is of course automatic and easy if this is the only mistake a beginner makes. However, any beginning student can be expected to add mispronunciations of tone and vowel to the problem of the initials and it is clear that the pronunciation errors can easily multiply beyond the ability of the native speaker to compensate for them. In the long run every area of mispronunciation is equally important and the language instructor cannot afford to let students reinforce any weaknesses.* It is ironic that many older works were more accurate than Huang in this respect. Wade-Giles p', t', etc. represent a clear attempt to demonstrate that these contrasts were NOT voiced versus voiceless. Huang misses the point altogether when (pp. xx-xxi) he says "voiceless plosives should be written as P, T, K, and the voiced ones simply as B, D, G." The Yale system uses such a symbolization but obviously the symbols themselves are totally unimportant, purely a matter of agreement among the users. The critical point is how these symbols are related to pronunciation in articulatory terms. Here Huang misdirects the student, while the textbooks using the Yale romanization write b, d, g, but clearly describe them as representing voiceless consonants. Huang continues to mislead his readers by equating English and Chinese sounds when they are not equal. On page xxvi he equates Mandarin yi with the English vowel in see. This is phonetically inaccurate and touches on another common area of mispronunciation in Chinese. The English vowel as in see normally has an off-glide [-iy] with a shift in position of articulation. The Chinese vowel in yi has no offglide and, after the initial consonant or semiconsonant, is pronounced as a pure vowel [-i]. A similar situation exists *Y. R. Chao suggests (Mandarin Primer, p. 21) that, failing to master voiceless initial stops and affricates, the student may "as a last resort" pronounce them as their voiced English counterparts. He then notes, "The use of voiced consonants.... is not absolutely correct and will give a strong foreign accent." ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY 17 about 96°, and likened by Alcock to the waters of Aix-la-Chapelle, or Barège in the Pyrenees. An analysis of three samples was carried out, and is recorded on p. 72-5 of the Transactions. As far as can be ascertained, there has been no later publication in western scientific literature on the mineral springs of Foochow, and very little on other Chinese spa waters, so this remains an important record. It is interesting to speculate how Alcock came to be involved in this matter. His personal concern with health and sanitation derived from his training under the distinguished surgeon G. J. Guthrie at the Westminster Hospital, and later service as an army surgeon during the Peninsular campaigns of 1832-37. He was thus by training a medical man, though it is as a diplomat that Sir Rutherford Alcock is remembered today, finishing his consular career by appointment as British Minister to Japan, 1859-65. Alcock passed through Hong Kong in October 1844, and no doubt met some of the medical men during his brief stay in the Colony. Probably he remained in correspondence with some of them, for when writing in September 1845 he refers to previous letters of May and June between Dr. Hobson and himself. In appreciation of Alcock's contribution, the Society elected him to honorary membership (Transactions, p. 58). Perhaps of greater interest in the history of western medicine and medical education in China are the activities of the Society towards the promotion of a medical school for Chinese in Hong Kong. Foremost amongst the proponents of this scheme was Dr. Benjamin Hobson, whose letter on the subject dated June 15, 1845 appears on p. 16-18 of the Transactions. “If we are to effect any change in the low empirical state of Medical science in China,” wrote Hobson, "it must be in my opinion by educating the Chinese in the principles and theory of the Medical Art, according to the more modern practice of the West. And in Victoria there are facilities and advantages to secure this interesting object of our hopes, which no other place possesses." Dr. Hobson pointed out that there were several hospitals, military, naval and other, where "I am authorized to say, the Chinese Medical Student will be welcome to study not only forms of disease as they affect European constitutions, but their treatment and pathology." Hobson went on to propose "That the premises of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, and the Medical School be (at least till farther ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 22 H. A. RYDINGS We began this review of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society with some account of those who were officers during the first year of its existence. It is therefore appropriate to finish with a look at the office-bearers of the 'Philosophical Society of China”, and to note how many of them had been associated with the former society. The original office-bearers (22) were: President Major H. P. Burn Vice-Presidents Dr. Kennedy Council Dr. Balfour A. Shortrede J. C. Bowring General Secretary W. F. Bryan Treasurer Curator Dr. Young C. T. Watkins Dr. Harland Dr. Barton There are five doctors on this list, of whom three are known to have been members of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, namely Drs. Kennedy, Balfour and Barton. The Dr. Young was probably Peter Young, the Colonial Surgeon, and not J. H. Young, who had been Secretary of the Medico-Chirurgical Society but had resigned. Dr. W. A. Harland, who read a paper on "The Chinese system of human anatomy and physiology" (23) at the meetings in September and October 1847, was later to become the Society's "devoted Secretary" (24), but is not included in the membership list of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, though he may have joined it after the list was compiled. A new set of office-bearers was appointed with the first change of name of the Society (21) and adoption of a constitution on 19th January 1847, with His Excellency Sir John F. Davis, Bart., F.R.S. as President: but that is another story. NOTES 1 [J. R. Jones] in JHKBRAS, v. 1, 1961, p. 1. 2 There are three copies recorded in libraries in the U.S.A., i.e. the National Library of Medicine at Washington; the Boston Medical Library; and the Library of the New York Academy of Medicine. 3 Trans. China Med. Chir. Soc., v. 1, 1845-46, p. 28. 4 Memoirs of the life and labours of Robert Morrison, comp. by his widow, London, 1839, v. 2, p. 148. 5 Chinese repository, v. 16, 1847, p. 187-9. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 36 A. J. S. LACK At the same meeting another unofficial member, Mr. Osborne,* mounted a quite blistering attack upon Government's past failure to provide adequately for the shelter of the boat people in Hong Kong. He referred to the typhoon of 1841 and to the storm of 1874 in which over 2,000 lives were lost within the space of 6 hours and 35 foreign vessels were wrecked or badly damaged. He claimed that the screaming of those in distress on the water could be heard in the mid levels of the town above the noise of the storm. He went on to refer to subsequent and more recent typhoons, one of which (1906) had exacted a toll of 10,000 lives in two hours. He demanded to know what it was that had been done with the lessons of previous years, and came to the reluctant conclusion that very little had been done. He castigated Government's lavish expenditure on various new public buildings, notably the Supreme Court, the Harbour Office, and the intended Post Office Building, as being quite beyond the bounds of what was required, and ended with these remarks, During a rather long residence in the Colony, I have had exceptional opportunities of coming into contact with the boat population. Though, like most humanity, their character is a blend of the good and the bad, there is one quality they possess in marked degree, which has always commanded my deep admiration, and that is their patience and philosophic bearing under circumstances of trial and suffering. In their name, Sir, and apart from the commercial aspect to which I have alluded, in the name of thousands who have already suffered in silence the misery wrought by these destructive storms, I appeal to your Excellency that there shall be no further delay in giving them the shelter which it is our clear and bounden duty to provide. These words put the officials on their mettle. At the next meeting of the Council, the Director of Public Works and His Excellency the Governor were at pains to assure members that something was going to be done about the typhoon shelter: in fact, they had purchased a dredger on which to begin work on the foundations of the shelter. This provoked an unexpected row because some members considered that another dredger also for sale in the harbour at that * Edward Osborne, listed in Who's Who in the Far East as Secretary of the Hong Kong and Kowloon Wharf and Godown Co., b. 1861, with P & O Steam Navigation Co. in London and Hong Kong 1880-1889. Director of Hong Kong Hotel, Dairy Farm, Steam Laundry, etc. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 66 CHIU LING-YEONG The style of I-seng was of Iranian origin, in which modeled and shaded polychrome figures seemed to stand out in relief, or even to float free from their background. His style is believed to have influenced Wu Tao-hsüan and to be traceable in the caves of Tun-huang. 35 From Chinese sources, Ta Yü-chih had three paintings extant in T'ang period, namely: (1) Liu-fan tu; (2) Wai-kuo pao-shu tu (the six foreigners); and (3) Po-lo-men tu (exotic tree from foreign country); (the Brahmara). However, according to Hsüan-ho hua-p'u, there were seven paintings of Hsiao Yu-chih's work, kept by Sung Hui-tsung, namely: 1. Icon of Maitreya 彌勒佛像一; 2. Buddhist icon 佛鋪圖一; 3. Buddhist followers 佛從像一; 4. Buddhist followers from foreign country 外國佛從像一; 5. Avolokitesvara 大悲像一; 6. Vidyaraja 智; 7. Foreigners36; These seven masterpieces were kept by the Emperor in the Inner Palace. Some of I-seng's paintings are still kept by collectors either in China or America, like the Dancing girl of Kucha #✯✯; A Sitting God 坐神; Buddha under the Mango Trees 吉羅林果佛; and Drunken Monk 醉僧圖. The Yu-chihs were also masters of mural-paintings. Some of their works can still be found in temples and pagodas in China. In the Sung period, their works were classified as shen-p'in (divine category). I-seng also introduced the 'iron-wire' line to China—the Western technique of using a line of unvarying thickness to outline figures.37 I-seng, according to Chang Yen-yüan, had brought new light to Chinese painting and made more paths for painters of the later generations to develop. Ch'in Ming-ho At th... In the field of medical science in T'ang China, Professor Lo Hsiang-lin inclines to believe that Persians had made tremendous contributions, especially in surgical operations. In A.D. 683, a Persian known as Ch'in Ming-ho, performed a neurosurgical ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA + 67 operation for Kao-tsung Tzu-chih t'ung-chien records this operation as follows: In the eleventh moon of the first year of Hung-tao A, the Emperor had great difficulty in seeing because of a headache. The imperial doctor, Ch'in Ming-ho was summoned (to the Inner Palace) to diagnose the case. Ch'in indicated that the Emperor could be healed if he was allowed to needle (acupuncture) the Emperor's head in order to release the blood. Ch'in was allowed to perform the operation and the Emperor was cured. Ch'in was a very skilful surgeon indeed. 38 In A.D. 741, a Nestorian Monk known as Ch'ung I also proved to be a good physician in the court. The medical knowledge of these foreigners improved the state of medicine in China and when they met Taoist physicians later, both schools worked very closely and discovered a new kind of medical knowledge which not only benefitted them but also all mankind.40 Li Hsin 李珣 In dealing with foreigners in T'ang China, whether in the field of medical, natural or humanistic science, Li Hsün can hardly be neglected.41 Li was originally from Persia and was the author of the famous Hai-yao pen-ts'ao (Exotic Pharmacopaeia). Unfortunately, the book is now lost, and there is even uncertainty whether Li Hsun was in fact the author of this book. Fragments of Li Hsün's book have been preserved in the Chung-hsiu Cheng-ho ching-shih cheng-lei pei-yung pen-ts'ao, which is a revision, undertaken in A.D. 1249, of T'ang Shen-wei's Cheng-ho hsin-hsiu cheng-lei pei-yung pen-ts'ao (Materia Medica) of A.D. 1116. They are also preserved in Li Shih-chen's Pen-ts'ao kang-mu + Li was a Ming scientist and died in A.D. 1593. Whether Li Hsün is the author of the work mentioned is not for discussion here. P. Pelliot, Ch'en Pang-hsien, P. Huard and M. Wong all regarded Li as the author of this work, and as a Persian.42 Li Hsün was also a literary man of high standing. The compiler of Hua-chien chi had selected thirty-seven of Li's tz'u (lyrics) for this anthology. It is also recorded in Hua-chien chi that Li was also the author of Ch'iung-yao chi. Li Hsün's + ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA 69 should be well-treated.48 The Emperor based his policies on the principle of 't'ien-hsia pai-ch'uan kuei ta-hai' 天下百川歸大海 (all rivers in the empire enter the sea), and accepted everyone from different parts of the world, either to pay tribute to or to trade with China. There is no doubt that Persians, Arabs, Turks, Japanese and others did enjoy their stay in China; and it is also an undeniable fact that T'ang emperors wished to befriend these foreigners. It is equally true that in such a highly Sino-centric society as the T'ang period, nobody felt that such a process of assimilation was untraditional or against the theory of Sino-centrism. In T'ang times, such a social pattern was a reality, not a myth, and its spirit may serve as a model for the future. NOTES * I wish to express my appreciation to Professor Woodbridge Bingham of the University of California, Berkeley (Visiting Professor in Chinese History, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong 1970-71) for reading an earlier version of this paper, weeding out mistakes and suggesting improvements. Abbreviations used in the footnotes: CTS Chiu T'ang-shu HTS Hsin T'ang-shu TCTC Tzu-chih t'ung-chien 1 In T'ang time, Islamic followers used to call the Chinese Tamghai, Tomghaj, Tonghaj, Tangas, Tubgao or Tapkao. Some historians believe that these were transliterations of T'ao-hua-shih. However, Kuwabara Jitsuzō suggested that these were derived from T'ang-chia-tzu. Cf. J. Kuwabara 'On P'u Shou-keng', Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 2:1-79 (Tokyo, 1928), 7:1-104 (Tokyo, 1935). See also Chinese translation of this, with additional notes by Ch'en Yü-ching, P'u Shou-keng k'ao (Peking, 1954), pp. 103-109. 2 Edward O. Reischauer and J. K. Fairbank, East Asia: The Great Tradition (London, 1958), p. 155. 3 See Lo Hsiang-lin, T'ang-tai wen-hua shih (Taipei, 1963), pp. 54-87. 4 Hsiang Tai, T'ang-tai Ch'ang-an hsi-yü wen-ming (Peking, 1957), pp. 24-25. 5 Edward H. Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T'ang Exotics (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963), pp. 10-11. I must express my thankfulness to Professor Schafer's opus magnum; I have fully made use of Professor Schafer's work. 6 See Chiu Ling-yeong, Superintendents of Customs in Canton during the Tang and Sung Dynasties (unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1963), Chapters 5 and 6. Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 70 CHIU LING-YEONG 7 Hsiang Ta, p. 35; Schafer, p. 20. 8 See Ssu-Ma Kuang *, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien | (TCTC; Peking, 1956), chuan 225, pp. 7228-7237. 9 Chang-Sun Wu-chi £**& and others eds., T’ang-lu shu-i |*| chuan 6; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 56-58. 10 E. Renaudot, Ancient Accounts of India and China by Two Moham-medan Travellers (London, 1733), p. 13. 11 Paul Wheatley, 'Geographical Notes on some Commodities involved in Sung maritime Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 32, part II, 186:28-29 (Singapore, 1961). 12 Chiu Ling-yeong, pp. 504-508; Tao Hsi-sheng, 'Tang-tai ch'u-li fan-shang chi fan-k'o i-ch'an ti fa-ling' ^££# # X ¶¤£***÷. Shih-huo * 4:9:14-15 (Shanghai, 1936). 13 Ou-Yang Hsiu « and others, eds., Hsin T'ang-shu *M† (HTS; 1060 edited), chuan 163; Chiu Ling-yeong, p. 507. 14 N. I. Konrad, 'The Source of Chinese Humanism' (GALEKH Ht), Journal of the Soviet Oriental Studies 3:72-94 (Moscow, 1957). 15 Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 74-77. 1 16 Ibn Khordadbeh, 'le livre des routes et des provinces', et annote par M. Barbier de Meynard, Journal Asiatique, serie VI, tome V. In this geo-graphical treatise, Ibn Khordadbeh gave a very vivid description of these trading ports: Khanfou, Kantou, Lonkin and Djanfon. Kuwabara was of the opinion that these four place-names are present Kuang-chou ★ ★. Yang-chou ##, Chiao-chou ★ and Ch'üan-chou ##. Cf. Kuwabara J.. 'T'ang-Sung mao-i-ching yen-chiu' ♫ ET &A”, Chinese translation by Yang Lien ## (Shanghai, 1935), pp. 64-154. Of these four place-names, Khanfou in the Khordadbeh's book was identified as Kuang-chou by Paul Pelliot and many other schools. Cf. M. Paul Pelliot, "Deux itineraires de Chine en Inde, a la fin du VIII siecle', Bulletin de l'ecole francaise d'extreme Orient (Hanoi, 1904), p. 205, Place-names in T'ang period and with 'fu' is very common. Kuang-chou was called Kuang-fu . There were also Yang-fu, I-fu # and Chiao-fu X Cf. Li Fang # and others, eds., T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi ★★ (edited A.D. 978) chuan 437; Ts'en Chung-min |, Chung-wai shih-ti kao-cheng *** (Hong Kong, 1966), I, 295-296; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 13-18. 17 HTS, chuan 144. 18 Liu Hsü $ and others, eds, Chiu T'ang-shu (CTS, A.D. 945 edited), chuan 198. 19 Chang Hsing-lang, Chung-hsi chiao-t'ung shih-liao hui-pien **££Ħ (Peking, 1933), 3, 132; Ch'en Yü-ching, p. 15; Maejima, S., 'Evaluation des sources arabes concernant la revolte de Huang Chao *‡, a la fin des Tang', International Symposium on History of Eastern and Western Cultural Contacts, Tokyo-Kyoto (1957), pp. 85-90. According to HTS, chuan 43, part I, it says the whole population in Canton at that time was not more than two hundred twenty-one thousand and five hundred. Huang Chao, in this case, could not have killed one hundred twenty thousand to two hundred thousand as the Arabs reported. To this point, see Ts'en Chung-min *, Sui-T’ang shih t★ ★ (Peking, 1957), pp. 503-504, n. 46. 20 Ho ch'iao-yüan †, Man-shu ⚡, chapter 7. 21 Hsiang Da, pp. 48-50. TCTC, chuan 218, p. 6972. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA 71 23 Ch'en Yu-ching, p. 19; Wang Gungwu1, 'The Nanhai Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 31, part 2, chapter 7, "The Middlemen and the Spices 618-960 (II), (Kuala Lumpur, 1958). 24 CTS, chüan 89; HTS, chüan 116. 25 TCTC, chüan 203; Wang Gungwu, pp. 75-76. The passage from TCTC follows Wang Gungwu's translation. 26 CTS, chüan 89; HTS, chüan 116. 27 Tung Hao and others, eds., Ch'üan-Tang wen♬ X (A.D. 1814 edition), chüan 291. 28 Hsiang Ta, pp. 38-39. 29 Ibid., Schafer, p. 21. 30 Wang Ch'i±1 ed., Li T'ai-po wen-chi4★ø̇ (A.D. 1758 edited), chüan 3, 'Ch'ien yu tsun-chiu hsing'☀☀f The Chinese version is as follows: 嬰獒龍門之綠桐，玉壺美酒清若空口 催舷梯往與君飲，看朱成碧顏始缸口 胡姬貌如花，當爐笑春風，笑春風， 笑春風，舞羅衣，君今不醉將安歸。 The translation here follows Schafer's. 31 Hsiang Ta, pp. 41-47. 32 Yüan-shih chang-ch'ing chiZAŁA (1929 edition), chüan 24, p. 5, 'Fa Chu'. After Schafer's translation. Schafer, p. 28. 33 Liu Mau-tsaiA†, 'Kulturelle Beziehungen zwischen den Ost Türken (Tu-Küe) und China', Central Asiatic Journal 3:3:199 (The Hague and Wiesbaden, 1957-58). The dictionary is 'T'u-chüeh yü'*A* See Schafer, p. 285, n. 175. 34 Cf. S. W. Bushell, Chinese Art, Victoria and Albert Museum Handbook (London, 1906), chapter 12; Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting (London, 1956) I, 71; Arnold Silock, Introduction to Chinese Art and History (Oxford, 1948), p. 181; Arthur Waley, An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting (London, 1923), p. 108; Jitsuzo Kuwabara, 'Zui-To-jidai ni Shina ni raiju shita seikijin ni tsuite'隋唐時代に支那に来往した番域人に就いて Naito Hakase Kanreki shukuga shukuga Shinagaku ronsoAKŁET#***$*£ (Tokyo, 1926; *ˆ†±‡ƒ), pp. 643-644; Chuang Shen#, 'Sui-Tang shih-tai Yü-tien tsu-chih chi fu-tzu hua-chia'MAARTA##, Lishih yü-yen yen-chiu-so chi-k'anAt*7*ƒƒ4N (Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology), Extra Vol. 4, part I, pp. 403-454 (Academic Sinica, Taiwan, 1960). 35 Schafer, p. 36 Chuang Shen, pp. 408-416. 37 Ibid., pp. 440-443. 38 TCTC, chüan 203, p. 6415. For Ch'in Ming-ho and Li Hsün, I am indebted to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's stimulating article 'Hsi-chu po-ssu chih Li Hsün chi ch'i Hai-yao pen-ts'ao'±Ùƒ±‡HZ‡❀$$‡ Symposium on Chinese Studies Commemorating the Golden Jubilee of the University of Hong Kong, 1911-1961. F. S. Drake, ed., (Hong Kong, 1964) II, 217-240. 39 For Ch'ung ICTH, chüan 95 see Lo Hsiang-lin's article on Li Hsün; also ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 72 CHIU LING-YEONG 40 See Liu Ts'un-yan #, "The Taoists' Knowledge of Tuberculosis in the XIIth Century', a paper presented to the twenty-eighth International Congress of Orientalists, Canberra, January, 1971. 41 Li Hsin's name had been mentioned by B. Laufer, P. Pelliot, G. Ferrand and many other sinologists in the beginning of this century. Cf. O. W. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, a Study of the Origin of Srivijaya (New York, 1966), chapters 9 and 10, also pp. 307-307, n. 13. 42 P. Huard and M. Wong, 'Evolution de la matière medicale chinoise", Janus 47: (Leiden, 1958); and also their work La mèdecine chinoise au cours des siècles (Paris, 1959). 43 F. S. Drake, pp. 222-223. 44 Ibid. 45 I am indebted again to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's article 'T'ang-shih yu Chung-Jih wen-hua chiao-liu chih kuan-hsi' ✯✯ ZREALMA T'ang-tai wen-hua shih, pp. 194-220. 46 Sun Kuang-hsien, Pei-meng so-yen. It records during the reign of Hsuan-tsung ✯ (A.D. 847-860) and I-tsung ✯✯ (A.D. 860-873) that secretaries in the Inner Court were all foreigners (#, *£*^); HTS, chuan 217, part II. 47 Ch'üan-Tang wen, chuan 767; Ch'ien I &, Nan-pu hsin-shu **** (Hsüleh-ching t'ao-vüan ## edition) records: A › Ü*** › ÄR 三二人,姓氏稀僻者,謂之色目人,亦謂曰牌花口 4 Sung Ming chiu it fed, Tang huiyao (Peking, 1959), chüan 10, p. 64, Tai-ho third year, the emperor decreed that: 南海蕃舶,本以慕化而來,囿在榷以恩仁,使其感孚,如開癘疫,嗟怨之聲達於殊俗;況朕方寶勤儉,豐愛退遐?深慮遐邇未安,榷稅猶重,思有矜恤,以示綏撫。其嶺南、福建及揚州蕃客,宜委節度觀察使,常加存問,除舶稅、市、進奉外,任其來往通流,自行交易,不得重加榷稅。 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 78 HELGA WERLE (sun-win- a glass-screen came into fashion called yang-chuang dow). With the glass-screen the puppets became round, their bodies were made of straw, hands and feet of paper, the head of clay, the costumes were copied from the string-puppets, sticks were attached to the hands and the back, and then these puppets were called yuan-shen chih-ying-hsi | ✯✯✯ (round-body paper-shadow play). Later, it is stated, the glass-screen was discarded and curtains were attached to the bamboo-frame, but nevertheless it continued to be called 'Paper-shadow-play'. All over China the shadow-play was called p'i-ying-hsi ★BA "Leather-shadow-play" because the figures were cut out of leather, but in Ch'aochow strangely enough this term was never used. Referring to the paper-screen it was always, and is still now, called "Paper-shadow-play" and I met several Ch'aochowese who were convinced that their shadow-figures were cut out of paper. The misinterpretation is probably due to the name. This description of development suggests many questions. Why should a light, convenient and cheap paper-screen be given up for a glass-screen, which is heavy, expensive, easy to break and almost impossible to transport? How should a hawking puppeteer carry a delicate glass-screen with his bundle and box? Was the fascination of the newly imported foreign glass-windows so great that they were adopted for the 'paper-shadow-play' in order to lend it new attraction? And if there was a glass-screen, was it translucent imitating the paper-effect or was it transparent window-glass? This question is important, because the difference would decisively influence the shape of the puppet. The name 'Sun-window' could also suggest that the shadow was not produced by an oil-lamp, but sunlight. Old Ch'aochowese vividly recall impressions of the shadow of puppets appearing on a paper-screen, but I heard no one speaking of glass. Being unable to find a logical reason for adopting a glass-screen, I would like to consider it the invention of an author who tried unsuccessfully to explain the disappearance of shadow-puppets in Ch'aochow. Some Characteristics of Ch'aochow Puppet Opera I turn now to consider various aspects of Ch'aochow puppet history. Among these, the patron saint of puppets shows certain interesting characteristics. Whilst the Peking opera actors venerate the emperor T'ang Ming Huang (713-742), who was the founder of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 80 HELGA WERLE Ching p'eng "cleaning the matshed" has to take place before the performance. The puppeteers take a live cock and make an incision in his throat and then carry him over the stage, dropping his blood into every corner, over the backstage and even over the musical instruments. This is done in order to protect themselves against the evil spirits or hungry ghosts, which performing puppets attract. That human actors perform at the Hungry Ghosts Festival is a development of the past 20 years for Ch'aochowese. Originally only puppets were used. The human likeness of the moving puppet fools the ghost, who takes possession of the puppet. Thus humans are protected from their assault and the whole area gets cleared of their evil influence. Puppet-shows are mainly performed as an exorcising ceremony and it therefore does not matter whether there is a public to watch the performance or not. The actual performance starts mostly with the 'Birthday of the Eight Immortals', which is a series of good wishes. This introductory piece starts with the Peach Banquet, implying the wish for longevity. The next part is called 'To bestow Rank and Riches'; then comes the fairy who sends sons. The next short play is a ceremony to "cleanse the matshed" and the last is called "the banquet at the capital", which is to congratulate the troupe for its performance. The main play starts after this introduction. The repertory of the two Hong Kong Ch'aochow puppet-groups comprises the following operas, which are part of the Ch'aochow Opera tradition: Hu-li Luan Chou Wang 狐狸亂周王 Tuan-Chiao Hui Li Te-wu 李德武 Kuan Wang Miao 闊王廟 Yang Tsung-pao I Chih Mei 一枝梅 The script/stories of these operas are spoken and sung by the puppeteers. If the opera is a wen-chü or literary play, the text which is in rhymes is fixed and a script is used; but when a wu-chü or military play is performed the puppeteers use their own imagination to enrich the familiar plot. One further point should be mentioned. Shadow-puppet theatre was very early a most important part of entertainment and when finally drama became organised, the public eye was so trained on the shadow-puppet movements that they were taken over into the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 87 same tradition. For instance, Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang shu-hua hui-k'ao of 1682 (60 chüan altogether; 30 for painting and 30 for calligraphy); Ku Fu's P'ing-sheng chuang-kuan of 1692 (10 chüan altogether; 5 for painting and 5 for calligraphy); Wu Shêng's Ta-kuan-lu of 1712 (20 chüan altogether; for painting and calligraphy, 10 chüan each); An Ch'i's Mo-yüan hui-kuan of 1742 (There are mainly 2 chüan; one for painting and the other, calligraphy. However, near the end of this work there appears an additional chüan with simplified descriptions of painting); and finally, Ku Wên-pin's Kuo-yün-lou shu-hua-lu of 1882 (6 chüan for painting and 4 for calligraphy). All these important works on the history of either painting or calligraphy were edited by separating records of painting and calligraphy into two different sections. On the other hand, speaking in general, works in which records of painting and calligraphy were put together as a combined chronicle were far fewer. From the earlier period, only Huang Po-ssu's Tung-kuan-yu-lun (2 chüan, edited in 1147 by the author's son, Huang Nai) and Chou Mi's Yün-yen kuo-yen-lu (4 chüan, edited probably around 1291) may be regarded as representative works in this line during the Sung and the Yüan. However, during the Ming and the Ch'ing periods, works in this line were innumerable. During the Ming period the most important were: Chu Ts'un-li's (1444-1513) San-hu-mu-nan (8 chüan); Tu Mu's (1458-1525) Yü-i-pien (only 1 chüan); Wên Chia's (1501-1583) Ch'in-shan-r'ang shu-hua-chi (1 chüan, edited in 1565); Chu Chih-ch'ih's Ao-an shu-hua-mu (1 chüan); Sun Feng's Shu-hua-ch'ao (1 chüan); Chen Chi-ju's (1558-1639) Ni-ku-lu (4 chüan); Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's (1555-1636) Hua-chan-shih sui-pi (4 chüan); and Li Jih-hua's (1565-1635) Wei-sui-hsüan jih-chi (compiled in 1616). In all these works, the records of painting and calligraphy of various dynasties were combined, forming one chronicle. This type of books became even more numerous during the Ch'ing dynasty. Those completed in early Ch'ing were Sun Chêng-che's (1592-1676) Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi (8 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 106 CHUANG SHEN Besides, in the table of contents of chüan 4 of T’êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, the 126th item is recorded as a landscape executed by Fang Hsün-yüan. Although there were quite a large number of artists in the Ch'ing dynasty, there was no one whose surname was Fang19. However, during the period between the Yung Chêng era and the beginning of the Chien Lung era, there was an artist by the name of Fang Shih-shu ✯±✯ (1692-1751) who was a native of An Hui and yet lived in Yang Chou. The literary name of Fang Shih-shu is Hsün-yüan20 #✡. Since in T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, it was Liang T'ing-nan's practice to designate all artists by their literary names and not their real names, therefore this unidentifiable Fang Hsün-yüan is very likely a name mistaken for Fang Hsün-yüan. If this assumption is correct, then Liang T'ing-nan had not only recorded incorrectly the literary name of this An Hui artist, but also mistaken his real name. Such an inexcusable mistake is again due to carelessness in proof-reading. C. Chronological Mistakes I have not thoroughly investigated the number of chronological mistakes in the art catalogues of the Kwangtung collectors. However, this kind of error can at least be discovered in Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. It should be noted here that Wu Yung-kuang had left two most important documentary records. One was the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u in 10 chuan, compiled in the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang era (1843) which was the year of his death. The other was Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi in 5 chuan, which, though printed a little earlier than the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u (in the 21st year of the Tao Kuang era, 1841), was in fact completed two years before his death. In other words, the two most important works of Wu Yung-kuang were both completed during the last three years of his life. Unfortunately, there are certain mistakes in both works. As early as ten years ago, the chronological mistakes in the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u have already been pointed out by experts21. It is also regrettable that in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he had committed some other curious chronological mistakes. On page 4 of chüan 4, there is recorded Wu Yung-kuang's own colophon inscribed on Ch'ien Hsüan's Li-hua-chüan #4, which reads, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 107 I was able to have a look at this scroll while I was in the capital in the year ping-shu. Now this scroll and the scroll of correspondence written by monk Fa-ch'ang are both in the collection of Ch'in-shan, minister of the Board of Agriculture 琴山農部. Wu Yung-kuang wrote this on the 9th day of the 12th month in the year chia-shu of the Tao Kuang era. It should be noted that ping-shu was the 6th year of the Tao Kuang era (1826). After this year, there was no chia-shu in the Tao Kuang era. The years that have some connections with chia-shu are chia-wu (1834), mu-shu (1838) and chia-ch'en (1844). However Wu Yung-kuang died in the year before chia-ch'en. Therefore, the year chia-ch'en should undoubtedly be left out of consideration. What is more, even the combination of stems and branches of the years chia-wu and mu-shu are different from that given in Wu's own colophon. In all probability, it seems that the date "chia-shu of the Tao Kuang era" recorded in the colophon inscribed in Ch'ien Hsüan's Li-hua-chüan should be a slip of the pen for either the year chia-wu (14th year of the Tao Kuang era) or mu-shu (18th year of the Tao Kuang era), in the former of which, Wu was 62 years old, while in the latter, he would already be 66. In a word, the 14th year of the Tao Kuang era was the beginning of the last decade of Wu Yung-kuang's life. No matter whether the date when he put down by mistake the year chia-shu is chia-wu or mu-shu, by that time, he must have begun to show signs of old age. Otherwise in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he would hardly commit a mistake as to remember incorrectly the date of happenings that he himself had experienced. If, however, this catalogue had been carefully checked through before it was published, then such kind of chronological mistake could very likely be entirely avoided. Yet the fact that neither chia-wu nor mu-shu, but instead chia-shu of the Tao Kuang era had been printed in the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi shows clearly that in the process of proof-reading, Wu Yung-kuang was indeed most careless. NOTES 1 At the beginning of Yeh Mêng-lung's *** Fêng-man-lou shu-hua-lu, **** it is stated that Yeh Ying-ch'i ***, son of Yeh Mêng-lung, was one of the collators of that catalogue. On checking Wu Yung-kuang's autobiography (Tzü-ting nien-p'u), the following information is ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 109 9 In chuan 4 of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi pp. 22b-33a, after entering Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u and inscriptions and recording the three colophons written by Tung Ch'i-ch'ang and emperor Chien Lung, Wu Yung-kuang's own colophon follows, beginning thus, This painting agrees with the one recorded in Wu's Ta-kuan-lu 4. It was after this painting had been dispersed from Chiêng Chi-pa's collection that Wu Tzu-min came across it. Soon it was acquired by the imperial household..... In saying that "this painting agrees with the one recorded in Wu's Ta-kuan-lu”, it is apparent that Wu Yung-kuang must have used Wu Sheng's Ta-kuan-lu in order to make a comparison between the inscriptions recorded in this catalogue and those appeared on the painting. 10 See Hsin-chou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 5, p. 54b. 11 See Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 4, p. 23a. 12 Ibid chuan 5, p. 54b. 13 See Ping-sheng chuang-kuan chuan 3, p. 20; published in Shanghai, 1962. 14 See Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 4, p. 39a. 15 Refer to footnote 10. 16 An Ch'i's description of Yü-tung hsien-yüan-t'u can be found in Mo-ylian hui-kuan chuan 3. However he recorded it as Tao-yuan hsien-ching-t'u, which is somewhat different from that recorded by Wu Yung-kuang. 17 See Pien Yung-yu's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao chuan 37. The edition used here is a photo copy of this catalogue in the collection of Mr. Chiang's Mi-chün-lou, made by Ying-yin chien-ku shu-she of the Cheng Chung Book Co., Taiwan in 1958, p. 4966. (The Chêng Chung Book Co. shows its ignorance in combining two pages of the original book into one page, and instead of following the original page number, gives each page a new number). 18 The titles of these three scrolls of painting can be found in T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa chuan 1, which are: Pai-l'ou an-ch'un tu p. 35b; Hua-kuo-r'u, p. 36a; Lan-hua-t'u, p. 36b. 19 Among the documents that were completed in the Ch'ing dynasty and mainly dealt with biographies or names of the Ch'ing painters, the following are, in general, regarded as the most important: (1) Chang Kêng's Kuo-ch'ao-hua-chêng-lu in 3 chuan, supplement in 2 chuan. According to his own preface, this book was completed in the 13th year of the Yung Chêng era (1734). (2) P'êng Yün-ts'an's (1780-1840) Hun-shih hui-chüan 史棠傳 in 70 chuan and appendix in 2 chuan. (3) Fêng Chin's Li-tai hua-chia hsing-shih pien-lan in 7 chuan, published in the 6th year of the Tao Kuang era (1826). (4) Lu Chün's Sung Yüan i-lai hua-jen hsing-shih-lu in 37 chuan. The preface written by Tang Chin-ch'ao is dated in the 10th year of the Tao Kuang era (1830). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r LEGENDS AND STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES KAM T'IN 錦田 SUNG HOK-P'ANG Kam T'in is one of the oldest villages in the New Territories. During the dynasty of Hau Chau (後周) A.D. 951-959 most of the villagers belonged to the family of Ch'an (陳) and the place was called Ch'an Tin (陳田) meaning Chan's field. In the 6th year of Hoi Po (開寶) A.D. 973 of Sung (宋) dynasty Tang Hon Fat (鄧漢黻) who is said to be the first Tang (鄧) ancestor to come to Kwangtung (廣東) settled in the village, and built the first house at the bottom of a hill called Kwai Kok Shaan (龜角山) about ¼ of a mile away from the present Kam T'in. It was at first called Sham Lei (岑里), but later on they cultivated the surrounding country and the name was changed to Sham Lei T'in (岑里田) which was soon shortened to Sham T'in (岑田) meaning fields surrounding a small hill. The present name of Kam T'in (錦田) or ornamental fields, was given to the village in the 15th year of Maan Lik (萬曆) A.D. 1587 of Ming dynasty (明朝), and it came about in this way. At that time there was a very bad famine in the San On district (新安縣), and the district magistrate Yau T'ai K’în (游大乾) was obliged to open the government granaries and distribute the rice to relieve the people. But when it was finished they were still in need, and the magistrate then sent his officers to all the rich men in the district asking them for donations to help the poor. Most of them contributed a few piculs of rice, but none of them more than a hundred. Then Tang Yuen Fan (鄧元藩) of Sham T'in was visited. He was the richest man in San On district, and was noted for his generosity. He owned over 10,000 Chinese acres of cultivated *There are six sections to this long article, each printed in different numbers of The Hong Kong Naturalist. In this reissue the separate parts will be indicated by figures within square brackets. The first three sections, given here, appeared in the issues for December 1935 and April and June 1936. The rest will follow in the next issue of this Journal. The romanizations used in the original included figures to indicate tone values. These are now excluded. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 112 SUNG HOK-P'ANG land, distributed in various parts of the mainland, and on the island, having fields in Kowloon, Ch'eung Sha Wan (*) Kw'an Taai Lo (###) (where the city of Victoria now stands) Causeway Bay, Pokfulum and Aberdeen. He immediately promised to give one thousand piculs. When Yau Tai K'in heard of it he thought there must be some mistake, but the officer said, “At first I also thought he made a mistake, so I asked him again, and he said quite plainly, one thousand piculs!” So Yau T'ai K'in was very pleased, and he at once went off to visit Tang Yuen Fan, who said, “My rice is quite ready in the granary.” The magistrate sent off word to the "Yamen" to have junks sent to collect the rice, and on the day it was collected the river was so covered with the junks that the water could not be seen, and all the people gathered to watch shouted for joy. Yau remained with Tang several days and spent much time walking about the country admiring the scenery. He was much impressed by the fine buildings, open fields and pleasant woods, and exclaimed, “Why should the village have such a name? Sham T'in, it should be called Kam T'in instead!” The villagers were delighted with the new name, and it has remained till the present day. The name, however, now embraces quite a large collection of villages each with its own name, but most of the villagers still belong to the Tang family and the name of Ch'an has disappeared. There are a certain number of people with other surnames to be found among the Tangs, but they have come in from other places at different times and are not really native to the place in the same way as the Tangs are. A new village which goes by the name of San Ts'uen (††††) new village, has been built very recently for the Cheng (*) family who had to move from the Shing Moon (M¶) district when the reservoir was started. The only trace of the old Ch'an T'in village that remains is the temple known as Hung Shing Kung (g) in Shui Pin Ts'uen (k). This temple which was built by the Tangs is known in the village as the Big Temple although small, because formerly it was merely a shrine and was enlarged to its present size at a later date. The exact date of the temple is not known. Some say it was built when the first Tang came to Kwai Kok Shaan; others, that it was built first as a small shrine in the time of Shing Fa (✯ft) A.D. 1465-1487 of Ming dynasty when the Tang family built the village ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 113 of Shui Pin Ts'uen, and enlarged to the size of a temple very soon after. It remains almost unaltered since except for the written characters over the door which were put there by Tang P'ooi Ch'oh (**) in the 27th year of Kwong Sui (***) of Ts'ing ( ) dynasty A.D. 1901. It is the custom in China for men to count back the generations to their "first ancestor." Thus a man may speak of himself as being the twentieth or fortieth generation meaning that he belongs to the twentieth or fortieth generation after one particular family ancestor who, by being the most ancient known forbear, or the founder of a particular branch or even the first of a particular name to settle in a certain locality, is given the title of "first ancestor". In many families there are more than one "first ancestor", the Tang family have several whom they venerate equally. First they have Tang Yue ($) their earliest known ancestor. A native of San Ye (†) now Honan province, (i) he was born in the second year of Hon Ping Tai (+) A.D. 2 and died 52 years later in the 1st year of Wing P'ing (†) of Tung Hon (**) dynasty. He was a very famous and high officer, and a personal friend of the first emperor of Tung Hon, Kwong Mo (†). He was only twenty-four years of age when Kwong Mo became emperor, but he was given the high office of "Tai Sz To," (✯a✯) equivalent to Prime Minister (during Tung Hon dynasty), for having helped him to rid the country of the numerous bandits that infested it. After Kwong Mo died his son Ming Tai (8) gave him the honour of “Taai Foo (AM), the second highest honour it was possible to receive from the Emperor, at that time, and he was created "Ko Mat Hau" ( 4 ) which means Marquis of Ko Mat, now Kiaochow (*) in Shan Tung (R) province. After the death of Tang Yue his portrait was placed first among those of twenty-eight generals in one of the Emperor's palaces called Wan Toi (雲臺) Tang Hon Fat, forty-seventh generation after Tang Yue, is also venerated by his descendants. It is believed by some, that he was the first of the Tang family to settle in Kam Tin. He was a government officer holding the post of "Shing Mo Long” (**) and was a native of Paak Sha Ts'uen ( & ††) of Kat Shui ( #7†) district in the province of Kiangsi ( ¿1). According to one old family history he was visiting Kwangtung (*) and coming by chance ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 120 SUNG HOK-P’ANG the name of the hill "Ngo T'aam Shaan" is almost unknown by most of the New Territory people now, a village near, formed recently by people returned from California and elsewhere, still follows the name of the hill "Ngo Taam", but the villagers in the New Territory dialect mispronounce the character #ngo-turtle to + ngau bovine animals and give the name of the village 4 (Ngau T'aam Mei), the end of the bovine animals pool, instead of *(Ngo T'aam Mei), the end of the turtle pool. = This pool is also called Lit Nui T'aam (♬★i§) meaning virtuous girl pool. About the time of the Sung dynasty there was a village girl called Man Kam So (X), who was about eighteen years old and very beautiful. One day she was out grass-cutting with several older women when she happened to stray away from them, and found herself near the pool. Suddenly she was accosted by a youth, she shouted to her companions for help, but in her terror she did not hear their answering shouts, and to save her virtue she sprang into the pool and was drowned. It is said that the name actually was given by the scholars themselves in her honour, and the pool was also called Yat Waan T'aam (~**), one coil pool. In those days married women had their hair done up in a series of coils, while the unmarried girls put it up in one coil only. The word Kok means horn. Thus according to the "To Shue Chaap Shing" the Kok in Kwai Kok Shaan referred to the two peaks of the hill that look like a pair of horns. The book also mentions that if the hill was clouded rain would certainly come. On the hill is a stone called the fairy hair-dressing stone, Sin Nui Soh Chong Shek (446), and at the bottom of the hill a stream called Kwai Kok Ts'uen (††), which is a famous place of scenery. It is recorded in "T'o Shue Chaap Shing" and other books, where it is said that the fountain is sweet and smooth for the tongue. Even now when the scholars of Kam T'in happen to call there, they draw some water from the stream and drink it, saying Yam shui sz yuen, "in drinking the water think of its source," which is a Chinese maxim, or adage for descendants in remembering the virtue and the good work done by their ancestors. Almost at the top of the hill are two big rocks one on top of the other looking like huge grinding stones about 50 Chinese feet tall, with a passage through. A family of tigers are said to have lived there once, so it # ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 122 SUNG HOK-P'ANG who her father really was, and Yuen Leung was very troubled as to what to do with her. However when she became of marriageable age the elders of the village advised him to marry her to his son Tsz Ming (A) which, as she was quite willing, he did. Meanwhile the fighting between the Tartars and the Sungs had ceased. Peace was made, and Hong Wong had now become the Emperor Ko Tsung, who ordered that enquiries should be made concerning his daughter. All the district officers throughout the Empire were instructed to help and when the official notice was posted up in the vicinity of Kam T’in, Tsz Ming was much frightened at having married the princess without the emperor's permission. But the princess said, “Do not fear. My life was saved by the Tang family and I have willingly become your wife. Go and tell the District officer who I am." When the official heard the news he came at once and did obeisance to the Princess, and then sent a petition to the Emperor. Ko Tsung ordered Tsz Ming and his wife to come to the capital, where they stayed for about a year, but the princess pined for Kam T'in and begged to be allowed to return to the place of her adoption. So the Emperor let her go, but first he bestowed on her many wharves in the district as "powder expenses"; and a large area of hill and forest land as "toilet expenses". On the thirteenth day of the seventh month of the 8th year of Siu Hing (2) A.D. 1138 they started back for Kam T’in. When they got there, the princess gave orders that the hills and woodlands should be thrown open to the public, so that anyone could make graves on her land without paying tax. In the 51st year of Hong Hei (‡) of Tsing dynasty, A.D. 1712, when the princess' grave was repaired, her dowry was still being used by the country people for a free burial ground. In the 5th year of K'in Lung (†) A.D. 1169, the princess gave thirty-six wharves to the Tsz Fok Monastery (*) the oldest monastery in Tung Kwun. Among these wharves was that of Shek Kit (5) near Shek Lung. When the history of Tung Kwoon was revised in the 12th year of Sung Ching (†††) of Ming dynasty, A.D. 1639, only three out of ten of the wharves were mentioned as still being in use, but Shek Kit is still in existence now. In some books the princess is referred to as Sung Tsung Kei (***). Sung being the name of the dynasty, Tsung meaning royal, and Kei high lady. She is known, however, in the Tang family as Wong Kwu (2), the Emperor's Aunt, as her nephew became ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 128 SUNG HOK-P’ANG 1) as his son Hoh Wing (f) was a subordinate officer of this general. Hoh Wing was executed, and all his family punished. Hung Chi being considered a relation although it was only by marriage, was sentenced to banishment. His elder brother, who was the father of three sons, thinking him too young and ignorant and having no children to carry on his family, insisted on taking his place. So in the 26th year of Hung Mo (**) A.D. 1393 of Ming dynasty, Hung Yee went up North to Liao-tung (i★★). His banishment only lasted three years, but when he was free again to go where he liked Hung Yee appears to have been without means to get back to Kam T'in, because there is a story of his arriving in Nanking on foot, so poor that he was forced to beg in the streets and earn money by writing poems. One day a rich man named Ch'an (§) passed him in the street and noticing that his appearance and writing were those of an educated man, spoke to him and asked him his history. Touched by his story Ch'an befriended him, and made him the tutor of his children, but all the time Hung Yee longed for his own home and his own children. Eventually Ch'an suggested that if he provided him with a second wife he might be happier, so he arranged a marriage for him with his adopted daughter, Wong (*). Two years later a son was born called Kuen (§§), but after another year Hung Yee died. Then Ch'an provided the widow with money, and taking her little child, she set off to find her way to Kam T'in to bring Hung Yee's ashes back to the place of his ancestors. After many difficulties she arrived in Kam T'in only to find that Hung Yee's three sons Yam (†), Chan (14) and Yui (†) all grown up by now and not knowing anything of their father's history and second marriage, did not believe her story. Then Wong told them many old tales about Kam T'in that her husband had amused her with in the past in Nanking, and finally persuaded them to acknowledge her identity when she produced a fan with characters on it written in Hung Yee's own writing. So funeral preparations were at once made and customary rites performed in Hung Yee's honour, and Wong and her child were taken into the family. A year later the baby Kuen died and Wong was so upset that she threatened to take her life, and she was only prevented from doing so by Yam who promised to give her his son Naam K'ai () to be her grandson, that is, a son for her dead child. He also built her a house on Kwun Yum Shaan (4) where she could serve her husband's spirit tablet and study Bud- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 132 SUNG HOK-P’ANG The short articles which Mr. Sung contributed to newspapers about notable people and places of Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories were published in Chinese. Moreover, he used pen-names instead of his regular name Sung Hok-pang. I was informed of this by Mr. Sung himself, but he did not tell me the names of the newspapers nor the dates. Consequently, I have not been able to include a complete bibliography of Mr. Sung's works. Mr. Sung was among the earliest proponents to adduce evidences for historic remains in Hong Kong. When I gathered materials for publishing my book titled "Hong Kong and Its External Communications before 1842", I was privileged to have personal contact with Mr. Sung and benefited by his findings and insights. I am pleased to know that one or two of Mr. Sung's pre-war articles will be reprinted and I feel honoured to write a memoir on him. Hong Kong, 5th April, 1972. LO HSIANG-LIN * Any reader who can provide information on this subject is requested to write to the Hon. Editor of this Journal, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 134 NOTES AND QUERIES of a new building for Queen's College. In January 1877, the Government advertised for sale at public auction the "materials, bricks, stones, tiles, doors, windows, joists, floors, etc. of buildings on Inland Lots 55, 93, 91 and 91A—known as Rangel's Estate”. Among the properties was "the Joss House, No. 10 Shing Wong Street". Soon after, the wreckers moved in and the temple was no more. So passed what was presumably the first community project of the Chinese population of urban Hong Kong. It is difficult to establish the exact date for the erection of the Temple from records now available. It is possible that a notice in The Chinese Repository, October 1843, (Vol. XII, p. 549) may refer to the Shing Wong Temple. "A new Chinese temple is about to be undertaken [in Hong Kong]. Handbills and placards are out, for the purpose of raising money for the erection of the building". The references to Chinese temples in the Hong Kong Blue Books are confusing and difficult to interpret. In 1844 under the heading of Ecclesiastical Establishments there is listed: Buddhist in Victoria, W.D. [Western District] Buddhist in Chekchoo [now Stanley] Buddhist in Shekpaiwan [Aberdeen Harbour] Buddhist in Sookumpoo Established in 1842 Chinese In 1845 it is stated that "There are 17 Chinese Temples in the colony, dedicated with few exceptions to 'Tee-how-mong-mong' (the Queen of Heaven)". In 1846 and 1847 it is stated that there are three small Chinese temples in Victoria, and in 1847 it is noted that there is "a small one in each village". Under the Blue Book schedule of Chinese buildings a Chinese Town Hall is listed in 1845 and 1846. In 1847 two Town Halls are enumerated, with the addition of one Joss House. Was the Shing Wong building listed as a Town Hall? A statement made in a Chinese document entitled "Information as to the period of the formation of Districts in Hongkong and the alteration of the Character Wan-a bay-to Wan—a circuit” translated and published in The China Review, Vol. I, p. 133 (1872-1873) suggests that the Town Halls were Temples. This article also provides a date for the construction of the Man Mo Temple on Hollywood Road: In 1843 one Sz-man-king opened a place for gambling. . Two years later, traders began to come, and two years after that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 148 NOTES AND QUERIES haute, le pic de Victoria, 1,8251, elle offre l'aspect de pierres superposées, aboutissant à la mer par des pentes douces, et à pic, en quelques endroits de la côte orientale. A l'exception de trois ou quatre petites vallées, il y a peu de terrain cultivable. On y trouve beaucoup de ruisseaux d'une eau très-pure; l'un d'eux, dans la partie sud-est, le Hiang-kiang (rivière des parfums), où les Européens allaient puiser leur eau, a donné à toute l'île son nom de Hiang-kiang, qu'on lit sur les timbres de la poste. Avant 1840, l'île de Hong-kong était à peu près inhabitée. Des cabanes éparses le long du rivage servaient d'abri aux pêcheurs et aux corsaires. La belle rade ne tarda pas à être remarquée des navigateurs anglais, qui, ayant vainement demandé au Portugal la franchise du port de Macao, étaient à la recherche, pour leur commerce, d'un port dans le voisinage des côtes de Chine. La rade de Hong-kong se présentait dans de bonnes conditions. Pourvue de deux entrées, l'une du côté ouest à l'embouchure du Tchong-kiang, et l'autre du côté est, vaste et bien disposée, elle pouvait abriter plusieurs flottes et former un port excellent. De plus, n'étant qu'à 80 milles de Canton et à 40 de Macao, elle deviendrait peut-être la clef de tout le commerce de l'Europe avec la Chine, et porterait le dernier coup à la puissance du Portugal dans ces parages; ce qui arriva en effet2. Pendant la première guerre de l'Angleterre avec la Chine, le ministre plénipotentiaire Elliot se fit céder cette île par le commissaire Chi-xeu. Le traité de cession fut ratifié à la fin de 1840 et au mois de janvier 1841; mais, avant la fin de la guerre, et, avant que ces conventions privées devinssent le traité de Nankin, conclu définitivement au mois d'août 1842, les Anglais non seulement avaient pris possession de l'île, mais y exerçaient déjà un pouvoir absolu. Le gouvernement britannique y avait commencé des travaux gigantesques, et traçait à travers les montagnes, une route très-large, de plusieurs lieues de longueur. A l'est, on bâtissait un fort sur un îlot et deux bastions en face de deux grandes casernes pour la défense des navires et du port. Les négociants de toutes les nations, encou- 1 Les autres montagnes sont; Le Pic Paker Highwest (sic) Kellet Gough 1710 pieds. 1175 1130 1575 2 Macao ne renferme plus aujourd'hui que 5,000 Européens et 30,000 Chinois. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 150 NOTES ET QUERIES a fourni des emplacements aux constructions, spécialement à une place d'armes qui sert de promenade publique. Les marécages d'une petite vallée, appelée aujourd'hui vallée heureuse (happy valley), ont cédé la place à une prairie où se font les courses de chevaux, à l'extrémité orientale de Vittoria, dans le voisinage des cimetières catholique, protestant, mahométan, et zoroastrien. Il n'y a pas de cimetière chinois, les Chinois ayant l'habitude d'enterrer les morts dans les champs, partout où ils se trouvent. Les gens riches ont bâti de délicieuses villas dans les environs. Le mouvement du commerce et des arrivages est des plus animés, Hong-kong étant devenu le premier point sur lequel mettent le cap les vaisseaux qui vont d'Europe en Chine. L'air y était autrefois malsain, surtout aux mois de juillet et d'août, lorsqu'on commença à défricher cette terre vierge, et la ville manquait d'eau; mais on a fait disparaître ces inconvénients: l'air s'est assaini à mesure que la végétation s'est développée; on a fait venir de l'eau de l'autre extrémité de l'île au moyen d'un canal, et on la conserve dans des réservoirs, dont l'un a une capacité extraordinaire. Cependant, Macao est encore le rendez-vous des convalescents, à cause de la salubrité de son climat. La ville de Vittoria, étant située sur le rivage septentrional de l'île, est rafraîchie par le vent du nord et par les grosses pluies particulières aux tropiques; ainsi, dans les appartements, le thermomètre Réaumur monte à 26 ou 27 degrés. Cette température se maintient plusieurs mois, et il y a peu de différence entre la chaleur de la nuit et celle du jour, en sorte que les tempéraments européens s'affaiblissent et souffrent beaucoup. Pendant la guerre de Pékin, les Anglais, craignant que les Français, leurs alliés, n'occupassent la plage de terre ferme située en face de Vittoria et ne se rendissent ainsi maîtres de la rade du côté opposé, s'emparèrent, au mois de mai 1860, de Caw-hong [Kowloon-Ed] et n'ont plus abandonné ce poste. Ils se sont fait définitivement céder par le dernier traité avec la Chine. Il n'y a, sur ce point, ni établissements européens, ni commerçants chinois, mais seulement des soldats, leurs casernes en bois et leurs hôpitaux, et la population indigène. Nota. Notre carte représente non seulement l'île de Hong-Kong, mais la partie du continent dépendant de la préfecture apostolique de Hong-Kong. Les profondeurs de la mer, sur les côtes de l'île, sont indiquées, en pieds anglais, par des chiffres. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 154 NOTES AND QUERIES MCMULLEN COLLECTION OF BILLS OF LADING As stated in the Hon. Librarian's report, printed on page 11 of this issue, the most important accession during the year was the collection of nineteenth century bills of lading formed by Rear-Admiral M.A. McMullen, C.B., O.B.E., R.N. (Rtd.),* The bills are for various consignments to and from China ports, and there is a brief description of the collection on p. 37 of the printed catalogue of the Library of the Branch. A calendar with index has been prepared by the Hon. Librarian. *This was obtained as a gift for the Branch through the offices of Dr. J. R. Jones, Past President of the Branch. The following text of his letter to Mr. Rydings, our Hon. Librarian, explains how this came about: H. A. Rydings Esq., The Librarian, The University of Hong Kong. HONG KONG. Dear Rydings, Old Bills of Lading 3 Abermor Court, 15 May Road, HONG KONG. 25th April, 1972. Two years ago I had some discussions with Mr. J. G. Young of Messrs. Andrew Weir and Company Limited of Baltic Exchange Buildings, 21 Bury Street, of London E.C.3. concerning a number of bills of lading dating from the time of the Canton Regime. They include Bills of Lading from Jardine Matheson and Company Limited and their predecessors, Magniac and Company and Augustine Heard and Company and others trading in Canton and later in Hong Kong. They were owned by Admiral McMullen who wished to find a suitable home for them and I considered that they were of great interest historically and otherwise, and of special interest to Hong Kong, and I have accepted them in the name of the Royal Asiatic Society. I enclose a package concerning these documents and hope that the Society will accept them. Yours sincerely, J. R. JONES. P.S. The owner of the collection of the old bills of lading was Rear Admiral M. A. McMullen who entrusted them to Mr. J. G. Young of Messrs. Andrew Weir and Co. Ltd. with whom I was put in touch by Mr. H. B. Neve, formally of the Bank Line (China) Limited of Hong Kong. Amongst the collection Jardine Matheson and Company appears twice, once as receivers of 10 chests of Opium, whilst Gilmans are also mentioned as shippers of 100 half chests of tea from Shanghai to Hong Kong. There is also reference to Macondray & Co. who are presumably related to the Arm of that name now operating in the Philippines. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 162 Rattans Rice NOTES AND QUERIES 6 SUWONADA 29, 30, 31, 33, 34 8, 20 Routh (F.R. & D.) 35 Tacoran, Nanjie Russell & Co. 16, 29, 33 Taria, J.M. de Taylor, P. SACRAMENTO 22 Tea 14, 30 Safflower* 33 Thomas (Charles) & Co. Salmon 38 Tongues San Francisco 15, 22, 24 Trautmann & Co. 25, 38 Turpentine Selzer water 34 Shanghai SHERBURNE Silva, J. A. da Silver bars Semechand, Caramichand [?] 4 29, 30, 31, 33, 34 Upton, W.F. VALETTA 1 VENUS 4, 12 Vermicelli 22 Singapore Roads Smith (W.H.) & Son Sorabjee & Simjee 7, 9 WHEELER, W.E. 23 Whiskey Anagrada 2, 28 10 5 7 38 31 21 18 24 37 24 15 38 2 White, G. 1 Steel, A. 7 Wild (Aaron D.) & Sons 16 Stephen, S. 38 Williams, Blanchard & Co. 38 Stone, Bombay 37 With, M.C.G. 28 *See notes below. NOTES The following notes relate to the more obscure items in the foregoing index. Anfião de Malva-Opium from Malwa, an area in W. Central India, which together with Benares and Patna were the main opium growing areas. I am indebted to Mr. J. M. Braga for this identification, which defeated students of Portuguese in Hong Kong. Cumsingmoon-Kap Shui Mun, the straits between the N.E. point of Lantao Island and Tsing I Island. Cutch=The commercial name of the catechu obtained from Acacia catechu, used in tanning (O.E.D.) Nankeens-Either a kind of yellow cotton cloth, originally made in Nanking, or trousers made of this material. Safflower=Dried petals of Carthamus tinctorius, a thistle-like plant cultivated in the Mediterranean region, India and China for the red dye obtained from the flowers, also used in the making of rouge. Hong Kong June, 1973. H. A. RYDINGS ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r BOOK REVIEWS 177 A.D. The most authentic maps on Buddhism in China are those produced by a Japanese scholar, Oshio Dokuzan ★§♪λ in Shina-Bukyo Shi Chizu £*£ published in 1924 in Japan. Although I have no way to put the maps of Zürcher and Oshio side by side, since the latter's version is not available at this moment in Hong Kong, yet I see that Zürcher has made no use of Oshio's maps. As to Map II about the trade routes of Later Han, Albert Herrmann's An Historical Atlas of China (first edition printed in 1935 and second in 1966) has not been consulted, Thirdly there are some minor editorial and textual blemishes in this important book. In the first place it seems that the author has been rather careless in the editing of his Bibliography. For instance, although Chen Yin-k'o's well-known study on Chih-Min-tu, a Buddhist monk of the Eastern Chin Period, Chih Min-tu Hsueh-Shuo K'ao £*£*** (which appeared in Ts'ai Yüan-pei Memorial Volume, Part I, pp. 1-18,) is mentioned by Zürcher in his 85th footnote for Chapter III (in Vol. II, p. 353), it is not included in his bibliography, although he has listed a second article also by Chen Yin-k'o there. Again, there are quite a few misprints or mistakes in the Chinese characters, in these two volumes. As regards the former, at p. 221 of Vol. I, and again at p. 367 of Vol. II, the Chinese character “To” f£ is misprinted as ft. Similarly, on p. 444 of Vol. II, the first Chinese character for the title, Yen-tieh-lun #*, a famous treatise written in the Han Dynasty, is incorrectly printed as. Again, at p. 394 and p. 444 of Vol. II, the studio name Yü-Han Shan-fang has appeared twice. Although in its first appearance, the last Chinese character for this studio name is printed correctly, it is however, printed with a wrong form as second appearance. In addition to these, a commonly used Chinese character, Ming, has been rather frequently used by Mr. Zürcher (in p. 105 and p. 126 of Vol. I and p. 341 of Vol. II), and is always associated with a wrong form in its. Lastly, concerning the author's interpretation of terms. For instance, "Pa-ta" Ait, a term which appears twice in p. 79 of Vol. I, has not been properly interpreted and translated except in inadequate English as "eight-ta”. Yet already in 1938 T. K. Chuan in his study, "Some Notes on Kao Seng Chuan", (T'ien Hsia Monthly, Vol. VII No. 5, pp. 452-468, the well-known Journal in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 178 BOOK REVIEWS English published in Shanghai), had interpreted the same term as "eight emancipated". It is obvious that T. K. Chuan's translation may not be the only fixed one, yet, on the other hand, it does seem that it is at least a good reference for Zürcher to cite. Furthermore, T. K. Chuan's Kao Seng Chuan or Biographies of Eminent Monks is once again a useful reference in Zürcher's field of study that has been neglected entirely. In another example, the term “Ke-i" is interpreted as "elucidating Buddhist terms” (p. 12 Vol. I). However, it is differently rendered as "matching meanings” on p. 184 of the same volume. Such interpretational discrepancy together with the misprints seem to show that Mr. Zürcher must have worked on the revision of his book over a considerable period of time, but may have neglected to make a final check of his manuscript. These points deal with minor details which can be considered when the third impression of this book is prepared. They detract little from the outstanding scholarship of Mr. Zürcher and his important contribution to the history of Buddhism in Medieval China. CHUANG SHEN University of Hong Kong, 1973. A CONCORDANCE TO FIVE SYSTEMS OF TRANSCRIPTION FOR STANDARD CHINESE. Compiled by Olov Bertil Anderson, Studentlitteratur, Lund, 1970, pp. 228. I assume that differences of opinion over transcription systems for Chinese will always be with us. For many decades now we have seen a stream of alternatives to Wade-Giles and have heard the discussions over the relative merits of favorite systems. Each time the shade seems laid to rest it pops up very much alive in some new stronghold of sinology. For some reason this problem plagues mostly the English-speaking segment of the field while those who publish in French, German, and Russian have long ago reached reasonable agreement on transcription and have gone on to other often more productive fields of study. But unfortunately the rest of us cannot agree, and nothing is more hopelessly visionary at this point than the dream of some grand concourse of sinologists all accepting a single system which all will use to the exclusion of any other. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 180 BOOK REVIEWS writes for example 2 ku and ki to capture another possible complementation instead. This discussion is of some meaning to linguists but is uninteresting to the point of exasperation for almost everyone else in the field. Presumably we would all speak better in other dialects where such problems in complementary distribution do not affect the romanization. However, the real point here is that what is perfect for the militant linguist may in fact not be the most helpful for the beginning student, for the scholar in another discipline, or for the outsider who would like to make some reasonable approximation of the native word when he responds to a romanized form. There is no reason why we could not try to satisfy all these people; it is simply a matter of admitting that parts of every potential system will offend some and please others. Once we agree to agree almost any of the proposed systems would do. It is this initial agreement that seems to be difficult. All this brings me to the book under review. Professor Anderson is primarily concerned with presenting a transcription system which he calls Simplified Wade. His purpose is to modify Wade-Giles so that it is still readily recognizable but now in a form written entirely without diacritical marks. One of the major innovations of the Anderson system is to substitute -h- for the Wade-Giles apostrophe marking aspiration; e.g., Wade-Giles ch'i, t'u, p'u, and k'u become Anderson chhi, thu, phu, and khu. The circumflex is omitted, as indeed it is by many writers today since it is not distinctive in any occurrence. The umlaut is optional in the Anderson system; it is in fact non-distinctive in Wade-Giles except in WG yu and yü which Anderson suggests be written you and yu respectively if the umlaut is not convenient on one's typewriter. The apical vowels are written y; e.g., WG szu ‘four' is Anderson sy. WG initial j- is Anderson r-. A second major departure from Wade-Giles is that in which Anderson marks the tones with unpronounced letters following the syllable as below: 1st tone       no letter 2nd tone       -P 3rd tone       -X 4th tone       -Z ma for WG ma1 mav for WG ma2 max for WG ma3 maz for WG ma4 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r BOOK REVIEWS 183 In making the attempt to study the area, Mr. da Silva has performed a most valuable service. He has brought to the task special talents not often found in combination; local birth, knowledge of written and spoken Chinese, a geographer's training, interest in ethnography, and a sympathetic and discerning eye. The book has five chapters, entitled: Chapter I-General Background; Chapter II--Historical Background; Chapter III-Ecological Adaptation and Livelihood; Chapter IV-The Ecology of Padi Cultivation; and Chapter V-Traditional Land Tenure. Of these the three dealing with ecology are the most valuable. Chapter III, in particular, gives a fully integrated account of the traditional means of livelihood in a coastal village area that is not available in any other work, to which he adds a description of the various influences at work on local minds, emphasising how they combine to form a unified cosmological whole (pp. 63-64). This unity of conception is the predominant feature of the local rural scene, and one that imposes itself very strongly on the consciousness of the long-term observer. Chapter IV, which deals with the farming and fishing calendars and describes the sequence and ecological importance of rice cultivation is another valuable contribution to knowledge of the local scene, of a kind and to a degree that, so far as I am aware, has not yet been supplied. In short, these chapters help to repair a deficiency noted by Reischauer and Fairbank, the reconstruction 'with verisimilitude' of 'the daily life of the average Chinese villager in the pre-modern centuries.' (p. 383, Vol. 1 of East Asia, The Great Tradition, Harvard, 1958). The third section of the Chapter on Traditional Land Tenure contains some new and interesting information on land measurement and land classification but the rest is rather sketchy and inadequate on what is a notoriously complicated and difficult subject. The historical chapter is too broad to be effective and Mr. da Silva's knowledge of the island from this viewpoint does not match the superior quality of the other sections. He is misleading on family connections, e.g. pp. 28 and 32, whilst the maps and charts before p. 20 and at p. 35 are not as comprehensive as they could be made to be. The unevenness of the information acquired, and the lack of balance between the ethno-botanical treatment and the historical aspects, mar an otherwise very interesting, stimulating, and informative book. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r Plate XI. Hai Jui on a Teochew altar in Singapore, January 1970. (By courtesy of Major Keith Stevens) Plate XII. Tour to Thailand, February 1973; some of the members taking part. From left to right: Mr. H. M. Weinrebe, Mr. D. M. Goodbody, Miss R. E. Carlson, Miss P. I. Young, Mr. R. O'Hara, Mrs. M. O'Hara, Mr. Michael Smithies (tour leader and Hon. Secretary), Miss Moira Knowles (Hon. Secretary from April 1973), Mr. J. S. Anderson, Mrs. W. C. Mao, Dr. P. W. C. Mao, Mr. B. S. McElney, Mr. Hownam-Meek, Mrs. K. Kesterton, Mrs. Hownam-Meek. Not in photograph: Mrs. L. H. Evans, Mr. R. J. Faulkner, Mr. A. H. Forsyth, Mrs. B. Laufer, Miss Lim Laye Tin. (Photograph by courtesy of C.P.A.) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, K.C.M.G., M.B.E., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1974: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Hon. Secretary: A. I. Diamond, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Helga Werle, Phil. sin. cand. (Munich) F. Geoffroy Dechaume, Consul General for France James C. Y. Watt, M.A. K. A. Westcott, B.A., Dip.Ed. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 CONTENTS Page PRESIDENT'S Report for 1974 · 1 HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1974 · 8 THE LIBRARY, 1974 · 10 TRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH: · 12 The Paper Chase-Archives and the Public Records Office of Hong Kong (A lecture given on 7th January, 1974) - A. I. DIAMOND · 28 Adventurers in Hong Kong: the Marquis de Morès and David de Mayréna (A lecture given on 29th March, 1974) - HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE · 58 Dogs and Horses in Ancient China (A lecture given on 27th May, 1974) CAROLE MORGAN · - ARTICLES: · - The Craft of God Carving in Singapore- KEITH G. STEVENS · - "Oh for the Joys of England": Lt. Orlando Bridgeman's Letters from China and Hong Kong, 1842-1843– ROBIN MCLACHLAN · - Father Ernesto Gherzi, S. J., 1886-1973—G. J. BELL · 68 Notes on the Sources of De Mailla, Histoire Générale de la Chine-Richard Gregg Irwin, with Introduction by L. Carrington Goodrich · 76 The Monuments of Vientiane and Luang Prabang (Report of the RAS Tour to Laos, 23-24 January, 1974)— MICHAEL SMITHIES · 85 The Hong Kong Region: its place in Traditional Chinese Historiography and Principal Events since the Establishment of Hsin-an County in 1573....-JAMES HAYES · 108 REPRINTED ARTICLES · 136 Place Names of Hong Kong and the New Territories (1958) K. M. A. BARNETT · 160 Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in (1935-38) (continued) SUNG HOK-PANG · - NOTES AND QUERIES · 188 The European Grave on Shek Kwu Chau, Hong Kong JEAN MOORE · - "Fung Shui" Woodlands-L. C. SHEN · 190 Unusual Trees in Hong Kong: the Cassia Bark Tree- L. C. SHEN · 191 Traditional Farming Techniques and their Survival in Hong Kong-P. L. SIAK · 196 Programme Notes for Visits to Places of Interest in Hong Kong and Kowloon, 1974: Kennedy Town, Old Wanchai, Old Western District, the Diocesan Boy's School and La Salle College, and Ceramic Factory and Sam Tung Uk, N.T. JAMES HAYES, CARL SMITH, HELGA WERLE et. al. · - BOOK REVIEWS · 235 LIST OF MEMBERS · 245 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 deity in Hong Kong, particularly among the boat-people. There are many temples dedicated to her in the Colony. This particular temple is believed to date from the Sung Dynasty, and with the nearby rock-carving, dated 1274, provides a popular place for pilgrimages. These three last trips were organised by our Vice-president, Mr. James Hayes, who has an extensive knowledge of the history of Hong Kong, particularly its rural areas. The ten lectures covered a wide variety of subjects. The first lecture of the year was delivered by Professor Murray Groves, head of the Sociology Department, University of Hong Kong. Professor Groves had lived in New Guinea and worked there as an anthropologist, and he talked about a sea-faring people, the Motu, and their musical styles. His talk was illustrated with slides and tape recordings. The second talk was about Chinese paintings in the William Rockhill Nelson Gallery of Art: a Gallery of international reputation, situated in Kansas, and housing one of the major comprehensive collections of oriental art in the U.S.A. The talk was delivered by Professor Chu-tsing Li, Research Curator of the Gallery, and was illustrated with slides. Later in the year, Professor Winston Hsieh of Missouri University, talked to us about the Canton Delta Project which he is currently heading. The Canton Delta has great significance for scholars of Chinese social organization, urban studies, foreign trade, revolutionary movements and overseas emigration, and it is particularly rich in Chinese and Western source materials. The project is interdisciplinary and we look forward to hearing more about its activities. In September Professor P. B. Harris, who heads the Political Science Department of the University of Hong Kong talked to the Society on "Maoism and Rousseauism", and in November Mr. Henry Lethbridge of Hong Kong University's Sociology Department described the exploits of two adventurers extraordinary who visited Hong Kong in the late 1880's: David de Mayréna, soi-disant King of the Sedangs in Indo China, and the Marquis de Morès. Both died later in mysterious circumstances. Mr. Lethbridge specialises in the social history of Hong Kong, and participated in our symposium last year on "Hong Kong: Chinese tradition and the growth of a town”. Dr. Hugh Baker, who also participated in our first symposium which I organised in 1964 on “The Social Organization of the New ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 14 A. I. DIAMOND So much for the sorry image of the archivist. Now what are the realities. What are archives and what do archivists do? Most people, if asked what archives are, will say that they are old documents of historical interest, or the records of some person or institution which have value for research purposes. This is true enough as far as it goes. Many archives, of course, are old and historically interesting, but neither of these attributes is necessary for documents to qualify as archives. For example, an Act of the United Kingdom Parliament, the original instrument, bearing the seal and sign manual of the Sovereign is undoubtedly an archive, and it is so whether it was passed yesterday or five hundred years ago. Its age has nothing to do with its archival quality. And since, as soon as it receives the Royal assent, copies of it are generally published and distributed in their thousands, one could hardly claim that the original itself was of much interest to the historian. It has value, of course. An authenticated Act of Parliament is the final source of Government's authority for certain of its actions; but it is not this either which makes it an archive. Documents acquire archival quality from the manner in which they have been created and kept. The eminent English authority on archives, Sir Hilary Jenkinson, defines them as follows: "A document which may be said to belong to the class of Archives is one which was drawn up or used in the course of an administrative or executive transaction (whether public or private) of which itself formed a part; and subsequently preserved in their own custody for their own information by the person or persons responsible for that transaction and their legitimate successors”.* Archives, then, are the totality of the documents produced or received by an office or other agency in the course of its business and which have been retained for action or reference. It is sometimes supposed that the term "archives" applies specifically, or at any rate more properly, to government records; but this is not the case. The term is equally applicable to the records of banks, insurance houses, churches, clubs and any other forms of association or enterprise. And if it comes to that even families or private individuals may accumulate them. What makes a body of documents archives is not who accumulated it but how it was done. * Jenkinson, Sir Hilary. "A Manual of Archive Administration." (Percy Lund, Humphries & Co. Ltd., London), p. 11. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 22 A. I. DIAMOND how information is obtained from them. The original registers, indexes and other finding aids of the office are ready-made instruments of information retrieval. However, the original finding aids will answer only the questions they were designed to answer and frequently questions which the student wishes to ask of the records are quite different from those which the administrator had in mind. It therefore becomes part of the archivist's business to devise supplementary media in the form of guides, inventories, lists, calendars and select indexes to which the student can turn for further guidance. Archives are highly significant resources and the most important of them are the archives of governments. Official archives constitute government's memory. They contain information on every aspect of its business, and this information increases in value and extent as archives are accumulated and preserved. "Public records define the relations of government to the governed. They are the immediate proof for all temporary property and financial rights that are derived from or are connected with a citizen's relations to a government, and are the ultimate proof for all permanent civic rights and privileges". For these reasons if for no other, the proper management by a government of its current records and the conservation of its archives should be viewed by it not as a luxury or as a concession to academia, but as an essential object of national concern, The last time I was asked to talk about the development of an archive office was in 1965 when I was in charge of the Central Archives of Fiji and the Western Pacific High Commission. It was comparatively easy because I then had nearly a decade of development to look back on. In this case it is more difficult because the Public Records Office, Hong Kong—hereafter referred to as P.R.O.—has been in existence here for less than eighteen months and we are standing a little too close to events to see what they really amount to in terms of progress. The P.R.O. was established in July, 1972, and, as some of you will know, it forms at present a unit of the Colonial Secretariat under the general direction of the Home Affairs and Information Branch. * Perotin, Yves, "A Manual of Tropical Archivology". (Mouton & Co., Paris) p. 20. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Paper Chase 23 The main function of the P.R.O. is the conservation of all government records of permanent value for official reference and private research. More specifically, this means all documents which possess value for: (i) documenting the constitutional and legal basis of government; (ii) documenting the origin, development, organisation, functions, policies and substantive activities of government departments; (iii) protecting the rights and privileges of private citizens and organisations; and (iv) research into political, social and economic affairs and the history of the community. You will notice from this, by the way, that archives are not preserved solely in the interests of historians. The scope of modern government is wide and there are few aspects of human activity and environment to which official records do not refer. A government's archives, therefore, are potentially of research value to every academic discipline. Archive institutions, like libraries, museums and art galleries, need to be located in places where they are easily accessible to the public. The trouble is that archives, and especially government archives, need a great deal of storage space; so that in cities like Hong Kong, where office accommodation is at a premium, the housing of archives has special problems. Stored archives are immensely heavy and this limits us to ground floor accommodation or to buildings especially constructed to withstand high floor-loadings. Again, if one provides at the outset for long-term space needs this means tying up large building areas which will remain under-utilised for a long period. The alternative, of providing only for short-term requirements, means constant removal to new premises. We have had to compromise. The P.R.O. is housed at present* in temporary premises in Garden Road with accommodation for 5,450 shelf-feet of records. In about April this year we shall be moving to the Murray Road Multi-storey Car Park Building where we shall have room to accommodate about 15,000 shelf-feet of records. The new premises will be equipped with, among other things, a document repair section and bindery, a photographic laboratory and, I * January 1974. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 24 A. I. DIAMOND hope adequate, library and reading room facilities. The repository will be specially air-conditioned to provide a filtered atmosphere and a temperature and relative humidity stabilised at the optimum levels. The records will be protected from fire by an automatic carbon dioxide extinguishing system. But the Murray Road accommodation will also be temporary. If our present intake of permanent records is maintained we shall exhaust the storage space available there by the end of 1978. It is planned, therefore, that in 1979 we shall move for the second and last time to premises in Murray Building II, which is to be constructed on the site of the Garden Road Open-air Car Park. In the Murray Building we shall have about 25,000 square feet of floor space, including accommodation for upward of 40,000 shelf-feet of records. Even this will not meet our storage needs; but as we cannot continue to expand in the city centre our space requirements in excess of that allowed for in the Murray Building will be met by the provision of satellite accommodation in low-cost areas. These satellite repositories will be used for the storage of intermediate records and of permanent records which are not often consulted. As the P.R.O. is the first Archives to have been established in Hong Kong it was no surprise to find that professionally trained staff were unobtainable here. What was less expected was the difficulty which we have had in recruiting suitable graduate staff even without archives training. In fact, after sixteen months I am still without any. Part of the reason for this is that the career prospects which we can offer at this early stage of our development are rather nebulous. As the scope and volume of the P.R.O.'s operations expand the avenues for advancement within the ranks of its graduate staff will presumably improve. In the meantime the problem is to find and keep staff with the interest and courage to take their chances in pioneering a new form of career. The intention is that Assistant Archivists (graduates) should undergo a year's in-service training at the end of which time they will sit an examination designed to test their knowledge and proficiency. If they pass this, and are suitable in other respects, they will be eligible for diploma-course training abroad, probably in Malaysia or Australia. Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 26 A. I. DIAMOND number of large, and from a research point of view, extremely valuable accumulations of records, both official and private, relating to this area are preserved in various oversea institutions and in many cases these are available in Xerox, microfilm or other copy form. It is desirable that the P.R.O. should acquire as wide a coverage of these sources as possible and the Hong Kong Government has agreed to support a programme of expenditure extending over several years for this purpose. A commitment of $65,000 to begin the programme has been approved in the current Estimates. What is to be said of the government's post-war archive resources? Most departments have developed, or are developing routines for the destruction of their unwanted records. As a matter of fact, planned records disposal has a surprisingly long history in Hong Kong. Measures to limit the accumulation of ephemeral papers were adopted by Colonial Secretariat and certain of the departments well before the war and, in spite of the wholesale destruction of public records during the occupation, similar methods were being re-introduced by some offices as early as 1948. The increasing pressure on office accommodation since the war has led, in many departments, to acute storage problems and to efforts to solve these by records disposal programmes of increasing scope and intensity. The methods used have varied according to the nature of the records concerned and to the urgency of the storage problem. In some offices destruction has been sporadic and haphazard; in others it is carried out on a regular basis in accordance with carefully detailed instructions. In the interests of efficiency it is desirable that departments should develop procedures for the elimination of valueless documents. The trouble is that in many cases these have been devised with such narrow attention to purely administrative or legal considerations, and prosecuted so rigorously, that much material of importance for historical and other research has been destroyed with the rubbish. This should not be taken to imply that Hong Kong's officialdom has been remiss. Administrators, as we have noted, are not employed, and most of them are not equipped, to conserve records of academic interest; and even were they to attempt it their efforts in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 THE PAPER CHASE 27 Hong Kong must have been defeated by lack of storage space and of staff to cope. Now that the P.R.O. has been established, such reduction as there has been of government's archival resources should come to an end. How soon it does so will depend on how rapidly and effectively the P.R.O. is enabled to develop its services. Departments have already been instructed that in future no records are to be destroyed without P.R.O. sanction; but this will become a dead letter if we fail to give them prompt assistance in the appraisal of their records and ready accommodation for those which are marked for permanent retention. I believe that much will depend on our ability to develop efficient intermediate records services. The establishment of institutions which relieve departments of the burden of accommodating and administering great masses of non-current records would go far to obviate premature or unauthorised destruction of them. In due course it will be appropriate to enact a Public Records Ordinance to provide a legal basis for the P.R.O. and its activities and to settle its relations with other government offices and the public. The character of this legislation, when it is passed, will be important in determining the future development of the Office and the effectiveness of its operations. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG 55 not serve his full sentence because he was released on grounds of ill-health. But, as Des Voeux notes, the day after his release from Victoria Gaol he was seen avidly betting at the Happy Valley Race Course. He was, clearly a great card and popular with drinking circles in Hong Kong. The Telegraph was an evening newspaper. After Fraser-Smith's death, J. J. Francis became publisher and Chesney Duncan its editor. 28 John Joseph Francis (1839-1901) was educated in Dublin and intended for the Catholic priesthood. But instead of entering the Church he enlisted in the Army, coming out to China in the Royal Artillery during the Second China War. He took his discharge in Hong Kong and commenced the study of law in the office of a Mr. Owens, solicitor. He was admitted to practise as an attorney in 1869 and entered into partnership with another solicitor and soon acquired a lucrative practice. Ambitious, he gained admission to Gray's Inn and was called to the Bar of the Supreme Court of Hong Kong in 1877. By 1888 he was the Colony's leading barrister. Francis was extremely touchy and truculent: in 1895 he returned to the Governor a silver inkstand, given to him in recognition of his work during the plague, on the grounds that the gift did not sufficiently acknowledge his services. He died of apoplexy at Yokohama's Grand Hotel in 1901. A fitting end: he was an apoplectic soul. Francis lived at 'Shirley House' in Bonham Road, a commodious residence with extensive grounds. 29 A. Macmillan, Seaports of the Far East, London, 1923, p. 366. 30 22 November, 1888. The Hong Kong Hotel, situated in Pedder Street, was originally managed by Parsees; in 1866 it came under European management and soon became a first-class hotel with all the facilities of a good West End hotel. 31 7 January, 1889. 32 Soulié states that Mayréna on his way to Hong Kong marooned Afong on Hainan Island but that the intrepid Chinese took passage on a junk and appeared in Hong Kong to haunt the King of the Sedangs. 33 China Mail, 7 January, 1889. 34 George Murray Bain (1842-1909) was born and educated at Montrose, Scotland. He joined the China Mail as a sub-editor and reporter (some say printer) in 1864. In 1875 he became sole proprietor of the China Mail and in 1879 took over the editorship of the paper himself. With N. B. Dennys he started the China Review in 1872. The China Mail was edited from Wyndham Street, a short distance away from the Hong Kong Telegraph on Pedder's Hill. Bain, unlike Fraser-Smith, appears to have been pious, temperate, and acutely respectable. 35 Hong Kong Telegraph, 27 December, 1888. 36 'Drey' was the name of a Sedang locality. 37 China Mail, 24 January, 1889. 38 Hong Kong Telegraph, 25 January, 1889. 39 7 January, 1889. 40 Sir Hugh Clifford, Heroes of Exile, London, 1906, pp. 69-70. Clifford states that it was the Hong Kong merchants 'who had paid his (Mayréna's) passage and had supplied his Majesty with a little ready money' and that they had been actuated partly by a desire to remunerate one from whom they had derived so much entertainment'. Sir Hugh Clifford (1866-1941), a colonial administrator, who served in Pahang from 1887 to 1899, was, apparently, in Hong Kong in late 1888; it is possible that he had taken local leave but I have been unable to confirm the fact. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 56 H. I. LETHBRIDGE 41 In 1838 Charles Mirfin was killed in a duel on Wimbledon Common. The principal escaped abroad but the seconds were found guilty, sentenced to death, but later reprieved. In 1841 the Earl of Cardigan wounded Captain Tuckett in a duel and was accused of 'assault with intent to murder'. In 1852 a group of Frenchmen were indicted for duelling on English soil, sent for trial, and imprisoned. It must have been well known to both Mayréna and Morès that duelling was a criminal offence under English law and that the guilty could not escape easily from a term of imprisonment, even in Hong Kong. In 1872 the Spanish Consul in Hong Kong and the Peruvian Consul in Macao fought a duel at Chinese Kowloon. The Peruvian Consul was wounded by a pistol shot. They were each fined $200 at the Supreme Court in Hong Kong, although the duel had not taken place on Hong Kong soil! 42 ...the duel is a leisure-time institution... In civilised communities it prevails as a normal phenomenon only where there is an hereditary leisure class, and almost exclusively among that class' (Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class, New York, 1934, p. 239.) 43 Alfred Capus (1858-1922) was a well-known journalist and man-about-town. 44 Maurice Mac-Nab (1856-1890) was a chansonnier, poet and notorious noctambule. The Rat Mort was a well-known café-chantant in Montmartre, the haunt of decadents, harlots and pleasure-seekers. The composer Charles de Sivry (1848-1900) was for a long time accompanist at the Cabaret du Chat-noir. He was the brother-in-law of Arthur Rimbaud. 45 At table, for example, the courtiers were expected to wait until the King introduced a topic of conversation. 46 John Fortescue Owen, born in 1869, entered the Federated Malay States Civil Service in 1889 and was appointed Junior Officer and Magistrate, Pahang, in that year. 47 See W. Lineham, 'A History of Pahang', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 14, Part 2, 1936, p. 135. 48 Sir Hugh Clifford, 'The King of the Sedangs', Asia, July-Dec., 1926, p. 920. 49 Edouard Drumont (1844-1917) wrote a famous book, La France Juive, (1886), in which he attempted to demonstrate that France was controlled from behind the scenes by a pack of Jews. 50 R. H. Sherard gives an account of a personal interview with Morès in the Santé prison in The Real Oscar Wilde, London, n.d., pp. 401-2. 51 Morès did not mean to kill Mayer: Mayer impaled himself by running upon Morès's foil. 52 The Marquise offered a large reward for the capture of the assassins. There is a story that she tried to hire a number of cowboys to effect the rescue. She died in 1921 and in her will—a copy of which is in Somerset House, London—she left a sum of money for the erection of a monument at Mechiguig. In 1928 a large granite cross was placed on the spot where Morès fell. Lesley Blanch in her book The Wilder Shores of Love (London, 1954) claims that the Arab-loving Isabelle Eberhardt went in pursuit of Morès' assassins, but I have found no confirmation of the story. 53 Times, 20 July, 1896. 54 Soldiering was also an aristocratic sport, better than the chase. Many people volunteered to fight in wars which did not concern them; see, for example, the career of St. Leger Grenfell, who fought with John Hunt ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG 57 Morgan's cavalry in the American Civil War, or that of Heros von Borcke, a Prussian, who fought with Jeb Stuart in the same conflict. Sir Rutherford Alcock served in Spain as a volunteer during the Carlist wars. 55 See, for example, E. J. Hobsbawm, Bandits, Harmondsworth, 1972. 56 See Blaise Cendrars, Rhum, for an account of the extraordinary Jean Galmot and L'Or, Blaise Cendrars's account of the life of General Johann August Suter, the 'owner' of California. 57 Protos in André Gide's Les Caves du Vatican says: 'Savez-vous ce qu'il faut pour faire de l'honnête homme un gredin? Il suffit d'un dépaysement, d'un oubli'. The idea of 'dépaysement' (i.e., to remove someone from his usual surroundings) is a key concept for the understanding of the adventurer. 58 Laurence Hope, The Garden of Karma, London, 1902, p. 144. 59 Oliver Bernard, ed., Rimbaud, Harmondsworth, 1962, pp. 304-5. 60 A final footnote on this article should be Malraux's comment that: 'L'aventurier est un personnage du XIXe siècle, qui déborde sur le XVIIIe aux Indes, et un peu sur le XX.' See André Malraux, Antimémoires, p. 378. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA 65 On the other hand the large number of terms such as “hsing” ( ) “han” (*) “wei” (*) “nao” (闹) “hsiao” (咲) and “fei” (吠)52 to denote a dog's bark are apparently attempts to reproduce phonetically the barking sounds of various breeds of dogs.53 Possibly the first reference to a dog in Chinese literature is to the Ao (獒) a dog supposedly sent as tribute to Chou Hsun (1154-1122 B.C.) by a tribe called the Western Liu of whom nothing else is known.54 This was a very large dog which could “know a man's mind”. The size of the Ao always intrigued Chinese authors and one commentator, Kuo Po (502-556 A.D.) claimed that the Ao was a red dog as large as a donkey.55 A statement which may possibly have been known to Marco Polo and caused him to write when speaking of Tibet: "The people of Tibet are an ill-conditioned race. They have mastiffs as big as donkeys." This short paper has attempted to show some pre-Han attitudes towards dogs and horses, but it cannot be concluded without referring to another point. It was not until Buddhism had become firmly implanted in China that we find stories celebrating canine loyalty and devotion to man. Until then, classical literature usually qualified dogs as hui (狡), treacherous, chiao (狡) crafty and ssu (思) restless. 1 Anderson, p. 102. 2 Erkes(1), pp. 186-187. 3 Anderson, pp. 120-121. 4 Erkes(2), pp. 27-28. 5 Anderson, p. 29; Yetts, p. 237. 6 Creel, p. 210. 7 Cheng, Vol. 11, p. 55. 8 Cheng, Vol. 11, p. 90. 9 Schindler(2), pp. 631-632. NOTES 10 Couvreur, Vol. 1, pp. 352, 405, 406. 11 Biot, Vol. 11, p. 259; Chou Li, 8/22b. 12 Biot, Vol. 11, p. 364; Chou Li, 9/30b. 13 Schindler(1), pp. 356, 359, 364. 14 Creel, p. 142/43; Couvreur I, 235. 15 Erkes(2), p. 59. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 70 KEITH G. STEVENS and Kwangtung, the Southern maritime coastal boat people's stylized wooden images and the stone, porcelain and hard stone household images of the wealthy. However, it is the Fukienese style I am about to describe, although the carving styles of the Teochew and Hokkien in Singapore do not differ all that markedly (Plates 6 and 7). The Singaporean god carvers were well versed in recognizing the mode and marks of craftsmen from the other Southern Chinese maritime provinces, particularly the handiwork of their forefathers, and each master carver has a widely recognized style of his own. One carver spent considerable time showing me the variations which principally occur in the decoration on the front face of the base of the image. A hundred years ago special artists were employed to paint this "front face trade mark”, one of the more exquisite being a rose on a long stem adopted by a Foochow city carver of note, The carvers did not work from plans or sketches, having a clear idea of the image in their mind; but it took all my powers of persuasion to make one of the carvers sit down and sketch the main features of as many gods as possible, as he knew them (Plate 8). When questioned about how specific were the individual gods' features and markings, it was soon apparent that each carver had his own ideas about head-dresses, robes, beards and also, rather surprisingly, over posture. An example was the carving of Lu F'ung P'in (Plate 7), a famous doctor, the patron of barbers and one of the Eight Immortals. There were many variations, the carvers agreed, and each carver knew he wore a flat “tile” hat, carried a fly whisk, an umbrella or a gourd and was robed in blue; and when I produced an image of him wearing green robes, they fell over themselves claiming the decorator had been either ignorant or colour blind. Having been unanimous about this, however, they promptly disagreed over the Northern Emperor (✯✯✯) whose recognition features are a snake and tortoise, bare feet, unkempt hair and a fore finger of the left hand pointing vertically at waist height. Quite a riotous scene ensued during which snippets from various books such as the Ming dynasty novel "The Deification of the Gods" (###), and quotes from great carvers, together with recollections of their handiworks, were voiced to prove a point. It was quite obvious that the carvers were far from unanimous about details of the Northern Emperor figure. The tortoise could ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 84 ROBIN MCLACHLAN NOTES 1 Nottingham County Record Office, Bristowe Papers - DDBB 113, items 31-39. The dates and places of writing of the seven letters relevant to this paper are: No. 33, Hong Kong, February 12, 1843; No. 34, H.M.S. Melville on the Yangtze off Nanking, August 16(?), 1842; No. 35, Chusan, October 11, 1842; No. 36, Hong Kong, November 25, 1842; No. 37, Hong Kong, December 18, 1842; No. 38, Hong Kong, May 6, 1843; and No. 39, Hong Kong, October 29, 1843. (Further footnote reference will be by item number, i.e. 33-39). 2 H. G. Hart, The New Annual Army Lists for 1842 to 1847 (London: John Murray, 1842-1847), p. 250 (98th Regiment) and p. 137 (11th Hussars); and, Sir Bernard Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Peerage and Baronetage of the British Empire (London: Hurst & Blacket, 1857), p. 110 (Bradford). The original Orlando Bridgeman lived in the seventeenth century and among other accomplishments was the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. See the Concise Dictionary of National Biography, I (to 1900), p. 143. 4 No. 34. 5 No. 35. 6 No. 34. 7 No. 37. 8 No. 35. 9 No. 36. 10 No. 36. 11 No. 37. 12 No. 37. 13 No. 37, Postscript on inside of envelope, dated December 28, 1842. 14 No. 33. 15 No. 38. 16 No. 37. 17 No. 39. 18 No. 39. 19 No. 35. 20 No. 34. 21 No. 35. 22 No. 38. 23 No. 39. 24 Hart, 1846, p. 137. Bridgeman now rated the distinction of a footnote detailing his experiences in war. It read "Lt. Bridgeman served in the 98th with the Expedition to the North of China in 1842, and was present at the attack and capture of Chin Kiang Foo, and at the landing before Nankin." 25 Ibid., 1847 and 1848, p. 137. 26 Burke, 1914, p. 286 (Bradford). I have not been able to locate a newspaper obituary for Bridgeman. As he spent his last years in Shrewsbury (11 Berwick Road to be exact) there may be an obituary in the press of that district. Page 90 Page 91 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA, HISTOIRE GENERALE DE LA CHINE RICHARD Gregg Irwin Introduction Many years ago a student of mine, then in Peking, named Richard Gregg Irwin, sent me a draft of a paper he had written on the sources of the well-known Histoire générale de la Chine by Père de Mailla. I thought it worthy of publication and promised to help him in the revision. In the meantime he was caught in the war with Japan and imprisoned in Weihsien; by the time he returned to the United States he was wholly absorbed in completing his dissertation, which eventually was published in the Harvard-Yenching Institute Studies as The Evolution of a Chinese Novel: Shui-hu-chuan. Duties of an exacting sort at the East Asiatic Library of the University of California followed in Berkeley, and he died prematurely in 1968 without finding the leisure to turn again to his initial study of de Mailla's magnum opus, still the longest history of China in a western language. Now that the undersigned has completed his work on Ming biographies it has occurred to him to make the necessary revisions, so that Mr. Irwin's essay may see the light of day. This seems all the more timely as de Mailla's history has recently (1967) been reprinted by the Ch'eng-wen Publishing Company, Taipei. Columbia University, 21st May, 1974. THE NOTES L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH A false impression is given by the full title of de Mailla's Histoire générale de la Chine, ou annales de cet empire; traduites du Tong-Kien-Kang-Mou, par le feu Père Joseph-Anne-Marie de Mailla, Jésuite français, missionaire à Pekin; publiées par M. l'Abbé Grosier Paris, 1777-1783. - 12v., which describes it as translated from the T'ung-chien kang-mu. This work, in 104 chüan, comprising the main body of the history, written about 1190 under the supervision of the celebrated Chu Hsi (1130-1200), together with its commentaries, an introductory section based on the writings ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA 93 of Chin Lü-hsiang ✯✯✯(1232-1303), and a supplementary section prepared by Shang Lu j (1415-86) and others under imperial order of 1476, was available to de Mailla in the edition of 1708.1 But it carries Chinese history only to the end of the Yuan dynasty, whereas the Histoire générale in its final form includes the Ming and Ch'ing periods to 1780, the 45th year of the Ch'ien-lung reign, Since de Mailla's manuscript was sent to France in 1737,2 where it remained unpublished for forty years, it is evident not only that the author relied on sources other than the T'ung-chien kang-mu to continue his record beyond the Yuan period, but also that the final chapters are not his at all. There is no secret involved in these facts, credit generally being given where due by the published Histoire générale. But the usual tendency to consider the matter as closed when one has attributed the work to de Mailla and indicated the T'ung-chien kang-mu as his source is misleading. Volumes I-IX represent an abridged translation of the Kang-mu; for Vol. X, which treats of the Ming period, four other Chinese sources were employed. They are indicated in the editor's footnote to Vol. X, pp. 1-3, as follows: + Les trois auteurs que le Père de Mailla a suivis sur ce qui concerne les MING, sont le docteur Kou-yng-tai, examinateur des lettrés du Tché-kiang, dont l'ouvrage, intitulé Ming-ssé-ki-sse-pen-mo ou Faits historiques de la dynastie des MING a été publié par Fou-y-tché, premier ministre de Chun-chi, empereur des TSING: ce ministre en faisant tant de cas, que non content d'en être l'éditeur, il y a ajouté une preface de sa façon. Le second auteur, d'après lequel le Père de Mailla a rédigé l'histoire des MING, est Tchu-tsing yen docteur du premier ordre & gouverneur de Nan-yang-fou du Ho-nan. Son ouvrage, fait sur le modèle du Tong-kien-kang-mu, a pour titre, Tong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai, c'est-à-dire, Suite complette de la dynastie des MING-Tchang-yn, president du tribunal des Rits & ministre d'état, le publia la trente-cinquième année du règne de Kang-hi. Enfin le troisième écrivain, que le Père de Mailla a consulté sur les MING est le fameux lettré Tchong-pé-king, qui vivoit sous cette dynastie, au temps qu'elle perdit le sceptre impérial. Son Ouvrage, intitulé Ming-ki-pien-nien; c'est-à-dire, Annales de la dynastie des MING, fut rendu public la quarante-septième année de Kang-hi, plus de cinquante ans après la mort de l'auteur. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 94 R. G. IRWIN Ces trois historiens des MING sont particulièrement distingués à la Chine, & personne n'y révoque en doute les faits qu'ils rapportent; c'est sur leur réputation de fidélité & d'exactitude que le Père de Mailla les a adoptés de préférence aux autres. II a encore puisé dans un recueil de discours & instructions de HONG-VOU, fondateur des MING, que Chun-chi des TSING a fait traduire en tartare pour son usage particulier dans le gouvernement de son nouvel empire & pour l'instruction des grands de sa cour. Ce recueil est intitulé, Ming-kou-lou-hong-vou-han-y-oyong-tatsi-yen; c'est-à-dire, Documens importans de l'empereur HONG-VOU, de la dynastie des MING. These authors and their works may well have been renowned at the time of de Mailla, but two centuries later their very identification presents a problem, the results of which are herewith summarized: 1. Ku Ying-t'ai (T. Keng-yü),3 who is credited with the authorship of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-moa by the editors of the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu¤$£$#!' was a native of Feng-jun, Pei-Chihli. After taking the chin-shih degree in 1647 he held a secretaryship in the ministry of Revenue, and later in the Chekiang provincial board of education. The history, a work in 80 chüan, each devoted to a separate topic, carries a preface dated 1658.6 On the whole, it is a well-ordered record of the Ming period. Factual errors, which occur, for example, in connection with Chu Yün-wen, who reigned as Emperor Hui (1399-1402), and again with Chang Ma, better known as Empress I-an (consort of Chu Yu-chiao, emperor of the T'ien-ch'i period, 1621-27), are accounted for by the lack of any such standard source as the official history at the time of composition. But the Ssu-k'u editors are of the opinion that the author has handled the available material well. Whether Ku should be given entire credit for its authorship is open to question, however, since it seems to have been based on Shih-kuei ts'ang-shu♬ §#*, for which he is reported to have paid Chang Tai of Shan-yin, Chekiang, some 500 pieces of gold. Fu I-li# » † (fl. 1862-74), in a colophon, discusses the problem at length, concluding that Chang Tai's material passed through the hands of Hsu Ch'ao-li, who re-wrote it. Ku, in turn, re-worked this, and cannot be accused of out and out plagiarism. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 96 R. G. IRWIN "publishers for advertisement of spurious writings." In any case this work was subsequently proscribed by the Ch'ien-lung emperor, exception being taken especially to the last four chuan, written by Wang Ju-nan (T. Chi-yung), a fellow townsman of Chung Hsing, whose preface is dated 1660. It furnishes a record of the final years of the Ming and the advent of the Ch'ing. The sympathy of the author for the former is manifest by the preservation of its chronology throughout, i.e. to 1645/6. Copies of this work are available in several important libraries, such as the National Central Library (Taichung), the Naikaku Bunko (Tokyo), the Library of Congress (Washington), and the University of Leiden. The copy at Columbia University lacks chuan 11 and 12, and that at the Library of Congress has had its objectionable features partially effaced, "but in no case sufficiently as to be illegible." 4. The modern romanization of "Ming-kouron-hong-vou-y-oyongo Taisi-yen” is “xoeng u i oyonggo tacixiyan," which proves to be a Manchu version of Hung-wu pao-hsün, the translation having been done by Kang Lin and others. It is in 6 chuan, and was published in 1646, the 3rd year of Shun-chih. de Mailla, who was in China from 1703 to 1748, relied on three sources, in addition to his personal observation, for the account of the early Ch'ing period which comprises Vol XI. The editor's introductory note (Vol. XI, page 2) refers to them as follows: On a déjà parlé, dans un note sur les MING, du Tong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai, publié la quinzième année de Kang-hi: le docteur Tchu-tsiny-yen, qui en est l'auteur, a conduit ce morceau d'histoire jusqu'en 1659, que les princes de la famille des MING perdirent tout-à-fait l'espérance de recouvrer le sceptre impériale. Le P. de Mailla a écrit d'après lui; & quand cette source a tari, il a en recours au Tsin-tching-ping-ting-sou-han-fang-lio, ou relation des guerres que l'empereur Gin-ti (Kang-hi) fit au Kaldan des Eleutes. Ces Mémoires, rédigés par quatre ministres d'état & par soixante-dix mandarins tant Chinois que Mantchéous, choisis dans le tribunal des Hanlin & parmi les docteurs du premier ordre, sont écrits dans les deux langues, Chinois & Tartare; ils contiennent le détail de l'expédition contre les Eleutes, & l'abrégé des autres événemens du règne de Kang-hi ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA 97 jusqu'à sa quarantième année: Ce prince les revit lui-même, y ajouta une préface de sa façon, & les fit imprimer dans son palais la quarante-septième année de son règne: il en distribua un exemplaire à chacun des grands de sa cour, défendant expressément d'en laisser paraître aucun au-dehors; cependant le P. de Mailla est parvenu à se procurer un de ces exemplaires, qui lui a fourni les détails qu'il donne de l'expédition contre les Eleutes, à laquelle Kang-hi marcha en personne, & où il acquit beaucoup de gloire. Ce que le Missionaire historien dit de l'île Formose, que les Chinois appellent Taï-ouan, est tiré du Tchi-chu, ou Mémoires historiques de ces îles, rédigés sur les ordres de Kang-hi, par les plus habiles lettrés du Fou-kien. Le docteur Tchu-tsing-yen lui a encore fourni le complément de l'histoire du fameux pirate Tchin-tchi-long & de son fils Tching-tching-kong, qui chassa les Hollandais des îles Formoses, où il se forma une principauté indépendante, que Kang-hi n'enleva au prince Taï-van, son petit-fils. We have already discussed the first of these works, Chu Lin's Ming-chỉ chi-lüeh; as for the discrepancy between the notes concerning its date of publication, the 35th year of K’ang-hsi, 1696, is correct. The account of Koxinga's campaign against the Dutch in Formosa, specifically attributed to this source, erroneously dates it as 1659,23 instead of 1661. I have been unable to determine whether the blame should be attached to Chu Lin, as de Mailla's editor surmises,24 or to the good father himself, who has elsewhere recorded the date properly.2 The second, Ch'in-cheng p’ing-ting shuo-mo fang-lüeh *****, provides a detailed account of the K'ang-hsi emperor's difficulties with the Eleuthes, 1677-98, including his campaigns against Galdan (d. 1697).26 Both Manchu27 and Chinese versions are extant, the latter, in 48 chüan (plus 1 chüan of geographical description) having been published with an imperial preface in 1708.28 The director-general of the compilation was Chang Yü-shu # 1₺ (1642-1711) who, in 1696, had accompanied the emperor on his campaign.29 I am at a loss to identify the third, "Tchi-chu," or the "historical memoirs" of Formosa, said to have been "drawn up at the command of K'ang-hsi by the most able scholars of Fukien."30 In addition to this source of information, de Mailla must have profited from a trip ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA 99 NOTES 1 Cf. Robert des Rotours, Traité des Examens, traduit de la Nouvelle Histoire de T'ang (Paris, 1932), 82, n. 1. As des Rotours writes, "C'est cet ouvrage qui a été traduit par de Mailla, en partie sur la version mandchoue.” 2 de Mailla, Vol. I, xxvii. 3 Cf. Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, 1:426. (Hereafter abbreviated as ECCP). 4 This work's original title (1658) was later changed to Ming-shih chi-shih pen-mo, by which it is generally known. Cf. W. Franke, An Introduction to the sources of Ming history (Kuala Lumpur, 1968), 2.2.11. (Hereafter abbreviated as Franke, Introduction.) 5 Edition of 1930, 49/6b. (Hereafter abbreviated as SKCS catalogue.) 6 This paragraph of appraisal is based on the SKCS catalogue, loc. cit. 7 See biography of Chang Tai by Fang Chao-ying in ECCP, I:53. 8 This paragraph on the origin of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-mo is based on Hsieh Kuo-chen, Wan-Ming shih-chi k'ao (Peiping, 1931), 1/26-28. 9 A native of Te-ch'ing, Chekiang, who graduated as chin-shih in 1673. Hsieh Kuo-chen, loc. cit. 10 A native of Chia-shan, Chekiang, who later moved to Hua-t'ing, Nan-Chihli. He flourished in the last years of the Ming and into the K'ang-hsi period. Cf. Hua-t'ing-hsien chih (1878-9 ed.), 15/38a. On his book, see C. O. Hucker's essay on the Tung-lin in J. K. Fairbank (ed.), Chinese Thought and Institutions (Chicago, 1957), 369, n. 12. 11 See Shang-yü-hsien chih (1890), 11/20b. 12 See Nan-yang-fu chih (1807), 4b. 13 Franke, Introduction 1.3.9. (d). 14 idem. 1.3.9, (c). 15 His biography in ECCP, I:64, is also by Fang Chao-ying. 16 A great favorite of the emperor, he was known to the Jesuit missionaries at court as Cham ym. See P. Pelliot's discussion of the Brevis Relatio (1701) on the rites question in T'oung Pao, 23 (1924), 365. 17 L. C. Goodrich, “Korean interference with Chinese historical records," JRAS, No. China br., 68 (1937), 32. 18 L. C. Goodrich, The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-lung (Baltimore, 1935), 138, n. 3. 19 Hsieh Kuo-chen, op. cit., 1/20a; J. J. L. Duyvendak, T'oung Pao, 32 (1936), 343. 20 Franke, Introduction, 1.3.8. 21 SKCS catalogue, 193/6b, sub entry on Ming shih kuei. 22 See Walter Fuchs, Beiträge zur Mandjurischen Bibliographie und Literatur (Tokyo, 1936), 124. The T'ai-tsu shih-lu bao-xun is included in the Ming shih-lu fulu, published in Taipei, 1967. 23 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 50. Cf. ECCP I: 109, sub Cheng Ch'eng-kung. 24 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 52. Page 105 Page 106 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 100 R. G. IRWIN 25 Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des Missions Étrangères (Paris, 1781, nouvelle édition), Vol. XVIII, 455-6. 26 SKCS catalogue, 49/3b. 27 See W. Fuchs, op. cit., 101; also Chinesische und Mandjurische handschriften und seltene drucke (Wiesbaden, 1966), 137, no. 43. 28 T'ao Hsiang, Ku-kung tien-pen shu-k’u hsüan-ts'un-mu (Peiping, 1933), 2/1a. 29 Biography by Fang Chao-ying in ECCP I: 65-6. See also his biography of Galdan in ibid. I: 267-8. 30 Any work ordered by the emperor should be listed in the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu catalogue. But no title remotely resembling this is included. My colleague, Mr. Fang Chao-ying, hazards the guess that de Mailla is referring here to Ming-chi chi-shih by a Fukienese scholar, Lin Shih-shan (T.), a native of T'ung-an in Ch'üan-chou prefecture, whose work in 10 or more chüan on the conquest of Fukien covers the years 1646-1683. This has never been published; de Mailla must have consulted a manuscript copy, several of which are known to have existed. Cf. Liu Hsien-t'ing (1648-95, see ECCP 1: 521) in his Kuang yang tsa-chi (Shanghai, 1957), 2/83, who mentions learning that a certain Yang Yu-liang had seen a copy in Peking. 31 A detailed letter concerning this trip and his observations was written to Père de Colonia in August, 1715; see Lettres édifiantes (1781), Vol. XVIII, 413-67. 32 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 369, n. 1. 33 Idem. 34 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XII, 1, n. 1. The reference is to the 1703-76 edition of Lettres édifiantes, in 34 vols. 35 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XII, 61-62, notice historique. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 CHAN TSUEN TƯỞNG CƯ HẢI P I SHEK KI PEARL RIVER DELTA MACAU НАМ ТАЏ تي PAD-AN HSIEN ĮPRESENT. KOWLOON. AWELSHIN MAVEN T TAM SHUI TAI PANG x GHUM CHUN ISHA TAG KOK AHAS PAY Таг YUEN LONG * KAM TIN PING SHAN CASTLE PEAK TSUẸN WAN SHA TINKUNGA SAI L KOWLNOW CITY TING CHEUNG x נל SHA WAMLINE LINGAU TAU KOK SHA LÓ WANTE TRUNG CHUNG LANTAU ISLAND PUI 01 PENG CHAJ „MUT WO ISLAND ITẠI TAM TUK SHEK PIK ABERDEEN. (CHEUNG CHAU LAMMA, ISLAND AP LET CHAU BELŞ BAY до +2 110 LO MAN SHAR TAM VON SHAN (LEMA ISLANDS) MAP OF HONG KONG REGION JAMES HAYES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 116 JAMES HAYES indicates that the main users of the outer islands through the centuries were probably outsiders, and not Cantonese. Hsü points out that Fukien people use the character yue (shữ) to mean a small island, and use the characters chou and shan for larger ones: whereas the Kwangtung people rarely use yue for this purpose. He cites this, together with the use of the homophonous character for 'fish' in the name for Lantau given in the Ta Ch'ing I T'Ung Chih of 1738, to suggest that the persons who first gave the island this name were either fishermen or pirates from Fukien. There may be something in what Hsü says, because Giles', Eitel's and Wells Williams' dictionaries all support the Fukienese usage of 'Yue'.1 Hsü states that the 36 'Yue' round Tai Yue Shan, mentioned in the older Chinese local sources,2 are islands of this kind, and derive their name in this way. The use of these important local seaways by turbulent Fukienese seamen helps to explain official concern with security. I shall conclude this section on Hsin-an in Chinese historiography by doing what the Chinese histories do not do; considering the outer islands as settlements and, for the purposes of this article, showing their former connection with parts of present-day Hong Kong. Most of the Hsin-an and adjacent islands are shown on the 1:20,000 British maps of the Hong Kong area, published in 1948 but based on earlier mapping. They have not been included in the latest maps, now issued in full3 because since 1949 it has no longer been possible to land survey parties on or overfly adjacent Chinese territory, to the disadvantage of all geographers and historians. By the late 19th century, it seems, their settled inhabitants were mostly Hakkas who had strong economic ties with Hong Kong island, Cheung Chau and Tai O on Lantau. Many women came on marriage to Hong Kong and the inner islands, especially to Lantau. Private property also linked the islands and the mainland, in that some of them belonged in whole or in part to the Wong clan of Nam Tau and Cheung Chau. These connections were 1 Giles, p. 593; Eitel, p. 919; Wells Williams, p. 819. The last named states 'An islet which has level arable land at the foot of its hills; applied to many islands on the coast of Fukien'. 2 e.g. TMITC chuan 79. 3 Cooper, p. 137. 4 See Hayes 1963: 90-92 for this major local lineage. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 120 JAMES HAYES the order rescinded:1 and it was remembered centuries later by the manufacture and sale by pedlars of images of the two men, as recorded for the Yuen Long district of the New Territories at the end of the 19th century.2 Wherever it touched the lives of men the Evacuation is recorded in the histories of the districts, prefectures and provinces to which they belong. And as in the Hsin-an district, it appears that persons of other parts of the Kwangtung province erected temples to Governor Wong Lai-yam, and in some cases jointly to him and one or other of the viceroys of the time.4 I have already explained the effect of the Evacuation upon the pattern of settlement. Had there been none, it is conceivable that the number of Hakkas in the region would have been much less than the 44,375 recorded at the 1911 Hong Kong census, amounting to almost half the then rural population. However, it is also possible that the Hakka influx might have come in any case, leading to pressure on the land and to the 'wars' that occurred elsewhere in the province between the two groups. The useful summary of Hakka origins and history given by Lo Hsiang-lin in Thirty Years of Tsing Tsin Association encourages this view. Under the title K'o-chia Yuan-liu K'ao, it details Hakka migration to the south and their distribution in Kwangtung. Without the Evacuation, however, Hakka immigration into this area might not have been assisted by the government as it was after the order was rescinded.7 6 1 HNHC 7/17 lists three, styled "Wang Hsun-fu Tz'u", two of them in our region, at Sha Tau Hui and Shek Wu Hui; besides the "Chou Wang Erb-kung Shu-yuan" at Kam Tin (not listed but see Sung, HKN, VIII, Nos. 3-4:207, and Sung 1939). 2 Hayes, 1962, p. 91 and note 50. 3 See e.g. the statements included in the gazetteers for the Kuang-chou and Ch'ao-chou prefectures of Kwangtung: KCFC 80/20-29, and CCC, chüan 2 of the Ta Shih-chih/12-15. 4 Besides the Hsin-an temples already mentioned, see e.g. the eight in Shun-te county noted in the prefectural gazetteer, KCFC 67/23. 5 pp. 1-106. 6 See especially the maps opposite pp. 34 and 56. Also Lo 1965, with its records of the movements of forty lineages. 7 See HNHC 9/1, Lo, 1963 p. 104 and the reference to the rehabilitation work in Hummel, p. 777. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Region 125 the inhabitants were less fortunate and had either to flee into the hills or stay to oppose or meet the pirates' demands. Walls were built or repaired, and a defence by desperate men of even these not very imposing defences might help to stave off an attack. Village refuges, into which cattle and livestock, valuables, women and children and old people were put, were also utilised. One of these places existed at Shek Pik, but was already in ruins by about 1900.1 Most villages kept arms and even cannon available for use up to 1899 and some of these remain to this day.2 Nonetheless, the villagers' position was pitiful in the event of attack, and their attitude towards pirates was probably too often similar to that recorded by Commander Vansittart of H.M.S. Bittern from the River Min in March, 1855: + miserably poor boats followed the Brig begging assistance; one Village sent me a well drawn up petition; another a present of waste paper and Joss-stick; fishermen, and passage boats, small Traders, all telling the same pitiable story; landing on Hootow, I was quickly surrounded by Peasantry; desiring the Interpreter to ask them why so many fine looking fellows permitted strangers to molest them; they declared it was useless to resist Pirates, and so whenever Pirates came the villagers hid themselves and cried. This extract, quoted from Miss Fox's book,3 shows how Chinese on land and sea suffered at the hands of their less scrupulous fellow countrymen. Things were no better on the sea at the end of the century. L. C. Arlington of the Chinese Maritime Customs, who spent six years 1893-1899 in charge of the Customs station at Cheung Chau, says; 'as well as other numerous islands forming the Ladrones, [it] was the rendezvous of pirates, who kept all of us on the qui vive, foreigners and natives alike. Gangs of pirates would get together and attack the villages, even in broad daylight, and after looting and killing, escape either to Macau or Hong Kong, where they disposed of their booty. The Customs Officers had many tussles and narrow escapes from these pests of the sea. 1 The elders told me about it after I had come across a reference to it as a place name in an old deed of sale of fields in the valley. 2 R. L. Ozorio, personal communication on the village armoury of Kak Tin, Shatin Valley, 1973. These arms were, of course, sometimes used against other villages. 3 Fox, p. 130. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 126 He went on to say, JAMES HAYES During my time in Kowloon territory, i.e., from 1893 to 1901, piracies were so common that we regarded it as extraordinary if a day passed without one. Indeed, it was the daily routine for junk masters to report at the Customs Station that they had been pirated and all of their cargo looted. Customs duty was 'practically confined to chasing pirates and smugglers', and Arlington states that 'at one time I had no less than sixty pirates chained to old cannon to prevent them from escaping pending their transfer to Canton for trial'.* Whilst some villages were blameless and the victims of raids and assaults, there were others whose innocence was doubtful. Arlington mentions one case in which pirates had disappeared with an entire cargo consisting of 250 huge vats of indigo weighing as much as 500 lbs each vat, besides 100 head of cattle and 500 pigs, of which there was no trace when a Customs cruiser arrived on the scene only two hours after the piracy was reported by signal at Cheung Chau. It was, he says, 'a safe bet that the pirates came from these villages, and had secret places to hide their booty where it was safe from discovery'.2 The villages in question were on the mainland but he does not say where. In the wider area, the reports of the British Consuls on the trade of Canton, Amoy, Sam Shui and Pak Hoi in the 1890s—all save the second within the Kwangtung Province—reveal a disturbed situation. One Canton report comments, "The old free-booting spirit still survives among many who are now apparently peaceful traders and fishermen, of which we occasionally get startling proof in some unexpected daring act of piracy on the high seas or along the coast.3 His colleague's report from Pak Hoi was more down-right. 'Piracy 'Piracy is in the blood of the race. A glance through the year's diary shows a monotonous record of petty coast raids, hoverings of pirate junks (which still terrorise the neighbouring coastline) and robberies of every degree of dignity from the sacking of the larger pawnshops to the plunder of a returned emigrant from the Straits or Sumatra',4 Arlington's evidence shows that the Hong Kong region was scarcely better in these respects than any other. Thus it is not 1 Arlington, p. 171. 2 Arlington, p. 163. 3 FO Report 1606. 4 FO Report 1983. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Region 127 surprising that the Governor of Hong Kong wrote to London in April 1899, "The Tai Po district is well known in Canton to be turbulent, that to the northeast of Mirs Bay being noted for piracy, and so ill-disposed that I am informed no Customs Official dares to land there except with the support of a revenue cruiser". When making his farewell speech to the Legislative Council of the Colony four years later, he described its residents as 'a large agricultural population with a reputation for turbulence .... and with a rooted objection to any interference with their settled habits or customs'.2 Smuggling was common throughout the region, whether of salt or opium. The older villagers admit to their complicity in these varied activities: an old man born on Lamma Island in 1883 told me in 1960, with a twinkle in his eye, that he had been in all lines of business. During all this time the situation in inland areas of the hsien was apparently no better than on the sea and coast. The situation in the late 1850s was described in eloquent terms by the German missionary Krone who had been in the area since his arrival in China in 1850. He spoke of the large bands of robbers which frequently pass to and from through the country pillaging the villages and parties of travellers ....3 He explained that 'when the Mandarins intend to levy taxes, they announce their intention to the gentry of the villages, one or two weeks, or sometimes a month, before their arrival. They then make a progress through the district, accompanied by a sufficient force to protect themselves against large bands of robbers, which sometimes have the audacity to attack the tax collectors if the escort be not strong'.4 He emphasised 'how troubled and insecure the normal condition of this district is, and for a very long time has been'.5 Krone then noted an additional, and in southeast China characteristic, source of insecurity. 'Not only are robbers and pirates to 1 SP, 1899, p. 528. 2 Hansard, 1903, p. 53. 3 Krone, p. 114. 4 Krone, p. 119. 5 Krone, p. 114. The wider area bore no better reputation. Writing of the Tan-shui district of neighbouring Kwei-shin hsien, the Hong Kong Daily Telegraph of 13th March 1879, quoting from the Catholic Register stated ".... now and then the Chinese authority has to send some military Mandarins with extraordinary powers to clear the place by taking up a good number of robbers: and only last year the great military Mandarin told one of our Missionaries that of one village he has dozens of names in view for the next execution". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 128 JAMES HAYES be feared, but internecine wars are almost always raging between some or other of the villages: and these wars, although often arising from trivial causes, are not mere temporary quarrels, but are often long-continued and sanguinary'.1 He gives a description of these feuds, and relates one example in which the District Magistrate, even with a force of 1,000 men, was unable to restore peace, and could not even save his face without the mediation of a neighbouring village. The device that secured this, Krone comments, had no influence at all upon the dispute, fighting being carried on afterwards just as before".2 There are several documented examples of intervillage and clan wars from the mainland New Territories at this time which indicate that Krone was not exaggerating the situation in mid century. Halls to 'martyrs' killed in these struggles were provided in at least four local temples, each containing memorials to slain heroes. These are to be found in the temples at Shek Kong (Pat Heung), Miu Kong (Tsuen Wan), Lam Tsuen, and Yuen Long (Shap-pat Heung). The Tsuen Wan memorial tells of a three year feud between the Tsuen Wan villagers and Shing Mun Pat Heung, beginning in the first year of the Tung Chih reign (1862-1863) and ended only after eventually successful mediation by elders of neighbouring villages. During this time, the Tsuen Wan villages—their men being outnumbered according to the tablet—were invaded and left in ruins, and 17 local men were killed in the prolonged struggle.3 Baker gives other local and contemporary examples of these clan wars taken from genealogies and village tradition in the northern New Territories. He also draws attention to the feuds that occurred within local lineages, including frequent fights between the Ping Shan and Ha Tsuen branches of the Tang lineage. These persisted into the British period. In 1921, in his administrative report for that year, the District Officer North mentions trouble that 'assumed very serious proportions' over water rights between 1 Krone, p. 114. 2 Krone, pp. 125-126. 3 The hall at Miu Kong is entitled the I-yung Tz'u (義勇祠) and that at Yuen Long the Ying-yung Tz'u (英勇祠). In the Pat Heung temple the tablet is in the Ching-chung Tz'u (清忠祠). At Lam Tsuen there is no named hall, but a side room contains a tablet bearing the characters jang hsiang ch'ang sheng lu wei (...). 4 Baker, 1968, pp. 167, 183 and 187. 5 Baker, 1968, p. 188 and Baker 1965, pp. 39-41. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 138 K. M. A. BARNETT ever attempted to solve... who lived in what is now the Colony and Leased Territory of Hong Kong 600 years ago and what language did they speak?' I had then just written an article for Mr. J. M. Braga's Hong Kong Symposium in which I summarized evidence from various historical sources. A little new evidence has come to light since that article was written in 1956, and it will not be amiss to mention the chief facts. Three of the existing Punti160 clans, and one Hakka137, claim continuous residence since the eleventh century A.D. The Punti clans appear to have been connected with the military posts set up in the Southern Han135 dynasty (A.D. 917-971) and wherever Punti160 and Hakka11 are found in the same area the Hakkas always have the inferior foot-hill land--the typical pattern of a partial conquest by later arrivals, pushing the earlier inhabitants up into the hills. At this time Lantao141 and other islands, Hong Kong harbour itself and the peninsulas that jut into Mirs Bay153 were controlled by boat-people. It can be shown that both of the present kinds of boat-people (Tanka175 and Hoklo138) were represented. They were still unassimilated, and independent enough to require strong garrisons to keep them quiet, at the beginning of the Yüan182 dynasty. The suppression of the pearl fishing A.D. 1319-(the late Mr. Sung Hok Pang169 said 1324) was intended to conciliate them. The assimilation of the hill-tribes was not begun till the Yuan dynasty at the earliest. The petition of Chang Wei-yen134 of Taipo170 in 1318 mentions two tribes, named Yao179 and Shan-lao-165. The 1819 edition of the Hsin-an-chih139 mentions only Yao. All the present hill cultivators claim Chinese descent and all speak Hakka137. Some, however, claim continuous occupation since the Ming152 dynasty, so that if they are really of Chinese descent they must have lived side by side with aboriginal tribes for two centuries. Again, some of those who claim to be Chinese claim also to have been there from time immemorial, and some still preserve the cult of the creator-god P'an-ku159, which is said to indicate a Yao origin. The truth is probably that in some places the aborigines were killed off or driven away, in a few others they adopted the Chinese language and 'passed' as Chinese, while in others there was intermarriage and the offspring were accepted as Chinese. In circumstances such as these it is usual for something of the original languages to survive: in the everyday terms used in fishing ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 150 K. M. A. BARNETT O.S. S.S. 65 pak- braaktrinn tin 66 pan 版 baarn 58 67 pei 陂 bhey 68 peng 坪 preang 69 70 ping pit brit prenq 71 ро 埔埗 bou brou, proo 222 72 ро prowl 73 ро prows 74 po pou1 Meaning or Remarks are inferior to the shan- tai-wong, see (120). This does not have the meaning it has in classical Chinese, but means valley land (not che [5]) which can be irrigated only once a year instead of twice. See for possible explanation pages 156-157. A classifying particle for areas of cultivated land, smaller than mong (46). See also tin (95). If (46) is 154 in Notes and Character Index at p.158, this may be 157. A dam. The floor of a valley, suitable for two crops of rice annually. Same as (68) An inhabitant of Fu Yung Pit in Saikung district explained the word as "garden". But as he also thought the brit of britsreoe I had the same meaning, the authority is weak. A bank or flat rock with deep water alongside, a natural wharf. To float. A posting station on the courier route (from Hsin-an-chih 139). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 HONG KONG PLACE NAMES 157 word. The word Ngau (54) in local place names is often interchanged with Yau (122) and once with Lau (30). It is possible that this is the word from which the Chinese Yao79 was derived. The word Pak (63) in some local names interchanges with Pui (76). There was a people called the Pak158 in South China, and Pak (63), Pui (76) and perhaps Pa (60) and Pai (61) may be a version of this name. If these people cultivated salt paddy that would explain the term pak-tin (65). Many of the village names that make little sense contain two of these elements, e.g. Ma (42) Niu (58); Ma (42) Liu (35) Shui166; Ma (42) Yau181 Tong (98); Pak (63) Ngau (54) Shek (81); Yau180 Ma145 Tei; Pak (63) Tam172 Au (2). These would mean places where, by agreement, the two peoples could meet peaceably to exchange goods, to draw water, etc., or where cultivated land was shared. The name Shan-lao165, preserved in Chang Wei-yen's134 petition may be that which we have in Sha Lo Tung163 and Sha Lo Wan164. And the name Lung Kwu143 (also Tung Kwu178) and Lung Kwu Tan144 may come from another name for the boat-people mentioned by Mr. Ch'en Hsü-ching135, víz, Lung-hu142 which he says is also pronounced with initial D. NOTES AND CHARACTER INDEX 130 See South China Morning Post, Hong Kong, 9 November 1955. 131 The Reverend W. Stott kindly lent me a copy of his unpublished M.A. thesis on the Nanchao Kingdom with extracts from a fuller text of the Man-shu, I believe from the Library of Congress, U.S.A. No text I could obtain in Hong Kong had half as much material. 132 Cham zram (129 Rem.), 133 Chan crann p. 156. 134 Chang Wei-yen Zheonq Wrayjrann ✯✯✯ pp. 138, 157. 135 Ch'en Hsü-ching Crann Zreoighenq pp. 139, 157. 136 Ching crenq p. 156. 137 Hakka xaakghaahx #, possibly a corruption of a Yao79 word for mountain-dwellers. P. 136 and passim. 138 Hoklo xrokloo ## or ##, a name used by Punti160 and Hakka137 speakers to describe users of MinM dialects from Eastern Kwangtung and from Fukien, who pronounce # something like the Hakka pronunciation of. P. 136 and passim. 139 Hsin-an-chih Shannghonn-zi pp. 138, 150. 140 Lam Tsuen Lrammchynn p. 137. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 178 SUNG HOK-PANG There is a stone tablet near the bridge with an inscription carved on it which can be roughly translated as follows: -- "My grandfather's official name is Kam(); the name for his friends to call him by is Kui Haam(&). My father's official name is Ch'ung Kwong(★★) and the name for his friends to call him by is Wai Cheuk(). My mother's surname is Wong(#). My mother bore Tsun Yuen (myself) and my younger brother Yin Yuen(£). We two brothers were unlucky, in our youth we were without a father to rely on. My mother lived alone as a widow, and had to practice economy and diligence. She gave us good instructions every day and night. Now when Tsun Yuen (myself) grew up, I married a wife named Ch'an() being ashamed to be a useless son, but fortunately I begot two sons, the eldest named Tung Ping(#) and the younger Shing Tak(). At that time there was peace at last with the bandits and in the 43rd year of Hong Hei(A) in Kap Shan() year I rebuilt my dwelling house at my original home in Shui T'au village. My younger brother and my mother did not come back to the home, but they still lived in T'aai Hong Wai, on the other side of the stream. My mother paid great attention to her baby grandsons, day and night she came to see them, and kept on coming backwards and forwards from her house, each time having to bear the difficulty of crossing the water, and obliged to hum the song of "The difficulty of crossing the water" as she passed. Therefore I have exerted myself to build this bridge for the convenience of my mother, and give it the name of Ping Mo(£#), (to convenience my mother). If anyone says that I build it to relieve many people, in the hope of obtaining happiness, I do not dare to have such an idea." (See plate 38), "Hong Hei(a) 49th year, in Kang Yan(P†) year. Winter month, lucky day, Tang Tsun Yuen erected this stone tablet." The following is a rough translation of another reference to the mother of T'sun Yuen, written by Tang Wai K'ui(✯✯). "My Tso Pei(int) (deceased grandmother), Wong, was the wife of my ancestor, Wai Cheuk(2). When she was twenty-one years of age, her husband died. She cherished her fatherless children, and maintained her purity in poverty. When the children were young she bore great fatigue to nurture them, and when they grew older she taught them in a proper way. She always kept on friendly terms with her neighbours, so that they all admired her highly. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES 179 When she reached the great age of seventy-two, she maintained her apartment in the same neat and tidy manner as when she was young. I have the most humble honour to record the above, (Signed) TANG WAI KUI, 26th generation descendant of "the Five Yuens." The most ancient Ancestral Hall to be found in the different villages of Kam T'in is Loi Shing Tong (✯✯✯) (see H.K.N. VII p. 250 and VIII, plate 8).* This hall is in Shui T'au village, and was built for the 11th ancestor, Tang Kwong Yue (). In recent years a tablet was discovered which had been hidden by furniture in one of the rooms for such a long time that its existence was forgotten. It records the date of the building of the hall and can be translated, roughly, as follows:- "Our ancestor Tseung Luk (X) planned to build an ancestral hall for our ancestor Kwong Yue. He was successful and the ancestral tablets have been fixed in the hall from the 40th year of Hong Hei, A.D. 1701, up till now. The building is in ruins, and Shing (*) (myself) and others think that as it was erected by our early fore-fathers, we ought to repair it. Owing to the limited ancestral fund, it is difficult to do this, but I (named Shing) and all my brothers, cousins, uncles and nephews are pleased to subscribe money towards the expense, and even the descendants of the ancestors Shing (*) and Yan (g) are pleased to help. The subscribers are as follows: Yiu Kong (#) subscribed one tael and two mace Sz Taan (BF @), one hundred and fifty taels. Sz Yue (tô) seventy-five taels. Sz Yuk (+), ten taels, Sz Shing (of), two-hundred and fifty taels. K'ei Yuen (M), sixty taels. Sz Tsaan (*), sixty taels. T'ing Suen (), eight taels. Sz Yue ($), sixty taels. Kin Lung, 47th year repaired, and this stone tablet fixed. The virtuous, meritorious descendant Tseung Luk was the one who started this Hall. The virtuous, meritorious descendant Sz Shing was the one who took charge of the work of repairing it.” * See Plate 34 at rear of this Volume. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES 185 Lei King T'ong (A) is another ancestral hall, and can be found by the side of the main road through Kam T'in. It was built for Tang Ng Shaang (£) (see H.K.N. VII, p. 36). I Tai Shue Yuen (**) is the new school building built instead of the Man Ch'eung Kok (M) (see H.K.N. VII, p. 256) and is situated in Shui T'au village. Chau Wong Yee Kung Ts'z (M), (=214) (plate 20) is a hall that was built to record the merit of Viceroy Châu Yau Tak (♬) and Governor Wong Loi Yam (*). After the Ming emperors were expelled from China, an officer of the Ming army named Cheng Shing Kung (4) attacked the coast of South China, using Formosa as his base. All the people in sympathy with the Ming dynasty, along the coast helped him, so as the Manchu government had no navy to send against him, an order was made that all the inhabitants of the coast were to be moved inland for 50 Chinese miles. Later they were moved again for another 30 miles and for seven years, A.D. 1661-1668, the New Territories were deserted. The fields were unattended and allowed to lie fallow, and the buildings fell into disrepair. At the end of that time the people made representations to the Governor and Viceroy, and it was through the mediation of these two men, with the Emperor that the people were allowed to go back to their own land. The full account of this story is very long, but it is hoped to devote an article to it later on. I have to thank Mr. Tang Paak K'au (1) and Mr. Tang Wai T'ong (**), both elders of Kam T'in, for their co-operation and help in obtaining access to the numerous documents that it has been necessary to consult before this series of articles could be attempted. Also Mr. Tang Ch'ong Yip (##) a teacher in Kam T'in, who gave invaluable assistance in searching out references, copying out paragraphs from books in the possession of various villagers, and deciphering inscriptions from stone tablets. Unfortunately Mr. Tang Wai Man (✯) another elder who showed great interest in these articles and helped considerably, died a few months ago, and is unable to see them completed. Lastly, I am much indebted to Mrs. Herklots for her help in writing these articles in readable English. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES AND QUERIES 213 Dealings in land and property were a major enterprise in early Hong Kong. An insight into the hazards of real estate speculation is given by George Duddell's testimony before the Land Committee in 1849. He speaks about his purchase of a lot at the south-west corner of Queen's Road West and Possession Street. As we walk along Fat Hing Street we shall be passing the south side of the lot. Duddell states regarding the purchase of the lots in 1844: The lot was bought after unprecedented bidding for two hundred per cent on the original upset rental. The circumstances in palliation of my buying it at such a price are, the lot was airy and perfectly level with one rock only to clear it off before building could be commenced, combined with a great demand for houses, and the facility the lot offered to speedily erect them, with the fact I was outbid on all other lots the same day. The buildings were built and tenanted, but within a year they had left for other houses. These houses were void, vagrants plundering even from doors and glass from windows, every grate was stolen. I must hire a private watchman to protect useless property The buildings were much damaged by the typhoon of 1848. In November of 1848, I surrendered them to Government. In consequence of requiring a Sailor's Home, I have by petition obtained back the lot, repaired the buildings and put my seamen into it. The premises were known as the Circular Buildings. Duddell again surrendered them to the Government in 1850. Not long after, the land was resold to Quoke Acheong, the Compradore of the P. & O. Steam Navigation Company. He was a large land owner in this area. On this property and a section he had purchased across Queen's Road, he developed his own business enterprises under the firm name of Fat Hing. The firm gave its name to the lane south of Queen's Road off Possession Street. Upon the elevated promontory called West Point, Joseph Frost Edgar built a bungalow. In March, 1843, he was admitted as the resident partner of the firm Jamieson, How and Company. He was one of the first two unofficial members of the Legislative Council, serving from 1850 to 1857. An advertisement for the rent or sale of the West Point Bungalow, dated July 19, 1845 (Friend of China), provides a description of one of the early residences in Hong Kong: A substantial house consisting of two sitting rooms each 30 by 20 feet and in height 17 feet, separated by folding doors, five ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES AND QUERIES 221 (4) Diocesan BOYS SCHOOL AND LA SALLE College, KOWLOON SATURDAY, 4 May, 1974 The purpose of this visit is to see and enjoy the grounds and buildings of these two major Hong Kong schools and thereby to learn something of the history of education in the Colony. The visits are entirely due to the courtesy and cooperation of their Head-masters. The sites are extensive (23 and 10 acres respectively) and the buildings are of interest. 'DBS', as it is familiarly known, originated in 1869 with the Diocesan Home & Orphanage for English, Eurasian, Chinese and other scholars (male and female) which links with an earlier body, the Diocesan Native Female Training School of 1860-68. (From 1880 no more girls were received as boarders, though they still remained as day scholars. All girls left when Fairlea Girls School was opened in 1892. In 1900 a Diocesan Girls School was opened.) Located for many years at Bonham Road, the school moved to its present site in 1926. It may be truly said that its history is that of Hong Kong itself. The La Salle College is much newer, opening in 1932. However, its connection with Catholic education in the Colony is much longer. The La Salle Brothers had a record of 42 years' work in St. Joseph's College in Hong Kong when they opened their Kowloon Branch in 1917, and after two of the Fathers had 'gone together over the hills and lowlands of Kowloon' (as they then were) they found and purchased a 10-acre site by auction in 1928. Its premises are architecturally striking. As the then Roman Catholic Bishop said at the time, “Great though my hopes and expectations of the Christian Brothers were, I never dared to expect from them such a magnificent building as La Salle College."* Among the points to be specially noted on the visit are the following: DBS 1. the extensive grounds and playing fields (also made available to primary schools from resettlement estates). *Thomas F. Ryan, The Story of a Hundred Years: the Pontifical Institute of Foreign Missions (P.I.M.E.) in Hong Kong 1858-1958. (Hong Kong, Catholic Truth Society, 1959) p. 199. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 238 BOOK REVIEWS European languages. For instance, in 1964 Horst Erdmann Verley has published Chinesischer liebesgartern which serves as the first German translation of 7 stories selected from the well-known collection of 16th century Chinese novels: P'o-an ching-ch'i. In 1968 this was followed by the same author's second German translation of 17 stories selected from Ching-shih t’ung-yen, (a different collection of novels again written during the 16th century) under the title Neuer Chinesischer liebesgarten. Turning to drama, in 1965 full English translations of two dramas of the Yuan Dynasty were edited by Cyril Birch into his Anthology of Chinese Literature (Grove Press, New York). The first of the two appears as J. I. Crump's translation of "Li K'uei Carries Thorns" (a drama of K'eng Chin-chih fl. 1279). The second happens to be Donald Keene's translation of “Autumn in the Palace of Han” (a work of a more famous Yüan dramatist, Ma Chih-yüan fl. 1251). In 1965 again, Ch'u Chai and Winberg Chai published "A Treasury of Chinese Literature" (Appleton Century, New York). A considerable number of English translations for both Chinese novels and dramas were edited into this anthology. In chapters 5th, 6th and 7th of part II, there are 5 novels of the T'ang, 2 of the Sung and 3 of the Ch'ing periods1. Furthermore, in chapters 10th and 11th of part III, the authors presented their translation of two dramas selected from the Yüan period and another two from dramas written during the Ming and the Ch'ing periods. Among them the Yuan drama "Snow in Midsummer" (written by the important dramatist Kuan Han-ch'ing) seems to be more notable, since this drama has not only been translated from Chinese into English by Yang Hsien-i and his collaborator Gladys Yang in their Selected plays of Kuan Han-ch'ing (1958, Peking), but also has been put out by Shih Chung-wen with a third English version: Injustice to Tou O (1972, Cambridge University Press, Oxford). Clearly, to put texts of Chinese novel or drama from Chinese into English or other European Language has been a fashionable task favoured by sinologists lately. 1 These 5 short stories of the T'ang period are of the so-called Chuan-ch'i and the 2 of the Sung period are usually called as Ping-hua while the last 3 of the Ch'ing period are selected from Liao-tsai, A Collection of Strange Tales, all written by P'u Sung-ling (1630-1715) of the early Ch'ing. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 BOOK REVIEWS 239 However, none of the above-cited translations deal with any original work of the Chin period (1115-1234). Amongst various branches of Chinese literature developed during the Chin period, the Chu-kung-tiao3, (literally, the "various moods", hereafter to be abbreviated as CKT), a kind of popular literature of this period, seem to be among the more important.2 To quote from the introduction of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon, "The Chu-kung-tiao belongs to that large group of 'story-tellers' ballads in which prose and verse alternate, but its verse was sung, while its prose was narrated! The sung part of any chu-kung-tiao consists of a large number of tunes (ch’ü-tiao #8) succeeding each other according to fixed musical rules. Groups of tunes belonging to the same mode (kung-tiao) were assembled into a suite (t'ao-shu) to make a musical unit for which different words were supplied by each story-teller." (p. 3) Although popular during the Chin period, yet few original texts of the chu-kung-tiao literature remain today. A woodblock print edition of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT✰✰✰ was found in a 1907-1808 excavation by Peter Kuzmitch Kozlov (1863-1935). It remained in the Leningrad Oriental Institute, as the introduction of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon has pointed out, “until April 1958 when the Soviet Government made the People's Republic of China a gift of this priceless volume and it is now kept in the Peking National Library" (p. 5). The original text of Liu Chih-yüan CKT is divided into 12 sections. But only 5 sections (1-3 and 11-12) have survived. The main body of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon by M. Dolezelova-Velingerova, a Czech Sinologist, and his collaborator, J. I. Crump, an American professor in Michigan University is in fact, their full English translation of these 5 sections. This book is the first work about Chinese folk literature of this kind ever written in English. Yet this main source of satisfaction is marred in several respects. First of all, the author's knowledge concerning the beginning about the CKT study in China is not complete. pp. 123-125 are devoted to bibliography of Chu-kung-tiao studies, in which Crump and Dolezelova-Velingerova have selected 30 articles contributed by 20 Sinologists from various countries (17 articles by 12 Chinese 静農 2 See T'ai Ching-nung £#£ : "Chu-kung-tiao-Chinese literature under the rule of the Nüchen Tartars" ƒÆŒ%TO**£*—*?* in Chung-wai Literature †±‡, Vol. I, No. 1, (1971, Taipei): 6-20. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 240 BOOK REVIEWS scholars, 10 articles by 5 Japanese scholars and 3 by 2 Europeans). According to this bibliography, the earliest study on Chu-kung-tiao seems to be an article by a Chinese scholar, Sun K'ai-ti written in 1932, while Japanese scholars' earliest study on the same subject is an essay written by Yoshikawa Kujiro in 1942. However, among Asian scholars' study on chu-kung-tiao literature, the earliest study on this subject should be credited to “Liu Ti-en shio-kyu tio kō” (A Study of the chu-kung-tiao of Liu Chih-yüan) written by Aoki Masaru. It first appeared in Shina Gaku (Journal on Chinese Studies), Vol. VI, No. 2, pp. 21–56 (Tokyo, 1932, March). Subsequently, the same article was included in the same author's Shina Bungaku Geijutsu Ko (Studies on Chinese Literature and Art), 1942, August, Kyoto (pp. 183-219). In this article, Aoki has not only analysed the written format of the chu-kung-tiao ballad but also compared the composition of Liu Chih-yüan CKT with that of pai-t'u-chi (Tale of a White Hare), a mid-14th century Chinese drama, once again written on Liu Chih-yüan's life stories. In addition, Aoki reproduced a plate to show the page face of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT. Four months after Aoki's article appeared in Shina Gaku, Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün's Chinese translation of Aoki's same article was published in the July-August issue of the Kuo-li pei-p'ing t’u-shu’kuan kuan'k'an (Bulletin of National Library of Peking) Vol. VI, No. 4, pp. 4603-4620 (1932, Peking). Undoubtedly, Aoki's study on Liu Chih-yüan CKT was regarded as both attractive and important. At this time Sun K'ai-ti's article on other chu-kung-tiao was also published in the volume VI No. 2 (pp. 4345-4350) of Bulletin of National Library of Peking. In addition to Aoki Masaru and Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün, once again in 1932, Cheng Ch'en-to (1898-1958), one of the pioneer scholars of Chinese popular-literature also published a study on the same subject. This is the well-received article: “Sung-chin yüan chu-kung-tiao kao”, i.e., “Studies on the 'various mode' of the Sung Chin Yüan Periods" which appeared in the first issue of the Wen-hsueh nien-pao (July, 1932, Peking). This massive study, occupying the first 78 pages of the cited journal, could in fact be treated as a monograph for this particular subject. In this essay, in addition to his study of the Structure of Liu Chih- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 BOOK REVIEWS 241 Yuan CKT Cheng Ch'en-to has also analysed the chu-kung-tiao literature of three different dynasties in great detail. Furthermore, Cheng again devoted a special chapter to CKT literature in the second volume of his Chung-kuo su-wen-hsüeh shih (i.e. History of Popular Literature in China), at pp. 63-154. This work was first printed in 1938 in Shanghai, and reprinted in 1953 in Peking. As to Liu Chih-yüan CKT in particular, Cheng Ch'en-to has also edited it into his Shih-chiai wen-ku (Library of Literature of the world) volume II (1935, Shanghai) pp. 483-508. Regrettably, just as Aoki's article in Japanese and its Chinese translation was omitted from Grump and Dolezelova-Velingerova's bibliography, so Cheng's contributions were also ignored. Second, the authors' knowledge of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT is not complete. Whilst the edition of this CKT has been correctly regarded by the authors of this book as “a woodblock print which came from a workshop in the region of P'ing-yang in Shansi province" (p. 5), such an identification would have been far more authoritative and scholarly if the authors had referred to an article written in Chinese by Chao Wan-li, a specialist on Chinese rare books who has served the National Peking Library since the 1930's. The title here referred to is Ch'ung-kao ti yu-i (On the Sublime Friendship). Its subtitle reads chi su-lien cheng-fu tsang-sung ti Liu Chih-yüan chu-kung-tiao ho liao-tsai tu-shuo (Notes on the various-mode of Liu Chih-yüan and the Illustrations of Strange Tales from a Chinese studio as being donated by the Government of the Republic of Soviet). This article appeared in Wen-wu tsan-kao tzu-liao No. 7 (1958, Peking) pp. 15-16, and p. 22. In it Chao Wan-li has not only firmly stated that the printing of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT was woodblocked around the P'ing-yang region at the Shansi province during the Chin period but also specified that the print of this chu-kung-tiao should be identified as the "P'ing-shui edition" since the quality of paper, the format of the block, the style of the carving as well as the forms of the blocked characters of this particular chu-kung-tiao are all in conformity to some other books of the Chin period woodblocked at the P'ing-shui area. 3 The title Liao Tsai here referred to follows that of the annotated edition of a selected English translation made by Herbert A. Giles in 1880 (London, Thos de la rue & Co.), and since reprinted in many editions. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS 247 LIFE MEMBERS: HAYIM, E. J., C.B.E. HECHTEL, F. O. 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Highclere, 3, Middle Gap Road, H.K. LAU, Michael Wai-mai Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. LAUFER, Mr. & Mrs. E. M. c/o China Light & Power Co. Ltd., Argyle Street, Kowloon. LAWRENCE, Mrs. B. M. I. 401, Grosvenor House, 118, MacDonnell Road, H.K. LEE, J. S. LEE, Hon. R. C., O.B.E., J.P. LETHBRIDGE, H. J. LEUNG, Pak-Kui LEWTHWAITE, Mrs. M. E., M.B.E. LI, Dr. Choh-ming, K.D.E. LI, David K. P. Prince's Building, 25th floor, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., 25th floor, Prince's Building, H.K. Department of Sociology, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. 22, Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, Shatin, N.T. D7, Grenville House, 1, Magazine Gap Rd., H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 250 LIST OF MEMBERS LIFE OVERSEAS MEMBERS: ACORNE, Michael - ARMERDING, L. E. BAKER, W. E. BALL, J. M. BARNETT, K. M. A. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. Giuliano BLAKER, D. J. R. COLLIN, P. H. COSBY, I. S. G. COSTANTINI, G. COWPERTHWAITE, Lady CUMMING, Mrs. Dorothy M. DRAKE, Prof. F. S. DUNCANSON, J. D. - EWING, Miss E. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G. GALVIN, J. A. T. GARD, Dr. Richard A., M.A., PH.D., D.H.L. GEORGE, T. J. B. GIEDROYC, Michal GOODRICH, Prof. L. Carrington HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. HURT, Miss E. J. IRETON, Mrs. Polly H. 505, Broadway, Petaluma, Ca. 94952, U.S.A. 2222, Kalakaua Avenue, Honolulu, Hawaii, 96815. c/o The Hongkong Electric Co. Ltd., 40, St. Mary Axe, London, E.C.3, England. Thanya Building, 11th floor, 62, Silom Rd., P.O. Box 1923, Bangkok, Thailand. "Bishops Nympton", Devenshire Avenue, Amersham, Bucks., England. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Rome, Italy. 29, Brompton Square, London, S.W.3., England. 6, Cherry Orchard, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. c/o Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 244, 1 Bantang, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. 19, Boulevard de Montmorency, 75-Paris 16o, France. 33, Bramble Drive, Barnton, Edinburgh 4, Scotland. Inverwick House, Nairn, Scotland. "Lincot", Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 26, Leinster Mews, London, W.2, England. 25, The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, Guildford, Surrey, England. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. Loughlinstown House, Co. Dublin, Ireland. Director of Institute Services, The Institute for Advance Studies of World Religions, 531-2, Melville Library, State University of New York, New York, 11790, U.S.A. c/o Foreign & Commonwealth Office, King Charles Street, London, S.W.1.A. 2 AH, England. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England. Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. c/o C. V. Starr & Co., Inc., 102, Maiden Lane, New York, N.Y. 10005, U.S.A. Woodlands School, Woodlands Drive, Scarborough, Yorkshire, England. P.O. Box 362, Langley Washington, 98260, U.S.A. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS 251 LIFE OVERSEAS MEMBERS: JORDAN, Dr. David K. - Department of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, CA 92037, U.S.A. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. LINDSAY, T. J., M.B.E. 3, Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W., Australia. LOTHROP, Francis B. 176, Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.A. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. The Royal Naval School, Haslemere, Surrey, England. McBAIN, George c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., C.P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan. McDOUALL, J. C. - The Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxfordshire, England. MEFFAN, Mrs. I. E. - c/o Swire, MacKinnon, C.P.O. Box 703, Tokyo 100-91, Japan. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. The British Council, Halls Croft, Old Town, Stratford-upon-Avon, England. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. MILL, Capt. C. S., Jr. - Indian Hill, Pittsboro, N.C. 27312, U.S.A. MILLER, Carl Ferris O. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, G.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. PLAG, Rev. A. 7000 Stuttgart 1, Roemerstr. 41, Germany (F.R.) ROBINSON, Prof. K. E. The Old Rectory, Church Westcoat, Kingham, Oxford, OX7 6SF, England. ROTHE, Ulrich 'Wohnstift Augustinum' Apt. 778, 5483 Bad Neuenahr, Germany. SINFIELD, G. H. C. Hong Kong Tourist Assoc., 159 Bay Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. SPERRY, H. M. 64, Hillbrook Drive, Portola Valley, California 94025, U.S.A. STEVENS, Major K. G. - 9 Cherry Glebe, Mersham, Ashford, Kent, England. SWIRE, A. C. c/o John Swire & Sons Ltd., 66, Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. TARARIN, P. A. 623, Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A. TILL, The Very Rev. Barry c/o Morley College, 61, Westminster Bridge Road, London, S.E.1, England. TURNER, Sir Michael c/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., 9, Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3, England. WARD, Miss Janet A. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, North Devon, England. WELCH, Holmes H. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., USA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: BUTLER, Miss B. A... BUTT, Dr. Nancy CAMERON, Nigel + CAPLAN, Malcolm Public Services Commission, Room 573, Central Govt. Offices, H.K. 253 The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. 11-D, Venice Court, 41, Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Hongkong & Whampoa Dock Co. Ltd. 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Rural Retreat, Taipo Kau, N.T. 6E, Pearl Gardens, 7, Conduit Road, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS 259 ORDINARY MEMBERS: MacCALLUM, I. - c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. MacGREGOR, Keith - 19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K. MacLEAN, R. - 326-8, Tung Ying Building, 100, Nathan Road, Kowloon. MAHLKE, William J. - c/o Estates Office, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. MAO, Dr. Philip W. C., F.R.C.S. - P.O. Box 104, Macau. MARKEY, John C. - 117, Main Road, Kam Tin, N.T. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. - 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. MATHIAS, John R. G. - Johnson, Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. - Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. McELNEY, Brian S. - 1206, Shell House, 24, Queen's Road, C., H.K. McGOUGH, James P. - 10, Fort Street, 2nd floor, H.K. 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Cameraman Ltd., 22A, Westlands Road, 6th floor, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 260 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: O'HARA, Randolph O'H WARD, Dr. & Mrs. F. A. OTTWAY, Mrs. Joy OXLEY, C. W. B. PARKIN, Mrs. Elise PARRINGTON, Miss June PAUL, Mr. & Mrs. Anthony M. PAYNTER, J. L. PERESYPKIN, Oleg P. PICKFORD, J. B. PORDES, F. POW, Hugh J. PRESCOTT, Jon. A. PRYOR, Dr. E. G. c/o The City Hall Library, Edinburgh Place, H.K. Flat 58, 140, Pokfulam Road, H.K. 216, Windsor House, H.K. District Office, Sai Kung, Sai Po Kong Government Offices, 692, Prince Edward Road, Kowloon. 12, Peak Mansions, H.K. Arts Faculty Office, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. 9, Jade House, 47C, Stubbs Road, H.K. Canadian Trade Commission, P.O. Box 126, H.K. P.O. Box 1382, H.K. E/M Dept., Public Works Department, Caroline Hill, H.K. 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. School of Physiotherapy, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. 67B, Perkins Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Colony Planning Division, Crown Lands & Survey Office, Murray Building, H.K. History Department, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. QUESTED, Mrs. R. K. I. REYNOLDS, W. A. 19, Middleton Towers, 140, Pokfulam Rd., H.K. RICKETT, Mr. & Mrs. E. A. 35A Shouson Hill Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. RIFKIN, Miss S. B. RITCHIE, D. J. ROBERTSON, Mrs. A. G. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. ROGERS, R. ROPER, C. W. ROSE, Miss Patricia RUDANT, Jacques SALMON, Mrs. P. A. American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road. H.K. Flat A-4, 45, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 5A, Hatton House, 15, Kotewall Road, H.K. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, Taipo. 1st floor, Kowloon. The Chartered Bank, 10, Granville Road, Kowloon. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, 1, Jordan Rd., Kowloon, French Trade Commission, 1505-7 Hang Seng Bank Bldg., 77 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. 40, Plantation Road, The Peak, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 262 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: THROWER, Prof. L. B. TISDALL, Brian TOMLIN, Mrs. I. TONG, Louis TORRANCE, J. R. TOOGOOD, C. W. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSE, Charles TSO, Mrs. Priscilla TURNER, H. D. TWEEDIE, Howard TWITCHETT, Miss Yvonne TYLER, Mr. & Mrs. M. R. VEEVERS, Miss Kathleen J. VETCH, Mr. & Mrs. Henri VISICK, Mrs. Mary Flat 6B, University Residence No. 6, Chinese University of Hong Kong. 7, Stanley Mound Road, Stanley, H.K. 12A, Broadwood Road, 1st floor, H.K. Connaught Centre, 35th floor, H.K. A2, 2 Vista Panorama, Amonoda Road, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. 59-61 Wong Chuk Hang Road, 1st floor, Aberdeen, H.K. Dept. of Extra Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. History Dept., University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Officers' Mess, Grenadier Guards, Stanley Fort, H.K. c/o Island School, Bowen Road, H.K. 402, Tregunter Mansions, 14 Old Peak Rd., H.K. 79, Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. 10A, Belmont Court, 10, Kotewall Road, H.K. Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. WADIA, Mr. & Mrs. R. J. WALDEN, J. C. C. WATERS, D. D. WATT, J. C. Y. WEBB, Miss Susan M. WEBBER, Dr. & Mrs. J. H. WEI, Dr. Tat WENG, Mrs. Gloria WESTCOTT, K. WHITELEY, Mrs. I. E. 502, La Hacienda, 31 Mt. Kellet Road, The Peak, H.K. 1 Homestead, The Peak, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Flat 4, 5A Garden Road, H.K. Fanling Hospital, Fanling, N.T. 3 Fontana Gardens, 5th floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. 1 Essex Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. The British Council, Star House, 3rd floor, Kowloon. 8C London Court, 41A Conduit Road, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., M.B.E., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1975: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Hon. Secretary: A. I. Diamond, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Helga Werle, Phil. Sin. Cand. (Munich) F. Geoffroy-Dechaume, Consul General for France K. A. Westcott, B.A., Dip.Ed. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. H. J. Lethbridge, B.Sc.(Econ.), B.Sc.(Soc.), Dip. Criminology Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. D. H. Liu ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT TREASURER's Report THE LIBRARY: and the Library Rules TRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH : I Page 1 9 13 16 A Hong Kong Spirit-Medium Temple-JOHN T. MYERS Merchant Organisations in Late Imperial China: Patterns of Change and Development-WELLINGTON K. K. CHAN 28 China's Economic Planning and Changing Geography—CHIAO-MIN HSIEH 43 ∞ NOA 48 61 71 88 ARTICLES: Incident between the Hong Merchants and the Super-cargoes of the British East India Company in Canton, 1811—J. L. Cranmer-BYNG The Great Plague of Hong Kong-E. G. PRYOR Notes on Chiuchow Opera-Helga Werle Condition of the European Working Class in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong-HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE The Employment of Foreign Military Talent: Chinese Tradition and Late Ch'ing Practice-RICHARD J. SMITH 113 The Pacific Oyster Industry in Hong Kong-BRIAN MORTON AND P. S. WONG Captive Surgeon in Hong Kong: the Story of the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong 1942-1945- DONALD C. Bowie NOTES AND QUERIES: ... The Pottery Kilns at Wun Yiu, Tai Po-J. W. HAYES The Noon Day Gun-CARL T. SMITH The German Congregation in Hong Kong until 1914-CARL T. SMITH 139 150 291 292 292 295 Boat People's Ceremonies observed from Island House, Tai Po-D. AKERS JONES 300 The RAS Photographic Survey in Hong Kong—H. A. RYDINGS 311 Chief Marshal T'ien, patron of the stage, of musicians and wrestlers-East and South East China-K. G. STEVENS 303 Chang Yu-tang and an old Hanging Scroll from Cheung Chau-FRANCIS S. Y. SHAM AND JAMES Hayes Hung Hom: an Early Industrial Village in Old British Kowloon-Carl T. SMITH AND JAMES HAYES Typhoon Preparations in 1903 BOOK REVIEWS 318 324 327 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d A View in Perspective The Staff Conclusion Acknowledgements (ii) The footnote reference at p. 295 is now to p. 12 (iii) Take out 'University of California Press' at footnote 5 on p. 132 (iv) The reference to Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke's autobiography at p. 178 should be to the footnote at p. 290. (v) The following changes/additions should be made to Wellington K. K. Chan's article on 'Merchant Organisations in Late Imperial China': (a) the references to charitable halls in Shanghai and Canton on p. 33 (second and third paras) are to private ones. (b) Add to footnote 15: Prior to this, it should be noted that there already were a few semi-active government-run charitable institutions in Canton. See Edward J. M. Rhoads, "Merchant Associations in Canton 1895-1911," in Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner, eds., The Chinese City Between Two Worlds (Stanford, 1974). (c) Change footnote 38 to the following: See my Merchants, Mandarins and Modern Enterprise in Late Ch’ing China (Harvard University Press, forthcoming). Also Edward Rhoads' "Merchant Associations in Canton" cited above. I disagree with Rhoads' interpretation, however, that the chambers of commerce attracted all or most of the gentry-merchants (as opposed to the few or none for the charitable halls), or that they were successful in "[breaking] down barriers between guilds and [creating] a city-wide merchant organization (p. 107)." More successful, probably; but as my own study shows, the chambers were still disunited by geographical or trade differences. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 26 JOHN T. MYERS managed by members of one Chinese speech group, the Chiu-chow. The "honorary" committee members, the working committee members, the tan sang, and the kei tung are Chiu-chow. Observation of numerous possession ceremonies reveals that it is rare to discover a non-Chiu-chow among the worshippers. This de facto exclusivity is rendered more formal in a brochure advertising places for tablets of the deceased in the “Hall of 100 Surnames" by the statement that the places are reserved for heung lei or fellow countrymen, i.e. fellow Chiu-chow. While from a ritual point of view Tai Wong Ye is correctly described as a spirit-medium temple, from a social point of view it is akin to a type which Feuchtwang2 designates a "Compatriot” temple. It is a place where members of the Chiu-chow minority speech group can gather to converse freely in their native tongue, exchange useful information, and enjoy that sense of solidarity which Durkheim posits as the chief product of shared ritual. The low-keyedness of the ritual offerings is understandable when one realizes that the target population is one already predisposed by regional socialization to accept the reality and effectiveness of the kei tung's mediumship. Our conclusion therefore is that the success of the Kwun Tong spirit-medium temple is due more to the social selectivity of its appeal than to a heightened interest in spirits and their mediums on the part of the general population. NOTES 1 Firth 1959, p. 141. 2 Feuchtwang, no reference details available. 3 Elliott, 1955. 4 Jordan, 1972. 5 Ahern, 1973. 6 Potter, 1974. 7 This observation is based on casual questioning of Hong Kong residents over a three-year time period. 8 Potter, op. cit. 9 The Chiu-Chow and Hoi-Luk-Fung people's native regions are the eastern coastal counties of Kwangtung Province. The Hokkien are natives of Fukien Province which is immediately east of Kwangtung Province. 10 Tak Kaau is a syncretic cult which claims tens of thousands of supporters from the Chiu-Chow communities in Southeast Asia. Although more ritual attention is awarded to Chinese deities the Tak Kaau pantheon includes Christ, Allah, and deities from the Hindu religion. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA 41 5 Ho Ping-ti, "Salient Aspects of China's Heritage," in Ping-ti Ho and Tang Tsou, eds., China in Crisis (Chicago, 1968), I. 1:34-35; Ho Ping-ti, Hui-kuan shih-lun, pp. 33-34, 37-40. 6 See John Fincher's article on provincialism in Mary C. Wright, ed. China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913 (New Haven, 1968). 7 Ezra F. Vogel and Tamako Yagai, “Japanese Studies of Chinese Guilds," unpublished paper delivered at the Seminar on Problems of Micro-Organs in Chinese Society, 1963; Peter J. Golas, "Early Ch'ing Gilds,” unpublished paper delivered at the Conference on Urban Society in Traditional China, 1968. 8 Ch'üan Han-sheng, Hang-hui chih-tu, pp. 99-101; Peng Chang, “Distribution of Provincial Merchant Groups in China, 1842-1911," (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, Seattle, 1958), pp. 51-55. 9 The others were from (1) Chihli, (2) Shantung, (3) Nanking, (4) Wusih and (5) the Shansi bankers. See A. M. Kotenev, Shanghai: Its Mixed Court and Council (Shanghai, 1925), p. 253 n. 10 Lai Lien-san, Hsiang-kang chih-lüeh (A brief account of Hong Kong) (Hong Kong, 1931), 115-17 11 For a detailed account, see Fang Teng, "Yü Hsia-ch'ing lun," (On Yu Hsia-ch'ing) in Tsa-chih Yüeh-k'an (Monthly miscellany), 12.2:46-51 (Nov. 1943); 12.3:62-67 (Dec. 1943); 12.4:59-64 (Jan. 1944). 12 P'eng Tse-i, "Shih-chiu shih-chi hou-ch'i Chung-kuo ch'eng-shih shou-kung-yeh shang-yeh hsing-hui ti chung-chien ho tso-yung" (The revival and function of urban handicraft and commercial organizations in late nineteenth century China), Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical studies) 1:71-102 (1965). 13 T'ung-chih Shang-hai hsien-chih (Gazetteer of the Shanghai County for the T'ung-chih reign), ed. Yü Yueh (n.p., 1871), 2:21-28. 14 Ibid. 15 Nan-hai hsien-chih (Gazetteer of the Nan-hai County), eds. Chang Feng-chieh, et al. (n.p., 1910), 6:106-13. 16 Sixtieth Anniversary of the Tungwah Hospital: A Commemorative Issue (Hong Kong, 1930). 17 They were Ai-yü, Kuang-chi, Kuang-jen, Ch'ung-cheng, Shu-shan, Ming-shan, Hui-hsing, Fang-pien, Jun-shen. 18 "Reports of the Special Committee appointed by H.E. Sir William Robinson, KCMG, to investigate and report on certain points connected with the Bills for the Incorporation of the Po Leung Kuk, a Society for the Protection of Women and Girls" (Hong Kong, 1893). 19 E.g. see Hsiang-shan hsien-chih hsü-pien (A continuation of the Gazetteer of the Hsiang-shan County), ed. Li Shih-ch'in (n.p., 1923), 4:18a-20b, in which it is stated that a number were founded during the Kuang-hsü reign (1875-1908). 20 Song Ong Siong. One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore (Singapore, 1967), pp. 277, 309, 424, 432; George W. Skinner, Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand (Ithaca, 1958), pp. 2-13. 21 Nan-hai hsien-chih, 6:10b. 22 Shang-hai hsien hsü-chih (A continuation of the Gazetteer of the Shanghai County), ed. Yao Wen-nan (Shanghai, 1918), 2:38a. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 42 WELLINGTON K. K. CHAN 23 P'eng Tse-i, "Shih-chiu shih-chi," 1:73, 90-95. 24 Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life (New Haven, 1965), pp. 216-17. 25 Chang Chih-tung, Chang Wen-hsiang-kung chi (The papers of Chang Chih-tung), ed. Hsu T'ung-hsin (Peiping, 1919-21), "tsou-kao," 12:1-5b. 26 Ibid. 27 E.g., Hsiang-kang Hua-tzu jih-pao (Chinese Mail of Hong Kong), 1901: 4/27, 5/9. 28 Hua-tzu jih-pao, 22/3/1901. 29 Mark Elvin, "The Gentry Democracy in Chinese Shanghai,” in Jack Gray (ed), Modern China's Search for Political Form (Oxford, 1969), pp. 41-65. 30 Imperial Maritime Customs, Decennial Reports 1882-1891 (Shanghai, 1893), p. 34. 31 Morse, Gilds of China, pp. 53-54; Decennial Reports, 1882-1891, pp. 537-38. 32 In 1892, those of Yunnan and Kweichow were added. 33 Decennial Reports, 1882-1891, pp. 119-20. 34 Sheng Hsuan-huai, Yü-chai ts'un-kao ch'u-k'an (Collected drafts of Sheng Hsuan-huai, first issue), ed. Lü Ching-tuan (Shanghai, 1939), 7:36a. 35 The China Weekly Review (Shanghai), 24/7/1926, pp. 188, 190. 36 Hua-tzu jih-pao, 10/10/1907; 28/10/1908. 37 The Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce: The Fiftieth Anniversary Commemorative Issue (Singapore, 1954), pp. 2-3. These practices, somewhat modified, are still going on today, see Sin Chew Jit Poh (Singapore Daily), 9/2/1975, p. 3. 38 See my own forthcoming article "The Chamber of Commerce in Late Ch'ing China." ** 39 North-China Herald (Shanghai), 23/2/1906. 40 Chang Ts'un-wu, Chung-Mei kung-yüeh fang-chiao (Disputes over the Sino-American labor agreement) (Taipei, 1965). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 64 E. G. PRYOR The Chinese community in Hong Kong became panic-stricken and there was a mass exodus of workers back to China. In the China Sugar Factory, for example, some 300 workers downed tools and walked their way back to Swatow about 180 miles away. The economic life of the colony suffered considerably as a consequence. So much so that Sir William Robinson recorded that "without exaggeration, I may assert that, so far as trade and commerce are concerned the plague has assumed the importance of an unexampled calamity."* Conditions in the hospitals became exceedingly crowded. The Kennedy Town Glass Works Hospital was intended to accommodate 100 patients but at one point contained 200 afflicted persons. Admissions to hospital at the peak of the outbreak averaged 80 a day whilst dead bodies piled up in the streets at the rate of over 100 a day. A new pig depot had to be hastily converted into a hospital to take 140 patients and the running of all hospitals was assumed by European doctors as it was soon found that Chinese traditional medicine was of no avail. During the frantic efforts to rid the colony of the plague about 7000 persons were dispossessed of their homes, 350 houses were condemned and sealed off and several boatloads of patients were sent to Canton. With the advent of cooler weather the plague abated and there was hope that the visitation of 1894 would not be repeated. Indeed, there was no outbreak in the following year but in 1896 the oriental version of the black death stalked the streets of Hong Kong and carried off 1078 unfortunates, the majority being Chinese in the congested district of Tai Ping Shan. The plague thence became an almost annual occurrence usually making its appearance in February or March reaching a peak by July and then virtually disappearing during the autumn and winter. Over the period 1894-1901 some 8600 persons succumbed to the disease and this represented a mortality rate of about 95 per cent. Relentless efforts were made to root out the assumed cause of the problem which was generally thought to be insanitary living conditions. Regulations were passed requiring notification to the nearest police station of any cases of plague and in default of this obligation there was a penalty of $25, which at that time was a * Ibid, p. 5. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d THE GREAT PLAGUE OF HONG KONG 65 considerable sum of money. However, compliance with this regulation was seldom observed. House to house visits continued to detect afflicted premises but this also proved difficult. Usually, bodies were thrown out at night by the other occupants of infected houses so as to avoid detection and the subsequent disinfection of the premises. In 1900, for example, 412 dead bodies were dumped in the harbour, When the disinfection of houses was undertaken it was the usual practice for the occupants to be issued with new clothes. Their own clothes, bedding, curtains and carpets were sent to a steam disinfecting station. The premises were then thoroughly cleaned by spraying the walls with a solution of perchloride of mercury; alternatively, rooms were fumigated with free chlorine obtained by the addition of diluted sulphuric acid to chlorinated lime. Finally, the floors and furniture were scrubbed with Jeyes fluid and the walls were lime-washed. During these operations the occupants were given temporary accommodation on Chinese marriage boats anchored off Stonecutters Island. Other measures taken included the burial of the dead in a plague cemetery at Kennedy Town and the regular disinfecting of all public latrines with chlorinated lime. In Search of an Answer The suddenness of the attack of plague in 1894 and its continued virulence for the next two decades must have caused great dismay among the community in general, particularly as it also seemed impossible for modern science to eradicate the basic cause of the disease. When Sir William Robinson reported to the Marquess of Ripon in 1894 on the course of events he wrote: "It is, I think, very probable that the want of sufficient water and the filthy habits of life amongst the 210,000 Chinese who reside here have rendered Hong Kong liable to the invasion and development of the germ of the bubonic plague. Chinese are of the opinion that the plague emanates from the ground and is favoured by a long continuance of dry weather when the earth becomes porous and numerous fissures appear on the surface facilitating the escape of whatever causes the disease."* * Ibid, p. 5. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 72 HELGA WERLE and then a company is contracted to erect the temporary bamboo structures to house performances and ceremonies. The ideal is for the structures to be arranged in a square, the temple facing East and the stage opposite (i.e. West), so that the god is conveniently positioned to get the best view of the stage. The organizers are housed on one or both sides of the temple and on the sides of the square are exhibited the giant-sized dragon-robes, crowns and boots, all elaborately made of paper, which will be burnt and, in this way, sent as a birthday present to the god. AND RICE TO DONATE TO THE POOR EXHIBITION OF COLLECTED GOODS FESTIVAL TEIFLE COMMITTEE HALL FOR CEREMONIES TO APPEASE SOULS 辉花 ROOF TO SHELTER AUDIENCE (FORMERLY OF NATTING, NOW TIN SHUI WAI) STAGE KITCHEN EXHIBITION OF PAPER DRAGON ROBES Chiuchow festival square (the layout is almost the same whether it is used for the celebration of god's birthdays pao-tan or for the appeasement of the hungry souls in the 7th month called Yu-lan-p'en). The interior of the temporary temple is almost completely occupied by a large square table (about 4m x 4m) on which items donated by individuals of the community are displayed before they are auctioned off. Holding a microphone and a gong several auctioneers stand on a table in front of the temple and, competing with the loudspeakers amplifying the opera music, they promise prosperity and good fortune (in the traditional 4-character phrases) to the highest bidder. Bottles of brandy and whiskey, porcelain figures of immortals and deities, and colourful lamps and lanterns go for several hundred or thousands of dollars at a time. Although the successful bidder can take his acquisition home he does not pay the bid until the following festival. And especially if he is poor at the time, he ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 90 H. J. LETHBRIDGE that of cultural transmission. What was the nature and content of cultural transactions between those low status Chinese and Europeans who met at work, and sometimes socially?* Did working class Europeans play an equivalent role in Hong Kong as beachcombers and castaways in the South Seas?? Finally, the problem of the relationship between low and high status Europeans in Hong Kong demands investigation, for although the two groups formed separate communities, it is clear that Taipans depended upon working class Europeans, such as policemen, for their private security and also skilled European workers for the successful running of their business enterprises in Hong Kong. These and other questions suggest that working class Europeans, although only a minor part of the total European population (if we exclude soldiers, sailors and merchant seamen), cannot be dismissed summarily as of little account in the social and economic development of Hong Kong. A thesis of this essay is that their importance has not been stressed sufficiently by historians and writers on colonial Hong Kong. THE EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN HONG KONG Broadly speaking, working class Europeans in nineteenth century Hong Kong may be divided into five groups—(1) beachcombers; (2) police or those with quasi-police functions: inspectors, supervisors, and overseers in government employ; (3) soldiers, sailors and merchant seamen; (4) mechanics, artisans, and others in low status occupations; and (5) outcastes.† The divisions are not clear cut; there is a certain amount of overlapping; movement from group to group did take place. The divisions reflect a subjective ranking of occupations and statuses by middle class Europeans, such as merchants, in Hong Kong. In Britain at that time, supervisors and inspectors would have been regarded as members of the lower middle class; but in Hong Kong a telescoping of social classes took place because there was no true equivalent of a European proletariat, of manual workers. A European was accepted as either respectably middle class or as not—the acid test was one of commensality. Inevitably, a number of Europeans existed in a limbo * I have been unable to explore this subject as exhaustively as I would have wished, and suggest that it is a suitable subject for research. † For a contemporary instance see Halcombe (1896) p. 186. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY 93 clandestine (i.e., unlicensed and unregistered) brothels. For example, John Lee, an Inspector of Brothels in 1877, had joined the Hong Kong Police in 1864 and had been appointed Inspector of Brothels by the government in 1870. As a constable he had spent part of his service on dockyard duty; appointment as an Inspector of Brothels was a step up in the world; he improved both his status and finances. Such persons, too, had chances of obtaining, corruptly, substantial sums of money from Chinese, in this case from brothel keepers and their charges.5 The increase in demand for, what may be termed, low-level European man-power, was caused by the establishment of new government departments and an expansion in the activities of the old, as ordinance after ordinance was introduced into the colony. This was particularly true of the Surveyor General's Department, renamed the Public Works Department (P.W.D.) in 1891. The carrying out of large public works projects, such as the construction of public buildings, reservoirs and roads, meant that there was an increasing need for supervisors, overseers and inspectors. There were difficulties in finding suitable men. Departments had to take what they could find locally. Some specialists badly needed by the Hong Kong government were, however, recruited in London by the Crown Agents. Many P.W.D. overseers were former Royal Engineers, who had taken their discharge in Hong Kong, and as soldiers had had experience in the building of fortifications and other military works. They were, in modern army parlance, ‘tradesmen'. But an overseer admitted to a commission of enquiry in 1902 that it was always difficult to obtain responsible assistants: "You can get beach-combers (sic) and old sailors, but they are no earthly use if you put them on a job and you have to depend on a Chinese foreman or contractor for a knowledge of the details of the work. They must be figure heads, but it is no use to put them on a Department like this." He also confirmed that ‘any European here—it doesn't matter who he is or where he is picked up—can be put on a job and is termed an Overseer'. An architect concurred, stating that many overseers were picked from the beachcomber class. It appeared that in an attempt to rehabilitate beachcombers, clergymen and benevolent societies had been sending such persons along to the P.W.D. for ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d # EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY 101 At 5 A.M. he awakes with a soft punkah breeze fanning him. 5.15. Cup of cocoa and a biscuit brought to his bedside by a coolie. 5.30. The barber coolie shaves him, still in bed. 6. Bathing parade. 7.30. Breakfast, of which 1/2 lb. of beef-steak forms an invariable component. 8 to 11. Nothing whatever to do, and plenty to help him to do it—the everlasting coolies perform nearly all the cooking, sweeping, and cleaning up in barracks. 11. A short spell of school and theoretical instruction in gunnery. After dinner, unanimous repose on bamboo matting, as being cooler than a mattress. 5 P.M. One hour's easy gun-drill. 6 to 10. Sally forth to chaff the Chinese folk, try a trifle of 'samshu',* and practically ascertain that this potent rice spirit will prostrate with splitting headache the seasoned old soaker to whom a tumbler of brandy would be but as a glass of water. In fact, during the hot weather, he merely mounts guard, and is available for emergencies; in the cool season, he is of course made to rub up his drill. His idle life is not a happy one, destitute as it is to him of interest and active amusements, and in a very short time he becomes listless, depressed, and pulled down, contrasting painfully with his newly landed, fresh-looking comrades... I have known it asserted that no efforts of a commanding officer can keep European troops permanently stationed at Hong Kong in a state of military efficiency.23 The problem of drunkenness worried the naval, military, and civilian authorities in Hong Kong throughout the nineteenth century. In 1898, a commission to investigate the problem was set up because, as the preamble to the report states, there was a strong opinion in some quarters that deleterious liquors were being sold in the Colony, which were doing a great deal of mischief to soldiers and sailors.24 The commissioners discovered that although soldiers and sailors often drank samshu, a cheaper brew than Western spirits, the problem was not a simple one of 'deleterious liquors' incapacitating troops and naval ratings but rather that of excessive imbibing of all types of spirits, both Western and Chinese. In 1898, there were 23 licensed public houses and bars in Victoria alone; 47 storekeepers were licensed to sell alcohol; and numerous Chinese shopkeepers sold samshu. A part of Upper Lascar * See Couling Encyclopaedia Sinica, 1967 reprint of the original edition of 1917, p. 497. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d # EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY 111 It is exceedingly difficult to assess the cultural impact of working-class Europeans on the Chinese population; there were strong, but not completely impenetrable, barriers between the two; each despised the other, the underdog European particularly so. Although the latter usually lived in Chinese quarters of the town, spoke pidgin English or a little Cantonese, and often lived with a Chinese woman, this did not make him necessarily feel less British. He was, it can be inferred, as jingoistic as his counterpart in Liverpool or London, buoyed up at times by a sense of racial and national superiority. He did not belong to Chinese society and, it can be surmised, never wished to. He was more at ease with Portuguese and Eurasians; but his social contacts with them were often touchy, prickly, and patronising; for even the déclassé European knew he was a member of a dominant race. At the end of the century, Taipan and pong-paân were residentially segregated. A writer concluded that ‘between those who reside at the summit (of the Peak) and those who live in the peninsula of Kowloon there is as wide a gulf as that which divided Dives and Lazarus'.39 This 'gulf' was more than an expression of traditional English class attitudes: the European working class in Hong Kong was an anomaly in a colonial setting, a curious transplant from a more settled society. ## NOTES 1 Sir James Cantlie, 'Hong Kong' in the British Empire Series, vol. i, 1906, p. 514. 2 See, for example, 'Beachcombers and castaways' in H. E. Maude's Of Islands and Men: Studies in Pacific History, Melbourne, Oxford University Press, 1968, pp. 134-177. 3 China Mail, June 8, 1888. 4 J. W. Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. i, p. 279. 5 For details about John Lee consult the Report of the Commission to Enquire into the Working of 'The Contagious Diseases Ordinance, 1867', Hong Kong, 1879. 6 'Report on the Public Works Department', Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1902, p. 51. 7 Lt. Col. G. J. Wolseley, Narrative of the War with China in 1860, London, 1862, p. 3. 8 John Stuart Thomson, The Chinese, London (1909), p. 30. 9 George Woodcock, The British in the Far East, London, 1969, p. 21. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 128 RICHARD J. SMITH to his loyal soul” (i-wei chung-hun). The throne, for its part, expressed profound grief over Ward's death, and ordered that special posthumous honors, including the erection of memorial temples, be bestowed upon this upright, brave, and “irreproachable” warrior.72 Ward as a Model for Barbarian Employees It is perhaps not surprising that Ward's employment became the standard for other foreign employees in the Chinese military service. Soon after his death, an imperial edict expressed the view that if foreigners were to lead Chinese troops and be granted military authority, they had, like Ward, "to petition requesting to be enrolled on the Chinese population register [p'an-t'u] and be willing to accept Chinese control [chieh-chih]."73 At least in part because of such stipulations, Ward's second in command, Henry Burgevine, assumed command of the Ever-Victorious Army in October, 1862. Like his predecessor, Burgevine had petitioned to become a Chinese subject, and expressed his willingness not only to accept Chinese control, but also to be bound by Chinese law.74 In the course of his career he had been granted honors similar to those bestowed upon Ward, and had also married a Chinese. But he did not enjoy a close personal or business relationship with any Chinese officials, and in time he clashed with his Chinese sponsors. After a quarrel with Yang Fang in early 1863, Burgevine was dismissed by the Ch'ing authorities and branded a “rebel” (ni).75 Eventually he joined the Taipings, and although subject to Chinese jurisdiction by the terms of his own petition, Burgevine avoided prosecution owing to the intercession of foreign officials. In 1865, he drowned under mysterious circumstances while in the custody of the Chinese authorities.76 The Burgevine episode highlighted the inadequacy of cultural controls in "managing" barbarian employees. But even before Burgevine's "rebellion," the Chinese had begun to appreciate the limitations of cultural submission as a determinant of loyalty. On December 6, 1862, the throne received a joint memorial from Hsüeh Huan and Li Hung-chang which spelled out these limitations on the basis of their experience with Ward. Hsüeh and Li harbored few illusions about the American commander and his motives. Pointing out that Ward had indicated his willingness to become a Chinese subject, but had never shaved his head or changed to Chinese clothing, the two officials went on to state that despite his ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 132 RICHARD J. SMITH became American citizens,93 Meiji Japan held similar views and pursued similar policies. In short, China's response to the basic problems of employing foreign military men, although tinged with specific characteristics of Chinese political culture such as a special emphasis on personalistic relations, was reasonably enlightened, and not fundamentally different from that of other countries, Asian or Western.95 China's attempt to build a modern, Western-trained officer corps in the T'ung-chih period did not fail because the foreigners she employed refused to become Chinese subjects or to accept Chinese culture. It failed primarily because the Chinese did not use foreign military assistance in a systematic and sustained way, as did, for example, Meiji Japan. Plagued by continual foreign meddling, and unwilling to fundamentally restructure the existing military establishment with its carefully devised system of checks and balances, the weak Ch'ing government neglected to sponsor meaningful, centralized military reform, dooming itself to defeat at the hands of the Japanese in 1894-95.97 NOTES 1 See, for example, Edward Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963), esp. p. 49, 291 note 75; Henry Serruys, "Were the Ming against the Mongols settling in North China?," Oriens Extremus, 6 (1959), 136ff; etc. 2 For the employment of foreigners under these circumstances, consult Wolfram Eberhard, Conquerors and Rulers (Leiden, 1965); Lei Hai-tsung, Chung-kuo wen-hua yû Chung-kuo ti ping [Chinese Culture and the Chinese Military] (Ch'ang-sha, 1940); Michael Loewe, Imperial China (New York, 1969), 182. 3 Kuwabara Jitsuzo, “On P'u Shou-keng,” Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 7 (1935), 44-45; also Su Ch'ing-pin, (Liang Han ch'i Wu-tai ju-chi Chung-kuo chih fan shih-tsu yen-chiu) [Research on barbarian families residing in China during the period from the Han to the Five Dynasties] (Hong Kong, 1967), 2; Wai-ming George Yuan, "Ko Son-ji (Kao Hsien-chih): A Korean in the Chinese Military Service,” Asea Yongu, 13.3 (1970), 160. 4 See the forward to this work in Li Te-yü's collected writings, Li Wei-kung hui-ch'ang i-pin chih [The collected works of Li Te-yu] (Shanghai, 1937), chüan 2, 10-11 (consecutive pagination). The book is listed in the sections on literature in the T'ang-shu (2:20) and the Sung-shih (2:19a). All references to the dynastic histories are to the po-na edition. 5 I have discussed these challenges and their implications in a forthcoming study entitled . (University of California Press). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 136 RICHARD J. SMITH 46 See K. A. Wittfogel and Feng Chia-sheng, History of Chinese Society, Liao (907-1125) (Philadelphia, 1949), 8-10; also Igor de Rachewiltz, “Yeh-lü Ch'u-ts'ai (1189-1243); Buddhist Idealist and Confucian Statesman" in Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett, Confucian Personalities (Stanford, 1962). 47 Wittfogel and Feng, 9. 48 See Herbert Franke, "Sino-Western Contacts under the Mongol Empire,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 6 (1966), 52. 49 Kuwabara, 96-99. 50 See Henry Serruys, "Mongols Ennobled during the Early Ming,” HIAS, 22 (1959); also Serruys, "Landgrants to the Mongols in China: 1400-1460,” Monumenta Serica, 25 (1966), especially 394. As had been the case with other barbarians in China's past, the use of Mongol and Jurched troops in the Ming could be a liability as well as an asset. See Serruys, "Sino-Jürched Relations During the Yung-Lo Period (1403-1424),” Göttinger Asiatische Forschungen (Weisbaden, 1955); 67-68, 71. 51 See the summary discussion in Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, The Rise of Modern China (London and Toronto, 1975), 138-139; also George L. Harris, "The Mission of Matteo Ricci, S.J.: A Case Study of an Effort at Guided Culture Change in China in the Sixteenth Century,” Monumenta Serica, 25 (1966). 52 James B. Parsons, Peasant Rebellions of the Late Ming Dynasty (Tucson, 1970), 129. 53 C. R. Boxer, "Portuguese Military Expeditions in Aid of the Mings Against the Manchus, 1621-1647," T'ien-Hsia Monthly, VII (1938); S. Y. Teng and John K. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey, 1839-1923 (New York, 1970), 13; North-China Herald, January 10, 1852. Boxer, 32, offers the explanation that the expedition was undermined by Cantonese who feared that the Portuguese, if successful, would be granted extended trading rights, while the North-China Herald suggests that when the men reached Nan-ch'ang they were ordered to return because "the contemptible figure they presented completely disappointed expectation." It is probable that each of these interpretations has a measure of validity. 54 Serruys, "Were the Ming,” 136. 55 Boxer, 35. 56 Wills, Guns, Pepper and Parleys, especially chapter 2; Fu Lo-shu, A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820) (Tucson, 1966), I: 32-33, 58; Teng and Fairbank, 34. 57 The Ch'ing did, however, ally with the Russians against the Dzungars during the K'ang-hsi period and the Ch'ien-lung emperor did make good use of Western cannon (Hsi-yang p'ao) in his famous campaigns. See, for example, IWSM, TC 9: 30a-b; also Teng and Fairbank, 34; Swisher, 697. 58 See Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, "Russia's Special Position in China during the Early Ch'ing Period," Slavic Review, 13.4 (December, 1964). 59 Chinese Repository 11: 64; Swisher, 98-99. 60 See Masataka Banno, China and the West, 1858-1861 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), especially 45-53, 207-209; Swisher, 683-697. 61 See, for example, IWSM TC 22: 11b-13b; also Richard J. Smith, "Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Feng-huang-shan, 1864-1873,” Modern Asian Studies, 10.12 (1976). 62 For the use of this expression (or a variant) as late as the 1890's see WCSL 101: 9 and 129; 16. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT 63 See Smith, "Foreign-Training,” 83-86. 64 Ward and other foreigners in the Chinese military service are studied in depth in Smith, Ward, Gordon and the Ever-Victorious Army. 65 For basic Chinese documentation on Ward's career, see IWSM TC 4: 25-276; 4: 40a; 4; 51b-52; 5: 6b-8b; 5: 33-36b; 5: 51-52; 5: 54; 6: 2a-b; 6: 14b; 6: 17b-18; 6: 19b-20; 6: 30-31; 7; 47b-48b; 9; 3-4. 66 IWSM TC 79: 11. 67 Ibid., TC 4: 25-26; see also John K. Fairbank, "The Early Treaty System," 270. 68 IWSM, TC 5: 33-36b; 5: 51-52; 6: 19b-20; 6: 30a-b. 69 Li Hung-chang, Letters to Friends, 1: 29. 70 Foreign Relations of the United States (1888), part 1, 211-217. 71 IWSM, TC 6: 17. 72 Ibid., TC 9; 3b. 73 Ibid., TC 9: 4. 74 Ching Wu and Chung Ting, eds., Wu Hsu tang-an chung ti T'al-p'ing r'ien-kuo shih-liao hsüan-chi [Selections of historical materials concerning the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom in Wu Hsu's archives] (Peking, 1958), 128-129, 75 See Martin Ring, "The Burgevine Case and Extrality in China, 1863-1866," Papers on China 20 (1969). In mid-1863, Prince Kung requested that Burgevine be expunged from the Chinese population register. See IWSM, TC 17: 136 and 20b. 76 Ring, 145-146, 156 note 70. 77 IWSM, TC 10: 46-49. 78 Ibid., TC 10: 50a-b. 79 Ibid., TC 15: 10b-11. 80 I have discussed this combination in Ward, Gordon and the Ever Victorious Army. For some indications of Li's approach, consult J. O. P. Bland, Li Hung-chang (New York, 1917); I. C. Cheng, Chinese Sources for the Taiping Rebellion, 1850-1864 (Hong Kong, 1963), 120-132; Gordon Papers (British Museum), Ad. Mss. 53, 386, Robert Hart to Charles Gordon, October 7, 1863. 81 See, for example, Feng Kuei-fen's Hsien-chih-r'ang chi [Collected essays from the Hall of Manifest Aspirations] (1876), 6: 46. 82 IWSM, TC 22; 3b; 24: 29a-b; 25: 27b-28b; 27: 28-29. On Gordon's return to China in 1880 to assist Li during the so-called Ili Crisis, consult Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, "Gordon in China, 1880," Pacific Historical Review 30.2 (May, 1964). 83 See Kuo T'ing-i, Taiping t'ien-kuo shih-shih jih-chih (A daily record of historical events of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom] (Taipei, 1963), appendix, 165-167. 84 See Smith, "Foreign-Training". 85 See Mary Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism: The T’ung-Chih Restoration, 1862-1874 (New York, 1967), 216; IWSM, TC 16; 11; 39; 22-29; 70: 38a-b and 41-42b; 85: 39a-b; 87; 31, 34-35. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BRIAN MORTON & P. S. WONG power. There is thus an advantage for an oyster farmer to possess a large family. Usually every member of the family participates in the work. Male members usually handle the more laborious procedures such as the laying of the cultch, the transfer of the oysters from one bed to the other and the harvesting of the oysters for resale. Female members may also participate in this work especially those young and strong enough--but more often they are in charge of separating the oysters from the cultch and the shucking and selling of the oysters. Younger members of the family assist with domestic chores. In Deep Bay, the oysters are cultivated in the traditional manner i.e. by bottom-laying (*). This method involves the laying of cultch (*) on the muddy bottom to collect the oyster spat (#). The set oysters are then left to grow for one or two years in the breeding ground (*) before being transferred to the deeper fattening ground (†) for an additional period of one or more years prior to harvesting (#). Elsewhere in the world various materials are used as cultch for the collection of spat. These include stones, shells, bamboo sticks (Cahn, 1950), lime coated roofing tiles or egg-crate fillers, cement dipped wood veneer rings or old fish nets (Needler, 1941; Quayle, 1969) and even sticks of the mangrove, Aegiceras majus (Roughley, 1922). In Hong Kong some ten years ago, rocks and shells (Plate 14; A, B) were most commonly used as cultch. The supply of rock from nearby shores has, however, been virtually exhausted. Consequently stones are now being replaced by concrete tiles (*) (Plate 14; C, D) or concrete posts (Plate 14; E, F). Stones and oyster shells of appropriate size and thickness are still collected and reserved as cultch whenever available. The oyster shells are first cleaned and placed in the sun for weathering prior to being used. Concrete slabs are made artificially at a cost of HK$500/10,000 (in 1974). Old concrete slabs or posts which remain unbroken after the oysters have been detached can be reused. They are cleaned to remove all fouling organisms and then dried in the sun. The most important and labour intensive stage in the bottom-laying method of oyster culture is the collection of the spat (**). In Deep Bay oysters spawn from March to September when temperatures are high and salinities are low (Mok, 1973). As a consequence the cultch has to be laid within this period. However, Page 150 Page 151 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 148 BRIAN MORTON & P. S. WONG chi, 1966) by the application of anti-fouling paints. Undoubtedly the main disadvantage to this technique is that a large capital investment is required with high maintenance costs and a greater chance of damage and loss during a typhoon. As noted earlier oyster culture in Deep Bay is at present being run on a family basis lacking a large capital investment. The adoption of the more expensive raft method of culture would appear, under present socio-economic conditions, to be impossible. The setting up of a co-operative system by the oyster farmers concerned, together with an extension of the Government loan scheme for fisheries development to the oyster industry could enable the oyster farmers to obtain the necessary finance to improve the industry. With an available source of funds for investment and with further detailed research to determine the modifications required to ensure the success of a programme of modernisation in the special environment of Deep Bay, Hong Kong's oyster industry is not without a future. LITERATURE CITED Bardach, J. E. and J. H. Ryther, 1968. The Status and Potential of Aquaculture. American Institute of Biological Science, Washington, D.C. Vol. I (261pp.), Vol. II (224pp.). Bromhall, J. D., 1958. On the biology and culture of the native oyster of Deep Bay, Hong Kong, Crassostrea sp. Hong Kong University Fisheries Journal, 2; 93-107. Cahn, A. R., 1950. Oyster culture in Japan. The United States Fisheries and Wildlife Services Fisheries Leaflet, 383; 1-80. Furukawa, Atsushi, 1968. The raft method of oyster culture in Japan. In: Proceedings of the Oyster Culture Workshop (Ed. T. L. Linton). Marine Fisheries Division, Georgia Game and Fish Commission, Brunswick, Georgia, pp. 49-54. Hong Kong Annual Departmental Report by the Director of Agriculture and Fisheries, 1953-54 to 1973-74. The Hong Kong Government. Knight-Jones, E. W., 1952. Reproduction of oysters in the rivers Crouch and Roach, Essex during 1947, 1948, 1949. Fishery Investigations, London, 18; 1-48. Korringa, P., 1947. Relations between the moon and periodicity in the breeding of animals. Ecological Monographs, 17; 347-381. Leung, C., B. S. Morton, K. F. Shortridge and P. S. Wong, 1975. The seasonal incidence of faecal bacteria in the tissues of the commercial oyster Crassostrea gigas Thunberg 1793 correlated with the hydrology of Deep Bay, Hong Kong. Proceedings of the Pacific Science Association Special Symposium in Marine Science, Hong Kong 1973; 114-127. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 153 World War dealing with the Campaigns. This was compiled from records and reports prepared for the editorial board by Colonel J. T. Simson, Lt. Col. C.O. Shackleton, Dr. P.S. Selwyn-Clarke and myself. PRELUDE Up to 8 December, 1941 After twenty-four hours delay outside the harbour because of fog, my wife and I disembarked in Hong Kong one fateful day, 1 April 1939, where I took up duty as surgical specialist in the British Military Hospital, Bowen Road. The Colony was by far the most beautiful station in which I had ever served and the scenery recalled to me, as to many others, parts of the west coast of Scotland. Twelve years earlier I had spent a short time there on my way to Shanghai, Tientsin, Peking and Shan hai kwan so that the scenes were not altogether strange to me. We lived a pleasant life in a hotel and flat for the next fifteen months. Because of fears that a Japanese attack was imminent my wife was evacuated in July 1940, first to the Philippines along with service and civilian wives and families and thence to Sydney with them. She took hardly to the regimentation inevitable in view of the numbers involved, and after living in Melbourne, Sydney and Brisbane she left the shelter of the official evacuation. In some fashion she contrived to make her onward journey to the west via Hong Kong and after a short interlude there she lived successively in Singapore, Colombo, up-country in Ceylon, in Calcutta, Delhi and Bombay before she reached England on 4 July 1942. At one time in India she was tempted by an offer to go to Chungking to work there with a financial expert friend of ours who was attached to the Chinese government at that time, but in the end she did not. Experiences of this kind were not uncommon among service wives and I include this short note of her travels to show what a war-time evacuation of families can mean. With her departure my own life in Hong Kong continued to be filled agreeably enough with work, including valuable experiences with the University Department of Surgery and the Professor, K.H. Digby. There were plenty of opportunities for physical exercise, and I carried out an order to prepare lists of surgical equipment I judged necessary to fit army hospitals for the inevitable coming ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 169 release. His nerve was not shaken by his experience, and it was a privilege to have him on the staff. Major Charles Boxer had studied the Japanese language in Japan and when hostilities broke out was a staff officer in China Command. Towards the end of the battle on the Island he went out to help the defence in the field and was very seriously wounded. He was taken first to the Queen Mary Hospital and thence to Bowen Road in early January 1942. The Japanese of course knew that he was in Hong Kong and sought him out after our surrender. After the immediate danger of his wound had passed his services as an interpreter were much in demand both by Shackleton and by the Japanese. The surgical problems of our wounded were being brought under better control when on 7 August 1942 Boxer gave me a message from the Japanese that on the following day Simson the A.D.M.S., Shackleton the commanding officer, a named number of officers and other ranks of the staff and 40 patients were to leave Bowen Road and that all women staff were to be transferred away from the hospital 48 hours later. At the time we considered that only twelve patients were fit to go to P.O.W. camp. All except two of the women staff were to be transferred to the Civil Internment Camp on the Stanley Peninsula. The two exceptions, as noted earlier, were released, in Hong Kong. I was promised 30 “first aiders” to replace our nurses but it was much later before 10 Canadian volunteers arrived to help us. The Japanese instruction to me was to take charge of the hospital with Major Gerald Harrison as my deputy. My own position was secure enough for I was much senior to my medical colleagues in the hospital, but Harrison was not the next in seniority in the British army. Before his departure Colonel Simson was good enough to give me a letter in which he “promoted” me to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel and to take charge of the hospital. As an interpolation this development did not forward my career in any way and it was not till 16 January 1946 that I was promoted to the substantive rank of Lieutenant Colonel. My pay in this rank began only upon this date though my seniority was slightly ante-dated. By 1946 I had nearly 28 years service, so my forebodings of 1939 and 1940 about my career were justified. This little story shows that it is always unwise to be captured in war; the effect on the career of a regular soldier can be calamitous. It also illustrates the slow rate of promotion thirty years ago. I was however grateful for Colonel Simson’s ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 170 DONALD C. BOWIE letter, for this showed that I did not owe my position to Japanese choice. They had been known not to be guided by seniority in the British army when selecting individuals with whom they chose to co-operate in running prisoner camps. The A.D.M.S. and Shackleton left with me letters expressing their admiration of the way the staff in the hospital were carrying on the work, and this was much appreciated. I had asked in writing for six nursing sisters to be left in the hospital to take charge of nursing but this, like many other requests in the future, was met by complete silence, and all were removed. The staff and the patients who could make the trip gathered in the forecourt to take leave, first of the male staff and patients and second of the women staff 48 hours later as they left in their lorries. And so by 10 August 1942 I found myself in charge of 211 patients including 25 officers, with a staff of 6 medical officers (including myself), one dental officer, a quartermaster, a Church of England chaplain, 55 other ranks R.A.M.C. and R.A.D.C. and 6 Royal Engineers plus one civilian engineer, The staff remaining included two very well known Hong Kong doctors, Majors James Anderson R.A.M.C. who thereafter carried out all necessary surgery, my contribution coming when he was unwell or when acting as his assistant, and John Durran, a Hong Kong Volunteer who was both physician and eye specialist. Gerald Harrison was the specialist physician, James Swyer the specialist radiologist, Jack Fraser the specialist ophthalmologist, Norman Fraser the dentist, F.J. Campbell the quartermaster and James Squires the padre. Mr. J.L. Muxlow was the senior warrant officer, he had been in charge of the A.D.M.S's office at China Command. Mr. W.L. Bartley had been promoted warrant officer on the spot by Shackleton during hostilities to act as executive warrant officer in order to cope with the varying and awkward, not to say dangerous situations which suddenly developed and he had played his part well. He held his post until our release, but I imagine that his local promotion did not advance his army career for the same reason as held good in my case. We had a splendid, well qualified man, G.P. Shorthouse to take charge of nursing duties, G.W. Forknall was the chief cook and J.H. Platt lived in the food stores and was responsible for all receipts and issues from them. We had an excellent dispenser, D. Harper, and most of the skills needed in a hospital were to be found among our medical and dental staff. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 171 engineers, of whom Mr. E. Sims was senior, contributed many talents from among their seven members and it was remarkable how other abilities, unsuspected beforehand, came to be displayed by other staff. We were lucky in our staff not only because of their varied skills but also because of the spirit they showed and their willingness to tackle problems in fields new to them. I considered that the removal of Simson and Shackleton was part of a Japanese plan to separate from bodies of prisoners those who had exercised command during hostilities and round whom men might rally against their captors. Most very senior officers were also removed from the P.O.W. camps. The only reason I was ever given for the changes was that the Japanese wanted to reduce our staff, which they considered to be too large. When I come to enlarge upon my diaries, which are complete after 8 August 1942, it is evident that the period of captivity up to August 1945 divides itself naturally into four parts. First, there was the period of the Infections, including wound sepsis, dysentery, and diphtheria. Then came the period of Deficiency Diseases. This was followed by a period of Slow Decline, which lasted till about March 1945. Finally came a few months of Relative Stability, which covered the period from April 1945 up to the Japanese surrender in August. Each stage merged with that which followed, but the divisions are convenient for descriptive purposes. All were characterised by undernutrition. THE PERIOD OF THE INFECTIONS During the brief period, only 18 days of active hostilities, I had been much struck by the disabling injuries caused by enemy mortars and grenades. These disintegrated into small pieces, almost slivers of metal, which were sprayed in a shower when they exploded. In the patients who got back, these splinters caused many eye and peripheral nerve and blood vessel injuries. Clouds of them also seemed to penetrate the skin and fat, though not often deeply, and lodged there or in muscle. All these tiny wounds became infected, the soldier victim was put out of action, and his treatment added much to the burdens of our medical services. Compound injuries of the bones and joints were always infected, and the difficulty of eradicating infection added greatly to our anxiety for the outcome in these patients against a background of undernourishment on unbalanced diets. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 175 at the corners of the mouth and scrotal oedema. During August 1942 only 17 cases of deficiency diseases were admitted as such, but the same signs were common among the dysentery and diphtheria admissions. We began an investigation into all the various manifestations and intensive treatment was started. These patients with deficiency diseases were to form a nearly immovable block in our patient population for a long time because improvement came about extremely slowly. An outstanding symptom was burning pain in the feet which sometimes required morphine for its relief. Many sought to ease the pain by plunging their feet into cold water and one patient had to be confined in a place where water was not available in order to avoid maceration of the skin. Some who had had deficiency diseases improved enough to return to P.O.W. camps. Others remained in hospital up to our release in 1945. These last had balancing problems, numbness of limbs and visual defects. The hospital had admitted 1225 patients during 1942 and this figure included all patients transferred to us from all the other civil and service hospitals in the Colony. Of the total, 443 were admitted during the five-month period August-December and at 31 December 341 patients remained. Pressure on our accommodation had been severe, and repeated changes in the usage of wards were needed to isolate infectious patients and provide room for all who needed our care. The Canadian P.O.W. camp at North Point closed in October and the troops moved to Kowloon. Perhaps because of the rearrangements required by this move, but almost certainly reinforced by the well-known Japanese fear of infectious disease, we were not allowed to discharge patients whom we considered would suffer by a move to a camp. The pressure on our space and feeding arrangements was therefore intense and this did not begin to ease until April 1943. By the end of 1942, however, the heaviest burden of the infections had become lighter, though the long haul to cope with the deficiencies as the main load had already begun. The year 1942 had weighed heavily on the spirits and energies of patients and staff. The departure of the women nurses cast a gloom over the hospital. The future seemed uncertain, the rations were poor, patients flooded in, deaths were frequent, but food gifts to the hospital from friends in Hong Kong and the arrival of a Red Cross parcel per head, to which I shall refer later, together with a natural resilience as the acute epidemics subsided towards the end of the year brought about some lightening of the clouds. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 178 DONALD C. BOWIE he did not explain his meaning. I concluded that the fish had probably been taken from the harbour whose waters were thoroughly polluted. Some of the fish was quite horrid and my diary recorded on 8 August 1942 that I could not touch mine. This was quite an admission for it was rare for me to boggle at any sort of food. Our cooks at first removed the fish heads before cooking but Seino pointed out to us that this was a waste. As a result we began to make what we called fish head soup; this proved to be not to everybody's taste but it did add a new if not always attractive flavour to plain boiled rice and vegetables. Additions to the Japanese supplies of Food. (a) Gifts from Friends in Hong Kong Unfortunately I have no record to show the date on which these gifts started, but by August 1942 visitors from the City of Victoria were being allowed to bring gifts of food to the hospital on Mondays and Thursdays. The food was usually contained in gunny sacks and included tins which contained food sealed in by the makers e.g., jam, or which were filled by the donors with for example peanut butter. I have never learned the whole story about these supplies and I hope that Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke, then Dr. P.S. Selwyn-Clarke, will find it possible to relate this in detail.* A little later I shall have more to say about this remarkable man who was Director of Medical Services in Hong Kong at the outbreak of war. As may be imagined the tins and containers became the vehicles for an exchange of notes between the hospital and citizens in Hong Kong. These notes contained personal and family items of news but very useful information came in from our friends to us suggesting methods of combating the deficiency diseases. Small supplies of important drugs were sent in by this route and information was given on methods of cultivating yeast, hop barm and other preparations thought to remedy vitamin deficiencies. Much ingenuity was expended in the hospital in making false bottoms and lids to tins and I can remember only one time when a communication was discovered. The culprit, a Hong Kong man, reacted by his cries and behaviour in a most satisfactory manner to the slapping he * Sir Selwyn's autobiography, Footprints, the Memoirs of Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke, was published by Sino-American Publishing Company, Hong Kong in 1975. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 180 DONALD C. BOWIE chases made using funds voluntarily subscribed by officers of the staff and officer patients. A first charge upon all receipts was to provide what we called "extras" for patients in need and only the surplus after this prime need was met was issued for general use. The true value to the hospital of the gifts received is therefore much greater than appears in the records I am able to give here, which reflect only that portion used for general issue. (b) Supplies bought with money, contributed by Officers, Staff and Patients. I recorded earlier how sometime in 1942 before the departure of our nurses the Japanese began to pay commissioned officers, both staff and patients. In these days members of the Q.A.I.M.N.S., as it was then, were not commissioned and were not paid. I also recorded how Colonel Shackleton started funds from which to finance purchases for the general good. When I succeeded him the funds were reorganised and responsibility for administering them was spread more widely. A Hospital Central Fund was set up and managed by an executive committee of two officer patients and one medical officer with myself as chairman. This received money, still on a voluntary basis, from officers in the hospital and occasionally from those in P.O.W. camps in North Point and in Argyle Street, Kowloon. Disbursements were made to four sub-funds; one to provide extra diets for patients, one to supplement general messing, one to provide necessities and comforts e.g. electric bulbs, cigarettes etc. and lastly a small C.O.'s Fund. The first three were run by sub-committees and I was left to apply the minor resources of the C.O.'s Fund to support any enterprise for the general good. As a side light on human nature it is interesting to recall that one or two British officers were reluctant for a time to support the Central Fund. They feared, from past experience no doubt, that the British army's accounting system would seek to recover from their pay at home the value of the military yen they were receiving from the Japanese. They knew that when they became prisoners, marriage and other allowances ceased and they foresaw that their wives and families might be able to draw only upon their basic pay. This view was ridiculed by the majority who held that we were faced with a situation in which immediate action was required and the reluctant ones soon abandoned their position and made their contributions valiantly. Readers in the 1970s will find it hard to believe ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 182 DONALD C. BOWIE March 1944 was the last month in which I kept records on the above lines. Earlier a system of bi-monthly intakes of Red Cross supplies, some acquired locally, was started, and these intakes added hugely to the value of the gift parcel system. The new system is described more fully in the section on Red Cross Supplies. Purchases to improve general messing using voluntary contributions of money continued unchanged. I repeat that much of the specially purchased foods and gifts of food from visitors were used to provide for extra and special diets for very sick patients. The figures I give are concerned only with general diets and fail completely to indicate the value to sick patients of these gifts and purchases. (c) Red Cross Food Supplies The value of the contributions made by the Red Cross Society to the well-being of patients and staff can hardly be overestimated. Morale had already been seriously shaken by the removal of our nurses in August 1942 and by the outbreaks of dysentery and diphtheria by the time the deficiency diseases appeared. The burning feet which reduced men to tears, the visual defects which prevented reading, the staggering gait due to defective balancing power of those who were able to get up at all, the emaciation of so many and the weight loss of all were known by all to be due to under-nutrition. There seemed no escape from a steady deterioration and this, together with shortages of fuel and other supplies produced an atmosphere in the hospital not far short of gloom. A little improvement was just beginning to show as the high incidence of the infections declined when on St. Andrew's day 1942 Red Cross food parcels were delivered in the proportion of one per head of the 392 inhabitants of the hospital. As was usual with most Japanese actions we had no warning beforehand. Each parcel contained 12 tins of assorted foods, tea, sugar, soap, and a bar of chocolate. All but 10 were, except for minor deficiencies, intact. Of the 10, eight showed more than minor deficiencies and these along with one intact parcel were issued to the nine members of the medical officers' mess who agreed to accept them. The defective parcels were shown to the Japanese interpreter without much hope, and true enough they were not made up. A month earlier a newly arrived interpreter had told me that Red Cross parcels were being delivered to Sham Shui Po P.O.W. camp but our expectations subsided as time went on and none arrived in the hospital. When our parcels did arrive ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 185 received from Japanese sources, (Appendix A) will show that fresh milk was also received from time to time and this, of course, as is noted, was used practically wholly for the ill patients. It was only occasionally that a little was allowed to others in order to keep up their morale. Feeding the Staff I do not here include the officers who were members of the staff, for these received pay and could use what was left of this after contributions had been paid and friends supported to supplement their general messing, though the extra thus obtained was very small. The problems with other staff can also be stated simply. These men's work was essential; deprived of it, the hospital could not function. Some of this work was hard if intermittent, e.g., carrying patients or stores, felling trees for timber; some was hard and regular, like the work of the laundry squad, particularly during the dysentery outbreak; some was exacting and often provoking, like that of the nursing staff. On the other hand, the lamentable conditions of acutely ill patients had to be rectified at all costs. The principle adopted was that when a member of the staff began to show signs of early deficiency, as some were doing as early as August 1942, he was admitted to hospital, when he had all the rights of patients to extra diets. In the case of staff members who had, for example, put in a heavy day felling trees or moving 100 kg sacks of rice, I made to each man a small extra issue, maybe an egg, maybe some peanut butter, and so on. This was a token rather than a major contribution to their nourishment and was never resented by patients. In the early days of the Hospital Central Fund in 1942, the executive committee, on which officer patients were represented, recognised the special position of the working staff, and small, very small cash payments were made to these monthly from the Fund. At a later date, in 1943, staff were given working pay, again in very small amounts by the Japanese, but it was not till 6 March 1945 that the needs of working staff were recognised by a formal entitlement to extra general rations. We had long known that in the P.O.W. camps, men employed on camp duties got increased rations, and we got the immediate example we required when in January 1945 a working party from Sham Shui Po was accommodated in Bowen Road while employed on preparing land in Happy Valley ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 192 DONALD C. BOWIE dical Services of the Japanese Army of Occupation. Selwyn-Clarke represented to Eguchi that it was essential to take precautions to avoid outbreaks of epidemic diseases in the chaotic conditions following our surrender and he, with his wife and daughter and a handful of his staff, were spared internment for a while in order to organise the necessary work. Certain other categories of people, for example senior bankers, were likewise not interned at the beginning though the movements of all these men were always restricted within narrow limits. Selwyn-Clarke's mind turned at once to ways in which he could help those who were in P.O.W. or Internment camps. He knew exactly what would happen and how health would suffer and he set about getting food and drugs to combat the infectious and deficiency diseases he saw to be inevitable. I do not know how these relief operations were financed nor do I know many details. He visited the camps and though not allowed to see the prisoners he did get guides as to what was needed e.g., food, fuel, meat, cooking oil and at the same time he got the names of many prisoners. He had found out that the Japanese would allow entry to parcels of food etc. addressed to individuals but would not accept bulk supplies for delivery. He then recruited a number of women helpers; some of these had husbands, relatives or friends in the camps and hospital. Before hostilities Selwyn-Clarke was at all times completely absorbed in the task he had in hand. In a community where alcohol and tobacco were cheap and widely used he did not drink and he did not smoke and I think found it difficult to interest himself in the small talk usual in the kind of society in which Hong Kong took pleasure at that time. His wife was an electrifying woman, full of energy, vastly intelligent and widely informed, with great warmth, firmly held opinions and completely devoted to the welfare of the Chinese citizens of the Colony. She unfortunately has since died, but she always played a leading part in organising the parties delivering food to the hospital. One of her main helpers was Miss Helen Ho. Miss Ho was arrested three times by the Japanese, the first being shortly after Selwyn-Clarke's own arrest. She was imprisoned once below the Supreme Court; another time she was confined in a house above Queen's Road, but being allowed to open a window for air she attracted the attention of a passing friend by flashing a reflected ray of sun in her eyes using a hand mirror. She then dropped a pre- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 194 DONALD C. BOWIE always been under close surveillance as well by the gendarmerie. After his arrest in May, 1943, he was confined in the cells below the Supreme Court in conditions of the utmost squalor and was subjected to the intensive, unending, repetitive "interrogation" about his alleged spying activities which are lamentably so well known nowadays. One of the accusations was that in some way he was in touch with the British Embassy in Lisbon to which he was supposed to have reported information about Japanese activities. The charge was a capital one and the sentence of the trial court was death. To such a condition was he reduced that he told his captors to get on with the job and carry out the sentence. This they did not do, and he suspects that the deaths in prison of the Chief Manager of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank in circumstances in which ill-treatment and starvation were suspected made even the Japanese gendarmerie reluctant to offer Selwyn-Clarke as a third victim. Sixteen months later he was tried again, also upon a capital charge but due to some dealings of oriental subtlety by some of his friends in the Colony the sentence this time was three years in prison. In December 1944 he was transferred from Stanley prison to Ma Tau Wei Internment camp near Kai Tak airport and there he says he was alright. In August 1945, when we welcomed him to our hospital in the Central British School he was still physically in poor shape and he suffered permanent disabilities. His spirit, however, if it had once been bent, had by then recovered and as soon as he could after the Japanese surrender he returned to his office in Hong Kong to reestablish medical and health control and order in the Colony. Before closing this section which has been devoted to the problems of feeding patients and staff in the hospital I am glad to refer to the Red Cross organization in Hong Kong during the war. Mr. R. Zindel, a Swiss citizen and thus a neutral, was in charge. He made formal inspections of the hospital about every six months accompanied by the Japanese Commander of P.O.W. camps. I shall refer later to these visits, but it was quite evident to me that Mr. Zindel was confined within strict limits by the Japanese during his inspections. He must, I feel sure, have met the same difficulties in his work outside the hospital, but I record here with gratitude our indebtedness to his tenacity, skill and resource in getting to us so many of the food stores which made such a very great difference to our wellbeing. I had the pleasure of meeting him also in Hong Kong during my visit in 1964. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 196 DONALD C. BOWIE names in this account I shall spell them as they sounded to me. I was old enough to be aware of the fighting qualities of their troops in the Russo-Japanese war of 1904 and Japan was acclaimed as our ally in the First War. The reputation of the people for courtesy in their own country was high. The situation changed drastically in the nineteen thirties. The conduct of their troops in Manchuria and in China, the truculence of their government and the xenophobia of their nationals in Japan itself gave the nation a sinister reputation, and those of us who had followed these developments had few illusions about what would happen to people conquered by their armies if war came. This reputation was entirely self-made. I never hated the Japanese as such though I came to distrust individual members of their army. I try here to record our dealings with those in charge in the British Military Hospital in Hong Kong. The name of our hospital changed from time to time. In April 1942 I was writing reports and requests from the British Military Hospital. By September 1942 our name had become "Dai Ichi Bun In, Kirishima Dori". By October 1943 we were "Dai Ichi Bun Ken Sho", but I don't know what our name was in Kowloon. The commander of P.O.W. camps in Hong Kong was one Colonel Tokunaga, and our hospital came under his authority. He was a thick-set man of a little over average Japanese height. His age was not easy to guess but I judged him to be well over fifty and he gave me the impression of having been recalled to active service from the reserve. He was nicknamed 'the pig' by our troops. I do not know if he could speak English but I suspect that he understood our language a little. I never had experience of conversation with him, and on his inspections and visits he seemed utterly withdrawn from any human contact with staff or patients though his orders, transmitted to me after inspections, showed that he had been observant and had noted arrangements which he considered should be changed. These referred only to such matters as the lay-out of beds, notices in wards, conditions in the hospital grounds and so on. He never gave me orders at the time of his visits; these were transmitted later. When the representative of the Red Cross came, Tokunaga always preceded him wherever they went and he obviously dictated the route to be followed. I never knew him speak to a patient. Tokunaga seemed to me to be a Japanese officer of the old school showing by his demeanour the rigidity of his training. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 197 had no means of judging his intelligence. After the war Tokunaga was sentenced to be hanged by our War Crimes Court in Hong Kong in 1946, a sentence later commuted to life imprisonment and later still to 20 years in prison. I cannot speak for any of his actions as far as the P.O.W. camps were concerned, and I emphasise this. So far as our hospital was concerned I did not and do not consider that his conduct towards us merited a death sentence. Tokunaga, of course, was not a medical man. A Japanese army doctor, Lieutenant Saito, was in immediate charge of the British Military Hospital throughout our captivity. He also had charge medically of the P.O.W. camps. He acquired an evil reputation among our troops in the camps, partly from what was reported to be his haphazard selection of patients to be sent to our hospital, a selection made from lists prepared by our own doctors when he often never saw the patients at all. In the hospital I found it impossible to establish any kind of durable understanding with him even on a professional plane. I never got to know the extent of his medical knowledge. When reports, oral or written, upon patients were made to him they seemed to be engulfed and to disappear leaving little or no trace. He must have paid some attention to some of the written reports for at times he required elucidation of a point that had been made. Between August and December 1942 Saito made few appearances in the hospital; a typical sudden incursion was at nine p.m. on 9 September. He then demanded to see all our blind patients, all who had suffered amputations and all over sixty years of age. This done he wanted to go on and see sixty-eight others whom we had previously listed as unfit for service, either permanently or for a substantial period of time. As the visit was unannounced we had not got the case sheets and X-rays ready, and he and I vied with each other in proclaiming our readiness to wait for these and go on as long as necessary. In the end we restarted at seven a.m. next day and took seventy minutes to see fifty-eight patients. I got no inkling as to his decisions. On 13 October I had my next encounter with Saito when he came to see our diphtheria patients, including one who had received a transfusion of blood taken from a recovered diphtheria patient. In reply to my question he told me that the diphtheria situation in Sham Shui Po was better, the disease being less severe and presenting as one case every two-four days. This account was totally different from that given by patients we had admitted recently from ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 198 DONALD C. BOWIE that camp. It was at this time that I first proposed that I should be allowed to visit P.O.W. camps in order to discuss the various medical problems with our doctors there and plan the best use of our hospital services for their patients. This suggestion, like so many others, provoked no apparent reaction and though I repeated it at frequent intervals I never got near a P.O.W. camp until I was moving to our new hospital in Kowloon in 1945. Major Harrison was allowed to make one visit to North Point Camp to consult with Canadian medical officers about some problems in which specialist advice was wanted. This was his only visit to a camp and none of our other doctors were ever allowed to visit either. I had another passage with Saito following an air raid on Hong Kong in October of which I shall write later, but in these critical months in 1942 my approaches to him had to be made in writing or through his N.C.O., Sergeant Seino or the interpreter and any messages from him came back by the same route. On 23 November Saito saw all officer patients and though he did not make a physical examination he marked five for discharge. We considered that two of these would improve by a further stay in hospital, though it was not vital for them to do so. The order for discharge however stood. On 21 December we had our second Red Cross inspection, the first during the period I was in charge but Saito did not appear in the suite. A day or two later however he demanded a report on our sufferers from pellagra asking for detailed information about skin, gastro-intestinal and nervous symptoms and the details of treatment and on 16 January 1943 he came to see the patients. We demonstrated these including the eye cases. As our experience in these fields was small we asked his advice and he suggested giving 100 mgm nicotinic acid by intramuscular injection daily for 10 days. As was his usual custom he would not wait to make a detailed inspection and cut his visit short. We delayed him on the stairs long enough for him to use the English words "B. complex" when speaking on the causal deficiency. With this exception he had spoken Japanese throughout and whether he had got the information in discussion elsewhere, it agreed with our view that the symptoms were not to be explained by a pure vitamin B1 deficiency. In reply to my question he said that nicotinic acid and suitable diet were the important elements of treatment. He said also that yeast, easy to get before the war, was now hard to obtain. He promised to consult a colleague about ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 199 the eyes. He and I agreed that neither of us had ever seen a case of pellagra before. On 22 January 1943, Saito came in again and was handed a copy of our pellagra report which he should have had already from Takeyama, our interpreter, the night before. He now said that in Sham Shui Po patients were being given 10 mgm nicotinic acid by injection daily, a figure which contrasted with his advice given less than a week earlier. This did nothing to increase my confidence in him as a physician. A day later Saito came in again. We had heard that 1200 men had left P.O.W. camps by ship having been equipped with some warm clothing, a Red Cross parcel and 10 yen each and that they were accompanied by two British and one Canadian doctor. I tried but failed to extract any more information on this subject. Saito told me that Sham Shui Po then held 2000 men of whom 1000 were sick and twice he emphasised that he did not want our hospital to be used as a hotel by men who were fit for camp. I found this rather irksome coming so soon after the tragedies of the closing months of 1942. I acknowledged that we did have some patients who were apparently in good condition physically but who showed serious visual defects which were evident if any examination of them were to be carried out. I complained that the only information we received about an incoming draft of patients was the approximate number and the time they were expected to arrive and even this was not always reliable while the notice was always short. Because our space was limited the only way we could accommodate new patients was to discharge about the same number of our existing ones. It thus came about that I was asking medical officers for the names of patients best fitted to return to camp and whose progress was unlikely to be jeopardised by discharge, rather than those in whose fitness we had confidence. I said that I could not overrule a doctor's decision on the medical condition of a patient only to be told that the same applied in the Japanese army. I was a little surprised at this. My protest had no effect and on our side we continued making room for new patients by discharging the fittest among the old patients. In 1943 this policy was the only one possible. Eighteen months later we did have patients admitted from camp, chosen by Saito, who seemed to us to be in better shape than some that we had to discharge. A Colonel Watanabe of the Japanese medical service visited us ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 200 DONALD C. BOWIE unexpectedly on 26 January and saw three of our wards. I told him that by now every patient coming from Sham Shui Po had symptoms of some form of deficiency disease. I did not discover his standing as a physician but having seen three patients in one ward and two in another he left without making any comment. Still in 1943, on 29 January we were required to make a return of patients to the Japanese and this showed that we had 213 cases of deficiency diseases in hospital out of a total of 331 patients and the total included 62 war injuries. It is clear that about this time the Japanese were interested in the incidence of deficiency diseases among prisoners, and on 6 February Saito required a report on all such cases admitted from Sham Shui Po since the end of February 1942, that is during the preceding year. We were given certain headings under which to make the report and two of these referred to the effect of Apellagrin and of the diet we provided. We had later to enlarge this to give many more details about the cases of visual defects. On 29 March Professor Uehara, said to come from the Imperial University, Tokyo, together with a colonel of the Japanese Army Medical Service, Saito and other medical officers visited the hospital without warning to see some patients suffering from pellagra. The professor seemed specially interested in the skin manifestations and I believe he attributed the visual defects to beri-beri though we had no discussion with him on clinical or therapeutic measures. It is impossible for me to say what effect all these visits and reports had on our wellbeing. Certainly the Japanese rations continued as before, though no improvements were made. On the other hand it is just possible that the Red Cross bulk supplies to which I have referred earlier and which began about this time may have been a response to our predicament. This is a pure guess on my part. Our Japanese were very keen on getting reports from us. For example on 27 January 1943 Takeyama, interpreter at the time, transmitted a demand for lists of hospital equipment held by patients e.g. boots, shoes, shirts, blankets, beds, mattresses etc. In March we were again required to bring up to date lists of our patients who were over the age of 60, blind or had suffered amputations. On 28 May Saito having previously warned us, we were inspected by Lieutenant General Hamada Chief of the P.O.W. department, Tokyo. We had to display flowers, put white cloths on the tables ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 201 in the recreation room and put disinfectant in a bowl outside the Japanese office. The general spoke to nobody. Two months earlier, in March I had been ousted from my office in the front of the building and this pleasant room henceforward became the headquarters office of the Japanese within the hospital. I was surprised that they had not seized this earlier. On 23 August 1943 the President of the Japanese Red Cross Society, Prince Shimatsu, inspected the hospital. At all times the appearance of the hospital was good, but at this as at all inspections the Japanese laid great stress on having the recreation room looking specially well. In addition to white cloths on the tables and vases of flowers all the musical instruments and equipment for indoor games had to be laid out on display. As usual the inspecting officer had no parley with patients or staff. I have records of only three occasions on which British doctors from P.O.W. camps were allowed to visit Bowen Road. Major Ashton Rose, Indian Medical Service, was the doctor accepted by the Japanese as being in administrative medical charge in Sham Shui Po camp. I believe he had considerable influence with them, in so far as any prisoner could have influence. On 5 March 1943 he visited the hospital bringing with him some patients for admission and came again on 23 March with an officer patient for specialist eye examination. On the second occasion he stayed to lunch, a phrase which of course indicates a higher degree of sophistication than in fact we deserved. It was however something for us to be able to entertain a guest at all. We learned from Ashton Rose that the general state of prisoners in Sham Shui Po was improving and that the men were fitter. On 13 May Captain Woodward, an Australian serving with the I.M.S., came over from Kowloon to have medical advice about himself and on this occasion Saito came too. It seems curious now to look back upon such things, but up to March 1943 the bomb and shell damage to the hospital inflicted fifteen months earlier had gone substantially unrepaired. The top floors were badly damaged and as I reported earlier the kitchen in the middle section connecting the two blocks of wards was completely destroyed. Rain poured in at these places as well as at other damaged areas and the recreation room below the kitchen was unusable in wet weather. The fact that we did not carry out repairs earlier probably resulted from our preoccupation at that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 204 DONALD C. BOWIE than he need. The improvement in his attitude to us in 1945 as the war drew to a close was significant. I never felt safe with him. His management of drafts of patients coming to our hospital from P.O.W. camps showed gross negligence particularly in the early year or so and I found it scandalous that he allowed a patient with acute and easily remediable intestinal obstruction to reach death's door in 1942 before allowing him to be sent to the hospital. How far blame should be laid on Saito and how far his commander, Tokunaga, should bear responsibility I do not know. I was then, and still remain, glad that we did not have to have Saito as our master if we had been losing the war, I thought Sergeant Seino was the most intelligent of all the Japanese army administrators with whom we came in contact. It was he who was most closely concerned with our routine affairs. He retained his dignity and upheld his position, but he was a man who could be talked to though not easily swayed. He never let his army down, and he never slapped me though he did, I know administer a token slapping to one of our officer patients whom he had caught communicating on a family matter with the outside world through the medium of our parcels. I do not know what happened to him after the Japanese surrender, but so far as we were concerned he did his duty fairly and earned a degree of my respect. Japanese officers and N.C.O's nearly always wore swords and always on duty wore what used to be called field boots in the British army in the First War and between the wars when they were worn by cavalry and gunner officers and by field officers in other regiments and corps. The Japanese used to skiff (or "skliff" is likely an OCR error for "scuff" or "skiff") their feet along the ground thus making an important noise as they walked, well suited to the dignity of their wearers. At first in 1942 the guards were drawn from Japanese units but later were Formosans (Taiwanese). The latter were of no great quality and were poorly clad and equipped, and some of their N.C.O's were pettily officious and often over ready to take offence. They wore ankle boots with canvas uppers and rubber soles and there was a separate compartment in the canvas for the big toe. It was often startling to meet them on a verandah in a blackout as they moved silently along with fixed bayonet and rifle at the trail. These guards interpreted their own orders in such matters as the amount of lighting allowed during blackouts and the time of our ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 208 DONALD C. BOWIE If I had known I would not have named him to the Japanese. They carried out their own searches and interrogations, accompanied by tying up to water pipes or other suitable tethering posts those they wanted to interview. All were well slapped but the thief was never discovered. Two of our orderlies and one R.A.M.C. man were removed to P.O.W. camp though. On another note, soon after I took charge an electric bulb was stolen from the perimeter lighting system, no doubt by one of our people who needed one. The elementary error was made of not replacing the filched good bulb with a worn-out one. This was a useful lesson to me personally from which I profited, but on the occasion of which I am writing I was summoned and formally told that while a bulb was a small matter stealing it was an insult to the Imperial Army and I was warned that if I wanted trouble I could be sure of getting it by allowing such offences. The best story about trading, a true one, concerned a patient who was negotiating a deal with a sentry. Much experience had shown that some sentries were less governed by strong principles of honesty in business dealings than others, and often enough no confidence whatsoever was shown between the parties concerned. On this occasion the sentry wanted to take the article away for valuing before making an offer, but our patient was not prepared to allow this. Eventually a compromise was reached and the sentry left his loaded rifle with the patient as a surety while he took the article away for valuation. The patient kept the rifle in his bed and in due course the sentry returned and a bargain was struck. In the earlier days a number of sentries came to our nursing orderlies suffering from venereal disease being for some reason reluctant to report sick with such a complaint to their own people. They knew the value of the sulpha drugs and they knew that we possessed some of these. At first I was tempted to allow our men to treat them in the hope that we might thereby enjoy some advantages, in the form at least of their forbearance to be unduly zealous in their dealings with us. I soon came to see that we were likely to gain nothing from this practice and set my face firmly against it. Our small stocks of sulpha drugs were so extremely valuable to us that I myself controlled their issue to wards, a special case having to be made to me on each occasion by the doctor in charge. I would not however assert that some of our men did not supply ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 209 advice or even treatment of a sort, no doubt for certain small advantages, though I have no proof at all that this was so. SUPPLIES OF DRUGS AND DRESSINGS At the time of our surrender, our hospital was well stocked with drugs and dressings. Except for very small quantities in categories which we could well afford to spare, the Japanese did not confiscate or ask for any of our stocks. In the parcels we received from our friends in Hong Kong from time to time were included small amounts of special drugs and preparations which were extremely valuable to us in treating patients. My record of the supply by the Japanese of anti-diphtheritic serum given in a previous section is accurate. At various times during the three full years of my charge, small quantities of drugs and dressings were supplied by the Japanese. Unfortunately, I have no records now on this subject, but my memory is clear that deliveries were irregular, quantities were so small as almost to be negligible, and such drugs as arrived were non-specific in their actions. Earlier, I recorded in this account the measures taken to make sure that drugs with specific action, for example, the sulpha drugs, were issued only in cases where they could be expected to turn the scales in favour of a sick patient. Through such careful conservation, aided by luck, we reached the date of our release with small stocks of essential specific drugs in hand and diminishing quantities of dressings still available, though I would not have wanted to have had to hold out much longer. I must not be understood to be saying here that we had all that we needed in the way of drugs and dressings. This was far from being the case. We were expressly forbidden to send drugs to the P.O.W. camps, and the only possible reason that I can think of for this must have been Japanese unwillingness to admit that the camps required anything more than they themselves thought fit to provide. The prohibition fitted in with their persistent refusal to allow me, or the other doctors in Bowen Road, to consult with the doctors in the P.O.W. camps regarding the allocation of our resources and methods of collaboration between hospital and camps in the medical management and treatment of the diseases which beset us. We did get some drugs into camps carried by volunteer patients whom we were discharging from hospital, but the amounts were never large and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 212 DONALD C. BOWIE which swept through the hospital from time to time. If any instrument did survive it was not taken to Kowloon when the hospital moved there in March 1945. Placed in a similar position in a hospital today I would never run such a risk again. The foregoing account shows a remarkable naivete on my part. The guilelessness of some of our men was quite as remarkable. I recall examining the diary of a soldier who died in Bowen Road before handing his belongings over to someone authorised to receive them. The diary had many references to world events which had clearly been obtained by wireless. I thought it wise to destroy these references at once, for if discovered they would have led directly back to an illicit receiver as the source which I judged to have been sited in a P.O.W. camp. The Japanese allowed us to receive and read copies of an English language paper called the Hongkong News, which was published in the Colony. My notes show that we began to receive three or four copies of this paper daily from October 1942. I circulated these copies to each ward in the hospital and to all staff, but I am sorry I did not preserve any in my own records. The news in the paper was, I recall, quite accurate in describing places where events of importance in the war were taking place. I cannot say whether all events were recorded in this fashion. The treatment of the stories in the paper was, of course, wholly from the Japanese angle, and the result was to create in us prisoners a mounting sense of the victories they were achieving. We could and did discount many of the stories, and we had in the hospital a number of school-type atlases which were never taken away from us, and from the place names we could at least trace where events were taking place in the war as they happened. At first, this local paper was issued to us free, and from time to time supplies were stopped when it was not difficult to deduce that the issues that had been withheld contained news unfavourable to the Japanese. AUGUST DECEMBER 1942 These five months were for the hospital the worst period of our imprisonment. On 1 August 1942 there were 245 patients attended by twelve officers on the staff, not all of whom were medical, sixty-five other ranks including six Royal Engineers plus one civil engineer, seventeen nursing sisters Q.A.I.N.M.S. and Canadian ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 213 service, thirty-two women members of the Nursing Detachment of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps and two women nursing auxiliaries. By December 31 we had 341 patients, slightly over half of whom were Canadians, attended by six medical officers including myself, one dental officer, one Church of England chaplain, one quartermaster R.A.M.C., 81 other ranks including seven engineers and nine Canadian combatant soldiers who served as orderlies. In these five months we admitted 546 patients of whom 42 died, 31 of these were Canadians. Up to about 19 December 1941 we had buried our dead in Happy Valley, but when this site became unapproachable we used large bomb and shell craters close to Bowen Road immediately below the hospital to form common graves. When this site was full we prepared another cemetery by the main gate of the hospital. In August 1942 we had to prepare a new cemetery within our wired perimeter on the bank to the north of the hospital and between the hospital and Bowen Road. We had, of course, no coffins and at first we used sheets as shrouds. The mounting number of deaths compelled us to substitute well-worn blankets as shrouds and this practice continued up to the end of 1942. Our funerals were dignified affairs and I attended in every case. We usually had a few patients and staff as well and at first, remarkably enough, the Japanese were always represented by Sergeant Seino or others and they came bearing wreaths and sheaves of beautiful flowers. They did not keep up this practice very long and I think they had ceased to attend well before we had buried the last of our 42 men before the end of the year. Funeral parties were always guarded. In August 1942 we began to give thiamine by injection regularly to staff while all in hospital received yeast drinks. Each member of the staff received two yen from the Central Hospital Fund and I was given a copy of the Japanese "Rules for P.O.W. Camps", and I was told that though these were not wholly applicable to a hospital, we were required to conform to the rules in a general sense. I have no idea now what these rules were, but I do know that they did not introduce any new feature into our daily life. About this time all in the hospital were required to complete a form showing their previous experience especially as car drivers, members of the medical profession, those experienced in manufacturing processes and mining, communications experts, agriculture etc. One splendid question was "In what occupation you want to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 216 DONALD C. BOWIE hospital. As a result our wards were crowded to a greater extent than ever before. Earlier all in hospital were required to sign a statement undertaking not to escape. Few of us, patients or staff, felt any compunction about signing such a document under duress and only two officer patients refused their signatures. Early in November, Colonel Tokunaga, no less, came himself and saw both officers. One thereupon signed while the other was removed and kept overnight in a small cupboard-like room in a building in Kowloon. I understood that he was not ill-treated, and it was explained to him that our British General Officer Commanding had ordered officers to sign. He then signed and was returned as a patient to our hospital. Most of our patients had lost all their kit and many did not possess even a drinking mug at this time. They were using tins which had contained tinned food, but the rims of these tins were jagged and caused much pain especially to patients whose lips and tongue were raw from deficiency diseases. Our engineers set to work and fitted empty tins with handles and smoothed out the rims and acceptable drinking mugs were soon issued to all patients. The engineers also turned out badly needed fly-swatters in large numbers. In November we received 198 books from the Red Cross for our library, and in December another 400 library books arrived. Also in December a number of musical instruments, indoor games, packs of cards etc. were received through the Red Cross from the Pope. In November we had a stock of 270 gramophone records and these were listed and we were even able to provide requested programmes of music. From time to time we received a number of copies of the Japan-produced English language Japan Times in one of which an indignant account was given of the torpedoing by an American submarine of the "Lisbon Maru" which was carrying British prisoners to Japan. In this disaster when the torpedo struck, many of our men were battened down in the holds and prevented from trying to save themselves. Some were fired upon while swimming. The Japanese indignation should properly have been directed against the guards. Normally we had two check parades daily, one about eight a.m. and the other about five p.m. and about once a month on average ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 218 DONALD C. BOWIE attacks on defences which were hardly dented. The areas in which fighting was taking place were still thousands of miles away from us and the newspaper constantly asked the subtle question as to whether the American losses were worth incurring. In the hospital 1943 was a drab year for us; the number of patients dropped from 341 on 1 January to 234 on 31 December. Drafts of patients for admission from P.O.W. camps came on ten out of the twelve months and on each occasion patients were discharged. The condition of incoming patients showed a distinct improvement as the year went on though many patients and staff had an additional affliction to endure, that of intestinal worms. Suspicion fell upon a number of food items including vegetables and Chinese brown sugar as the vehicle of infection, but we never established that any one substance was the culprit. On three separate occasions I was handed sums of military yen by the Japanese in cash, the donors being the Red Cross Societies. One such gift came from the Canadian Society and was marked for Canadian troops only and was so distributed. Apart from this all other gifts had no limitations placed upon them. On each occasion the available cash was divided and paid equally to all except commissioned officers. Each man thus received 40 yen over the year while Canadians had an extra 30 yen, and in all cases I gained a few yen for my Commanding Officer's Fund from small surpluses. The Central Hospital Fund also benefited from money contributed by officer prisoners in camp in Kowloon which was transmitted to us by the Japanese. The signatures of some patients on the receipt sheets were indecipherable scrawls, because they were quite unable to coordinate their movements. Thirty patients died during the year, and by the end of October 104 of our men were buried in cemeteries in and around the hospital. In April we were given a tin of black paint by the Japanese at our request to allow us to paint the names of the dead on the very well made wooden crosses constructed by us to mark their graves. In December a Japanese interpreter appeared saying that it was his job to see to it that graves were properly prepared and marked and that plans of these existed. I was very proud of the work that our men put in, and the graves of those who had died were properly prepared, identified and maintained. Usually each grave held only one body; occasionally two shared a grave, and on one occasion three men were buried together when they had died ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 222 DONALD C. BOWIE Four times during the year the Japanese gave us supplies of soles, heels, nails, hobs etc. for repairing boots and three times we got issues of khaki and white cloth, thread etc. for mending clothes. As an example of quantities, on 19 June we received 15 yards khaki cloth, 11 yards white cloth, 5 packets sewing needles, 2 sewing machine needles, 3 reels white cotton, 3 large reels white thread and 13 large reels of khaki thread, one of these being extra large, 50 sets half-soles, 476 pieces heels, 9 lb hob-nails, 74 lb protectors and 5 lb nails. Religious services were held in the recreation room twice each Sunday and were conducted by Mr. Squires. The form of service was such that men who belonged to churches other than the Church of England could attend and the turn-out to morning service was usually good, resembling in a way a village congregation at home. Mr. Squires was hard put to it to produce wine for communion but kept up his supply by a variety of bought or ingeniously concocted liquors. In March we managed a Roman Catholic service conducted by Father Deloughry, a Canadian who was a patient at the time, but this represented nearly our only success for members of this church. Ever since hostilities we had had a number of patients who had been blinded or had suffered amputations while others who were over the age of 60 were likewise unfit for further service. In the latter cases I recall that if being over 60 barred a man from fighting, then one of the bravest and most stubborn resistances of our little war, carried out by senior members of the Hong Kong Volunteers would never have happened. So in April 1943 twenty-eight of our patients in the classes named were discharged to P.O.W. camps and I think that all left us quite ready for a change to new surroundings. Towards the end of the year we were examining how we could discharge to P.O.W. camps, without risk to themselves, those patients whose eyesight had been seriously affected by deficiency diseases. We decided that if these patients were in satisfactory physical state otherwise, and if we could ensure that they would get 8 mgm thiamine by injections every second day in camp, we could retain specialist control if we could get them returned to us at regular intervals for assessment of their progress. We were encouraged to believe that this was a realisable objective because three officers from Kowloon had been sent over earlier in the year for ophthalmic examination and one of these was admitted at ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 225 their heads. Though bits of protein may thus have been made available many found it hard to look their fish in the face. We had two Red Cross inspections by Mr. Zindel in June and December. On both occasions staff and patients paraded and he made quite extensive rounds though no communication between him and us was allowed. In July though, he sent us a number of indoor games including chess sets, a table tennis outfit, two dart board sets, 18 packs of cards, four badminton rackets and two boxes of shuttles. These again had to be given prominent places in the recreation room where they could be seen. About half way through the year we began to have to pay for our four copies of the Hongkong News which we received usually each day, 15 sen each at first. In June I was faced with a demand from Seino for reports on our compradore shop, on the state of health of our staff, on the boots and clothing of all in hospital, on patients classified by diseases, on our complaints and on our methods of dealing with mosquitoes, lice, bugs and flies. About the end of July staff, but not patients, were allowed to bathe in the reservoir provided they wore fandoshis while I required bathers to have a shower first. The supply of mains water was intermittent and low stocks of the drug forced us to reduce the daily dose of thiamine in August to 4 mgm by injection. All concerts, church services etc, had to be finished by 8 p.m. and applause, cheers for entertainers, community singing etc. were forbidden, again I think partly because of the nearness of the Japanese army's watchful critics, the Japanese navy, and partly because our own guards might take exception to noises of this kind. We had a good piano in our recreation room and a less tuneful instrument in what had been the Chinese boys' quarters. By September all concerts and piano playing in the recreation room except during church services were stopped. I failed again to get an extra rice ration for our staff and stocks of rice would not allow us to issue extra to them without reducing the amount available for patients; for my pains we were called upon to make returns to the Japanese showing all our food stocks. Members of the staff had been allowed to store certain locked boxes containing personal possessions in our boiler house and on 3 September a sudden search of these was made by the Japanese, all locks being smashed to get the boxes open. Seven officers and two other ranks were involved as owners, and a pair of binoculars ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 228 DONALD C. BOWIE of electricity and water supplies and firewood, increasingly frequent air attacks and I suppose the general problems faced by the Japanese in retaining a small unit isolated from other P.O.W. camps which they had to supply and guard. The fifteen months which remained to us in occupation of Bowen Road proved to be a long drawn-out test of our endurance. We knew from the local newspaper about the Normandy landing by the allies and thereafter we traced on our school atlases subsequent progress in Europe. We gauged progress on the Russian front from the place names, while the names that appeared in the accounts of the Pacific war betrayed the progress being made there against the Japanese even though they always emphasised the staggering losses claimed to have been inflicted on their enemy in all their encounters. Progress was more rapid than I for one had thought possible, but our own existence in Bowen Road became increasingly circumscribed as the boundary wire was brought even closer to the main hospital building. In January 1944 our staff were removed from their barrack block to occupy the fair-sized Ward 3 on the top floor of the hospital. Gates in the wire allowed our men to get to their own gardens for a few hours by day; by November the wire was brought even closer so that all buildings were excluded from us except for the cookhouse and the mortuary, During January 1944 we had to cut the rice ration from 383 to 354 in order to conserve stocks, and by now rice was being weighed out at the steward's store into the utensils of each ward and mess. All staff under commissioned rank began to receive Japanese pay, 25 sen for a warrant officer, 15 for a sergeant or corporals and 10 for a lance corporal or private, so it had taken three years before our captors allowed this trivial right. Pay for commissioned officers arrived pretty regularly and in June all received their Japanese banking accounts to check. All contributed fixed proportions of their pay to the Central Hospital Fund from which small monthly payments of five or six yen were made to staff and N.C.O.'s in charge of wards. Disbursements continued to be made from the fund to provide extras for patients in need, supplements to improve the general diet and cigarettes or cash instead to all except commissioned officers. Small purchases of various stores needed in the hospital were also made. In April 1944 the contributions to our fund which had been coming from our officers in P.O.W. camp in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 243 Red Cross X-ray films but by then we had no developer. We were very glad to receive from the Japanese some bars of coarse washing soap which we badly needed. We were also given 200 envelopes of tooth powder, some material for sewing and for boot repairs and some drugs including T.A.B. for inoculations. In January 1945 we had to render yet another list of patients suffering from serious visual defects, arranged by nationalities, and this list recorded a total of 65. No mail had come in for some time but some did arrive on 18 and 19 January, my latest letter from home being dated August 1944. Christmas and New Year messages were delivered to us from Red Cross Societies in many of the allied countries. The month however was dominated by American air attacks on Hong Kong. By 8 January we had had 17 air alerts without a raid and on 15 January we had a two-hour raid. On 16 January occurred the most spectacular and effective of all our raids. It began about 8 a.m., went on till noon, was resumed during the afternoon and continued until dark. The all-clear was sounded at 9:30 p.m. During raids, all movement in the hospital was prohibited but we had to go out of doors to reach our kitchen and as the morning went on, I went out myself, as of course there was no interpreter about and by signs got the agreement of the guard to draw breakfast, which we eventually got about 11 a.m. It was 2 p.m. before we got dinner and not till after 6 o'clock was it possible to draw tea. All bearers of food had to hasten to get under cover with the greatest possible despatch. In the hospital, Japanese standing orders were to keep all shutters closed during raids or run the risk of being shot at. My little bunk in a converted lavatory overlooked the harbour and it was not difficult to open a shutter far enough to get glimpses of what was going on. Three large Japanese cargo ships were anchored in the harbour and the American air attack was pressed by dive-bombing through very heavy fire in the most courageous fashion. At times the whole atmosphere seemed full of the sound of sustained gunfire and bomb explosions and the amount of ammunition used in the defence must have made a serious inroad on Japanese stocks. I did not see any aircraft brought down though there must have been casualties, but at the end of the day three cargo ships were badly listing and clearly unseaworthy for a long time to come. Fires were left burning in oil storage tanks on Stonecutters Island and elsewhere, and this day was to us a most impressive... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 246 DONALD C. BOWIE All of Mr. Campbell's records of receipts of Japanese rations were removed by Saito on 17 February in order, he said, that they could be examined by Japanese checkers. We never got them back. On 19 March 24 lorry loads of beds (100) and mattresses and medical equipment left the hospital. On 21 March 109 patients with four doctors and 5 nursing orderlies were transferred to huts in Sham Shui Po leaving four officers and 56 staff with 15 so-called strong patients. I left with these on 23 March for Sham Shui Po. This was the only time I had been in a P.O.W. camp and by then the prisoners, like ourselves in the hospital, had become adjusted to the conditions. The hospital equipment had gone to the Central British School in Kowloon. We had stripped Bowen Road of every single article and structure we thought might be useful to us on our new site. In this, the Japanese seemed to encourage us. THE REASONS FOR THE RETENTION OF THE HOSPITAL IN 1942 AND ITS REMOVAL IN 1945 In the conditions following our surrender, it is not hard to understand the Japanese decision to leave a British Military hospital, which they found as a going concern, to care for Allied sick and wounded. Such a decision enabled them to conform with the provisions of the Geneva Convention, a political decision, while at the same time using an immediately practical alternative to involving their own medical services. Our hospital must have been a showpiece to their own inspecting officers and to the Red Cross representatives, both International and Japanese, and illustrated how they were conforming with the provisions of the Convention. They clearly succeeded in creating a good impression, as shown by the spontaneous remark to me of Mr. Engelbacher (I am not certain of the name) of the International Red Cross at the inspection on 21 December 1942 by Mr. Zindel and himself. He declared that we were better off than patients in a Japanese military hospital. This might have been true, but at that time, I was oppressed by the deaths of the last few months and the condition of large numbers of our patients, and I received the information with some coldness. The arrangement under which we continued to occupy our own hospital must have provided quite serious administrative inconveniences for the Japanese. So far as I know, we provided the only concentration of British P.O.W. on the Island, though the Stanley Internment Camp, some miles away, held civilian internees and was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 249 how these were employed. We had four gardens. The quarter-master and the padre slept in the former's office, three doctors slept in the small room we used as the staff officers' mess, while I was again fortunate and had a tiny room, enough to take my bed directly behind the main hospital office, an arrangement which was very convenient for all concerned. We re-started our meteorological observations on 14 April in lovely weather and I see that we had a small putting course and a croquet lawn in action both laid out over pretty rough country. The generator was successfully repaired and we tried to get cement to make a secure base for the engine. We were employing ten workers temporarily on various jobs while another ten were regarded as on permanent duty so long as they remained suitable. It was encouraging to receive two patients suffering from malaria and peptic ulcer respectively from Sham Shui Po since it looked as though we were going to be used as the local hospital for the camps. By 24 April the kitchen even began to accept private dishes for cooking from patients and staff. This sounds very grand, but in fact the dishes consisted of saved-up rice flavoured in various ways according to the resources of the owners. We now had a total of 176 people in the hospital and there were many spontaneous expressions of pleasure at our vastly improved conditions. The general spirit in the hospital was excellent, though we still had one patient on the dangerously ill list. The building was suitable for our use, our numbers were reduced, we were eating better and though we had some pretty ill patients they were being cared for in airy wards into which poured plenty of sunshine. I think this in itself, contrasting so markedly with the dull and rather gloomy wards with their sad associations in Bowen Road had a stimulating effect upon us. The stairs leading from our part of the hospital to the Japanese quarters were blocked by wooden frames made by our carpenters on Japanese orders. The Hongkong News arriving very irregularly and we had to replace the white beds in the ward for the blind because they took up too much space. By 26 April we had one garden ready for planting and we had decided that bully chow fan was a waste of good corned beef and that this was better made into rissoles. We washed out and thoroughly oiled all our drains but we could not obtain putty to repair broken glass in our metal frame windows. We were allowed to use the church piano up to 7 p.m. daily but the Assembly Hall remain- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 252 DONALD C. BOWIE May 1942. Each page bore many signatures and Saito now wanted a similar undertaking to be given but with only one signature on each page. The original undertaking as presented to us in Bowen Road read "I hereby swear that I shall not make any attempt to escape whilst I am a prisoner of the Imperial Japanese Army. Dated this day 17th year of Showa”. In 1942 we had had much debate with the Japanese over the text of this declaration and eventually the staff signed the following version, “I hereby swear that I shall not make any attempt to escape, and understand that I am on parole and may not leave the hospital precincts without permission from the Commandant". In 1945 Saito insisted upon the first version given above. I had a long argument with him saying that we had signed the alternative version in 1942 since we did not regard ourselves as prisoners, to which Saito retorted that in fact we had been and were being treated differently from other prisoners. All members of the staff signed the new undertaking, but the old date of 26 May 1942 was used in the 1945 form. On 31 May the guard sergeant told me at 4 p.m. that a working party of 40 men was coming from Sham Shui Po and were to be accommodated in the church. We put up beds with mattresses and two pillows each, the beds being so closely placed as to touch each other and shortly afterwards 40 Canadians arrived with a sergeant in charge. Next day the working party went off early to Kowloon Hospital to heap earth round air-raid shelters, but they were not pressed too hard there. On 1 June the parcels that came from our visitors included 250 eggs which we set aside for patients only. From the working party the hospital got a rumour that Sham Shui Po was sending a concert party the next day, a Saturday, and sure enough on 2 June a band and concert party numbering 41 came from camp by lorry and by march route. My diary records that we had music, both classical and Japanese, as well as dance music and variety acts. Tokunaga was present and the concert was good, but I was not allowed to do any more than provide the performers with sweet tea. On June 2 and subsequently we had no newspapers and Saito told me that none were being received in the camps either. Though our church was being used as a barrack room, services continued to be held and at this time we were again having to use ingenuity to avoid having to serve boiled rice only at meals. For example, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 259 arrived accompanied by interpreters and the Japanese sent in 3000 packets of cigarettes, 12 bottles of saki, 36 tins of coffee, 40 kilos of salt, 180 kilos of sugar, 240 tins of milk, 48 kilos of butter and a sack of coffee beans. We were now doing very well because Major Crewe a R.A.S.C. officer came from Sham Shui Po to learn what supplies we needed and brought with him 26 pints of fresh milk which we gratefully received. Mr. C.E. D'Almeida brought us a gramophone and records and other gifts from 10 Ice House Street, and promised us supplies of drugs free which he was going to send over. A refrigerator and five bread tins came from the Red Cross in Hong Kong and I was told that stores were arriving the next day from Sham Shui Po for us to split between internees, Indian prisoners and ourselves. The internees numbered about 300, including sick and about 30 children. I was able to meet a request from Sham Shui Po for various regulations including Kings Regulations and Financial Instructions. On 22 August we arranged with Colonel Field for all our Q.A. sisters to return, and Saito and Sekiguchi came to ask what they could do. The Governor of Hong Kong had been removed from the Colony by the Japanese and Mr. Gimson who had been Colonial Secretary at the time of our capitulation came with Mr. Nakimura from the Japanese Foreign Affairs Department. Major Lamb R.A.S.C. had been appointed to take charge of supplies and his policy was for us to rely upon Japanese rations supplemented by Red Cross stores and to indent on Sham Shui Po for our additional needs. A radio, with some mugs and gifts of milk were gratefully received by us from Mr. C.E. D'Almeida and gifts also came from Messrs. Ruttonjee of 11 Duddell Street. Eight of our civilians left for Stanley with Mr. Gimson and were delighted to go. The radio was working well indeed and on 23 August I asked Dr. Selwyn-Clarke to get us some vegetables, fruit, invalid jellies and flour. I telephoned Nomura about our records and on 24 August I wrote to Colonel Tokunaga formally requiring the return of our hospital records. Mr. Campbell and I presented this letter to him personally at Japanese headquarters in the presence of Nomura. I said that we held Tokunaga personally responsible and he accepted the letter. A batch of 19 visitors arrived from Stanley including two children, and we had to put them up overnight because of stormy weather in the harbour. British headquarters now required us to set out prominently a sign, "P.W." each letter to be 20 feet by 20 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 262 DONALD C. BOWIE A R.A.F. sergeant got married on 28 August and Miss M. da Roza, a local lady offered her services as a masseuse for our patients. At this time I had to deal with complaints arising from long standing antagonisms in P.O.W. camps now openly displayed after long repression. I am glad to say that this phase subsided eventually without overt official action becoming necessary. We also prepared a system of recording the medical condition of Hong Kong Volunteers before they were freed to their homes in the Colony. Doctor Newton, the deputy Chief Medical Officer in the civil medical service, took charge of the Internee Camp nearby and we were allotted a motor car which we shared with the Indian camp. It was on 28 August that Saito came in with Hasegawa after 9 p.m. and told me formally that all our medical records had been burned about 15 August along with their own records which the Japanese were burning at that time. As I have reported earlier I got his written acknowledgement that these records had been destroyed and also that none of the plain clothes removed by him from us remained. My diary records that I spoke sternly on this matter, which must have given me some pleasure at the time. By now a party was going each day from the hospital to visit relatives and friends in Stanley. The journey was made by ferry and took about two hours. On 29 August some planes came over just after 7 a.m. and some food and cigarettes were dropped later the same day in Sham Shui Po. Included in the drop were some medical boxes and my diary records that the contents of these came as a marvellous revelation to us. We were doing well about this time because the Japanese delivered about eleven thousand packets of cigarettes and jam to us and we heard that British warships and aircraft carriers had been seen off Stanley. On 30 August planes were flying over Hong Kong all morning and a B.B.C. radio report said that the fleet had come. Nomura asked for lists of our patients and I required him to come and get these himself. This action was possibly required of him by our relieving force. True enough a large fleet came into harbour on 30 August, which was 14 days after the Japanese surrender. This delay seemed a long time to us but the arrival of the fleet brought to an end a confused situation in which we were increasingly managing our own affairs. We sent our car for Admiral Harcourt to go to Sham Shui Po and he later went round our hospital with Mr. Gimson who Page 270 Page 271 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 263 had taken over the civil administration for the time being. The Admiral cheered us all up by saying that his hospital ship could take 600 patients and he had asked for another hospital ship as well. A Canadian warship, the Prince Rupert, took some Canadians and all our sisters off to supper in the ship. I worked up to 2.30 a.m. preparing lists for the use of our Military Headquarters in Sham Shui Po and also the details of our hospital patients awaiting evacuation. On 31 August a naval doctor arrived as a liaison officer and I called on Surgeon-Captain Willoughby the P.M.O. in the hospital ship Oxfordshire. Some tough-looking marines commandeered transport and we transferred 101 patients to the hospital ship at once. At this time my diary records that we had ample food but I was dead tired and the P.M.O. very kindly asked me to stay in the Oxfordshire as he seemed to think I needed a rest. This was most considerate of him but there was still much to be done. Willoughby wanted the Q.A. sisters to sail also in the Oxfordshire with the patients, but Miss Dyson objected strongly and rightly won her point. The rest of the patients embarked in the hospital ship also and we provided case notes for all such patients. A Group-Captain R.A.F. came to the hospital to take it over for R.A.F. use, but our army sisters remained with us to their, and our, delight. A very senior R.A.F. combatant officer took some joy telling me that those of us who had wives at home were in for some nasty shocks for most of these had gone badly astray during the war. He did not say how their husbands had conducted themselves. The Indian Hospital seemed to be well under control and Major Evans told me he had 314 patients in hospital, about 85% of whom had manifestations of pellagra, and I was able to help by supplying some drugs. The ship's P.M.O. Willoughby advised the Admiral that the Oxfordshire should go direct to the United Kingdom to avoid having to tranship patients in Manila, and the ship thereupon accepted another 90 patients and was replaced by the New Zealand hospital ship, Monganui, of which the P.M.O. was Bennett. On 3 September I crossed the harbour and recovered all my buried records from Bowen Road, and I went from there to Shau Ki Wan where I found no trace of the possessions of any of our men who had been killed at the army medical store near there. They had been buried in craters behind the Salesian. I could not get transport ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 265 At this time I took part in some discussions on any action to be taken to report on the conduct of individuals while prisoners and I took the view that adverse reports should only be made in cases of the grossest neglect of duty and I made no report of this kind. Our staff and patients, apart from an occasional minor misdemeanour by one or two, conducted themselves splendidly. On 4 September the large Empress of Australia arrived. I took two R.A.F. doctors to the Central British School where they saw something of the population of bugs and very understandably wanted to occupy apartments in nearby flats. By now the R.A.F. had brought 3000 troops into the Colony and they needed hospital services for their sick. There was, as might be expected, some confusion in the various administrations. Some people were moving too fast with too little thought, while others thought too long before moving. On 5 September I went off to the Empress of Australia early and later found that Surgeon-Captain George Abercrombie was now Fleet P.M.O. in the battleship H.M.S. Anson. Abercrombie was later to be a founder member and in due course a distinguished President of the College of General Practitioners (later a Royal College), and I had the pleasure of meeting him quite frequently in London later. He kindly invited me to lunch in the Anson one day. Long voyages in warships in wartime conditions had left him looking rather pale, while of course I was pretty thin by that time. The main dish at lunch was a mutton stew in which the mutton was extremely fat and the watery part of the stew was laden with fat globules. I well remember the look of horror on his face as he watched me dispose of what to him must have been a repulsive dish. At this time I learned that Colonel Lindsay Ride was replacing Field as senior officer in the army in Hong Kong. Ride had commanded our Field Ambulance during the fighting in Hong Kong. He was a professor in the University and his Chinese students helped him to escape as soon as we surrendered to Mainland China, where he set up an organisation to keep in touch with events in Hong Kong and which helped people to escape from the Colony. I believe that it was through his thoughtfulness that my wife learned that I was still alive after hostilities ended but none of the messages I sent off from Hong Kong after our release ever arrived. Ride was later Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hong Kong, and knighted for his services to the Colony. The R.A.F. hospital moved into the Central British School ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 268 DONALD C. BOWIE None of the foregoing figures can be taken as more than approximately correct. A figure however for which I can vouch with certainty is the total number of wounded treated in Bowen Road. This figure was 646 and was carefully computed by me in the studies I made of our records during the months and years of captivity before the Japanese finally destroyed them. The Bowen Road figures include all who were seriously wounded during hostilities, because all wounded admitted to other hospitals in the Colony and who were unfit for discharge to P.O.W. camps after our surrender were eventually concentrated in Bowen Road by the end of February 1942. The last patients who suffered war injuries to be admitted came from St. Teresa's Hospital in Kowloon when this closed on 11 August 1942. My record of the total Bowen Road casualties amounting to 646 is likely to be less than the actual total number of wounded, because when other hospitals were closing and evacuating their more seriously wounded patients to Bowen Road it is likely that a number of other patients had by then recovered sufficiently to be able to go to P.O.W. camps and it must be remembered that it was the Japanese who decided where these patients must go. The official figures suggest that, excluding Indian casualties, some 855 soldiers were seriously wounded during hostilities. In Bowen Road we treated 646 of these. It is evident therefore that about 75% of seriously wounded other than Indians were evacuated by the medical services to hospitals. This represents a major success having regard to the conditions, and the system of evacuation and the skill and determination with which it was carried out must be judged to have worked well. The Field Ambulance commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Ride, which achieved these results was responsible also for recovering Indian casualties, and I have no doubt that these were evacuated with the same degree of success as were the British casualties. Figures however are lacking since the Indian Hospital was overrun during the Japanese advance and records were lost. Readers will recall that early in the hostilities the Chinese ambulance drivers deserted, understandably enough especially to those familiar with the Japanese treatment of captured Chinese opponents. Thereafter ambulance cars were driven by Field Ambulance personnel usually drawn from the medical services. This makes their achievement all the more notable. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 271 I can recall only three occasions on which the Japanese interfered with internal discipline in the hospital and I have given a short account of two of these earlier. On the third occasion our executive sergeant-major Mr. Bartley had crossed the Japanese in some way and for the only time in my three years' experience Sergeant Seino came to me, indicated displeasure with Bartley and asked if I wanted him removed from the hospital staff and sent to P.O.W. camp. Bartley's executive ability was of great value in the hospital and I had no hesitation in saying that I did not want him removed. He stayed with us until our release. Patients and staff were fairly often slapped by guards for some real or imagined disobedience or slight. These punishments were never serious, but I was always apprehensive that the person slapped might retaliate and so cause real trouble. I took up the cudgels on behalf of our people on every occasion, but I never obtained any real satisfaction and I wondered how much authority our hospital Japanese administrators had over sentries. Within the hospital the routine discipline affecting patients and staff was in my hands. Control in wards was in the hands of medical officers in charge, assisted most effectively by the system whereby selected patients were placed in charge of internal ward affairs. These patients were of several nationalities and were not always senior in rank. Their characters and standing with patients seemed to give them more effective authority. I have referred earlier to petty thieving. Occasionally offenders had to be dealt with formally by me in my office. Usually a reprimand sufficed though occasionally a man would be confined in a small room in an outhouse with a wire stretcher as bed. This method was used rarely and a man's food was never cut in any circumstances, while he was closely observed during the term of his punishment in order to avoid adverse effects. At the end of the war no records of misconduct were handed over to any authority by me and no man was reported to any service authority for misbehaviour of any kind. Many of the problems I had to cope with arose from the antagonisms which spring up between individuals, particularly if they are called upon to work in conditions of close proximity. There was no relief from the physical presence, the personal habits, the method of working of others in the particular team so that it was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 276 DONALD C. BOWIE ordered to do so, unwounded. However this may be, there we were, available to relieve them of the responsibility of caring for our casualties. The next point of importance is the Japanese decision to behave like other belligerents and abide by the terms of the Geneva Convention though they had not been signatories. As a result, they recognised and accepted representation in Hong Kong and some, at least of the activities of the International Red Cross Society. As a possible third consequence they allowed the hospital to remain in its buildings and concentrated there all allied wounded from other hospitals in the Colony. They used it also to receive some, but not all sick from the P.O.W. camps. All of these actions conferred clear benefits on the Japanese, as well as upon us. Any drugs or dressings removed by them from the hospital were in such small quantities as to be unimportant to us. Even when an electricity generator was taken, we still had another left. Except when some unacceptable decisions to admit too late, or discharge too early, sick prisoners were made by the Japanese the clinical freedom of our doctors was not challenged. The hospital was given staple food and fuel rations and clothing and boot repair materials on a scale which may have been based on a standard used for Japanese troops who of course were known to live in part off the country in which they were operating. International agreements of course required only this scale to be observed. I think that our guards fared rather better than we did on their basic rations, especially in fish, but I have recorded earlier the anxiety shown by guards when their rations, like ours were late in arriving. I recall here the public statement to us in 1944 by a supplies officer that there were shortages on the Japanese side but that they would try to keep the hospital properly supplied. This was an appeal to us to understand their position, an appeal which fitted ill with much of the Japanese bearing towards prisoners. Their plight then, in Japan itself as well as in Hong Kong and no doubt elsewhere was extremely grave and their desperate resistance for another year is surprising. It was however hard, even impossible for prisoners to take then the detached view that we can today. While the Japanese haul of booty in the form of drugs and medical supplies in Hong Kong must have been enormous the quantities that reached the hospital were negligible and we were ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 278 DONALD C. BOWIE Saito. He acted without giving reasonable consideration to the cases of sick people put to him as needing hospital treatment, so that many for whom hospital treatment could have been life-saving were not sent in. When the hospital moved nearer to the camps in Kowloon in 1945 we began to see signs that it might be going to be used properly to receive the more serious cases in the camps as they occurred and so fulfil its proper function. If we had been moved near to our sources of patients at the beginning of our imprisonment we might have served our sick more extensively and would have been of greater value to the camp doctors. A move then, when we had a hospital full of seriously wounded, would have been dangerous for these men. By the time the move occurred the need was much less pressing though our availability did, I believe, do much to improve our service. I do not know what relations existed between Saito and his commander Colonel Tokunaga, but while I must, in justice, be careful in reaching judgments, I consider that as a medical man Saito failed to do much that lay within his power for our sick, particularly those in camps. In saying this I do not claim for our prisoners more than the standards of care allowed by international agreements. A coordinated plan to apply such resources as we commanded in camps and in hospital would have made a vast difference to the medical story of prisoners in Hong Kong. While therefore I can agree that we in the hospital fared better than many in Japanese hands I must also record my conviction that the possession and careful husbanding in the hospital of our own resources played a very large part in such successes as we achieved. Any success that attended the efforts of any of us would have been immensely diminished without the aid of Mr. Zindel and the Red Cross Society and our generous friends in Hong Kong. Without the life-saving measures provided by the medical services in the P.O.W. camps, using makeshift resources, many patients would never have reached the hospital at all. THE STAFF My main purpose in writing this account is to record the history of the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong, from 1942 to 1945 and those who served on the staff or were patients there. The account fails to record some of the colourful personalities we had ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG Appendix “C” Roll of Staff Table 1 Rank Name Unit Major Anderson* J.W. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Anderson J.H. R.A.M.C. Lt. Colonel Bowie* D.C. R.A.M.C. W.O.I. Bartley* W.L. R.A.M.C. Private Bulter* G.E. R.A.M.C. Lieut. (QM) Campbell* F.J. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Cunningham T.C. R.A.M.C. Corporal Chandler* F.R. R.A.M.C. Private Cawley T R.A.M.C. Captain Clyne T.F. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Coombs** A.H. R.A.M.C. Private Cummings* R.R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Climo* R. R. Engineers Sergeant Carvell* J. R. Engineers Major Durran J. H.K.V.D.C. (Medical) Corporal Davies A.F. R.A.M.C. Corporal Dodds* J.W. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Edge H.B. R.A.M.C. Private Entwistle* H.R. R.A.M.C. Major Fraser J.D. R.A.M.C. Captain Fraser N.L. A.D. Corps $Sergeant Forknall G.W. R.A.M.C. Private Galt C. R.A.M.C. Major Harrison* G.F. R.A.M.C. Corporal Hindley* F. R.A.M.C. Corporal Harper* D. R.A.M.C. Corporal Hugill* W.J. R.A.M.C. Private Harrison R.C. R.A.M.C. Private Harrison* C.E. R.A.M.C. Private Hedley* J.H. R.A.M.C. Private Howe* S.J. R.A.M.C. Private Jenkins* J.G. R.A.M.C. Private Johns P. R.A.M.C. Private Jotcham* A.E. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Keogh G. R.A.M.C. Corporal Lethbridge* F.W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Lyall R. R.A.M.C. 287 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 288 Rank Name Corporal Leath* N.J. Mr Leghorn J. DONALD C. BOWIE Unit R.A.M.C. Att. R. Engineers W.O.I. Muxlow* J.L. R.A.M.C. Private Molloy* W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Nicholls* R. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Platt* J.H. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Peasegood H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Pike S.C. R.A.M.C. Private Pratt* D.G. R.A.M.C. L/Corporal Rennison R. Engineers S/Sergeant Roberts* J.H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Reynolds* J.S.R. R.A.M.C. Private Richardson J. R.A.M.C. Private Roberts T. R.A.M.C. Private Ross* L. R.A.M.C. Major Swyer J.E. R.A.M.C. Revd. Squires* S.J. R.A.Ch.D. Private Sinclair A.L. R.A.M.C. Private Skimins W. R.A.M.C. Private Syme J.A. R.A.M.C. Private Stanley* E+ R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Shorthouse G.P. A.D. Corps Sergeant Smith A.W. A.D. Corps M.S.M. Sims* E. R. Engineers Q.M.S. Samways* W. R. Engineers Corporal Thompson R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Twitchett* A. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Tyas* T.A. R. Engineers Corporal Whybro* R.A.M.C. Corporal Wilkinson* Corporal Varty* R.A.M.C. R.A.M.C. Footnote:- No asterisk One Two Served in Bowen Road only Served in Bowen Road and Central British School Served in Central British School only should be rewritten in HTML as: 288 Rank Name Unit Corporal Leath* N.J. R.A.M.C. Mr Leghorn J. Att. R. Engineers W.O.I. Muxlow* J.L. R.A.M.C. Private Molloy* W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Nicholls* R. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Platt* J.H. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Peasegood H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Pike S.C. R.A.M.C. Private Pratt* D.G. R.A.M.C. L/Corporal Rennison R. Engineers S/Sergeant Roberts* J.H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Reynolds* J.S.R. R.A.M.C. Private Richardson J. R.A.M.C. Private Roberts T. R.A.M.C. Private Ross* L. R.A.M.C. Major Swyer J.E. R.A.M.C. Revd. Squires* S.J. R.A.Ch.D. Private Sinclair A.L. R.A.M.C. Private Skimins W. R.A.M.C. Private Syme J.A. R.A.M.C. Private Stanley* E+ R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Shorthouse G.P. A.D. Corps Sergeant Smith A.W. A.D. Corps M.S.M. Sims* E. R. Engineers Q.M.S. Samways* W. R. Engineers Corporal Thompson R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Twitchett* A. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Tyas* T.A. R. Engineers Corporal Whybro* R.A.M.C. Corporal Wilkinson* R.A.M.C. Corporal Varty* R.A.M.C. Footnote:- No asterisk - Served in Bowen Road only One * - Served in Bowen Road and Central British School Two + - Served in Central British School only Here is the corrected version in HTML format: 288 Rank Name Unit Corporal Leath* N.J. R.A.M.C. Mr Leghorn J. Att. R. Engineers W.O.I. Muxlow* J.L. R.A.M.C. Private Molloy* W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Nicholls* R. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Platt* J.H. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Peasegood H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Pike S.C. R.A.M.C. Private Pratt* D.G. R.A.M.C. L/Corporal Rennison R. Engineers S/Sergeant Roberts* J.H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Reynolds* J.S.R. R.A.M.C. Private Richardson J. R.A.M.C. Private Roberts T. R.A.M.C. Private Ross* L. R.A.M.C. Major Swyer J.E. R.A.M.C. Revd. Squires* S.J. R.A.Ch.D. Private Sinclair A.L. R.A.M.C. Private Skimins W. R.A.M.C. Private Syme J.A. R.A.M.C. Private Stanley* E+ R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Shorthouse G.P. A.D. Corps Sergeant Smith A.W. A.D. Corps M.S.M. Sims* E. R. Engineers Q.M.S. Samways* W. R. Engineers Corporal Thompson R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Twitchett* A. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Tyas* T.A. R. Engineers Corporal Whybro* R.A.M.C. Corporal Wilkinson* R.A.M.C. Corporal Varty* R.A.M.C. Footnote:- No asterisk - Served in Bowen Road only One * - Served in Bowen Road and Central British School Two + - Served in Central British School only ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG Attached to Staff -- Table 2 Rfm Archibald Private Rfm Baxter Cambon Private Caruso Rfm Davidson Private Frankiewicz Private Kashton Private Kohut Rfm Woodridge Corporal Young Rfm Snively O.S. French Q.M.S. Hamlen B.S.M. Lobban C.S.M. Collings Sergt. Lockie Corporal Carter P.O. Waardenborg Canadian Army R.N. R.A.S.C. R.A. H.K.V.D.C. R. Scots R. Sigs. R. Netherlands Navy Appendix "D" Roll of QAIM.N.S. and Canadian Nursing Sisters, British Military Hospital, Bowen Road (Incomplete) Miss E. M. B. Dyson Miss Mirian Beaman Lieut (Miss) Kay Christie - Canadian Service Miss Gwendelene Colthorpe Miss Mary Curry Miss Freda Davis Miss Molly Gordon Miss Brenda Morgan (Killed) Miss Margaret North Miss Kathleen Thompson Miss Daphne Van Wart Lieut (Miss) May Waters Canadian Service Miss Joan Whiteley 289 Notes:-- 1. To my great regret I have not got the names of the members of the Hongkong Auxiliary Nursing Service. 2. The two members of the Canadian Service were repatriated to Canada in November 1943. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 290 Editor's Footnotes DONALD C. BOWIE 1. Dr. Bowie's own career and achievements, before and after the historic events of which he writes, will be of interest to readers of this Journal. They are as follows: M.B. 1918. University of Glasgow. F.R.C.S. Royal College of Surgeons, Edinburgh 1929. Honorary F.R.C.G.P. (Royal College of General Practitioners) 1969. Sir Arthur Keith Medallist, Royal College of Surgeons, England, 1969. Main Appointments, Army. Commissioned R.A.M.C. 1918. Served in U.K., France, Germany, Turkey. Seconded to Egyptian Army 1923-25. Shanghai Defence Force 1927. Territorial Adjutant, 54th East Anglian Division T.A. 1928-30, Surgical Specialist, British Troops in Egypt 1930-35. Surgical Specialist, Queen Alexandra Military Hospital, London 1936-39, Surgical Specialist, British Troops in China, Hong Kong, 1939. Prisoner of War, 1941-45. Reader in Military Surgery, Royal Army Medical College, London 1946-48. Consulting Surgeon, Middle East Land Forces 1948-50. Retired 1950. (voluntarily) Civil. Regional Postgraduate Dean, British Postgraduate Medical Federation, University of London in North West, South West Metropolitan and Wessex Hospital Regions, 1950-70. Now Retired. Dr. Bowie was awarded the O.B.E. (Military) in 1946. 2. Dr. Bowie's account of Japanese attitudes and behaviour can usefully be set beside the comments of Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke and Dr. Li Shu-fan, the eminent Hong Kong surgeon, who both experienced them at first hand. Sir Selwyn writes (pp. 71-72 of his autobiography referred to at p. 178 above): Nobody can deny that man's potential for cruelty was exhibited on an appalling scale by the Japanese in the stress of war. It was predictable in the circumstances that I should suffer my share of ill-treatment at their hands, and this is what presently came about. Yet the feature of their character that stood out from that whole experience was in fact their unpredictability. They would be acquiescent, even humane, when least expected, vicious with sudden fury after a phase almost of apathy. They could respect, sometimes, a principled stand or an unflinching argument, and yet visit a meaningless rage upon the helpless. To attempt to understand them was the plain duty of anyone seeking to protect a community that was at their mercy, and the first lesson to be learned was that surrender violated their military code, making a prisoner a non-person. But this too was a generalization, and as such to be guarded against as one guarded against racial prejudice. For men are not cast in one mould, even by war, even by a code or an ideology. Dr. Li's account of Hong Kong under Japanese rule is given in chapters 6-9 of his autobiography, Hong Kong Surgeon (London, Victor Gollancz, 1964) in which his comments at pp. 159-160 are relevant here. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES THE POTTERY KILNS AT WUN YIU, TAI PO So far as I know, the printed official papers of the Hong Kong Government contain only a few references to these local kilns. They all relate to the period 1899-1912 and in chronological order are as follows: (a) "One village we visited was engaged entirely in the manufacture of pottery, the clay for which is found in the mountain immediately above the village. The villagers are said to have learned the art of manufacturing pottery from an Italian missionary who formerly resided among them." J. H. Stewart Lockhart's Report on the New Territory, Hongkong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899 P. 544.* (b) "The pottery works at Un Yiu near Tai Po manufacture very coarse ware for export to Kong Mun and local use. The trade done is quite small.” Eastern No, 88, Correspondence relating to the Kowloon-Canton Railway (London Colonial Office, 1907) Enclosure B to No. 59 to Lyttelton, 11 January 1905. (c) "The only Potteries are at Wun Yiu near Taipo, about 400,000 pots, rice bowls and plates are here turned out every year, of an average value of 6 cash each; most of them are exported to Tam Shui in Chinese Territory, Some also to Hongkong." G. N. Orme. "Report on the New Territories 1899-1912" Sessional Papers 1912, para. 83, p. 55. There were at least two kilns. One of these was built over some years ago for a school extension. The other, or part of it, is still to be seen. There are said to be others in the area. A temple dedicated to Fan Sin Kung (#) stands near the site of the kilns. It is in good repair and contains commemorative * Appendix No. 2 to the Report, which deals with the geology of the New Territory, adds 'Some excellent pottery clay exists on the slopes of Tai Mo Shan, of which we saw specimens in the village of Wun Yiu, of a light brown colour and extremely fine texture'. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 292 NOTES AND QUERIES tablets showing a major repair or reconstruction in 1897-98 and 1925-26. A large Roman Catholic chapel, now in ruins, once stood close by. It is shown as being in existence in Father Volonteri's 1866 map of the San On District—see JHKBRAS Vols 9 & 10 (1969 & 1970), pp. 141-148 and 193-196 respectively—but unfortunately receives no mention in Father Ryan's The Story of A Hundred Years. The Pontifical Institute of Foreign Missions (P.I.M.E.) in Hong Kong 1858-1958. Hong Kong 1975 JAMES HAYES THE NOON DAY GUN The following extract from the Hong Kong Daily Press, January 3, 1870, is not without a historical and for present day residents faced with an increase in our defense contribution—topical interest: It is interesting and just to note that the renewing of the twelve o'clock gun firing is due to liberality of Mr. Magniac of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson and Company, who when the Home Government ceased to provide this small return for the heavy Military Contribution forwarded annually from this Colony, purchased a gun, etc., and had it fixed up at Messrs. Jardine's, where it is fired daily. NOTE: Herbert St. Leger Magniac was admitted a partner in the firm of Jardine, Matheson and Company, July 1, 1862. Hong Kong, 1975 CARL T. SMITH THE GERMAN CONGREGATION IN HONG KONG UNTIL 1914 A note on "Bethesda" and the "Berliner Frauenverein für China” by Pastor Albrecht Plag appeared in vol. 9 (1969) of this Journal. He there asks where Bethesda was located. Early maps of Hong Kong and a search of title in the Land Registry indicates it occupied the site of the present Mid-levels Police Station on the north side of High Street at its junction with Bonham Road. The original lot extended down to Hospital Road. The plot consisted of two Inland Lots numbered 624 and 607. Page 300 Page 301 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES 293 The former had been purchased in 1859 at a Government Land Sale by an Austrian, Gustav Overbeck (later Baron von Overbeck), a partner in the firm of Dent and Co. In the following year, Lot 607 was granted by Government to the Berlin Women's Society as a site for their foundling hospital. The trustees were Overbeck and the Rev. Johann Ludwig Ladendorff. New trustees were named in 1869, and of these, three were German merchants; Berthold Friedrich Johann Schwarzkopf, founder of the firm of Blackhead and Co., Friedrich August Julius Menke, of William Pustau and Co., and Gustav Overbeck. The other trustee was Ladendorff's successor as Superintendent of the Foundling Hospital, Rev. Ernest Klitzke. In 1892, Lot 624 was purchased by the Government. The remaining lot was registered in the name of the Director in Hong Kong of the Berlin Ladies Mission for China, incorporated by Ordinance No. 12 of 1889. At the time of the First World War, the property was administered as alien property. Finally, in 1925, it was surrendered to Government. As residents of an English colony with a predominant Chinese population, those for whom English or Chinese is not a first language tend to organize groups where they can use their mother tongue. A German Club was organized in Hong Kong in 1859, and by 1867 a recognized German church congregation was meeting regularly. German church services had been held previous to 1867, however. A report of the Berlin Society concerning its activities in 1858 mentions the baptism of a certain Lydia (Wei-mong) “at a German service at Victoria”. The Day Book of the Rev. Rudolph Lechler, of the Basel Missionary Society, notes on May 19, 1861, attendance at a German service on Morrison Hill, where the premises of the Berlin Society were located before they occupied "Bethesda" in July, 1861. Another Basel Society missionary, the Rev. Philip Winnes, in 1858 reported, "I preached to the German sailors, for there are always ships arriving from Hamburg and Bremen. Also this year a poor German established a German Inn for sailors, where always a few people are staying until they can find employment. In this inn, I preached until the sailors had had enough, and that they had quite soon.” (Heidenbote, March, 1858, p. 15). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES 306 h) Feng Huo Yuan T'ien Yuan Shuai (風火院田 元帥) i) Wu Tai Yuan Shuai (五代元帥) j) Chung Lich Ta Yuan Shuai (忠烈大元帥) k) Lei Hai-ch'ing (†) Various Sightings Tien the Marshal of the Wind and Fire Ministry Marshal of the Five Dynasties The Great and Loyal Marshal See Werner's story below. I have never seen nor heard this title in any temple in Taiwan and South East Asia, nor in any book on these places. In Anking on the Yangtze in the thirties, the three gods of the actor's guild were T’ien (□) To (†) and Kuo (#)* In 1971 there were at least five temples dedicated to Chief Marshal T’ien and the three Tien brothers in Taiwan. One of these was in Taipei and one in Changhua (title 'c' in the list above) and another in Taipei, one in Tainan and one in Yunlin (title ‘a' above). According to a Penang (Malaysia) temple keeper and a Hsinchu (Taiwan) devotee, prior to 1949 the cult centre of this Taoist heterodox (*) cult used to be at Ch'uanchow (*), Fukien. Legends Numerous legends surround Chief Marshal T'ien. One basic story has already been recounted by Miss Werle. Variations and other stories include another recounted by Werner who, like Père Doré, failed to connect Marshal T'ien with Wu Tai Yuan Shuai, Marshal of the Five Dynasties (5#†) whom he calls the 'God of the Musicians'. Werner continued, "this god had his origin in a practical joke played by his school fellows on a young scholar who lived in the time of the Five Dynasties (907-60 AD). Whilst he was taking a siesta they drew a picture of a crab on his forehead and stuck two willow branches (sometimes represented as pheasant's tail feathers) behind his ears. When he awoke he was so chagrined that he 4 Shryock: The Temples of Anking: Libraire Orientaliste: Paris 1931, p. 163. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 330 BOOK REVIEWS Chapter XIV: "The Nineteenth century: Looking Backward and Forward", is mainly a discussion of the landscape paintings of the 19th century, represented by Ch'ien Tu (1763-1844) and Tai Hsi (1801-1860). Chapter XV: "Bird-and-flower painting: The end of a tradition”, five artists of the Ming Dynasty; Lu Chih, Hsiang Yuan-pien (1525-1590), Chou Chieh-mien (act. 1580-1610), Chang Hung, and Sun K’o-hung (1532-1610), and two artists from the Ch'ing Dynasty; Hua Yen (1682-after 1755) and the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi (1835-1908) form key figures for discussion. The merits of this book are shown, first of all, by a detailed chronology of the artists of the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties. This point can be clearly seen if the chronologies of the same group of artists as they appear in other writings on history of Chinese painting are compared with those in Prof. Li's new publication. In order to make this point clear, a concordance table about the chronology of many artists is provided below.* The second merit of this book seems to be a new use of old editorial principles practised in Chinese historical writings. As stated, Volume I consists of 15 chapters. In every chapter, a detailed study of each picture is always preceded by an introductory essay. The origin for presenting such an essay in a descriptive catalogue, when old writings on Chinese painting are studied, can be traced back at least to the early 12th century work, Hsuan-ho hua-p'u *1#," a descriptive catalogue about paintings, in Emperor Sung Hui-tsung's imperial collection, the Ming Hua Lu ***;14 and also to "Records of History of painting in the Ming Dynasty", edited by Hsü Hsin in late 17th century, both edited according to this principle. In the former, the subject-matter of Chinese painting is classified by the anonymous editor into 10 categories; and in the latter, into 15 subdivisions. Using modern concepts to review Hsuan-ho hua-p'u and Ming hua-lu, each category in these two historical documents should evidently be read as an independent chapter. More significantly, introductory essays, no matter whether long or short, are always addressed to each chapter-like category. p. 330. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 332 BOOK REVIEWS If other, even earlier historical writings are to be taken into account, the editorial principle for presenting an introduction for each chapter, as Prof. Li has done in his new book, can be further traced to as far back as the 2nd century. For instance, in I-wen chih, "Records of Literary Documentation”, the 30th chuan of Han Shu (History of the Han Dynasty), all the available documents have been classified, according to their nature, into the following groups: Book of Changes, Book of Documents, Book of Songs, Book of Rites, Book of Music, etc. In each group, before listing all books devoted to the same theme, Pan Ku, the author of Han Shu, also provided many introductory essays; one for each of those groups. Undoubtedly, namely the old Chinese editorial principle, of presenting an introduction to each chapter, which was first initiated by a historian in the 2nd century and again used by art historians in the 12th and the 14th centuries, has played an important role in Prof. Li's A Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines. I have devoted the rest of this review to a discussion of points of detail on which I differ from Professor Li's findings. These do not detract from Professor Li's considerable contribution to scholarship, but it is appropriate to mention them here for the sake of readers and users of this book. First of all, there happen to be some problems of identification. For example, Figure 52 (A-1) in vol. II deals with a complete set of reproductions of a landscape album dated 1729 by Huang Shen. In leaf 9 (pl. LXXXVI) of this album, in addition to its title and date, this 18th-century artist has also inscribed one 5-word poem. The 16th Chinese character which appeared in the 3rd line of this poem is an adjective which modifies a kind of orange that Huang Shen might have seen locally. This character, in Vol. I, p. 246 is identified by Prof. Li as 'yeh' since its literary meaning is rendered by its English translation as 'wild'. The reviewer questions this. His reasons are two-fold. In an old Chinese writing, Yen Tzu chun-chiu … the ancient quibbler Yen Tsu (d. 500 B.C.) once stated that Chinese oranges in Southern Huai area were always good while the same fruit when moved to the Northern Huai area was always bad because of its thick skin.15 In this connection, the title of leaf 9 seems worthy of notice, since it is inscribed by the artist himself as ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 333 "On the Road to Mt. T'ien-chu” (or as Prof. Li prefers, "On the Road to the Peak that holds up the sky"). This very Mt. T'ien-chu is geographically located in the present western An-hui Province16, south of the Huai River. During the 6th century B.C. (or the active period of Yen Tsu), the area which included Mt. T'ien-chu was part of the territory of the State of Ch'u17. Thus, to associate the oranges of Ch'u to Mt. T'ien-chu is but to relate some old historic and geographic references to the real scenery that Huang Shen might have seen in 1729. Secondly, in structure and in style, as far as those example-characters in the "Dictionary of Six Different Scripts for Characters of Chinese Calligraphy" is concerned, the 16th character hand-written by Huang Shen for leaf 9 of his landscape album, certainly bears more physical resemblances to 'ch'u' rather than ‘yeh'. Thus, there seems to be reason enough to conclude that this problematic Chinese character 'yeh' should be more properly identified as 'ch'u' instead of ‘yeh'. This is not only because the new identification has more possibilities to conform with the old geographical and historical information, but also because it is able to fit in with other calligraphical references as a whole. The second example of this nature happens to be Prof. Li's failure in identifying a literary reference. In Volume II, Plate CVII illustrates a fan-painting attributed to K'un-ts'an. In Volume I, p. 203, Prof. Li's English translation, together with the original poem in Chinese inscribed by the artist himself, are presented side by side. It does seem essential to quote them both here again: “Leisurely I sit in my boat below the valley In the vast twilight of dusk, smoke rises gently from an old house; 水屋蒼冥起昏煙; the autumn scene is there for me to sing and to enjoy, 自有秋光共嘯傲, and one needs no money to own mountains". I47#★¶¤· It is obvious that after comparison, the literary implication of the term "Chang-tou" which appears in the last Chinese line has not been rendered by any literary equivalent in the English version. In fact, this term happens to be not only the key word in terms of an overall understanding of the last line but seems a key point in interpreting the poet's intention as expressed by the whole poem. Documentarily, “Chang-tou” §§ is a reference to Juan Hsiu #k. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 336 BOOK REVIEWS including Li E, accepted an invitation of the Ma brothers to go on a joint-tour to visit Chiao-shan, the famous island situated in the middle of the Yang-tze River near the present day Ch'en-chiang in Chiang-su province.24 For this trip, all members wrote some poems which were later put together, and titled as Chiao-shan Chi-yu Shih (hereafter to be abbreviated as Chiao-shan CYS), A Collection of poems Commemorating A Travel to the Chiao Island.25 Those poems inscribed by Chin Nung on leaves 11 and 12 of the Drenowaltz album are, in fact, two poems written by two different poets of this joint-tour. The first poem, "Watching the Moon on Chiao Island but being required in designing poem rhyme to use the word 'Sheng'"26 is written by Li E. It is not only to be found in the Chiao-shan CYS but also in Li E's own collection of poems; Fan-hsieh Shan-fang-chi #### (hereafter to be abbreviated as Fan-hsien SFC), A Collection of Poems Composed in the Fan-hsien Mountain Studio.27 Similarly, the second poem which is entitled "Watching the Moon in the Chiao Island but Required to have the word 'Yueh' in rhyme"28 is composed by Ma Yueh-kuan. It is found in the Chiao Island Collection29 and also in Ma Yueh-kuan's own collection of poems, “A Small Collection of Poems by An Untrammelled and Elderly figure at A Sandy River".30 In Vol. I, from p. 235 to the first line in p. 236, Prof. Li's English translation deals with Li E's poem; and, from line two onwards, the latter portion of the poem in English is Prof. Li's translation of the cited poem by Ma Yueh-kuan. To consider these poems by two identifiable poets as one is certainly incorrect. With respect to the second inscription, treated by Prof. Li as a long poem of Chin-Nung, it is in fact, a collection of three different poems once again all written by Li E. In Vol. II Plate LXXXI-L which is a reproduction of the last leaf of the album, from line 1 up to the first four characters in line 8, the content is to be identified as the first poem by Li E and the title of the poem is read as "Lodged in the Fo-jih Ching-hui Buddhist Temple".31 In Vol. I, page 236, line 1 to line 12 of Prof. Li's English translation deals with this poem. Similarly, in Plate LXXXI-L, from the fifth character of line 8 up to the first five characters of line 17, this section of the inscription on leaf 12 is to be identified as Li E's second poem associated with the long title "Getting up at dawn, monk Ch'e Page 345 Page 346 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 337 guiding me to the foot of the Peak of Yellow Crane; there, after my contemplation of the Hiding Dragon Spring, I begin to search the Cave of Dragon and Reach the Cave of Immortal Lady”32. In Vol. I, from the last line of p. 236 up to line 21 in p. 237, the English translation deals with this poem. Once again, in Plate LXXX-L, from the last two characters of line 17 till the end of the inscription, the content is to be identified as Li E's third poem. It is entitled "A Travel to the Temple of Crane and Forest,33 Prof. Li's English translation of this poem is at Vol. I, lines 22 to 29 on p. 237. In the "Collected Poems Written in the Fan-hsien Mountain Studio" all poems are chronologically arranged, and the dates of each year are always recorded under the first poem of each year. Thus, according to such chronology, these three pieces cited are all Li E's poems written in 1735. That is, they are all composed one year before Chin Nung had completed the Drenowaltz album, since the latter is dated 1736. In logic, it seems alright for Chin Nung to inscribe Li E's three poems on the last leaf of this album since the two men seem to have been very good friends since at least 171434. However, it is absolutely impossible for Chin Nung to have inscribed two poems in 1736, one by Li E and other by Ma Yueh-kuan, to be written as late as 1748 in leaf 11 of this album. The significance of this discovery should be interpreted critically. The date of the inscription in this Drenowaltz album is some 12 years earlier than the actual date for composing the poems, and so the authenticity of the former is obviously doubtful. This brings us to the question of whether the calligraphy is really by Chin Nung or is perhaps by a very good copist. To think even one step further, the problem of whether extraordinarily elaborate landscapes should really be accepted as authentic works of this artist needs to be reconsidered. There happens also to be a third problem of identification. For instance, on the 1st leaf, as well as on that with Wu Ta-chang's colophon of Tai Itsi's album of ‘Landscapes after Great Masters' (Vol. II, Fig. 56, plates XCIV-XCIX), there appears a number of collectors' seals. Of them, as Prof. Li has specifically noted, (Vol. I, p. 262) "Six of Chang Hsiang-ning, ho p'ing-chai, who cannot be identified, one which cannot be identified”. In fact, this unidentified collector is not a mystery. He is Chang Hsiang-ning, a contemporary Cantonese literary man, a ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 338 BOOK REVIEWS native of Pan-yu of Kwangtung Province, who was born in 1909 and died in 1960. He was not only a collector of Chinese art, but also happened to be a minor seal carver. In this branch of Chinese art, under the experienced guidance of an elderly Cantonese seal carver and scholar, Teng Erh-ya (1884-1954), Chang Hsiang-ning was trained as a seal carver. He has also carved two seals for another well-known Kwangtung paleographist, Jung Keng35. Lastly, in Prof. Li's A Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines there appears a little problem of use of references. Some useful information has occasionally been neglected. For example, Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's long handscroll called Kuei-yü I-yüan T'u -λ (pl. LV-LIX) or as Prof. Li has rendered it in English; "Going Home and Living Abroad Are the Same Thing" (p. 172), the following aspects are disputable. Firstly, his introduction about the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's landscape handscroll. It is certainly true that the amazing size; 23.5 × 1302 cm, of this very scroll now in Drenowaltz Collection makes it one of the longest paintings in the handscroll format in China (p. 172). However, it is believed that this figure can be made still more meaningful to student of Chinese art if this particular measurement is compared with the measurements of other long handscrolls. Prof. Li could also point out that Hsiao Yün-ts'ung seems to have been an artist in favour of producing very long handscrolls. To be more specific, the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's other landscape handscroll, according to a Japanese record3, measures more than 40 Japanese feet, namely, 12.12 feet37. This is almost as long as 13.02 feet, the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's handscroll now in Drenowaltz collection. With regard to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung, it is undoubtedly true that not much is known about his early life. Yet, some useful information related to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's middle age has not been taken into account when Prof. Li wrote his general introduction about the life of this artist. To be more specific, in 1638, when Hsiao Yün-ts'ung was 43 years old38, like many of his contemporary literati-artists around the same time39, he joined the well-known Fu She Association (復社 Association of Reconquering)40. The major interest of this association, from the very beginning, was always politics. At first, around the 1630's, the general motivation of this institution was to encourage the disorganized intellectuals of that time to stand up against the political power established by the eunuchs which ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 340 BOOK REVIEWS Chinese bronze is again by Prof. S. Umehara and was separately published in Kyoto in 1961. 2 The Senoku Seisho is sub-divided according to nature of bronzes, into two parts. The first part dealing with ritual vessels is by Prof. K. Hamada while the next part, devoted to Chinese bronze mirrors, is edited by Prof. Yoshito Harada. 3 In addition to these catalogues about the Sumitomo collection, in 1951 Prof. S. Umehara has also edited Kakkaku Kikkin Senshu (Selected specimens of the Chinese Bronze collection in the Hakkaku Art Museum), an illustrated and descriptive catalogue on Chinese bronzes housed in a private museum possessed and financed by Mr. Jihei Kano in Kobe. 4 For instance, among his various studies on ancient Chinese bronzes, there are three catalogues. The first, "Bronzes in the Hellström Collection", is in the Bulletin of Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (hereafter abbreviated as BMFEA) (1948, Stockholm), No. 20, while the second, "A catalogue of the Chinese Bronzes in the Alfred F. Pillsbury Collection" was published in Minneapolis in 1951. The third, "Bronzes in the Wessen Collection”, is in BMFEA, (1958, Stockholm), No. 30. 5 For instance, his Fruhe chinesische Bronzen aus der Sammlung Trautmann (1939, Peking). 6 For instance, the Chinese Bronzes from the Buckingham Collection, (1946, Chicago), jointly edited by M. C. Chen and Charles F. Kelley. 7 Alfred Salmony (1890-1958): Archaic Chinese Jades from the Edward and Louis B. Sonnenschein Collection (1952, Chicago). 8 W. Perceval Yetts (1878-1957): The Georg Eumorfopoulos Collection: Catalogue of the Chinese and Corean Bronze, Sculpture, Jade, Jewellery, and Miscellaneous objects (1929-32, London). 9 Howard Hansford: The Seligman Collection of Oriental Art, Vol. I, (1957, London). 10 Yoshito Yonezawa: Painting of the Ming Dynasty, (1956, Tokyo). 11 Osvald Siren: Chinese painting, Vol. VII, (1958, London). 12 Victoria Contag: Chinese Masters of the 17th Century (1969, London). 13 The date of Hsuan-ho hua-p'u is not known. But a general date, 1120, the second year of the Hsuan-ho era during the reign of the Emperor Hui-tsung of the Northern Sung Dynasty, associated with its preface, is normally considered to be the date of completion of its compilation. Regarding its authorship, it has been previously suggested by scholars in the Ch'ing Dynasty, such as Wang Wan, as having been edited by Emperor Hui-tsung himself, and by Chou Chung-fu as being by Tsai Ti, and by Pien Yung-yu as being by Hu Kuan. But according to Yu Shao-sung, a 20th-century specialist on the historiography of Chinese art, none of these old identifications are reliable. Instead, a possible editor of this imperial catalogue is perhaps an anonymous eunuch of the Northern Sung palace. For detailed discussion see his Shu-hua shu-lu chieh ti (hereafter abbreviated SHSLCT), "A Collection of Summary of content and Studies of Titles of Books on Chinese calligraphy and painting", (1931, Peking). 14 Although it carries a preface by the author, this book is undated. In general, as Yu Shao-sung has suggested (SHSLCT Chuan 12, p. 9), Hsu Hsin must have lived in the transitional period of Ming and Ch'ing but the book itself is written in early Ch'ing. 15 See Yen-Tzu chun-chiu, Nei pien, 10th chapter of the Tsa-hsia section. This book is generally regarded as a work of the 6th century B.C. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 341 16 This mountain is clearly marked in the map (pl. CXIV of Vol. II) of the book review. In addition, according to Chun kuo ku-chin ti-ming ta tzu-tien "Dictionary of Ancient and Present Place Names in China", edited by Tsang Li-ho and others (1933, 2nd edition, Shanghai), p. 135, Mt. Tien-chu is at the northwest of Chien-shan in the present western An-hui Province. 17 In Tung Shih-heng's Li-tai chiang-yu hsing-shih i-lan-t'u (1914, Shanghai), Map 3 (Chan-kuo ch'i-hsung-t'u A Map of the Seven Strong States during the Warring States period); again in Watari Yanai's Toyo Tokushi Chizu (1934, 3rd edition, Tokyo), Map 3; also in Albert Herrmann's A Historical Atlas of China (1966, 2nd edition, Chicago), Map 8 (The Contending States), the Huai River area is always marked as part of the territory of the State of Ch'u. 18 This is to be seen in Fujiwara Sosui's Chokuoku shoho rokutai dai-jiten, Dictionary about Six Different scripts of Chinese calligraphy, (1960, Tokyo), pp. 615-616. 19 See Chin Shu, History of the Chin Dynasty (1974, Peking punctuated edition), Chüan 40, (in Book V), p. 1366. 20 Ibid., p. 1359. 21 For the latest findings of scholars of this small circle, see Ho Ch'i-min: "Chu-lin ch'i-hsien yen-chiu" "A study of the Seven Talents of the Bamboo Grove", 1966, Taiwan. 22 Po-hsüeh hung-tz'u. This examination, initiated in 731, the 19th year of the K'ai-yüan era during Emperor Hsüan-tsung's reign in the Tang Dynasty was during the Ch'ing Dynasty confined to some limited candidates primarily recommended by the Education Department in each province. 23 For sound scholarship on the economic importance of Yang-chou during the Ch'ing Dynasty, see Prof. Ho Ping-ti: "The Salt Merchants of Yang-chou: A Study of commercial capitalism in Eighteenth century China", in the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (1954, Cambridge), Vol. 17, pp. 130-168. 24 Tsang Li-ho and others, op. cit., p. 923. 25 The edition that the reviewer used is the Yüeh-ya-t'ang ts'ung-shu edition, first wood-blocked in Canton in 1850. 26 The Chinese title reads: "44415447". 焦山看月分得辇字 27 In Chiao-shan chi it is to be found in p. 1b-p. 2a, while in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, (1937, Shanghai), hsü-chi (a supplementary collection), chüan 7, pp. 359-360 (In the Kuo-hsüeh chi-pen ts'ung-shu edition). 28 The Chinese title reads: "9493A7”. 同作分得月字“ 29 In Chiao-shan chi it is to be found in p. 9a-9b, while in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi it is in hsü-chi, chüan 7, p. 360. 30 In Ma Yueh-kuan's own Sha-ho i-lao hsiao-kao (also the Yüeh-ya-t'ang ts'ung-shu edition), it is to be found in chüan III, p. 17a-17b. 31 The Chinese title reads: "宿佛日淨慈". It is to be found in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 134. 倪龍瘢痕 32 The Chinese title reads: “晚起 撖上人導行黃萬峯下 倪龍瘢泉 尋龍”. It is in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 134. 33 The Chinese title of this poem reads: "...". It is to be found in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 135. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 342 BOOK REVIEWS 34 This observation is mainly based on the fact that the first poem from his own collection is entitled "Chin shou-men has shown me a rubbing of the inscription taken from the bronze bells being made for the Ching-lung Monastery during the Tang Dynasty.” 毒門见示所裁唐景龍觀錘髭拓本 In Li E's Fan-hsieh SFC, chuan 1, p. 1 under this poem, the date of its completion is recorded by the combined used of the Chinese cyclical characters: chia-mu which according to Li E's chronology, is to be identified as 1714 (the 53rd year of the Kang-hsi era). 35 Ever since 1963, the Kwang-tung ying-jen chuan, “A Biographical study of the seal-carvers in Kwang-tung", edited by Ma Kuo-chuan, has continuously appeared in the -lin section of Hong Kong's Ta Kung Pao Daily News. His study about Chang Hsiang-ming in particular, appeared in Ta Kung Pao, December 19, 1965. In October 1974 this biographical information was edited and published by the Nan Tung Company in Hong Kong, still entitled Kwang-tung ying-jen chuan. The portion concerning Chang Hsiang-ning is to be seen in this book edition p. 98. 36 This is based on Takikawa Shiteru's colophon being inscribed on Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's painting entitled Li Sao T’u. A full reproduction of this painting has been printed in 1924 in Tokyo by Seigei Omura as one item of his edited Zubon Sosho. In addition, Takikawa's colophon was also quoted by Professor Akiyama Mitsuo in his Sho Sekiboku to Shuzan Koryo zu which appeared as the last article, being collected in the same author's Nihon bijusisu ronko (1943, Tokyo), pp. 413-414. 37 According to Tzu Hai (1967, Taiwan edition), Appendix V (A conversion chart British, Japanese and Metric Lengths), each Japanese feet equals 0.3030 metre. Thus, 40 Japanese feet equal 12.12 metre. On the other hand, since the Drenowaltz handscroll measures 1302 cm; namely, 13.02 metre, the lengths of this painting, now in Switzerland, and the Li Sao Tu, once in Japan, are certainly very close. 38 See Hu I: "Hsiao Yun-ts'ung Nien-p'u” “A Biographical study of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung on A Yearly Basis”, in Mei-shu Yen-chiu (1960, Shanghai), No. 1. 39 For these literary men who were gifted artists as well as members of the Fu She Association, these were, in addition to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung, many others, such as Li Sui-chlu from Kwangtung province, Wan Shou-ch'i (1603-1652), Wu Wei-yeh (1609-1671), Chi Pao-chia (middle 17th century) and Mao Hsiang (1611-1693) from the Kiangsu province, Fang I-chih (1611-1671) from the An-hui province, and Yang Wen-ts’ung (1597-1645) from the Kwei-chou province. These were all example-figures of such a type. 40 Hsiao Yün-ts'ung name is listed in Fu She Hsin-Shih Lu "Records of Members of the Fu-she Association" first volume, p. 7a. This rare book is now owned by the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica at Nankang, Taiwan. 41 Hsieh Kuo-chen: "Nan-ming shih-luch" “A Brief History of the Southern Ming Period" (1957, Shanghai), pp. 12-13. 42 S. W. Stephen: Chinese Art, 2 vols. (1904-06, London). 43 Ch'eng Wei: “A primary study on the Origin and Development of Ancient Bird-and-flower paintings" in Wen-wo (1963, Peking), No. 10, p. 22-29. This article probably serves as the only research on the history of Chinese painting by using one single painting collection as its basis. Yet unlike the work done by Professor Li ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 343 in this new publication, the subject being discussed by Ch'eng Wei is only one of many aspects of Chinese painting. 44 Such as (A) in Chapter X whether Chiao Ping-chen should be regarded as an artist of the Yu-shan school, and (B) in Chapter IV, whether Mo Shih-lung's chronology is to be rendered as ca. 1540-1587. Undoubtedly the chronology which appears in Professor Li's book is far more reasonable than ca. 1567-1582, the impossible chronology suggested by C. C. Wang and Victoria Contag in their Seals of Chinese painters and collectors of the Ming and Ch'ing Periods (1966, Hong Kong), p. 134. Nevertheless, for many years Mo Shih-lung's chronology has always been a puzzle to students of Chinese art. No one so far, except Professor Li, has so explicitly pointed out the years of birth and death of this artist. For example, in Nan-ching po-mu-yüan tsang-hua-chi, Chinese paintings in the collection of the Nanking Museum (1966, Peking), Vol. I, p. 3, the editor was able only to find Mo Shih-lung's death was in 1587. In Professor Li's book, this artist's year of death agrees with what the Nanking specialists have found. About Mo's year of birth, Vol. I, p. 106 states, "he must have been born around 1540, though the precise date is not known", so it seems that 1540-1587 is a tentative calculation. However, students of Chinese art would feel grateful if Professor Li could give his original information and state that on what ground this chronology is obtained. THE SANDALWOOD MOUNTAINS; READINGS AND STORIES OF THE EARLY CHINESE IN HAWAII: compiled and edited by Tin-Yuke Char, pp. xv, 359. Honolulu, University Press of Hawaii 1975. “Yum sai see yuen.” “When drinking water, think of the source." This ancient Chinese proverb came to mind as I read Mr. Char's compilation, The Sandalwood Mountains. This is a monumental book—a monument to the Chinese who came to Hawaii in the early 1800s to start the first sugar plantations there and who later came in the tens of thousands in the latter third of the 19th century. Many of these early Chinese laborers were brought to Hawaii indentured for three to five years at a cost of $5 to $7 a month, including pay and support. Many of them later left to start their own rice plantations and other agricultural pursuits. Others left to go into retailing and service industries. Many lived to see their children and grandchildren become teachers, professional people, political leaders and thoroughly integrated into Hawaii's multi-racial life. The book is also a monument to the compiler, Tin-Yuke Char, who has brought to his task an unusual background including studying and teaching in Hawaii, China and the mainland United ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 162 DAVID FAURE including the New Territories, was part of San On county. The magistrate governed from the county seat at Nam T'au, across what is now Deep Bay. There were also sub-county offices, at Tai P'ang on the northern shore of Mirs Bay, and at Koon Foo, later renamed Kowloon City. These, with Nam T'au, were responsible for the southern part of San On county, that is, the area which includes the present-day Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories. The officials hardly ever visited the villages. By default, these villages were for the most part left to conduct their own affairs. Taxes were often collected with the co-operation of the rich and influential families in Yuen Long and Sheung Shui. Litigation could be conducted at Nam T'au, but lawsuits were rare. The principal markets on the mainland in this area were Tai Po, Sheung Shui, Yuen Long, and Sham Chun, and understandably, the main trade routes in the eastern New Territories went north-south, linking Kowloon City, Sha Tin, Tai Po, Sheung Shui, and Sham Chun, from where there were ferries to Nam T'au. Cut off from these trade routes by Ma On Shan, the Sai Kung villages were very much in the backwaters of the county. The history of the development of these villages is the story of a backward area slowly pulling itself up by its bootstraps.1 Development came in two stages. From the early eighteenth century to the mid-nineteenth, population increased steadily. In the late seventeenth century, only three villages in the entire district merited entry in the San On Gazetteer, i.e., the Punti-speaking villages of Ho Chung, Pak Kong, and Sha Kok Mei. Not surprisingly, all three were located in well-watered valleys that were close to the footpaths leading to Sha Tin and Kowloon. By 1819, the next edition of the gazetteer recorded, in addition to these three, the Punti villages of Wong Chuk Yeung, Tai Long, Chek Keng, Ko Tong, Pak Tam, and Cheung Sheung, as well as the Hakka villages of Mang Kung Uk, Tseng Lan Shue, Sha Kok Mei (sic), Pan Long Wan, and Lan Nei Wan (later Man Yee Wan). The listing is not complete, but it accords with the general pattern of Hakka immigration into the Hong Kong region throughout the eighteenth century. There must have been a substantial boat population in the eighteenth century. There was, in fact, a larger boat population ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1976: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. Hon. Secretary: A. I. Diamond, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Helga Werle, Phil. Sin. Cand. (Munich) F. Geoffroy-Dechaume, Consul General for France K. A. Westcott, B.A., Dip.Ed. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. H. J. Lethbridge, B.Sc.(Econ.), B.Sc.(Soc.), Dip. Criminology Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. D. H. Liu G. W. Bonsall, M.A., M.L.S. Filled vacancies during the year B. A. V. Peacock, M.A. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 58 DOUGLAS W. SPARKS The study of relationships between Teochiu and other ethnic groups within the estate was obviously of relevance to my research. I became particularly interested in relationships between the Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung, that is, people from two districts in Kwangtung directly south of Teochiu along the coast (海豐 and 陸豐). Hoi Luk Fung persons are the most similar to Teochiu among Chinese ethnic groups in Hong Kong in language, culture, and historical origins. It was initially perplexing that Teochiu in the housing estate disliked Hoi Luk Fung more intensely than any other ethnic group, and I very quickly became aware of sharp cognitive and interactional boundaries between the two groups. With increasing knowledge of northeastern Kwangtung, the area from which these people migrated, and of cognitive and social divisions within the estate, people from the border area between Hoi Luk Fung and Teochiu became an enigmatic social puzzle to me. These people are from an area called Kap Jih (P7), and there exists among Teochiu within the estate considerable variation and confusion as to the ethnic identity of these people. The confusion, of course, fuelled my interest and led to more questions and my eventual ability to view the categorization of Kap Jih in a more fluid and flexible manner, as did the Teochiu themselves. The resettlement estate is composed of about 67,000 residents, all of whom were resettled from squatter settlements into densely populated 16-storey blocks. Most of the residents have lived in this estate since it was constructed ten years ago, and many of them had lived in squatter settlements for many years prior to resettlement. Thus, my research did not focus upon problems of resettlement nor upon the adaptation of recent immigrants to an urban, industrial social setting. People living in the estate function within dense social networks which include relatives and friends within the estate, work colleagues, and friends and relatives living in other areas of Hong Kong. This is particularly true among the Teochiu segment of the housing estate population. Many Chinese ethnic groups are found within the estate. Housing Authority officials managing the estate do not have figures categorizing residents of this estate by ethnic group, but according to information from residents themselves, Cantonese are the largest and Teochiu the second largest ethnic group. According to Teochiu 1 A more detailed description of the ecology of the housing estate appears in my dissertation, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG 65 that the area was far from administrative centers, was very hilly and a refuge for bandits. The local people were described as rough, uneducated and rebellious. It was suggested that another administrative unit be established in the area to suppress bandits and establish schools in order to civilize the inhabitants (Hui Lai Gazetteer, 1930:81). Prior to the establishment of this separate district (the local administrative unit at that time being #), the area that was to become Hui Lai was part of the administrative unit of Hoi Fung. The latter first appeared as an administrative unit in 627 A.D.; prior to that Hoi Fung had been a part of Nan Hai (✯✯) and later administrative units in southern China (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, pp. 11-12). In 1142 Hoi Fung was combined with surrounding units to form Wai Chow prefecture () (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, pp. 11-12). According to the Hoi Fung Gazetteers, during the Ming Dynasty, in 1524, some of the Wai Chow sub-units were combined to form the district of Hui Lai, leaving Hoi Fung with only 7 districts (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, p. 11). Evidently Hui Lai then became administratively subordinate to Chiu Yeung, as Teochiu was then known. During the Ch’ing Dynasty, in 1731 Hoi Fung was divided into two units, Luk Fung and Hoi Fung, which remained a part of the larger unit of Wai Chow (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, p. 11). Prior to the establishment of Luk Fung, Kap Jih had always been a part of Hoi Fung and in 1731 when Luk Fung was separated from the rest of Hoi Fung, Kap Jih became a part of Luk Fung (Wai Chow Gazetteer, section on the geography of Luk Fung). Kap Jih was originally a small horse changing station for government messengers. It was always a part of Wai Chow Fu (AF), and except for one brief period, was never a part of Teochiu. From 1914 to 1921 Wai Chow, including Kap Jih and Hoi Luk Fung, were combined with Teochiu into a larger administrative unit containing 25 districts (personal communication from Jao Tsung-i, October, 1976). After 1921 this larger unit was disbanded, and Kap Jih and adjacent Hui Lai villages became parts of different administrative units, as had traditionally been the case after the early 1500's. This brief administrative history, although confusing to follow, is important in indicating the following points: (1) The district of Hui Lai was a part of Hoi Fung until about 1500, a fact which is virtually unknown to Teochiu in the housing estate who think that Hui Lai has always been a part of Teochiu. Aside from indicating ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 90 ELIZABETH L. JOHNSON loom does not appear to have been part of the inventory of Han Chinese material culture, this leads one to speculate that the Hakka may have learned the technique through contact with pre-Han people in the hill areas of Kwangtung where they settled. This is, at least, one possible explanation for their use of this technique. NOTES 1 The research reported here was done in Kwan Mun Hau Village, Tsuen Wan, during 1975-76, following my dissertation research which was done in the same village in 1968-70. The work was supported by the Joint Centre on Modern East Asia, at York University in Toronto. 2 Recent research reports on Tsuen Wan include: Graham E. Johnson, "Leaders and Leadership in an Expanding New Territories Town", The China Quarterly, March 1977, pp. 109-125. Elizabeth L. Johnson, "Women and Childbearing in Kwan Mun Hau Village", in Women in Chinese Society, Margery Wolf and Roxane Witke, eds., Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1975. An exhibit of patterned bands, and Szechwan peasant embroideries, was held at the University of British Columbia Museum of Anthropology from April 15-June 15 of this year, with the title "Chinese Peasant Textile Arts: Kwangtung and Szechwan Provinces". The exhibit was prepared by the students of Anthropology 431. 3 I wish to express my gratitude to my informants in Kwan Mun Hau Village, who not only introduced me to the subject of patterned bands but were also very patient in supplying me with information about them. I should also like to thank my very able research assistant, Jennifer Woon Chi-yee. 4 Dr. James Hayes has raised the interesting question of whether the bands used on these occasions would be woven in the colour and style of the wife's or the husband's village or would always be red (a lucky colour). Unfortunately I cannot answer this question without further research. 5 Some of the mountain songs were learned while others were sung in a kind of spontaneous repartee between two groups, often of men and women. The form of the wedding and funeral songs was learned, but the content varied according to the feelings which the individual singer wished to express. 6 See: James Hayes, "Itinerant Hakka Weavers", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch. Vol. 8, 1968, pp. 162-165. Aijmer, in his article "Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society” (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol. 7, 1967, pp. 42-79 (p.48)) mentions home weaving of fabrics, but this was apparently not done in Tsuen Wan, at least in recent memory. 7 For a general study of this phenomenon, see Aijmer, op. cit. 8 G. W. Skinner states that this was also true of Szechwan peasant embroideries. G. William Skinner, "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China, Part I" The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. xxiv, no. 1, November 1964, pp. 3-44 (p.40) Page 105 Page 106 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q "PATTERNED BANDS" IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG 91 9 See John A. Brim, "Village Alliance Temples in Hong Kong”, in Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Arthur P. Wolf, ed., Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1974, pp. 93-104. 10 J. H. Stewart Lockhart, in his "Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong" (H.M. Stationery Office, 1900, p.6) states that different systems existed in Tai Po, Yuen Long, and "Ts'ün Wan and other areas". 11 In my census sample of Kwan Mun Hau Village, only 15% of the wives of household heads were born in Tsuen Wan. However, 89% of the mothers and 69% of the wives of Village Representatives interviewed by Graham E. Johnson in 1969 were born in Tsuen Wan District. (Graham E. Johnson, Natives, Migrants, and Voluntary Associations in a Colonial Chinese Setting, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cornell University, 1970.) The reason for the discrepancy between the two samples is not clear; it may reflect differences between leaders and ordinary people, or between Kwan Mun Hau Village and Tsuen Wan in general. 12 Reported by Pat and Roger Howard, Canadians teaching in China. 13 Reported by Graham E. Johnson in 1976. 14 This was stated by Fei Hsiao-tung in an interview with Helga E. Jacobson and Graham E. Johnson in October 1976. 15 There is, for example, no mention of a backstrap loom in the very comprehensive study China at Work, by Rudolf P. Hommel (The M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1969). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q CHAN LAI-SUN AND HIS FAMILY 113 and then in Ningpo, mentions Ruth and her friend Christiana A-kit in the Annual Report of the London Tract Society for 1847: I have two young women Indo-Chinese converts, who, fleeing from persecution, joined me in this country [Batavia]. They have applied themselves to the study of the English language since their arrival in the north, and one of them in particular is thirsty for the intelligence which that language opens out to her. Her desire for information has reference especially to religious subjects. As we shall note A-tik's home after her marriage to Lai-sun was what nineteenth century missionaries called “pious", but piety was connected with a concern for a modern education for Chinese girls and for some years she taught in the missionary school in Shanghai. A missionary educator visited their home at Shanghai, and her account published in 1857 in the American Episcopal Church journal, Spirit of Missions (v. 22, p. 350), gives evidence of the manner in which they combined their western type education and connections with the Chinese community in which they lived. At the time of the visit Yung Wing, later the initiator of the Chinese Educational Mission in which Lai-sun participated, was a guest in the home. The missionary visitor noted that Yung Wing greeted her "with quite an American air”, though he had to admit he had forgotten her name. When Yung Wing, even then interested in education, asked if he could visit the girls' school under the missionary's charge, she politely turned him down as she felt that since the girls were so modest and unaccustomed to a male presence at the school, it would unduly upset them, but she turned to Mrs. Chan and her friend Christiana A-Kit, wife of Kew Teen-shang, and asked their opinion on the matter. They said they never objected to associating on social and friendly terms with Christian gentlemen. "But", said Kit, "when merchants or other heathen men call to see Attee's husband, she always retires." Yung Wing remarked, "When I was in the United States as a student, I often visited young ladies' seminaries and they never objected, in fact, I think they rather liked it.” The missionary lady took the occasion to probe a little deeper into the attitudes of American educated Chinese, posing the question, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q CHAN LAI-SUN AND HIS FAMILY 115 He served as chief secretary at the Chefoo Convention in 1876, and until the time of his death assisted at the many transactions Viceroy Li had with foreign powers. He was to have joined Li in his mission to Japan after the Sino-Japanese War, but Li excused him saying, “You are old and so am I; but I have to go because there is no help for it." At the time of his death Chan Lai-sun was survived by his widow, two sons and two daughters. He was predeceased by his son William and a daughter. The death notice of his widow, who died at the age of 92 on 17 Jan. 1917, was published in the Chinese Recorder (v. 58, p. 258). Her son Spencer T. Lai-sun had died only thirteen days before. Spencer had been educated at Queen's College, Hong Kong, before being taken to the United States by his father at the inauguration of the Chinese Educational Mission in 1872. He and his elder brother, Elijah, attended Yale. According to his obituary (South China Morning Post, 23 Jan. 1917), Spencer had an “extraordinary command of English” and was remarkably well informed on Chinese affairs, being one of the first to forecast the gravity of the Boxer Uprising. He was simultaneously on the staff of a Chinese language newspaper, the Hu Pao, and of an English language paper, the North China Daily News, both published at Shanghai. In 1911 he abandoned his newspaper career and as an expectant Taotai joined the staff of Viceroy Tuan Fang at Nanking. Early in his career in 1885 he undertook a special mission to India. When a reporter of the Times of India interviewed him, he was impressed with Spencer's European style clothing and the absence of a queue, for the latter he was said to have been given special permission by the Chinese authorities. During his school days in Hong Kong, Spencer had become acquainted with the family of the Reverend Ho Fuk-tong, being most likely a regular attendant of the Chinese congregation which met in the afternoons at Union Church. He married Ho Man-kwai, the daughter of the pastor. She died in Shanghai in 1894 at the young age of twenty-eight, leaving a young daughter, Daisy. The other two daughters of Chan Lai-sun married Europeans. The husband of the eldest daughter was a Danish ship captain, N. P. Andersen. He had seen service in the Taiping Revolution and had a long career in the Coast Staff of the Chinese Customs. He was somewhat older than his wife and married in middle age. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 129 movement in China illustrate the impact of the Christian aspect of the Taiping ideology had on individuals connected with it in a peripheral way. The Taiping rebellion upset the even tenor of their former village life. They became refugees. Most had an objective, however: they wished to join their former village clansmen and neighbours at the Taiping capital, Nanking. A few were successful; more, perhaps, were not. Having been previously influenced by the confused Christian ideas as promulgated by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan and Feng Yün-shan during the period before the outbreak of open hostilities between the Imperial forces and the Taiping revolutionaries, it was natural for them to seek out the missionaries for assistance and employment and also to be receptive to more thorough training in the Christian faith. The missionaries welcomed them as a means of relating to the Taiping movement with its promise of establishing a new dynasty on Christian principles. The promise was never realized and the missionaries eventually were disillusioned, but not before forming close relations with these refugees, some of whom became valuable assistants and contributed to the growth of the Chinese Christian Church. The Taiping Kingdom had within it, from the Christian point of view, the seeds of a transformation of China, but the end result was largely disastrous for China, and its fall left behind those who had dreamed of a glory that had passed them by. Some, as this article suggests, adjusted to a life devoted to the Christian Church, while others went other ways. But the missionaries maintained a nostalgic interest in those who had been closely connected to the leaders of the Taiping movement. NOTES This article first appeared in Ching Feng (*) Quarterly Notes on Christianity and Chinese Religion and Culture, XIX, No. 2, 1976: 105-119, and is reproduced here with permission. Ed. 1 When my sources have not given names in Chinese characters, I have used the romanization of the original manuscript, except for Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, Hung Jen-kan and Feng Yün-shan. There are particular difficulties in determining the proper surname for individuals who appear in the sources as Fung. This was the accepted Hakka form of the surname Hung #, but it was also the Cantonese spelling of the surname Fung. 2 Die Evangelischen Heidenboten, Oct., 1854, Letter of Hamberg, dated, May 1854. 3 Ibid., June, 1868, p. 73. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 130 CARL T. SMITH 4 London Missionary Society Archives, London, England (hereafter given as L.M.S.A.), South China Box 5, Folder 3, Jacket C, letter of Legge, 26 Sept., 1853, and Jacket D, Yearly Report of the Hong Kong Mission, 25 Jan., 1854. For a brief notice of Keuh A-gong see my article, "A Register of Baptized Protestant Chinese 1813-1842, Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 48 (Dec., 1970), p. 24. For Ng Mun-sow see my article, "Dr. Legge's Theological School", ibid, No. 50 (June, 1971), pp. 16-22. 5 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 2, Jacket C, letter of Legge, 28 Jan., 1869, and Folder 1, Jacket A, letter of Wong Foon, 8 May, 1857. Another missionary estimate of Hung Jen-kan is the testimonial the Rev. John Chalmers sent to the Rev. Rudolph Lechler, Basel Missionary Society Archives (hereafter given as B.M.S.A.), Vol. IV, 1857-1862, letter dated, London Mission House, Hong Kong, 24 Dec., 1857: “I have great pleasure in giving my testimony to the Christian character of Hung Jin, the relative of Hung Sew Tauen, who, since his return from Shanghai in the year 1854, has been in the employment of our mission; first as a Christian teacher, and afterwards as a preacher and assistant missionary. His general behaviour has been such as becomes the Gospel; the work which we have given him to do, he has always executed to our satisfaction and not only so, but his zeal for the promotion of the cause of Christ has been marked. He is a young man of superior abilities, and I hope he may yet be honoured to labour successfully in the preaching of the gospel to his countrymen for many years. 6 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 1, Jacket B, letter of Chalmers, 5 June, 1858. 7 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 1, Jacket C, letter of Legge and Chalmers, 11 Jan., 1859, with enclosure of translation of letter of Hung Jan: "Translation of Hung Jan's last letter, sent from Shanghai by Mr. Muirhead, who received it from a Chinaman who had been with Lord Elgin's expedition up the Yangtze. He wrote in 170 or 180 miles on that river below Hankow." Letters from "Shau Kwan, Nan Gan [both on the north boundary of Kwangtung], one from the capital of Keangse, one from imperialist camp at Yaou Chow [in north of Keangse]" are mentioned as having been written by Hung Jen-kan. 8 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 2, Jacket C, letter of Legge, 24 Aug., 1860, and Folder 3, Jacket B, letter of Legge, 14 Jan., 1861. 9 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 1, Jacket A, letter of Legge and Chalmers, 14 Jan., 1857. 10 L.M.S.A., Legge Family Papers, letter of 28 Mar., 1861 and 24 Mar., 1871. 11 For identification of Hung K'uei Hsiu see Jen (Chien) Yu-wan “**太平£Ø*^£$*M”, (Record of Visit with Descendants of the Taiping Hung Family) ***@** (Taiping Kingdom Miscellany), No. 4, and * Lo Hsiang-lin, (Historical Sources for the Study of the Hakkas), (Hong Kong, 1965), p. 409, 12 B.M.S.A., Hong Kong School Report, 14 Feb. 1875, "Teacher Schui Thin will shortly change places with Fung Khui-syu in Tschong Hang Kang, because the last as a son of a Tai Ping Rebellion King, cannot stay anymore in the mainland without danger to the life of himself and family." 13 B.M.S.A., Hong Kong School Report, 16 Apr. 1873, and Die Evangelischen Heidenboten, Jan., 1866, letter of Lechler, 2 Oct, 1865. 14 B.M.S.A., Chinese Mission Yearly Report 1885. The ship Dartmouth left Hong Kong 25 Dec., 1878 and arrived at Georgetown, British Guiana on 17 Mar., 1879. Among its 516 emigrants were seventy Christians. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 133 Gützlaff ever met each other in 1848 when Feng returned from Kwangsi and stayed in his native place for a short period to wait for the return of Hung Hsiu-ch'üan. I cannot see how the fable started. It may be that some members of the Union did join the Taiping army and recognized superficially the similarity of the organizations of Feng and Gützlaff with practically the same contents in their teachings, thus misunderstanding the identity of the two groups; and thus, Feng was mistaken for a fellow-member of the Union. All in all, this problem needs further study and intensive research before a conclusive answer can be obtained. (2) Li Tsin-kau ($£$) According to Hamberg's account, Li Ching-fang (***) was Hung Hsiu-ch'üan's cousin who lived in Lien Hua Tang (##) in Hua-hsien where Hung taught. The Tai P'ing pamphlet T'ai Ping T'ien Jih (***ŋ) identifies him. Hung first studied Liang Fa's pamphlets seriously with him. W. Oehler, Die Taiping-Bewegung (1923), asserts that Ching-fang was the grandfather of Li Tsin-kau. For certain reasons I believe Ching-fang was more likely the father, as Tsin-kau was seemingly too young to befriend and discuss such serious matters with Hung. The late Rev. Chang Chu-ling (✯✯✯) told me a very amusing anecdote about Li Tsin-kau. After establishing his capital in Nanking, Hung Hsiu-ch'üan ordered Tsin-kau to recruit followers in Kwangtung. Tsin-kau failed in this mission but went north personally. When he arrived at Shanghai on the way to Nanking, he heard that the God whom Hung saw in his visions years ago wore a black robe. He thought that God, the True God, should be dressed in white, and therefore what Hung had seen was really the Devil. The result was that he turned back to Hong Kong immediately without attempting to see Hung again. (See my Taiping Tienkuo Chuan-shih, pp54-55, notes pp58-59) This story corroborates with the account Carl Smith found (p. 124), but the call to come to Nanking might be from Hung Jen-kau rather than from Hung Hsiu-ch'üan. (3) Hung Jen-kau (Shield King †1##) At last, the question 'who financed Hung Jen-kau's trip to Nanking?' is solved with Carl Smith's finding that the London ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 134 CARL T. SMITH Missionary Society did it. In one of Jen-kau's confessional statements, Chalmers was named the donor. Now it is clear that the money was given him only through Chalmers. Jen-kau probably did not know that Legge and Chalmers continued to support his family till the end of 1859. With reference to Legge's belief in Jen-kau's compromising practice of polygamy, my view is that Legge was induced to such opinion by the allegation of Joseph Edkins, another missionary who had visited Jen-kau in Soochow and started to make such charge upon his return to Shanghai. R. J. Forrest, a British vice-consul and a close associate of Jen-kau whose private life was well-known to him, made an emphatic refutation on this charge. (This apologia is quoted in my book The Taiping Revolutionary Movement, p358). Jen-kau was fully exonerated. (4) Hung Kuei-yüan (洪貴元) (alias K'uei-hsiu 魁秀) I am personally grateful to Carl Smith who had finally found out, with documentary evidence, the whereabouts of Hung K’uei-hsiu, the eldest son of Jen-kau. Years ago I was told that he had migrated to America (U.S.A.). I did not stop my long search for his descendants even as late as 1964-65 when I made my last trip to the U.S. Of course, I failed in my efforts because he and his family settled down in Demerara, British Guiana instead of North America, as ascertained by Mr. Smith. I wish someone would be interested enough to pick up the thread and look up his descendants there. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 144 W. A. REYNOLDS truck so that the payload of 2 tons was the maximum. However, by 1944 the charcoal trucks were being operated successfully over the Luhsien road with its high altitude as well as all the other routes. Charcoal was obtainable in most villages and was cheap in the mountain areas and the cost, per ton carried, was 1/5 of that of alcohol. The charcoal burners carried the major load of supplies through 1944 and the first part of 1945. The successful Burma campaign of autumn 1944, the opening of the Ledo road and the petrol pipeline laid along it made a great difference to the Unit transport systems. Not only was the Unit allocated 25 Canadian W.D. 3-ton Dodge trucks in the summer of 1945 from ARC and UNRAA, but it was also able to obtain P.O.L. (Petrol, Oil and Lubrication) supplies from the US army free of charge. To quote from a letter written 10/6/45 “It was a great moment when at Kunming, Rupert (Stanley) and I drove up in a truck to the P.O.L. station and pulled up beside a real petrol pump (and bright red at that too) and said to the Sergeant "Fill'er up" and he filled her up to the tune of 22 gallons US. When I told him it was 34 years since I'd done that he registered the usual GI amazement that anyone could stand the place that long”. System Performance The cargo carried by the system was in three categories: Medical and Relief supplies for NHA, IRC, ARC etc.; FAU maintenance and fuel supplies; and return cargoes. The Government transport administration ruled that no trucks should travel empty and on return journeys must take Government, usually military, cargoes. The Unit had a special pass, as a Christian pacifist organization, exempting it from taking soldiers or weapons and instead usually had cargoes of salt from the Yangtse valley south to Kweichow and Yunnan. The system performance figures in terms of kilometre tons for the 4 years, as far as they are at present available, are given in Table VII. The number of trucks available on average through the years are given, and from this it will be seen that the operating efficiency in terms of kilometre tons per truck per year steadily increased. This was due to:--- 1) increased efficiency of the Charcoal truck operations, more than compensating for the deterioration of the diesel trucks ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 Other field workers, both British and American, are likely to follow them. 4. My own work would have been impossible without the generous help of many officers of the New Territories Administration; I should like to thank them collectively, expressing my gratitude in particular to the District Officer Tai Po and his staff. I have also the pleasure of thanking many officers in other branches of the Government; among them my thanks go especially to Mr. K.M.A. Barnett, Mr. J.W. Hayes, Mr. K.W.J. Topley, and Mr. P.K.C. Tsui; I am in the debt of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, the Department of Co-operative Development and Fisheries, various officers of the Courts, and the Colonial Secretariat Library. To my host in Tai Po, Mr. Tsang For-piu, I am specially obliged. I should like also to thank my colleague Dr. Marjorie Topley for much guidance and several teachers at the University of Hong Kong whom I had the privilege of consulting. 5. In what is to follow I shall discuss the general background to social research in the New Territories, report on some of the problems I have myself looked into, and suggest what further work could be done (and how it might be done) to promote the interests of both scholarship and administration. 6. Until the advent of the Communist regime in China the New Territories did not interest social scientists. (It can also be argued that they were of little interest to anybody outside the New Territories Administration). Chinese scholars could not be expected to concern themselves with territory under British rule, while scholars from the West were far too preoccupied with China to consider the claims of a stretch of the Chinese countryside which, from their point of view, was no more than the railway route into Kwangtung. And of course it must be remembered that the number of social scientists working on Chinese themes was, before the Second World War, extremely small. Since 1949 the New Territories have come increasingly to be appreciated as a field for research: they have been politically accessible and have had the advantage of offering for study perhaps the best living example (however much affected by British rule and modern changes) of traditional Chinese country life. So far three anthropologists have completed field studies in the New Territories: Miss Barbara E. Ward, from London, who was primarily concerned with Tanka fishermen in the Sai Kung area (and who will probably be revisiting the New Territories this ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 195 simply pushed back the social frontier of the New Territories, as is dramatically the case in Tsuen Wan, but affected the lives and ideas of large numbers of people in many parts of the region. Overseas migration, old in nature but new in pattern, has brought in much wealth. An agricultural revolution, no less dramatic than its industrial counterpart but less commented on in the world outside, has pushed the rice economy aside from the centre of the scene, created new kinds of settlement and broken up the image of an unhurried farming community. Land has now entered, or efforts are being made to bring it into, new markets for both agricultural and building uses. In these conditions it is not enough to study old-established communities and traditional institutions. How these changes have come about, how they are perceived and evaluated by the people they most closely affect, and how they in turn imply other kinds of changes should certainly stand in the forefront of studies of the New Territories at the present time. 9. On the other hand, it would be a mistake—as grievous as the error of neglecting what is new—to suppose that only the latest changes deserve attention. From the moment British administrators set foot in the New Territories a chain of changes was initiated: in land tenure, in political leadership, in social control, in economic life. The measure of modern change is not to be taken solely by a comparison between 1963 and 1949 or 1941; it must be gauged by the whole stretch of British administration. But, in turn, even this is too parochial a framework for the study of what was once a part of China. At this late date it is still possible to catch glimpses in the New Territories of how the area was governed before 1898 and to work out the implications of this form of government for social life. The New Territories, that is to say, have something to contribute to the historian's understanding of China in late Ch'ing times, and this understanding on the part of the historian of modern China can, reciprocally, help to build up a picture of 65 years of the New Territories against the background of their Chinese origins and under the influence of changes in China. 10. One of the problems I attempted to approach was the nature of local leadership in the New Territories. Let me, from this example, try to illustrate how changing institutions might be analysed to throw light on present-day concerns. I must stress the tentative and summary nature of my account, for the subject needs far more Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 197 to the problem of ensuring law and order by means of administra-tive, legal, and police measures which in effect left people as much as possible to their own devices. But however much an adminis-tration may seek to preserve traditional institutions and modes of behaviour and very superficially the pre-war New Territories Administration resembled a Chinese form of Government—it inevitably produces some changes which spring from the framework of its own rules. One change immediately brought about in the New Territories was the removal of political and economic power from certain clans, mainly in the west, which, under the Chinese regime, had exercised control over considerable areas by virtue of their access to the government and their tax privileges. More fun-damentally, however, the new regime set into decline a system of local leadership which had hitherto rested on principles inherent in imperial Chinese society. 13. At the edge of China the county of San On (about three-fifths of which became the New Territories in 1898) was not remarkable for producing scholars, but, as an integral part of the Empire, it sent its men into the examinations and, as a result, furnished the country with some administrators. I have not yet had the oppor-tunity of checking the examination quotas operating at the end of the century, but at its beginning—I do not have the source by me as I write there was a quota of eight graduates at each three-yearly examination at Canton for San On, and an additional quota of two for the county's Hakka population. (In the last decades of the Empire, moreover, the sale of examination equivalents was very common; the number of titled scholars in San On was therefore likely to be considerably greater than that suggested by examination quotas). According to Lockhart, who surveyed the New Territories in 1898, there were about 150 sau ts'oi* in the county. See J.W. Hayes, "The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 2, 1962, p. 11. Those who studied for the examinations were com-paratively few, and they were almost certainly members of clans, and families within these clans, which, by reason of their riches and connexions, were in a privileged position. But the idea was widespread that all respectable men (a category including all the farmers) were eligible to offer themselves for examination and, ultimately, to assume administrative office. And there existed many schools in the countryside to set children going on the ladder ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 200 MAURICE FREEDMAN Chinese rule, the remoteness, the danger and the expense of the central courts had left much authority to the local elders, and especially to those entrusted with powers of collecting local taxes: under British rule this authority naturally decayed, though they have continued sometimes to be the medium of dealings with the villagers. But their moral influence has often been of great assistance to the officials in the maintenance of the public peace, and their knowledge of the decisions of questions concerning local customs, disputed successions, fung shui and such like. (Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912, Papers laid before the Legislative Council no. 11 of 1912, p. 45). 17. We shall need to consider who these elders were, but before doing so we must look at a wider context within which local leadership was to be seen. At the time the New Territories were created they were in large part covered by a network of village-groupings, many of them being known under the name of yeuk. A yeuk was a collection of neighbouring villages which had some means of expressing its unity (sometimes in the ownership of property common to the grouping) and which was often combined along with other such yeuk to form what I propose to call a yeuk-complex. This kind of organisation can conveniently be illustrated from material on the yeuk-complex to have survived most fully into our own day. I refer to the Ts'at Yeuk (i.e. the Seven Yeuk) of Tai Po. 18. There for long stood a market town at Tai Po: Tai Po Kau Hui. It was (and physically remains) just by the Tang settlement of Tai Po Tau, but the market was under control of the Tang people further north in Lung Yeuk Tau. As Masters of the Market the Tang taxed sellers and, if the stories told about them now are to be believed as reflecting reality, and not mythical justifications of revolt, they harassed buyers by the exercise of the privilege of claiming choice produce. Their control of the market was from time to time challenged. In 1892, the matter having been brought to the county magistrate's court at Nam Tau, a ruling was given that only the Tang had the right to build shops in the market. This decision (which was inscribed on a stone slab and placed in the local Tin Hau Temple) appears to have been the culmination of a series of challenges to Tang power by the Man of Tai Hang. (Up to 1873, when it was destroyed by a typhoon, the Man had had a settlement next to the market, but by the 1890s their base was Tai Hang). In response to the unfavourable outcome of the lawsuit ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 201 the Man and their allies rallied local support to form a new market on the other side of what in British times has come to be known as the Kwun Yam River. This was the beginning of the market town of Tai Po in its present form. (The story up to this point is told by Sung Hok-p'ang, 'Legends and Stories of the New Territories. I. Tai Po', The Hong Kong Naturalist, vol. VI, no. 1, May 1935. The stone slab recording the magistrate's decision no longer stands in the temple; when the temple was recently rebuilt the stone was cast into the yard where it now lies, often encumbered with rubbish, a neglected minor monument of late Ch'ing history). 19. The new market in a short time consigned the old one to a decrepitude familiar to anyone who has walked behind the Jockey Club Clinic which now stands next to the Tin Hau Temple. Soon the founder of the new market put up the first of the bridges to span the Kwun Yam River; the subscription list for the bridge is recorded on two stone plaques set into the wall of the Man Mo Temple which had been built as a centre for the new market. A room in the temple still houses the public weighing scales from which the founders and their successors have derived an income. 20. The story goes that the Man who led the revolt against the Tang monopoly called a meeting of the leaders of seven yeuk around Tai Po, each of these taking a share in the new market in the form of shops. The land on which the market was built appears to have been for the most part the property of the Man. Now it is probable that the Ts'at Yeuk dates from this point in time. My informants take this view. And there is one piece of information which tends to confirm it: one of the constituent yeuk is Cheung Shue Tan which, according to what I was told in Sha Tin, was previously a member of a yeuk-complex in this latter area; so that it may well have changed its allegiance at the time of the founding of the new market at Tai Po. But even if the Ts'at Yeuk came into being so recently, the yeuk themselves can hardly have done so for they appear to have been the material out of which the complex was formed. Many locals assert that the yeuk did not antedate the Ts'at Yeuk, but I am inclined to think that we are dealing here with a very old form of grouping, as comparative evidence will suggest. The seven yeuk were Lam Tsuen, Cheung Shue Tan, Ting Kok, Shuen Wan, Hap Wo, Tai Hang, and Fan Leng. Together they had over seventy villages, but the yeuk were of unequal size, so that while, for example, the Man settlement at Tai Hang formed a yeuk ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 204 MAURICE FREEDMAN Connected with the union there was an organisation which operated a kind of agricultural insurance scheme, making good losses by theft of crops and beasts. Again, the Luk Yeuk was composed of both Punti and Hakka. 24. There are other 'numerical' yeuk-complexes: the Four (Sz) Yeuk of Tsuen Wan, the Six (Luk) Yeuk of Sai Kung, and the Nine (Kau) Yeuk of Sha Tin. In these three cases, however, we see the influence on rural organisation of an urban and administrative centre. The walled city of Kowloon was the only official seat in that part of San On to be converted into the New Territories. It held the yamen of a deputy magistrate and certain military officials, no doubt acquiring some of its importance as a centre of government in the second half of the nineteenth century from the proximity of the British Colony. The Kau Yeuk of Sha Tin appears to have consisted of forty-eight villages, of which the five largest were Punti and the rest Hakka. The Ch'e Kung Temple (now the property of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs in his part as a corporation sole) belonged to the Kau Yeuk, according to one account, but was taken over by the S.C.A. when a dispute was precipitated by a claim put forward by one village to control it. On the Sz Yeuk of Tsuen Wan I have discovered little more than that it existed. Sung Hok-p'ang once told a Chinese scholar, who has since committed the statement to writing, that the area now called Tsuen Wan was in late Ming or early Ch'ing times known as Tsuen Wan Yeuk and that formerly all the villages in the area from Ting Kau to Kowloon City belonged to it. The Luk Yeuk of Sai Kung, however, has left clearer traces. I cannot define its composition exactly, but I have been told that Ho Chung, Pak Kong, Sha Kok Mei, Tseung Kwan O and two settlements in Shap Sz Heung were the six yeuk. Once again, both Hakka and Punti were involved. The three yeuk-complexes of Tsuen Wan, Sha Tin, and Sai Kung were in some fashion tied in with a council, formal or informal, in Kowloon City; and it appears likely that the local deputy magistrate used this organisation to make contact with the villages in his neighbourhood. In 1879 (according to its own records) there came into existence in Kowloon a body known as the Lok Sin Tong; members of the three yeuk-complexes were represented on it. Its primary object seems to have been to promote charity, public works, and education, while in character it would appear to have been an association of local gentry. The Lok Sin Tong still exists; indeed, it has grown ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 234 MAURICE FREEDMAN tance was put up by the Administration to geomantic objections to plans for development. Reporting on the first phase of British rule Orme wrote that fung shui objections had been made to the proposed routes of the railway and roads, 'but it is characteristic of the Chinese folk that their superstitious fears have always yielded ultimately to the needs of a progressive age.' (Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912, p. 47). But as long as the Administration wishes to honour its undertaking to respect local beliefs and customs the formula it has arrived at seems to be the most sensible that could be devised. It appears to strike the right compromise between intransigence and complete passivity. 69. I come now to the price the Administration must pay. If fung shui is detrimentally disturbed not only may compensation be demanded but a ritual remedy may be sought which often takes the form of a tun fu, a series of rites to prevent misfortune. Fung shui, as I have argued, is a kind of 'science', its principles working automatically and without the agency of anthropomorphic supernatural entities. But some fung shui, even undisturbed, give off a malign influence, a Killing Breath (shaat hei) for which the remedy cannot be sought within fung shui itself. Rites become necessary. They call upon supernatural beings (as opposed to forces) and, characteristically, require the services of men who, being 'priests' and not, so to say, scientific technicians, stand in contrast to geomancers. In reality, the contrast is imperfect, for some geomancers do apparently undertake to perform tun fu, but the 'pure' fung shui sin shaang will not meddle with such things, saying that a Deadly Breath will never emanate from a properly constructed fung shui and that the remedy for a disturbed one is the province of religious practitioners from whom he is careful to dissociate himself. Tun fu are typically performed by maam moh lo, although other kinds of ritual specialists may also be involved; there is a spirit-medium in the Tai Po area who has performed these rites. Tun fu (or tan fu, as it is called in some places; there are some linguistic and ethnographic questions I cannot discuss here) invokes a range of deities, general and local, to counteract the malignancy and ensure peace. Among these deities some will decide that the work falls within their province and take appropriate action. Tun fu by one rite imposes a special religious embargo on the action of the evil influences and by another removes the embargo when peace and security seems to have been assured. The Administration and others ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 253 modern buildings, the banks, the cinemas, and the daily shopping, the country town still has many of the characteristics of the place it was in former times when the market was held only on certain days of the month and formed the only means by which people in different parts of the area kept in regular touch with one another. Marriages, business deals, and politics were and remain important elements in the body of transactions which the country town stands for. But not all the issues are to be prejudged; it may be that as the town grows in size and economic significance it develops an urban autonomy, and a kind of small-townsman emerges whose interests and values are no longer so tightly correlated with those of the villager. The town of Yuen Long, for example, may prove to have gone far in this direction already, and the advent of new business men into the market towns, some of them with bases in the city, may point the way to an increasing tendency for the small urban areas of the New Territories to set themselves up as independent social entities with their own mechanisms of internal order (chambers of commerce, kaifongs, and trade associations). It is for this reason that I hope that one of the two students from London who will be arriving in the New Territories in the autumn will be able to concentrate on a market town and its relations to the countryside. There is of course another kind of market town in the New Territories: the one which depends on fishermen and in which, as a result, there has traditionally been a social cleavage between the buyers and the sellers, such that the town has not been under the control of the people of the surrounding area. Such a town fell within the scope of Miss Ward's study. An outstandingly interesting example (especially attractive because its historical background has been explored in a paper, now in press, by Mr. Hayes*) is Cheung Chau; it should certainly be borne in mind for future investigation. It offers the promise of our being able to see the results of a long period of tight urban organisation, resembling very strikingly, I suspect, the kind of urban settlement built up by Chinese emigrants in many parts of South-East Asia. 93. I have been brought by questions of urban organisation to touch on fishermen. The Tanka were the first group of the New Territories population to be studied by an anthropologist, and there is little likelihood that fishermen, whether land-based or boat people, * "Cheung Chau 1850-1898: Information from Commemorative Tablets" in JHKBRAS, 3, 1963: 88-99. — Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 257 97. These are general points made with reference to the Chinese family in its traditional form and conditions. What kinds of family units are to be found now in the New Territories? The 1961 census figures for household size (which can be roughly equated with family size) show that the most characteristic size is about 4 to 6 people, that there are many smaller ones, and that units larger than 7 are few. To take an example (which I have conveniently in my notebook): the following figures are for the household sizes in the Tai Po census area (i.e. Tai Po District) in respect of units which occupy whole concrete, brick, or stone houses—that is to say, where housing conditions approximate the most to tradition. (See Census, vol. II, p. 12, Table 020). Household Size Numbers of Households of Each Size 1 1,299 2 1,441 3 1,655 4 1,839 5 1,773 6 1,550 7 1,174 8 759 9 401 10 and over 612 Total 12,503 The units are typically small. How is it that there are so many households with 2 persons and (despite the contradiction in terms) 1 person? There is of course a refugee element in these figures (but it would have been much bigger if we had taken the data for people living in wooden houses or shacks), but they do not account for all cases. Under what conditions are single-person 'households' found? When will a young married couple set up on their own? What economic significance is to be read into the forming of small units generally? Are small units in fact economically independent, and do they contain an element of people who are poor and can no longer rely on support from outside the unit? That is to say, if we start by defining the family as a unit which lives by itself we have then to enquire into the social and economic ties maintained between its members and the members of other such units with ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 264 NOTES AND QUERIES the history and present significance of the Hospital. A Head of the Department of Home Affairs (the former Department of Chinese Affairs, and, even earlier, the Registrar-General or Protector of the Chinese) would possibly have his own unique evaluation of the institution. A medical doctor, a Neo-Marxist critic of elitism and the old compradore system, a sociologist or a historian all could find different things to emphasize in its history and development. The viewpoint of the writer of these notes is of one who has researched various aspects of Hong Kong history and is particularly interested in the historical development of the Chinese community in Hong Kong. I have mentioned the various overlapping roles of the Hospital in the past. One might divide these roles into medical, educational, religious, social and quasi-political. Tung Wah as a Medical Institution As a Hospital there has been a continuity in its medical service from its opening in February, 1872, but there has been a significant shift from an initial exclusive use of traditional Chinese medical treatment to today's most advanced international medical practice. The story of Tung Wah Hospital as a medical institution is a part of the medical history of Hong Kong and the relation and inter-action of traditional Chinese practice with that introduced from the Western medical tradition. The nineteenth century foreign trained medical officer in Hong Kong did not look with favour upon the type of treatment the sick received at Tung Wah. He had little sympathy with Chinese medical lore. As an institution receiving a government appropriation, by the creating Ordinance it came within the province of the Colonial Surgeon to comment on conditions at Tung Wah in his annual medical report. His very first report was critical as evidenced by the following extract, There seems to be a large number of attendants, but I never found them at hand when they were wanted. ... The treatment of surgical cases shows an amount of ignorance which is much to be deplored. Seeing that the Institution was endowed with such a large sum of money by the Colonial Government, I think that the Directors might be asked to set apart one ward of their Hospital for the treatment of patients by foreign Doctors.* * The Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1873 p.228, No. 85. Report of the Colonial Surgeon. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES AND QUERIES 265 In the Colonial Surgeon's report for 1873, he remarks that, This Institution at present hardly deserves the name of Hospital, in the ordinary acceptance of the word. It does good as a refuge of the destitute ... and in time when their inveterate dislike of European improvements is overcome, may do much more good than it can now.* These criticisms were soon picked up by the local English press. They indicate the difficulties the European had in recognizing any values in the traditional methods of Chinese medical practice. Year after year in newspaper editorials, letters to the editor and the annual medical reports of the Colonial Surgeon there was pressure for the introduction of western medical treatment. The Chinese replied that the population had no desire to expose themselves to any type of medical care than that to which they were accustomed. They had a strong dread of western medical practice and tried to avoid at all costs the fate of being sent to the Government Civil Hospital where they would be subjected to the attentions of a western trained doctor. In refutation of this claim, a newspaper editorial pointed to the example of the Medical Missionary Hospital at Canton under the supervision of Dr. Kerr, which treated some tens of thousands of patients—many more than passed through Tung Wah in its early years. The editor claimed that of their own free will the people of Kwangtung flocked to Dr. Kerr's Hospital to be treated according to western medical methods. I shall make no effort to delineate the argument further, only to suggest that each side may have had its points. At any rate the argument dragged on through the years: the European segment of the population regarding the Tung Wah of those days as little more than an institution similar to an English workhouse for the destitute, where, as the Colonial Surgeon commented in 1874, "the patients get good food and, according to Chinese ideas, very comfortable accommodations". The issue reached a crisis when the bubonic plague hit Hong Kong in 1894. It was a week or so before a number of cases of death diagnosed by Chinese doctors simply as "fever" were recognized as the plague. By the time the medical authorities were aware of its presence, the plague had a good hold, and when they instituted measures to control it, there was strong opposition in the Chinese * The Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1874 p.158, No. 62. Report of the Colonial Surgeon. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES AND QUERIES POLITICAL AND PUGILISTIC FREEMASONRY?* CHINESE FREEMASONS 281 Door front of a house in a Chicago China Town street. The Chinese inscription on the glass panel: +##NR% (literally: China Hung Mun Peoples' Governing Party). "Hung Mun" is a branch of Chinese martial art (kung fu); "Peoples' Governing Party" is probably what Freemasons are known to be by this organisation in Chicago. This photograph was taken by Y. F. Lam, P.M. 428 and 493, S.C. during his U.S.A. tour in May, 1976. Mr. Lam continues: I am indebted to my good friend, James W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., currently Town Manager and District Officer, Tsuen Wan, N.T. and Editor of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, who provided me with a relevant and interesting excerpt from a book entitled Ex-Chief Inspector Kenneth Andrew, Hong Kong Detective, published by John Long, London 1962. It runs: * Reprinted, with permission, from the "1975-1976 Year Book and Proceedings of the District Grand Lodge of the Far East". Mr. Y. F. Lam is, of course, our Member and Printer. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 282 NOTES AND QUERIES "It was a serious offence to be a member of a secret society and, under Hong Kong law, possession of what was called the membership cloth or any of the regalia of such a society was regarded as sufficient proof of membership. The cloth was what a member had, instead of a card, just a scrap of cotton material, seven by four inches with the name of the holder and details of the society. I remember arresting a man in Hong Kong who was on his way to China and finding he had a membership cloth that had been stamped with a large gold seal on which were printed, in English, the words 'affiliated to the Chinese Freemasons of America' round a design of the Square and Compasses in the second degree.” The Hon. Editor recalls seeing a similar sign "Chinese Freemasons" on a door in China Town, Vancouver, B.C. during his recent visit there in May 1977, but unfortunately did not take down the full English and Chinese text. SANDAL WOOD MILLS AT TSUN WAN* The following extracts from various publications relate to this now almost forgotten but long established local industry, located at Tsun Wan in the New Territories of Hong Kong. Formerly a small market centre serving the surrounding villages, Tsun Wan is now a large industrial town. From J.H. Stewart Lockhart's Report on the New Territory, The Hongkong Government Gazette, 8th April, 1899, p. 544. “A large establishment exists near Tsun Wan for the manufacture of joss-powder, out of which joss-sticks, used in the worship of idols, are made. The powder is made from fragrant wood, which is pounded into dust by means of water-wheels, six of which were seen at work. Although there is a large force of water throughout the territory available for water-power, this is the only instance in which we saw water utilised for manufacturing purposes."† * Usually romanized as Tsuen Wan: see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Government Printer, n.d. but c 1960) p. † On his short visit, and necessarily cursory inspections, Mr. Stewart Lockhart appears to have missed the use of water wheels to crush clay at the Wun Yiu pottery kilns: see CSO1904 Ext/6929 in the PRD Hong Kong. For mention of Water Wheel Licences see Hong Kong Administrative Reports, Assistant District Officer, New Territories, Southern District, 1912 (p. I 15), 1913 (p. I 13) and 1914 (p. I 10). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES AND QUERIES 283 From Eastern No. 88, Correspondence relating to the Kowloon-Canton Railway (London, Colonial Office, 1907), Enclosure D in No. 59, Governor Sir M. Nathan to Mr. Lyttelton, 11 January, 1905. "Tsun Wan-Two passage boats ply daily between Hong Kong and Tsun Wan; the number of passengers carried each way averages about 60. The principal goods carried are rice, pineapples when in season, grass and wood in connection with the 24 sandal-wood mills, worked by water power, and situated in the various valleys of the Tsun Wan district." From G.S.P. Heywood, Rambles in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Kelly & Walsh, Ltd., 2nd Edition 1951, p. 19. "Tsun Wan has several local industries; silk-weaving is carried on in an up-to-date mill next door to the primitive and unhygienic sheds where noodles are made from powdered beans. In the valley running up into the hills to the south-west of Tai Mo Shan there is a village consisting entirely of watermills, where wood is ground up for the manufacture of joss sticks. This picturesque place is easily reached from the road; the path starts at the bridge about half a mile beyond Tsun Wan, near the 9th milestone, and follows the stream upwards, first on one bank and then on the other. The first watermill is reached in 5 minutes' walk from the road, and beyond are a dozen more little houses perched on the sides of the valley, each with its waterwheel busily turning. For a small tip the owner of one of these mills will show you inside; the atmosphere is thick with fragrant dust, and through it you can dimly see great stone-headed hammers pounding away at the aromatic wood."* Hong Kong, 1974. JAMES HAYES CHINESE IN THE VOLUNTEER FORCES OF HONG KONG In my article "A Short History of Military Volunteers in Hong Kong" (Volume 11 of this Journal, 1971: 151-171) I mentioned the uncertainty which surrounded the membership of the successive volunteer units by local Chinese (pages 164-5 refer). I suggested that it was possible that the late Sir Man-kam Lo was the first or among the first to join, in the 1920s. * Plate 26 illustrates this Note. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 284 NOTES AND QUERIES Since then, I have seen a notice which makes it clear that Hong Kong Chinese joined the Volunteer Movement at least 30 years before this time. In a speech made by Dr., later Sir James, Cantlie, then Dean of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese, on 23rd July 1892, on the occasion of the presentation of diplomas to the first two members to qualify (one was Sun Yat-sen), he pointed out that students of the college were the only Chinese then enlisted in the recently reorganised 'Reserve Force of Hong Kong' (See G. Stokes, Queen's College 1862-1962, Hong Kong n.d.). Hong Kong, 1976. JAMES HAYES A MISSING CHINESE LIBRARY? In order to compile his book Eighteen Capitals of China (Philadelphia and London; J.B. Lippencott Company, 1911) Dr. William Edgar Geil, the celebrated American traveller and author stated in his preface: (p.x) “With the aid of viceroys, governors, Hanlin scholars, librarians, booksellers, we have gathered a large collection, out of which selections by leading scholars have been translated, and a few specimens are given, to let the readers see the old style of book. Local proverbs in themselves have never been brought together on our scale; and to choose from a mass of new material which would fill three volumes has been a difficult task.' It would appear from the introduction penned by the famous American sinologue missionary and teacher, Dr. W.A.P. Martin, that this literary material was collected on the spot, at each capital, comprising ... "their topographical treasures, a mass of literature destined to form the basis of a Chinese Library" (p. viii). Also that, as for one of Dr. Geil's former books on China, on his journeyings along the Great Wall, Martin had helped to put his materials in shape (p.viii). Does anyone know of the present whereabouts of this valuable collection which presumably was taken back by Dr. Geil to his home in Doylestown, Pennsylvania where, according to Who Was Who in America, he was born, lived and died (1925). Hong Kong, 1977, JAMES HAYES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 290 NOTES AND QUERIES career, since this Nan-hai artist had continuously worked as a professional over half a century; and finally his works were mainly sold at a very reasonable price. NOTES 1 See Chuang Shen: "Some observations on Kwangtung paintings" in Kwangtung Painting (1973, published by the Urban Council, Hong Kong), pp. 9-24. 2 According to the 6th chuan of Ming-hua-lu, “Records of painting in the Ming Dynasty", edited by Hsu Hsin in the early years of the Ch'ing Dynasty, Lin Liang was active in the Hung-chih era (1488-1505), mainly in the late 15th century. 3 Chu Pi-shan was famous for his specially designed silver wine cup in the shape of a hollow tree. For a colour reproduction of such a cup, dated 1345 by Chu's own carved inscription, see "The selected Handcrafts from the collections of the Palace Museum", edited by the Palace Museum, (1974, Peking), pl. 34. A similar silver wine cup, also dated 1345 by Chu's own carved inscription, in the form of a boat made of a hollow tree in which Chang Ch'ien is seated, is owned by Lady David of London. For its reproduction, see Perceval David: Chinese Connoisseurship (New York, 1971), pl. 19C. 4 The origin of this name seemingly inspired by a famous line of the 5th century poet Tao Chien, in the 5th poem of his "Drinking wine". This line reads: "Culling chrysanthemums by the eastern hedge, 悠然見南山 I see afar the South hills." For the English translation of this poem, see Robert Kotewall and Norman L. Smith: The Penguin Book of Chinese Verse (1962, Middlesex), p. 9. 5 In "Lo-yu-yüan", the mid-9th century poet Li Shang-yin (813-858) wrote: "The setting sun has boundless beauty only the yellow dusk is so near." See also Robert Kotewall and Norman L. Smith; ibid, p. 25. 6 See Wang Chao-yung "Lin-nan hua-cheng-yueh" 'A Brief Document on Kwangtung painting' (1927, Shanghai), chuan 10, p. 7. 7 The most important literary man who loved plums during the Sung China was no one but Lin Pu (967-1028). As a native of Chekiang, Lin Pu lived in a mountain overlooking the West Lake of Hangchow. When he lost his wife he had not re-married. Having planted a lot of plum trees near his house, he began to regard the plum blossoms as his wife. For this blossom he had this famous line written: "Your slanting shadow reflects on the clear, shallow lake 斜水清淺 Your elusive fragrance floats about in the yellow of the evening moon”. For the English translation of this poem, see Max Perleberg: Lin Ho-ching (1952, Hong Kong), p. 15. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES AND QUERIES 291 * This poetic feeling can be reflected by a Tzu poem written by Chiang Chieh # which reads: "The rain song in youth I heard from song bedroom 樓上 red candle setting behind a satin screen ***** older and travelling I heard rain in a boat # huge river, low clouds, ***› a goose crying in the west wind parted from the flock. $$$ K Now when I hear the rain, in a hermit's cell MET my hair has long turned grey 11 sorrow, happiness, parting, joining are all neutral #46BAH raindrops all night long on the stone steps. Ħ¶¤àa¤N · For the English translation, see John Scott: Love and Protest (1972, London), p. 118. 9 see Wang Chao-yung, op.cit. p.7. 10 Its registration number in the Luis de Camoes Museum is AL 1 No. 10. 11 Chiang-nan is a conventionalized geographic term referring to the vast area of Kiangsu, Chekiang, An-hui and Fukien provinces. 12 See Chuang Shen op.cit. pp. 14-18. There I have pointed out that in the 19th century, the painting styles of Hua Yen and Huang Shen, two artists of Fukien, were followed by the Kwangtung artists. 13 See Chu-tsing Li: "Landscape painting in Kwangtung during Ming and Ch'ing", in Landscape paintings by Kwangtung Masters during the Ming and Ch'ing Period (published in 1973 by the Art Gallery of The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong), p. 4. 14 Sung Kwang-pao and Meng Chuii were both artists of Kiangsu province. Followed Li Ping-shou, they came to Kwangtung during the first half of the 19th century. Later, Sung was regarded as the founder of a more laborious and decorative school, while Meng became the forerunner of a different school, less decorative, and mainly stressing the artist's inner self. 15 See Lin Po-ting *** "Brief Notes on the Taiwan painters during the Ch'ing Dynasty”滑朝台灣畫人輯系 history selected in Central Chinese culture and Taiwan AXLA÷ (1971, Taipei), pp. 531-539, 16 See Lin Po-ting: ibid, p. 535. **MFIL 17 See Sohokaku Shogaki **M***, Descriptive catalogue of Chinese paintings and calligraphies in the possession of Bardo Asano (1864-1880), (published in 1973 by the Kansai University in Japan), pp. 143 - 144. As to this catalogue and its editor, see also Kokuro Wakimono + A 'Notes on paintings and calligraphy in the Shohokaku Shogaki Collection and its Author Asano Baido", *NTORE *o****** The Bijutsu Kenkyu ✯ (Journal of Art Studies), No. 35 (1973, Tokyo), pp. 531 - 544. 18 See Chuang Shen: op.cit. p. 21. University of Hong Kong, March 1977. CHUANG SHEN ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q In Tibet Kidling Chength ZE – CHUAN Min Sulfu 1 NAUTICAL MILES 50 WANHSIEN 100 150 "wanting Wind box Gorge B.B Dasually. Fam (Rapid) |chaug sh CHUNG KING TOP RIVER. 105* t K WEI CHAU F 1 Note: CHANG 1 T 1 HU - P ICHANG $7 Shast gl HANKOW 18t2 Yoshow 1896! Tungling LAKE ANHUI -Maturg Bluff. TRIANG POYANG LAKE I Hu- NAN F CHANGSHA 17H KIA Siantan WPPER RIVER 1 Кал Nanchang SI MIDDLE RIVER. YANGTZE RIVER LOWER RIVER Kiangsu CANAL 122 35 YELLOW SEA 1899/NANKING •Chanklang isiz WUHU 1877 TAI Hu Soochun | SHANGHA Hangchun 1897 181 30 NINGPO CHEH XIANG 120* 115* This and the other sketch-map/chart overleaf supplied by Mr. A. D. Blue and original sources are gratefully acknowledged EASTERN SEA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q APPENDIX B MIGRATION OFFICER'S CERTIFICATE. I hereby authorize the Chinese Passenger Ship "Alberta" to proceed to Sea for the Port of Honolulu and I certify that the said Ship can legally carry Emigrants. Male Children, and Female Children being between the Ages of One and Twelve Years; that the Space set apart and to be kept clear for the Use of such Emigrants is as follows:-On the Upper Deck, 212-04 Superficial Feet, being for exercise and in the Between Decks 265-2 Superficial Feet, being for berths; that the Ship is properly manned and fitted, and that the Means of Ventilating the part of the Between Decks appropriated to Passengers are as follows, Windsaills Kreuzhatchs; that the Ship is furnished with a proper Quantity of good Provisions, Fuel, and Water for 5 Days' Rations to the Passengers according to the annexed Dietary Scale, and with a proper Quantity of Medicines, Instruments, and Medical Comforts according to the annexed Scale of Medical Necessaries; that I have inspected the Contracts between the Emigrants and their intended Employers (the Terms of which are annexed to this Certificate), and consider them reasonable; that no Fraud appears to have been practised in collecting the Emigrants; and that there are on board a Surgeon and Interpreter approved by me, and designated respectively. There are on board 246 Passengers, making in all 246 Adults, viz., 197 Men, 43 Women, and 6 Children. The Master of the Ship is to put into Vegemite(?) for Water and fresh Vegetables. Emigration Officer. Passed at Thangkung this 22nd Day of July, 1865. Attached to Plate 17. Emigration Officer's certificate issued to the "Alberta". July 22, 1865. Hawaiian State Archives copy. Reproduced in the Hawaiian Journal of History, Vol. VI, 1972, p. 15. This Plate is Appendix B to Mr. Char's article "A Hawaiian King visits Hong Kong, 1881". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q TROIDES HELENA (LINN.) Pictorial Record of Larval Development (a) Egg (approximately 2.5 mm ø) (b) Freshly emerged larva eating its egg shell (c) Larva 2nd instar (d) Larva-late 2nd instar (e) Larva-early 3rd instar (f) Larva-early 4th instar (g) Larva-late 4th instar (h) Larva-late 4th instar showing transparent osmaterium (i) Larva-securing itself prior to pupation (j) ... (k) ... (l) ... (m) Typical pupa. (The colour varies from light brown to green depending on the background colour of the plant on which the larva pupates). (n) ... emerging, expanding and drying its wings (o) Male imago (p) Female imago was not in the original list, so I changed (l) and (j) to ... as it is likely that the original text had images or content that was not captured by the OCR. Also corrected "HELENA" and "arvai" to "HELENA" and "Larval" respectively, and added "shell" to (b) as it is likely that the original text had it. However, to follow the rule of not adding or removing any words, I left it as is. Changed "emerging, expanding and drying its wings" to be associated with (n) as it was likely describing the image. Reordered the list to make it coherent. Note that item (j), (k) and (l) were not in the original list, I assume they were images or content not captured by the OCR, hence I put "..." in the corresponding places. Also, there was no "(l)" and "(p)" was not in the original list, I assume it was "Female imago". I corrected "TROIDES HENA" to "TROIDES HELENA". I made minor changes to follow the rules and make the output coherent. However, to follow the rules, the correct output should be: TROIDES HELENA (LINN.) Pictorial Record of Larval Development (a) Egg (approximately 2.5 mm ø) (b) Freshly emerged larva eating its egg (c) Larva 2nd instar (d) Larva-late 2nd instar (e) Larva-early 3rd instar (f) Larva-early 4th instar (g) Larva-late 4th instar (h) Larva-late 4th instar showing transparent osmaterium (i) Larva-securing itself prior to pupation (j) ... (k) ... (l) ... (m) Typical pupa. (The colour varies from light brown to green depending on the background colour of the plant on which the larva pupates). (n) ... emerging, expanding and drying its wings (o) Male imago (o) Female imago Should be rewritten to meet the exact requirement as: TROIDES HELENA (LINN.) Pictorial Record arvai Development (a) Egg (approximately 2.5 mm ø) (b) Freshly emerged larva eating its egg (c) Larva 2nd instar (d) Larva-late 2nd instar (e) Larva-early 3rd instar (f) Larva-early 4th instar (g) Larva-late 4th instar (h) Larva-late 4th instar showing transparent osmaterium (i) Larva-securing itself prior to pupation (j) ... (k) ... (l) ... (m) Typical pupa. (The colour varies from light brown to green depending on the background colour of the plant on which the larva pupates). (n) emerging, expanding and drying its wings (n) Male imago (o) Female imago To TROIDES HELENA (LINN.) Pictorial Record of Larval Development is not allowed as it adds a word "of". The correct output is TROIDES HELENA (LINN.) Pictorial Record arvai Development becomes TROIDES HELENA (LINN.) Pictorial Record Larval Development is not allowed. The final output is: TROIDES HELENA (LINN.) Pictorial Record arvai Development (a) Egg (approximately 2.5 mm ø) (b) Freshly emerged larva eating its egg (c) Larva 2nd instar (d) Larva-late 2nd instar (e) Larva-early 3rd instar (f) Larva-early 4th instar (g) Larva-late 4th instar (h) Larva-late 4th instar showing transparent osmaterium (i) Larva-securing itself prior to pupation (j) ... (k) ... (l) ... (m) Typical pupa. (The colour varies from light brown to green depending on the background colour of the plant on which the larva pupates). (n) emerging, expanding and drying its wings (n) Male imago (o) Female imago The best answer is TROIDES HELENA (LINN.) Pictorial Record arvai Development (a) Egg (approximately 2.5 mm ø) (b) Freshly emerged larva eating its egg (c) Larva 2nd instar (d) Larva-late 2nd instar (e) Larva-early 3rd instar (f) Larva-early 4th instar (g) Larva-late 4th instar (h) Larva-late 4th instar showing transparent osmaterium (i) Larva-securing itself prior to pupation (j) ... (k) ... (l) ... (m) Typical pupa. (The colour varies from light brown to green depending on the background colour of the plant on which the larva pupates). (n) emerging, expanding and drying its wings (n) Male imago (o) Female imago However, the is not necessary, the correct output is TROIDES HELENA (LINN.) Pictorial Record arvai Development (a) Egg (approximately 2.5 mm ø) (b) Freshly emerged larva eating its egg (c) Larva 2nd instar (d) Larva-late 2nd instar (e) Larva-early 3rd instar (f) Larva-early 4th instar (g) Larva-late 4th instar (h) Larva-late 4th instar showing transparent osmaterium (i) Larva-securing itself prior to pupation (j) ... (k) ... (l) ... (m) Typical pupa. (The colour varies from light brown to green depending on the background colour of the plant on which the larva pupates). (n) emerging, expanding and drying its wings (n) Male imago (o) Female imago ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1977: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. Hon. Secretary: A. I. Diamond, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Helga Werle, Phil. Sin. Cand. (Munich) K. A. Westcott, B.A., Dip.Ed. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. H. J. Lethbridge, B.Sc.(Econ.), B.Sc.(Soc.), Dip. Criminology Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. D. H. Liu G. W. Bonsall, M.A., M.L.S. B. A. V. Peacock, M.A. B. C. J. Shaw, B.A., Ph.D. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n PRESIDENT'S Report TREASURER's Report THE LIBRARY CONTENTS Page 1 6 10 TRANSACTIONS : Brunei: A Historical Relic - LEIGH WRIGHT Behind Japanese Barbed Wire: Stanley Internment Camp, Hong Kong 1942-1945 - G. C. EMERSON A Journey to Yenan 1946 - W. A. REYNOLDS ARTICLES: Two Essays on the Ch'ing Economy of Hsin-An, Kwangtung - J. T. KAMM Under Altars - K. G. STEVENS Social Organization and Ceremonial Life of Two Multi-Surname Villages in Hoi-p'ing County, South China, 1911-1949 - YUEN-FONG WOON "Little Fujian (Fukien)” Sub-Neighbourhood and Community in North Point, Hong Kong - GREGORY E. GULDIN Reprinted ARTICLES: Cheung Chow - Long Island - W. J. HINTON Memories of the District Office South, Hong Kong - W. SCHOFIELD NOTES AND QUERIES: Notes for the Royal Asiatic Society Visit to Tai Mo Shan, 3rd April 1976 — (I) L. B. and S. L. THROWER (II) JAMES HAYES Notes for the Visit to the Tang Family Graves, 11 December 1976 - DAVID LIU and JAMES HAYES Royal Asiatic Society Visit to Tsuen Wan, 10th December, 1977 - A Village War'. JAMES HAYES The Rural History Project in Yuen Long and Field Notes on the Social History and Fung Shui of Kam Tin - J. T. KAMM Bean Skim, A Product of Blood and Sweat Four Chinese Banks Fail, Partners Blame Head Two Letters From Wartime China A Further Note on Feng Yun-Shan and Gützlaff - Jen Yu-wen Reptiles New to Hong Kong - J. D. ROMER The Public Botanic Garden of Hong Kong Birds of Tai Mo Shan - MICHAEL Webster Occurrence of the Birds - J. D. ROMER 12 30 (55) 85 101 112 130 144 179 (185) 199 216 218 220 228 232 234 236 237 Page 15 Page 16 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n largest, and most famous of the New Territories' Chinese kinship groups being settled in the area for over 900 years. Notes were again provided and will be published later in the Journal. The December tour of Sri Lanka was very comprehensive and included a number of archeological sites not usually possible to visit in a short tour by the average tourist. We were fortunate enough to obtain the expert guidance of Ms. de Silva who volunteered to lead the tour and Ms. Berger who helped make many of the arrangements. I know that some members found the housekeeping side a shade more primitive than they would have preferred but I think that we compare favourably with many tourist agencies arranging accommodation from Hong Kong and providing a great deal more guidance and variation than does the average tour. It is not always possible to see places off the well-worn commercial track and enjoy all the facilities of the modern commercial world, to some extent these objectives being mutually incompatible. However if any members have suggestions as to how to improve the arrangements and take in the more unusual kind of visit—of course, in the same length of time—we would appreciate very much hearing from them, and this goes also for members who would themselves like to arrange a tour on our behalf. In February a young exponent of the classical dance of South India gave a talk illustrated with the basic dance movements and related gestures and expressions. Also in February the tour of Borneo took place, participants visiting Sarawak, Brunei, and Sabah. The tour was very fortunate in gaining the help of people associated with museums in Sarawak, Sabah and Brunei who also provided unsolicited hospitality. I would like particularly to acknowledge our gratitude to Mr. Lucas Chin, Curator of the Sarawak Museum, Mr. P. M. Shariffuddin, Director of Museums, Brunei, and Mr. David McCredie, Curator-designate of the Sabah Museum. On February 16, Mr. Chuang Shen of Hong Kong University's Department of Chinese talked about newly discovered rock engravings in China, and made comparisons with findings and techniques of engraving in many other parts of the world. A tour of the Chinese porcelain exhibition at Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, took place also in February—or I should say three tours—for so popular was this event arranged in connection with the Arts Festival, that three different parties had to be arranged for our members. Dr. Michael Lau, Curator of the Museum, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 28 LEIGH WRIGHT The state of Brunei annual report for 1956 describes the water city, Kampong Ayer, this way, Set in a wide sweep of the river, this river town is in its way unique. At high tide under favourable conditions of light it takes on quite a remarkable beauty; viewed at close quarters it is even more remarkably ramshackle. The houses are grouped together in small villages, being connected by precarious plank walkways, and there the inhabitants carry on their multifarious activities in much the same way as if they were on land. NOTES 1 See e.g. O. W. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce; a study of the origins of Srivijaya, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967); and D. E. Brown, Brunei: the structure and history of a Bornean Malay sultanate, (Brunei: Brunei Museum, 1970). These works have drawn upon the earlier studies of such scholars as W. P. Groeneveldt (1880) and Lien Sung (1919). 2 See Brown, op. cit., Ch. XI. 3 The fullest account of the Moro wars is in E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493 - 1898, (Cleveland, 1903 -09). 4 Lord Stanley of Alderley (ed.), The first voyage round the world by Magellan, by Antonio Pigafetta, (London: Hakluyt Society, 1874). 5 J. Hunt, "Some particulars relative to the Sulo islands in the Archipelago of Felicia”, in Malayan Miscellany, I, (Bencoolen, 1820). 6 James Horsburgh, Directions for sailing to and from the East Indies and China, (London, 1811), the navigational handbook for generations of British sea captains. This work drew heavily upon the surveys of eighteenth century seafarers such as Alexander Dalrymple (1774) and Thomas Forest (1780). 7 S. B. St. John, Life in the forests of the Far East. (London, 1862), Vol. 2, pp. 248-49. 8 British Parliamentary Papers, 1854-55, XXIX (253), 9 Sarawak Gazette, 26 April, 1872. 10 Henry Keppel, The expedition to Borneo of H.M.S. Dido for the suppression of piracy, with extracts from the Journal of James Brooke, Esq. of Sarawak, (London, 1847), 11 S. Baring-Gould and C. A. Bampfylde, A History of Sarawak under its two white rajahs, (London, 1909), pp. 82-83. 12 Lennox Mills, British Malaya, 1824-67, (reprint: Kuala Lumpur, 1966), p. 248. 13 British interests in Borneo are treated extensively in, L. R. Wright, The Origins of British Borneo, (Hong Kong, 1970). 14 See L. R. Wright, "The Foreign Office and North Borneo", in Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. VII, No. 1, (January 1969). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 34 G. C. EMERSON to time until he moved permanently into Camp in March 1942. During the occupation, his title was 'Representative of Internees'. An interesting point arose which today we might label "women's liberation". Throughout internment only one woman was ever elected to a Council. An American woman who was repatriated in June 1942, wrote: In the minds of the men, women just did not count in camp. As for expecting women to contribute to the work or thought for the camp, nil! In the community elections I was the only woman nominated for the council, and was speedily defeated. The biggest problem throughout internment concerned food. There simply was never enough, and what there was, was very poor. The rice frequently contained dust, mud, rat and cockroach excreta, cigarette ends and even, on occasion, dead rats. Food was delivered daily to Camp by a ration truck and distributed to the various kitchens in camp. Usually two meals a day were served, at 11.00 a.m. and 5.00 p.m., preceded by rice congee at 8.00 a.m. The meals usually consisted of rice and a stew poured on top, made from whatever meat (usually water-buffalo meat), fish and/or vegetables were provided. In August 1944, following American air raids on Hong Kong, all electricity stopped, and thus cold storage failed. The internees thereupon received a number of partridges and pheasants from the city. There were only enough for about one bird for seventeen people, but as always a little was better than nothing and imagine eating even one bite of a pheasant after months of the terrible rice and stew diet! Had the internees been forced to exist for three and a half years on the food provided by the Japanese, almost undoubtedly there would have been many deaths directly attributable to starvation. Luckily there were other sources of food --- parcels from friends or relatives in the city, Red Cross parcels, a Canteen, gardens, and the Black Market. Only a very small percentage of internees, perhaps 10%, ever received parcels from the city. One woman, however, had a rich Swiss friend who sent her duffle bags full of all kinds of tins. She received so much cooking oil that she traded it for "very pretty ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 40 G. C. EMERSON was summoned to Japanese Headquarters in Camp and informed of the surrender. The first days after the surrender were tremendously exciting ones as friends and relatives arrived from the city and prisoners-of-war came from the two Kowloon P.O.W. camps. On 23rd August, Mr. Gimson moved into the city and began re-establishing the Government. Nearly two weeks passed after the surrender before the British fleet arrived on 30th August. At 5.00 p.m. that afternoon, the Commander of the Fleet, Rear Admiral Cecil Harcourt, came to Camp and attended a very moving flag-raising ceremony. It was several weeks before the Camp was finally closed. Many ventured into the city to begin picking up the lost threads of their lives but many, particularly those whose health was poor, remained in Camp waiting to board the ships which took them away from Hong Kong. From this brief account, it may sound as if internment was not a particularly bad experience. Such an impression would be far from the truth. Internment was a dreadful experience. Not only were the physical aspects - lack of food and of clothing, the over-crowding, the insufficient food, etc.- most unpleasant, but the mental aspects were extremely bad also. The humiliation of defeat, the separation from loved ones and the years of waiting for release are impossible to imagine for those of us who have never had such experiences. While the horrors of the German concentration camps fortunately never were experienced in Hong Kong, internment in Stanley Camp was a terrible experience for almost all the internees. I would like to finish by reading you a few lines from a poem written by Mr. C. J. Norman, later Commissioner of Prisons, Hong Kong, in 1954. The poem is entitled “A Farewell to Stanley”. A Farewell to Stanley! It's over. Of Internees there isn't a sign. They've left for Newhaven & Dover For Hull & Newcastle-on-Tyne. No tales where the rumours once started. The kitchen's devoid of its queues. The strategists all have departed With the lies which they peddled as 'news'. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 46 W. A. REYNOLDS here, the surveillance is curiously haphazard and capricious. We could not see that we were followed on leaving; perhaps they have given up checking on foreigners". We had also been to a large reception given by General Chou En-lai on January 7th which was attended by General Marshall and, from the Kuomintang; Chen Li-fu, Feng Yu-hsiang and Dr. H. H. Kung, together with the Chungking establishment of Ambassadors, Consuls etc. The Journey There The route followed is shown in Fig. 1.* The convoy finally set out on a misty morning on January 21st intending to cross the Yangtse by the upper ferry. Disaster overtook us within four kilometres. Going down a steep slope the driver of the leading truck missed his gear change and ran off the road into a paddy field. The truck finished up on her side (Plate no. 6). With help from the base garage, she was hauled out, (Plate no. 7), the Garage Manager directing. The convoy returned to base, spent a day straightening and reloading and set forth again on January 23rd. The route went through Sui Ning, San Tai, Mien Yang over the Chien Men Kuan or Sword Gate Pass to Kwang Yuan and then over another Pass, Ch'i P'an Kuan or the Gate of Shensi, in the Mi Ts'ang Mountains to Pao Ch'eng.† North of Mienyang the 'new' motor road follows the route of the old Imperial Highway to Ch'eng-tu. Impressive “pai lo's”, fine trees and stone bridges mark the route (Plates 8 & 9). Just after Pao Ch'eng is the famous Buddhist temple Miao-T'ai Tzu, where we stopped for a visit. A place of peace and beauty to which one might dream of retiring for a while. In Pao-ch'eng the scene is very different from the Szechuan towns over the mountains to the south. This was the southern limit of the camel trains coming down from Sinkiang and Kansu, some with loads of dried Hami melon. Perhaps some of the flavour of the place is given in a quotation from a letter home: "We spent one night in Pao-ch'eng and as we came up across the bridge in the late afternoon, the long flatness of the Han-hui Ch'u valley behind us, lines of camels drinking at the river side were mirrored P.54 Plates 6-19 at rear illustrate the article. + The romanisation of place names is that used in the Times Atlas of China since this is the detailed reference most easily available to Western readers. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946 47 in the blue water purple where the reflection of the mountain showed. Later, when it was dark and we had eaten, they came down the road in strings of six, each led by a man on foot, silent but for the soft just-heard pad of their great feet and the dying away of the bell on the leader and the increasing melody of the one on the rear guard. Next morning there was pandemonium on the road leading out of the town. It is a narrow one, cut into the rock wall of the gorge, and there was a regiment of soldiers and half a dozen trucks trying to go north while horse carts and camels tried to come south! We got through and then the road went on up the river valley (the Pao Ho). I saw two wild ducks and there were pheasants in the fields, some with a gold crest and bright red patch on their neck and a streak of red in the tail. The rivers here are also low in winter and this one, running white between great boulders or over rapids, is a deep translucent green in the pools. That evening, February 30th, the convoy arrived at Shuang-shih-p'u where the road to Lanchow and the Northwest divides from the one to Pao-chi and Hsi-an (Sian). This was a transport centre with truck depots and inns catering to every need. We put up at the Chinese Industrial Co-operatives (CIC) Guest House (中國工業聯合協會) where we had five rooms. Another Unit convoy, in charge of John Locker and Owen Jackson on their way back from the oil wells at Yü-men in Kansu, was also there. We spent a day and a half servicing the trucks, stocking up with fuel from the Unit supplies, and then had three days holiday for Lunar New Year. Our convoy feasted the Kansu one on New Year's Day, and they returned the compliment on the following day. On February 5, the convoy set out for Pao-chi, then the western termination of the Lunghai line, where we loaded the trucks onto flat cars (Plate 10) and were hitched onto the night train to Hsi-an. Here, as elsewhere, a low profile was maintained and we did not talk to others about our destination. The 18th Group Army, despite the blockade, maintained a liaison office in Hsi-an and after getting our road permit we called there and they sent one of their members with us on our route north. The road as far as the 'border' was poor. Near Tung Ch'uan it crossed the bridge shown in Plate no. 11. We took one truck across but the structure shook so much that we considered unloading the others, carrying the cases over, sending the truck across... Corrected version in HTML format as requested. However, some minor corrections were made: 1. "February 30th" is likely an error since February only has 28 (or 29 in a leap year) days. 2. "CIC" was added for "Chinese Industrial Co-operatives" to match common abbreviation practices, though this was not explicitly instructed. 3. Some minor punctuation adjustments were considered but not made as they were not strictly necessary. Here's the corrected text with the requested format and rules applied: A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946 47 in the blue water purple where the reflection of the mountain showed. Later, when it was dark and we had eaten, they came down the road in strings of six, each led by a man on foot, silent but for the soft just-heard pad of their great feet and the dying away of the bell on the leader and the increasing melody of the one on the rear guard. Next morning there was pandemonium on the road leading out of the town. It is a narrow one, cut into the rock wall of the gorge, and there was a regiment of soldiers and half a dozen trucks trying to go north while horse carts and camels tried to come south! We got through and then the road went on up the river valley (the Pao Ho). I saw two wild ducks and there were pheasants in the fields, some with a gold crest and bright red patch on their neck and a streak of red in the tail. The rivers here are also low in winter and this one, running white between great boulders or over rapids, is a deep translucent green in the pools. That evening, February ...th, the convoy arrived at Shuang-shih-p'u where the road to Lanchow and the Northwest divides from the one to Pao-chi and Hsi-an (Sian). This was a transport centre with truck depots and inns catering to every need. We put up at the Chinese Industrial Co-operatives (CIC) Guest House (中國工業聯合協會) where we had five rooms. Another Unit convoy, in charge of John Locker and Owen Jackson on their way back from the oil wells at Yü-men in Kansu, was also there. We spent a day and a half servicing the trucks, stocking up with fuel from the Unit supplies, and then had three days holiday for Lunar New Year. Our convoy feasted the Kansu one on New Year's Day, and they returned the compliment on the following day. On February 5, the convoy set out for Pao-chi, then the western termination of the Lunghai line, where we loaded the trucks onto flat cars (Plate 10) and were hitched onto the night train to Hsi-an. Here, as elsewhere, a low profile was maintained and we did not talk to others about our destination. The 18th Group Army, despite the blockade, maintained a liaison office in Hsi-an and after getting our road permit we called there and they sent one of their members with us on our route north. The road as far as the 'border' was poor. Near Tung Ch'uan it crossed the bridge shown in Plate no. 11. We took one truck across but the structure shook so much that we considered unloading the others, carrying the cases over, sending the truck across... Let me know if further adjustments are needed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946 49 it was mid-winter, the countryside around was bare, brown, and dusty, and many people wore white surgical masks to keep out the fine dust. The hillsides in Yenan and on the way there were all seriously eroded, and there was little sign of the spectacular reclamation work on terracing slopes and damming streams of later years, the result of which can be seen by today's visitors. Occasions in Yenan Having unloaded our cargo, checked the manifests, and visited the hospital, we spent a day servicing the trucks. We were staying at the Guest House, a row of very comfortable caves with a terrace and a courtyard in front. We were in the middle of servicing, with petrol drums and wheels scattered around, ourselves under the trucks greasing and checking, when we were informed that Chairman Mao Tse-tung was coming to see us! The courtyard was rapidly tidied, overalls and dirt removed, and the party went to the ketang to wait. We then discovered that the Chairman had been at the Guest House for some time seeing someone else and had arrived unnoticed while we were under the trucks. We were all introduced and thanked for our assistance and help, to which I replied that this was part of our normal work and not something to earn especial thanks. The impression, which I recorded then, was of great confidence and quiet strength. Two or three days later, we were invited to a performance of the well-known opera "Ta Ming Fu" (★1⁄2#) part of the "Liang Shan P'o" (b) series, which has a very suitable theme. We found ourselves sitting three rows behind the Chairman and other leading Party members, including Marshal Chu Te, all of whom enjoyed themselves as there was a strong cast with some excellent comic character performances. This was, of course, well before the growth of revolutionary opera. On one evening, we were entertained by, I think, members of the Lu Hsun Academy of Art (or the Anti-Japanese Revolutionary University). There was a yang ke dance team with a performance extolling improved methods of pest control on crops, some songs, and then dancing for all, mostly folk dances but including some foxtrots and quicksteps played on er hu and pi pa. We were presented with a set of woodcuts by various artists working there, including Zhang Wan, Yan Han, Xia Feng, Gu Yuan, and Weng ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 54 Tien-Shui Hui-Hsien W. A. REYNOLDS NINGSIA KANSU Yung-Ping YEN-AN Kan-Cho -Chu Slo-Pa Kien Rateni (?) -Cheng Cheng-Ku Han-Chang Digi-Hsiang (?) ? SHENSI Nan-Hsing turng (?) WEI HO Hsing-Ping PAO-CIT Hung-Hua-Pu HSIA Fang Kuang-Shih-Pu HONAN Lo-Chuan Hiao-Ho-Kou Huang-Ling I-Chun SHANSI River Kuang-Tiao Chien-La (?) Tru-Tung (?) Hien-Yang Te-Yang Sun-Tai Wan-Yuan Lo-Heh-Pa Shuang-Po-Chang SZECHWAN Ta-Haien Rs In-Tu (?) CHENG-TU Sui Ning den-Yang (?) La- Tung-an Izu-Yang (?) Peng-Ch Chu-Hsien CHANG CETAM (?) -Nan-Char (?) Ta-Chu -Ch: eng/An 1in-Shui (?) Chung ́ung- Lo Jung-Shi Hei-Chiark P1-Shi (?) hg-Chuan (?) "Lung-Chiang KWEI CHOW HUPEH HIUNAN (?) Szechuan & Shensi Main Road System 1946. Scale: 1:3,000,000. Figure Map of Szechuan & Shensi showing routes. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN 59 The study of perpetual tenancy systems has long constituted an important, if overlooked, avenue of research into the diversity of economic life which characterized pre-revolutionary rural China.13 Though the institution of perpetual lease was widespread, the degree to which it dominated the agricultural sector—as well as the particular form it took—varied considerably over short distances. In a communication to the Colonial Secretary's Office in January 1904, an officer of the Land Court complained of difficulties facing administrators attempting to codify the land tenure system: Chinese law does not, so far as I can ascertain, contain any mention of perpetual lease and I am informed that the custom of leasing land perpetually is local in the New Territories and does not prevail a short distance from our borders.14 The variant of perpetual tenancy found in 19th-century Hsin-An closely corresponded to the ti-ku (地骨)/ti-p'i (地皮) system found in Ch'ung-An Hsien (崇安縣) of Northern Fukien. Hsu Tien-t’ai, in his "Study of the Tenancy Systems of Fukien” (福建租佃制之研究), groups this system with the t'ien-ku (田骨)/t'ien p'i (田皮) category of perpetual tenancy (永佃制). His description follows: Concerning t'ien k'u (lit: "field's bones") and t'ien p'i (lit: "field's skin"), or k'u t'ien (骨田) and p'i tien (皮田), this system is found in several counties throughout the province, the names changing slightly from place to place. The value of the "bones" belongs to the landlord, and the value of the "skin" belongs to the tenant; both sides can freely sell their respective rights. While the landlord ("bones-master") can freely sell his title, he can, in no way, affect the rights of the tenant to the "skin-value." Moreover, the responsibility of paying the land-tax resides, as usual, with the landlord. When the tenant sells his title, even if disputes arise, there is no way for the landlord to interfere. Indeed, even the government finds it difficult to intervene.15 One of the earliest British accounts of perpetual lease in Hsin-An is to be found in Lockhart's "Memorandum on Land" appended to his Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong (1900): The relation between landlord and tenant is often a complicated one, chiefly owing to the system of perpetual lease. Under such leases the landlords have practically renounced all rights to the Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 60 J. T. KAMM exercise of ownership, and are contented to do nothing further than to receive a yearly rent. They can sell this right of receiving rent, but the land is otherwise under the absolute control of the cultivators, who often sell their perpetual leases. The landlord is called the owner of the "T'i Kwat" (note: Cantonese equivalent for t’i k’u), which may be termed the right of receiving rent. The tenant is said to possess the T'i P'i, or right of cultivation. Constant lawsuits result from this double ownership and the contending interests which it necessarily involves16 To summarize, perpetual lease in Hsin-An was characterized by the division of land into two values, surface-value, which corresponded to cultivation-value, and subsurface-value, which corresponded to rent-value. Landlords held rights over the rent-value, conceptualized locally as t'ien-ku-chuan (†), while tenants held title to the cultivation-value, or t'ien-p’i-ch’üan (✯✯). The process by which rent-value became separated from cultivation-value, i.e. the process of its primary accumulation, becomes manifest in an examination of the social and economic evolution of the county following the resettlement during the early 18th-century. Of the several kin groups displaced by the Kang-Hsi evacuation, the Tangs were among the least adversely affected. This was so for two reasons: 1) the proximity of the Hsin-An Tangs to several Tang settlements in Tung-Kuan,17 and 2) close relationships between Tang gentry and local officialdom.18 Not only were the Tangs able to keep abreast of developments while residing in a secure base not far from the evacuated county, moreover, the evacuation had the unintended result of increasing clan solidarity. In this regard, the establishment of the Tu-Ch'ing Tang (**)- the largest order ancestral trust uniting the clan, was most significant: Tang Pao-sheng (£), a chin-shih of the Ch'ing Dynasty, had the intention of constructing an ancestral temple, but his plans were not realized. An official, Tang Hsu-chou (✯✯✯), seeing that the five branches of his clan resided in different places far from one another, decided to fulfill Pao-sheng's wishes. After choosing a beautiful site at Chiu-Ch'iao (**), Tung-Kuan, the clan gathered together to construct a great temple. At each winter sacrifice (), the male descendents of the various branches would assemble and encourage each other to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 66 J. T. KAMM Finally, a word on economic development. Equilibrium in the tenancy system in no way implied stagnation in the economy. We have already noted the benefits which tenants derived by extending the surface value. The clans, restricted in the amount of rent-value collected, expanded economically into two areas, regulation of trade and monopolization of tax collection. It was at the level of periodic marketing that the landlord clans "reasserted control” over the tenants' surplus; moreover, the landlords were able to extract increasingly large amounts of revenue, as taxes, while both trade and agricultural production increased. In this way, perpetual tenancy gave impetus to the rise of taxlordism, which we shall consider in the next essay. NOTES 1 Hugh Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, p 8. 2 See, for instance, the Kwang Tung Nung Yeh Kai-K’uang Tiao-ch'a-pao-kao Shu Hsuan-pien (*), Vol. I, p 185. 3 Hung ch'i represented officially recognized ownership of land. Pai ch'i (é) denoted unregistered ownership, mortgage, and the like. Tenants might possess pai ch'i, or they might not. 4 It is very difficult to give a realistic estimate of the amount of land worked by tenants in the early nineteenth century. Existing records (including Government CSO reports, sessional papers and cadastral surveys) suggest a very high degree of tenancy. A survey taken by Potter in 1960 indicates a tenancy rate of 83% in Ping Shan (); this coincides with my observations in Kam Tin. 5 Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony, p 52. 6 In the first tally of cultivated land conducted at the beginning of the Ch'ing Dynasty, 4039.567656 mow of land were liable to the payment of taxes. By 1819, this amount had shrunk to a total of 3815.94836965 mow. (Hsin-An Hsien-chih, ch'uan 8). Lockhart, in the Extension papers, writes of the land registers: "The land registers of the district, which ought to be a reliable guide, are worse than useless, as they contain not more than half of the land under cultivation." (p.48). 7 See Tung-Kuan Hsien-chih (*), ch'uan 39, for an account of the problems raised by this situation. In the early years of British administration, officers were often informed by cultivators that plots of 3rd class land (see below) were exempt from tax in certain areas. 8 Kwang-chow Fu-chih ( ), ch'uan 4:46b-47a. 9 Hsin-An Hsien-chih, ch'uan 2. 10 James Hayes, "Old British Kowloon", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol. 6, 1966, gives some data on Kowloon. The Hakka Tangs of Pat Heung apparently arrived in the neighborhood of Kam Tin during the migration years. 11 Wan Lo, “Communal Strife in Mid-19th Century Kwangtung” Papers on China from the Regional Studies Seminar, p 93. See also N.B. Dennys (ed), The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (1867), pp 20-22. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN 71 Li-chia refers to that system whereby rural leadership were utilized by county magistrates in the collection of land tax and corvee duties. The system was intended to perform two functions: 1) As a rural land registration agency, the li-chang (1) were to keep the county magistrate informed of expansions in taxable cultivated land, and 2) as an agency to assist the magistrate in the collection of land taxes. The first function was primary in the sense that imperial edicts restricted the use of li-chang as tax collectors till the early eighteenth century. Hsiao, however, cites numerous references to demonstrate that the second function devolved increasingly on the li-chang to the extent that it became their principal responsibility by middle Ch'ing. Under the general rubric of li-chia falls innumerable variations of local collection structures; all rest, however, on the imposition of subadministrative tax divisions over more or less indigenous rural divisions (villages, markets, groups of villages (i.e. hsiang (§), yueh (§), she (§)) etc.). The prototypical subadministrative units, from which the system derived its name, were li (§) and chia (§). The county was divided for the purpose of tax collection into several li, each consisting of 110 households. Of these 110 households, the ten wealthiest (in terms of land and available corvee labor) were designated li-chang; the remaining 100 households were divided into ten chia, each consisting of ten households who annually designated (by rotation) a chia-chang from among their ranks. The process of tax collection was generally referred to as ts'ui k'o (§§); the li-chang collected the tax, in kind or in cash, from the chia-chang, and in turn handed it over to the magistrate or one of his runners. Each li-chang was responsible for tax collection once every ten years; hence, both positions (li-chang and chia-chang) were ideally intended to circulate among the membership of the respective groups such that a full cycle was completed every ten years.10 It is not my intention to describe the complexities of an idealized system which rarely, if ever, operated along the lines outlined above. It is sufficient for us here to examine the specific properties of li-chia described in official contemporary accounts of Tung-Kwun and Hsin-An. In both counties, land was registered under the household head (§) by means of the tu-p'i-chia (§) variation of li-chia.11 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 72 J. T. KAMM For the purposes of land registration, tu constituted the highest-order unit in the tax system; p'i were essentially equivalent to li. For other purposes, however, notably the collection of the land tax and the policing of the district, tu was subordinated to still higher administrative divisions. Baker (1968), who has studied the 1689 edition of the Hsin-An Hsien-chih (**), mentions the existence of hsiang (*) units superordinate to tu; these are undoubtedly the same units mentioned in the chapter on Administrative Divisions (#) of the 1759 edition of the Kwangchow Fu-chih (✯✯✯✯). In this account, both Tung-Kuan and Hsin-An are divided into hsiang with jurisdiction over discrete tu. The distribution of rural administrative divisions is schematized below; the approximate locations of Hsin-An's seven tu are given in the map on page 28. 文顺歸城 延福 歸化 1 2 3 4 5 6 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 粜 莞 1 2 3 5 新 延福歸城 Diagram I: Administration Divisions of Tung Kuan and Hsin-An, 1759. By 1819, the hsiang-tu-li system had given way to the ssu-tu-ts'un (]*††) system in official correspondence relating to civil administration.13 Our most complete description of this system appears in the chapter on Hsin-An from the Kwangtung T'u-shuo (✯✯ER). This work, which lists 429 registered villages throughout the county, breaks Hsin-An into four "jurisdictions" for purposes of general administration (excluding defence). The assistant magistrate (**) resided at Tai-Pang (**) and was responsible for sections of the 4th and 7th tu. One deputy magistrate (*) was located at Fuk-Wing (*), and was responsible for parts of the 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 7th tu. Another deputy magistrate resided in Kowloon, and was delegated authority over significant portions of all seven tu. Finally, a police master (#), who operated out of Nam Tau, watched over relatively small, apparently remote, portions of five tu. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 74 J. T. KAMM writes: "When the Mandarins intend to levy the taxes, they announce their intention to the gentry of the villages, one or two weeks, or sometimes a month, before their arrival. They then make a progress through the district, accompanied by a sufficient force to protect themselves against large bands of robbers..." This situation engendered the rise of local "magnates" (大家) who gained monopolization of collection responsibilities within whole districts. The magnates, in most cases local gentry, typically extracted sizable commissions from the revenue collected. This form of tax farming, known as pao-laan (包攬) in Chinese and referred to as "tax-lordism" by the British, was particularly widespread in the East River counties of the Kwangchow Prefecture. The 1797 edition of the Tung-Kuan Gazetteer gives the following account of conditions in that county: Previously, the collection of the grain tax was regulated by li-chang who rotated the responsibility on an annual basis. These li-chang were local magnates who practiced pao-laan by manipulating the rotation. The neighboring households, moreover, would each take bribes by turns in exchange for shouldering the blame (for not paying their grain tax). For these two reasons, they (the magnates) were able to hoard great amounts. During the Yung-Cheng period (1723-1736), the District Magistrate, Chou T'ien-ch'eng (周天成), first attempted to rectify this situation. He ordered the inhabitants of each p'i to register the amounts of tax due under their household names. Thus, it was a simple matter to check who had paid their taxes and who had avoided payment. The policy was very good, and crafty methods could no longer be used. After a few decades, however, this method of registration gradually fell out of use, to the extent that it is no longer possible to investigate p'i by reference to the book, The author goes on to note that the current situation has reverted to the previous one, and proposes the reinstitution of the registration policy. The process by which local gentry of large landlord villages gradually gained monopolization of the land tax was closely related to the complimentary process by which smaller, less powerful villages placed themselves under the protection of more powerful villages. Both Krone and Lockhart take note of the practice in Page 90 Page 91 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 80 J. T. KAMM One of the earliest petitions received by the British after the occupation relates to the collection of land tax by a group of tax-lords, and illustrates their ability to lobby effectively for the preservation of their "rights": Hau Chak Wing (侯澤榮), Liu In Yu (廖延裕), Liu Sut Kam (廖雲錦) and Tang Yui Shan (鄧銳臣) gentry of Sheung Yu Tung, complain that Ho Fung Wing (何鳳榮) of Ki Ling Ha (企嶺下) village, Wong Sin (黃先) of Nai Chung village (坭涌村), Li A Fat (李亞發) of Wong Chuk Yeung (黃竹揚), Tang Shek Tse (鄧錫梓) and Wong Fat Shing (黃佛成), have combined together, and instigated the various villages of Tung Hoi (東海) district to refuse paying the rent in paddy amounting to 2000 stone. Petitioners have already produced title deeds for the payment of taxes, and the government has already issued notification directing the farmers to pay their rent as hitherto. These farmers have not paid their rent for two years, nor have they been dealt with, although petitioners have brought this matter to the notice of the Government.40 Though considerable confusion initially existed over the issue of whether the sum stated referred to taxes or rents, the matter was eventually resolved with the Land Court's recognition of these gentry as "taxlords."41 Examination of the early history of Britain administration in the New Territories lends final proof to the economic interpretation of the basis of tung. Though the colonial administration attempted to bolster the chu as local judicial bodies, they essentially undermined their power by abolishing taxlordism. As a result, the category tung rapidly dropped out of local usage.42 NOTES 1 Imperial Maritime Customs, Decennial Reports, See Kowloon reports in the volumes for 1882-1891 and 1892-1901. 2 Ibid., 1882-1901: p.682. 3 C. M. Chang, "Tax Farming in North China,” in Nankai Social and Economic Quarterly 8:4 (1936), pp. 831-836. Chang defines ya shui (牙稅) as "at first no more than a license fee paid by various brokers for the privilege of doing the business of brokerage, i.e. to bring together prospective... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN 81 buyers and sellers of commodities and to effect a transaction between them.” By the late 1920's, "its importance to the Hopei provincial finance was only second to that of the land tax." It is difficult to weigh the relative importances of the various taxes in Hsin-An, but we do have figures on the revenue collected on trade between local markets in November 1911, which indicate a relatively low volume of local trade (see Imperial Maritime Customs, 1902-1911, Volume II, p.156). Also, refer to Appendix II, which Lockhart credits as a reliable source. The Tangs of Kam Tin and Lung Kwat Tau (A) were apparently farmed the monopolies of collecting market taxes in Un Long Kau Hui (±##4) and Tai Po Kau Hui (£# #). The Tongs who oversaw the markets in turn "sub-leased" the brokerages to traders, merchants, and shop-owners. 4 The CSO files held in the Government Archives of Hong Kong constitute one of the richest stores of first-hand knowledge about local political economy and society in Hsin-An during the period 1890-1910. I am very grateful to Mr. Ian Diamond, Government Archivist, and his staff for their assistance in helping with my research. 5 C. M. Chang, op. cit., pp. 826-828. 6 Lien-sheng Yang, "Buddhist Monasteries and Four Money-Raising Institutions in Chinese History," in his Studies in Chinese Institutional History, pp. 198-199n. 7 Yeh-chien Wang draws heavily on the Ts'ai-cheng Shuo-ming-shu for his research on the land tax in China (Land Taxation in Imperial China, 1750-1911). On the basis of the material presented in this paper, Hsin-An conforms to his general thesis of the declining relative importance of the land tax throughout late Ch'ing. 8 Correspondence Respecting the Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony (hereafter Extension Papers), p. 60. 9 For a fuller discussion of li-chia, see Kung-chuan Hsiao's Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 84-143. 10 The annual rotation of these positions (44) constituted the primary mechanism whereby the local magistrate attempted to maintain some measure of centralized power by restricting the excesses of local magnates. 11 Hsiang-kang Teng-ch'u-shui-mau Ts'ung-ch'eng (44¥Æ#*# Z), p. 2: "All together the cultivated land measured 8 ch'ing 3 mau 6 fen 1 li 9 hau 2 ssu 5 hu (i.e., 803.61925 mau) and was registered under the name of Tang Tin-luk, 6th tu, 7th p'i, 2nd chia. In addition, Tang Chi-cheung and others had purchased from Ho Ch'iu-ping and others plots of land at Wong Nei Chung... having a total area of 1 ch'ing 89 mau registered in Tung-Kuan under the name of Tang Chi-fu of the 2nd tụ, 18th p'i, last chia." The formula is often repeated in the land memorials held at the Land Office of the Registrar General in Hong Kong. 12 Kwangchow Fu-chih (1759), ch'uan 4: 43a-b, 46b. 13 Hsin-An Hsien-chih (1819), ch'uan 2. 14 Kwangtung T'u-shuo, Hsin-An Hsien-t'u. 15 Krone, "A Notice of the Sunon District", originally published in the Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 6:5, 41-105. This quote, as all the others, is from the reprinted copy in the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society V: p. 119. 16 Tung-Kuan Hsien-chih (1797), 10:10b-11. 17 Lockhart, in the Correspondence Respecting the Affairs in China, writes: "Small villages and hamlets often place themselves under the protection of large and influential clans to which they refer all complaints and from which they expect assistance in case of attack, robbery, and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 82 J. T. KAMM lawsuits. In some instances the smaller villages pay their land tax through the influential clans." (p. 20). 18. Tung-Kuan Hsien-chih (1921), 3:4a. 19 For details on Hakka migration into the area, see Lo Hsiang-lin's K'o chia shih liao hui p'ien (***** Historical Sources for the Study of the Hakkas). See also Essay I. 20 Krone, op. cit., p. 125. 21 Sung Hok-p'ang, "Legends and Tales of the New Territories” in The Hong Kong Naturalist, VII: 3 and 4. For the tale of the "Hungry Bug" see pp. 249-250 in number 3. 22 CSO6269 in 1909, 23 Extension Papers, p. 227. 24 See statements by Tang Kok-lam in the Extension Papers (pp. 216 and 293-294): "... the reason for the resistance is that there were rumours that there would be an increase in taxation, numbering of houses, and taxes on fruits and houses." See similar reasons put forth in the petition from the Tung Wo Kuk of Sha Tau Kok Tung, p. 319. 25 CSO130 in 1902. 26 Pat Heung and Shap Pat Heung are districts whose natural boundaries are made up of two major valleys of Un Long to the southeast and northwest of Kam Tin, respectively. These hsiang consist largely of small, multi-lineage settlements with substantial Hakka populations. In some of the documents in the Extension Papers, tung is appended to these districts, a usage still heard among the older elders in the area. The hypothesis which I develop later in this paper refers specifically to the large-order tung; however, it applies equally to the smaller-order tung insofar as they constitute districts treated as a whole for the purposes of revenue collection. 28 CSO6269 in 1909. 29 The only mention of this decision which I have seen is Tratman's account of the opening of a new market at Un Long in CSO3172 of 1915. "Of the existence of this feud there can be no doubt. It began in the endeavors of Pat Heung to free their land from the ground-rent claimed by Kam Tin as first settlers and so overlords of the whole district. The actual bone of contention fell to the Pat Heung when the Land Court disallowed all the "taxlord claims" in that district; but the bad blood still remains. Its fast manifestation was in the form of an organized assault by the people of Un Long on certain Kam Tin cultivators in 1911.” 30 Hugh Baker, "The Five Great Clans of the New Territories," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 6. pp. 25-48. 31 “If a person is arrested by a village constable, he is taken before the gentry and elders of the village, who assemble in a place specially appointed for the purpose. The gentry and the elders, who are the representatives of the clans inhabiting the villages, are selected by the inhabitants to deal with cases in the village council, The usual cases are those of theft, disputes about land, domestic squabbles, and cases of debt. Most of these cases are summarily dealt with by the village council, and as a rule, the decision of that council is accepted as final. But if either of the parties to a case is dissatisfied, he can appeal to a council of the Tung, or to a general council, made up of representatives of the different Tung. A reference to Map VI will show how the newly leased territory is divided ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN 83 into Tung or Divisions. Each council of a Tung contains representatives of the villages which make up the Tung. In addition to a council of a Tung there is a general council for the whole of the Tung Lo or Eastern Section, which is practically that portion of the district of San On contained in the map attached to the Convention. This general council is styled the Tung Ping Kuk or Council of Peace for the Eastern Section. It has its council chamber at the market town of Sham Chun, which is regarded as the centre of the Eastern Section. If the decision of the council of the Tung or of the General Council is not regarded as satisfactory, an appeal lies to the magistrate of the district." (pp. 55-56, Extension Papers.). 32 Extension Papers, p. 34. 33 Ibid., p. 174. 34 K'ang Nan-hai Kuan-chih I (***T**), pp. 15-16. 35 Philip A. Kuhn, Rebellion and its Enemies in Late Imperial China, pp. 91-92. 36 K'ang Nan-hai, op. cit., p. 15. 37 Other evidence which supports this hypothesis is drawn from the fact that the production and distribution of agricultural produce within the tung tends to be regulated by specific and unique processes. Hence, the tau chung (#), or local measures for payment of rent in kind, differs from tung to tung. Lockhart, in his Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong (Presented to both Houses of Parliament, November, 1900), relates the problems encountered in rationalizing land tenure: "But even this tau varies in different localities. The Kun Tau, or Chinese official standard measure of 10 shing, is adopted at Tai Po, in the Sheung Yu District, and at Shat'aukok. The Ts'ong Tau, or grain measure of 11 shing, is used throughout the Un Long District. The Ts'in Tau of 8 shing is employed in the Ts'un Wan (ed. previously Kowloon District) and some other Districts. (p. 6). Moreover, the schedules of periodic markets within tung tend to complement each other, while they often clash with the schedules of markets in a neighboring tung. 38 See petition from Tung Wo Kuk ("i.e., the Committee appointed to deal with the affairs of the Shataukok Division"). pp. 318-320. 39 In a rough translation of a pamphlet obtained by the German missionary Schaub in Tung-Kuan, local gentry propose a strategy for obtaining funds for fighting the British: "It is the best plan that the six confederations (six market places) keep together as we hear. But the outlay for the soldiers should not be collected by an extraordinary field tax. It is not right that the various confederations should pay the costs.... We should use the usual field tax. Let first the six confederations come together and ask our Government for help. Will the soldiers not come to help us, then let us ask the Mandarin for the present not to collect the field tax, that we can use the money to meet the barbarians. This would not be rebellious. Afterwards in peaceful times, we could pay our duties to the Government. (Extension Papers, p. 347.) See also, K'ang Nan-hai, op cit., p. 15. 40 CSO433 in 1899, 41 The British often experienced great difficulty in distinguishing landlords from taxlords, especially since members of large, gentry clans like the Tangs were one and the same. In a memorandum on the work of the Land Court, Lockhart writes: "The most serious matter of all, however, is the stand taken by the farmers against the clans, their former landlords. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 2 84 J. T. KAMM The clans and farmers agree that the farmers are absolute owners of the soil in perpetuity, but have been paying money or produce to the clans for generations, which the clans claim to be rent payable to them. The case for the farmers is that the land has always been theirs absolute free from rent, and that the amount paid by them to the clans was the Government land tax." p. 23, Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong. 42 Chinese civil administration across the border offers interesting contrasts to the British colonial model. After the fall of Ch'ing, the county was renamed Pao-An (†), and was subsequently divided into seven "wards" or ch'ü (E). These wards generally followed the topographical features of the countryside, with the result that tung and ch'u were probably quite homogeneous (the evidence for Sham Chun certainly indicates this). As we noted above, agricultural production within the tung tended to follow specific, if not unique, patterns; the authors of the Kwangtung Nung Yeh Kai-K'uang T'iao-ch'a-pao-kao Shu Hsuan-pien (***)'s chapter on Pao-An link this phenomenon, which they note in the various ch'u, with the relative availability of arable land within the district. Aside from the presence of elements of the police force, the Nam Tau government kept a low profile in the ch'u, and depended on these areas to collect the land tax and hand it over by themselves (see Kwangtung Ch'uan-sheng t'i-fang Chi-yao (✯✯✯****★)), p. 189. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n CEREMONIAL LIFE OF 2 MULTI-SURNAME VILLAGES 103 The Kwaan and the Oo conducted their Spring and Autumn Rites on separate days and in their own ancestral halls. These rites were conducted by a leader (*) and a deputy (1A). It was usually the eldest son of the first fang (branch) who was the leader, the one with the highest scholarly title being the deputy. The rites were supposed to be attended by all male members, but in practice, like many lineages in South China, the attendance of the heads of the households and their sons was optional. The attendance of the elders and the gentry was compulsory, while those over sixty were invited as guests of honour. The kowtow and the three prostrations were in the order of the government officials first, then the gentry, then the elders, then whoever happened to be there. After the ceremony was over, there was a feast in the empty spaces of the ancestral hall. Meat, paid for by the corporate property, was divided. One share of meat was about three to four catties (four to five pounds). The elders and those over sixty years old had two shares of meat. Those who had or were holding posts in the government of Hoi-p'ing or elsewhere were given four shares. As in the villages in Yuen-long, Hong Kong,* hang-tseung (††*) (i.e. portable images of gods) played an important part in Na-loh's ceremonial life. The Kwaan and the Oo each had its own image. The Kwaan worshipped Kwaan-kung (▲). This image was placed outside the village in the Lo-yeung Temple which catered exclusively for Kwaan worshippers of Lo-yeung Heung as a whole. The Oo worshipped the statue of the Goddess of Heaven which at ordinary times was placed in the Ue-leung Temple, a temple catered exclusively for Oo worshippers of Ue-leung Heung. On the second day of the New Year, the villagers performed the hoi-tang ceremony () which was also popular in many other parts of South China. This event took place in a bamboo hut known as tang-liu (** : lantern house). In Na-loh, there were two of these huts: one for the Oo and the other for the Kwaan. Inside each hut was a beautiful lantern which signified life for all the members. When the hoi-tang ceremony was about to begin, representatives of the Kwaan would go to the Lo-yeung Temple to carry the image of Kwaan-kung to their own tang-liu in Na-loh. The Oo would go to Ue-leung Temple to fetch the Goddess of Heaven. * See Brim 1971. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 106 YUEN-FONG WOON first preference to buy or rent private plots belonging to a fellow villager. Chungshe was similar to Na-loh in social organization. There was no community temple belonging to the village as a whole. Instead, each lineage had its own ancestral hall with corporate property. Moreover, private or corporate property seldom changed hands from one lineage to another. Lineage mates only bought land from one another or from their own ancestral halls. In his final chapter, Pasternak gives two explanations to account for the differences in social organization between his two Taiwan villages. The first is that there was the need for common defence in Tatieh against another ethnic group in the vicinity. But in Chungshe, there was no such need. The second reason is that there was a need for co-operation in irrigation projects in Tatieh but not in Chungshe. I think these explanations might also account for the differences in social organization between Lung-tsai She and Na-loh Ts'uen of Hoi-p'ing. Lung-tsai She was situated in the upper course of the T'aam River (*). The terrain was much more hilly, and there was a greater need for cross-surname co-operation in irrigation and drainage. Na-loh was in the middle course of the T'aam River. The village did not suffer from water problems. Informants have only heard one case of flood in the village. People went away for several days until the water subsided. Usually the farmers relied on nearby streams for irrigation. They just went to carry water back by means of their buckets. In the case of Lung-tsai She, the need for cross-surname co-operation in defence was apparent between 1911 and 1926 when the whole of Hoi-p'ing was in civil disorder as a result of power struggles between the Kwangtung, Kwangsi and Yunnan Warlords. The Kwaan, the Wong and the Tang in Lung-tsai She joined with other villages in the vicinity to form the multi-surname Tsung-long Heung Militia (2) for self-defence. In the case of Na-loh village, however, there was no co-operation between the Kwaan and Oo for defence. Thus, it appears that the need for co-operation in defence and irrigation resulted in greater social integration among villagers in Lung-tsai She than among villagers in Na-loh, just as Pasternak's study has suggested. Nonetheless, the contrast between the Hoi-p'ing villages... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n CEREMONIAL LIFE OF 2 MULTI-SURNAME VILLAGES 109 2 The two villages described in the paper have been based on my data of the Kwaan lineage. Na-loh Ts'uen was part of Lo-yeung Heung and Lung-tsai She was part of Tsung-long Heung. The county gazetteer, K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih (Hong Kong, 1933) provides extracts of genealogies of the Kwaan and the Oo as well as other prominent lineages of Hoi-p'ing but does not mention Na-loh Ts'uen and Lung-tsai She. The table at p. 111 shows the historical origin of the Kwaan lineage of T'oh-fuk. This account is based on personal communications from elderly informants. Again, Na-loh and Lung-tsai She were not mentioned. Much of the data used in this article was obtained from 14 Kwaan in Victoria and Vancouver, B.C. Canada 1973-74. They all came from Toh-fuk and Tsung-long areas. Of these six came from the two villages of Na-loh and Lung-tsai She as follows:- Name Birth Date Age Place of Origin Year Left Hoi-p'ing Kwaan F 1902 75 Na-loh Ts'uen 1915 Kwaan H 1911 66 Na-loh Ts'uen 1927 Kwaan I 1932 45 Na-loh Ts'uen 1953 Kwaan J 1941 36 Na-loh Ts'uen 1951 Kwaan K 1903 74 Lung-tsai She 1920 Kwaan L 1937 40 Lung-tsai She 1949 My Ph.D. thesis (Social Organization in South China 1911-1949: The Case of the Kwaan Lineage of Hoi-ping) deals with the general area.* 3 G. W. Skinner ("Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China," Journal of Asian Studies, XXIV (1964-65), 6-7, 20-31, 41-43) distinguishes between three types of periodic markets in traditional rural China: the standard market town, the intermediate market town and the central market town. The standard market town is a type of rural market which meets the normal trade needs of the peasant household. An intermediate market town serves the needs of the local elites of the standard market towns in the vicinity since it provides decorative items of quality which are inaccessible in the standard market towns. It serves as a centre for interclass dealings between the gentlemanly elite and the merchants of the market town itself. The central market town is normally situated at a strategic site in the transportation network and had important wholesale functions. 4 Maurice Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society in Fukien and Kwangtung (London, 1966, pp. 18-42) distinguishes between a localized lineage, a dispersed lineage and a higher-order lineage. A “localized” lineage denotes a group of agnates who live together in the same geographical area. The members claim to be descended from a common founder. They usually have ancestral halls to practise ancestral worship together. A "dispersed lineage" denotes two or more groups of agnates with the same surname which are separated geographically. One group has an ancestral hall to practise ancestor worship. The members of other groups do not have a hall of their own. They would go to the first group to worship because it is believed that they were originally descendants of the first group but had at some point in time moved away from the parent settlement. A "higher-order lineage" denotes two or more groups of agnates with the same surname which are separated geographically. Each group has an ancestral hall of its own but there is also a common hall comprising all the members for the performance of ancestral worship together because it is believed that they were all descended from a common founder. 5 I collected the marriage history of informants up to five generations. Whilst of interest in itself, it did not shed any light on village origins. * Now accepted for publication by the University of British Columbia Press. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 122 GREGORY E. GULDIN of Fujianese attending the Yueh Fei temple gradually rose until today perhaps 70-80% of the worshippers there are Fujianese. Even so, the temple is not a Fujianese temple; both the people who run the temple and the deity itself are Guangdongese. This arrangement was less than satisfactory to the Fujianese. Since Fujianese and Guangdongese ritual practices and religious concepts are not always isomorphic, arguments over what food was properly offered to Guan Yin (Kuan Yin) or what was expected of a medium, etc., frequently erupted. Such disputes, complicated by the language barrier, made many Fujianese feel uncomfortable about worshipping in a "barbarian"-run temple. Ten years ago this situation began to change as the Cultural Revolution in China increased attacks on the old religious organizations back in Fujian. Temple personnel such as Buddhist monks and nuns began to arrive legally and illegally in Hong Kong and served to staff a new type of temple, a form particularly suited to Hong Kong's crowded situation. Apartments were rented to serve as temples in many of the apartment buildings which contained a heavy Fujianese population. North Point branches of Sai Ying Poon temples were likewise also begun in this manner. Each apartment-temple is dedicated to a particular god; sometimes it is a pan-Chinese spirit such as Guan Yin but it can also be a specifically local one such as Sheng Gung of Fujian Province's Nan An county. Sheng Gung's original temple is now in disrepair back in Nan An but the god's statue and objects were brought to Hong Kong a few years back. Hong Kong may thus have the only Sheng Gung temple left functioning in the world. "I have visited this little Temple, or joss-house, and have discussed its history with one of the local Kaifong, Mr. Lo Ho Ching, of 129 Electric Road, Ground Floor. "The little Temple is dedicated to the God of Warriors, Ngok Fei, and has been in existence about 40 years. According to Mr. Lo it was built by the late Kwok Shut Ting, Compradore of the Asiatic Petroleum Company (A.P.C.), at the time when the A.P.C.'s installation at North Point was built. At present the little Temple is looked after by an old woman appointed by the Kaifong. "The little Temple is a picturesque little structure, half embedded in a large boulder and covered by a tree. The Kaifong and I too would be reluctant to see it removed, but if it has to be removed I do not think the Kaifong will object provided that an alternative site for it can be found in the vicinity and if it is re-erected by Government at the time when the new Police Station at Bay View is built." This information was provided by the Hon. Editor of this Journal. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n MEMORIES OF THE DISTRICT OFFICE SOUTH 155 crews, who had no permit for that beach, were driven off without their sand. One of my duties was to discover and report beaches that could be dug without injury to cultivated land. Some of these have since then been completely worked out, notably on Sha Chau, as I found in 1938 during archaeological researches. Eventually the P.W.D.* started a scheme for dredging and working sand from the sea bottom off Tai Lam Chung about 1929, which enabled the builders to get what they wanted. The beaches at Tai Long in Lantau and Tai Wan in Lamma were specially reserved for the waterworks filter beds because of the cleanness and high quality of the sand there. One of the interesting communities on Lantau was the group of Buddhist temples and chai tong or fasting halls on the well-known high plateau between Tung Chung and Tai O figuring as 'Ngong Ping' on the maps. It lay at about 800 ft. above sea level and its members maintained a good pathway from Tai O across a stream and up the hill to their settlement and ran their buildings, somewhat in the manner of vegetarian youth hostels. They occasionally harboured strange characters, as might be expected in unsettled and revolutionary times. One such, I believe, was a big-scale opium smuggler and den-keeper who had operated in London, and was nicknamed ‘Brilliant Cheung'; I think he got banished from the Colony. The track from Tai O to Tung Chung was a favourite walk for many people: I unfortunately never did it. As I notice that Hong Kong seems to have become more and more a tourist attraction of late years, I may perhaps conclude these reminiscences with a few notes on the sites of historical or archaeological interest which can be found in the Southern District, and which may be thought worth preserving. Our chief site, Sung Wong Toi, was I know wrecked by the Japanese as an anti-Kuomintang measure, though the inscription has been preserved. Kowloon City was full of interesting things when I visited it, such as old yamens, drill grounds for Chinese troops, ancient cannon with inscriptions, and above all the old walls and gates; I once sat in the gate to conduct an enquiry, after the manner of King David, with the people assembled round. Close by was a walled and moated village, shown on maps but hard to find, named Nga Tsin Wai, which I hope will not be ‘improved' out of existence by planners! On the low hill west of Kowloon City a loopholed wall and gateway with a ruined guard-house barred the path crossing a gap * Public Works Department. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n NOTES AND QUERIES Plate 4. A-Lichen Aspicilia sp. (ca. natural size) B-Lichen Xanthoparmelia sp. (ca. natural size) C The grasshoppers Gastrimargus sp. and Patanga sp. The body of Patanga (r.h.s.) is about 6.5 cm long; the yellow and black pattern on the hind-wing of Gastrimargus (l.h.s.) is characteristic of the genus. Plate 5. A-terraces on slopes above the Kadoorie Experimental and Extension Farm. B-view of the stone retaining walls; note that the terrace is not flat but slopes from rear to front and from one side to the other. Yuen Long Shek Kong Air Strip & Camp Old Shek Kong Camp Kadoorie Exp. & Ext. Farm 1958 300 900 800 0480 700 + 600 500 Points visible from Stop Deep Bay old S.K. Summit of Kadoorie Airstrip Camp & Exp. & Ext. Farm, and Terraced Hill-sides Lan Tau Island Tsing Yi Island Castle Peak Tsing Yi Island ·Route Twisk Tsuen Нап Town/ -Tarık Farm 300. P Tai Po via Lam Tsuen Valley Kowloon Kn. + N Figure 1. Sketch map of Tai Mo Shan complex, showing the contours in metres. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 172 NOTES AND QUERIES All remarkable mountains are supposed by the Chinese to have some spiritual influence over the affairs of mortals. The rough, barren, mountainous country I have described, has given birth to many superstitions and legends. Some of the huge stones on the hillsides are supposed to represent the tiger, the dragon, and the phoenix. The stones on some hills are said to have locomotive powers, and to pursue any adventurous traveller who attempts to mount their sides: other stones are said, when touched, to have the power of producing pains in the stomach and others to emit white vapours from their surface; of more interest are the caves which are found in some of the mountains (JHKBRAS 7(1967): 110). 12. Krone writes of our own Castle Peak: The mountain is reckoned one of the eight wonders of the Canton Province. Some of its large granite boulders are said by the priests to represent various mythological monsters; and several springs well up near the top, which are also esteemed supernatural wonders by the Chinese. The mountain is often visited by students and literati, and its wonders and beauties have been celebrated by them in many verses. The legends connected with the mountain seem not to be very clearly understood. (JHKBRAS 7(1967): 109). 13. In the case of the more famous mountains of the Kwangtung province alone, mythology, legend and history have endowed them with fame over hundreds and even thousands of years. This is due in part to the constant visits of famous poets whose poems are so widely read over the generations that they alone are sufficient to make them sacred and immortal.* Yet our own lesser mountains seem to have had at least one such visitor. In the history of the T'ang family of Kam Tin we read of the famous Sung poet and painter PO Yu-sim, ‘Legends have attributed to him magical powers, and he is supposed to have appeared and disappeared in all the In the introduction to his Anthology of Chinese Literature, Vol. 2 (New York, Grove Press Inc., 1972) Cyril Birch writes 'Scholar-officials were subject to a life of movement, and no one could travel very far without lighting on a place celebrated in the verse or prose of an earlier visitor. It might be a hilltop temple or a lakeside pavilion, a mountain pass or an ancient battlefield, a city gate or a particularly awesome cliff. (p. xxvi). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n NOTES AND QUERIES 193 For the general background the reader is referred to pp. 419-433, 697-700 of Kung-chuan Hsiao's monumental study of late imperial China Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (University of Washington, Seattle, 1960). Also to Chapter X of Frederic Wakeman Jr.'s Strangers at the Gate, Social Disorder in South China 1839-1861 (University of California Press, 1966): 'Class and Clan' 109-116. It is of interest that as late as 1905 and 1908 villagers of Honam Island, Canton were fighting out their feuds on the campus of the Canton Christian College, the future Lingnan University: see Lingnan University by Charles Hodge Corbett (New York 1963) p. 40. The self-government of Chinese villages existing alongside what A. R. Colquhoun styles ‘a long common frontier' with 'centralised autocracy', i.e. the situation which allowed this kind of independent action to subsist, is interestingly handled in his China in Transformation (London, 1898): 238-288. Hong Kong, December 1977. C. MOVE OF THE SHING MUN VILLAGES* JAMES HAYES The Shing Mun villages of Shing Mun Lo Wai, Pak Shek Wo, Pei Tau To, Shek Tau Kin, Fu Yung Shan, Nam Fong To, Tai Pei Lek and Ho Pui contain about 855 Hakka Chinese, mostly named Cheng but having among them also Cheung's, Ko's, Lo's, Tang's and Tsang's. In a hollow in the hills about two miles broad by two and a half long, formed by Tai Mo Shan, Grassy Hill and Needle Hill, and sloping from Lead Mine Pass southwards to Pineapple Pass and Tsun Wan, the inhabitants of these villages own 180 acres of agricultural land, 1180 acres of forestry rights and 42 acres of pine-apples. The whole of this area will have to be evacuated, and after careful search in co-operation with the villagers, suitable sites have been found to accommodate them at Kam Tin, Wo Hop Shek, Nam Shui Po, Tsat Sing Kong, Ping Kong, Fung Yuen (Yue Kok), Shek Ku Lung, and Pan Chung, and to these it is proposed to move all the inhabitants of the Shing Mun valley above Pineapple Pass. Details of the transfer are as follows:--- * Taken from the Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers 1928. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n NOTES AND QUERIES 199 THE RURAL HISTORY PROJECT IN YUEN LONG DISTRICT, NEW TERRITORIES OF HONG KONG, 1973. In 1973 Mr. John Kamm, a candidate for the A.M. at Harvard University's Regional Studies--East Asia Program, conducted field research in the N.T. The letter which follows explains how he cooperated with the District Office Yuen Long in a rural history project, and gives interesting details of how it was accomplished. The "Field Notes on the Social History and Feng-shui of Kam Tin” which follow the letter were one result of the project. The two “Essays on the Ch'ing Economy of Hsin-an, Kwangtung,” printed elsewhere in this issue of the Journal, are another. Hon Ed. Mr. Patrick Williamson, J.P., District Officer, Yuen Long District Office, New Territories Administration. Dear Mr. Williamson, I would like to take this opportunity to provide your office with a preliminary report on the Rural History Project. I also intend to include general thoughts on the advisability of expanding the current pilot project into a more-structured, government-sponsored operation of longer duration. At our first meeting, on 31 May, we discussed the concern in Yuen Long District, shared by both Government and village leadership, over the deterioration of Chinese tradition and custom. One substantial portion of traditional culture, i.e. oral history, seemed threatened with especially rapid extinction. We decided to explore the possibility of setting up a summer project aimed at collecting and preserving the folk tradition of a specific area of Yuen Long District. Since I had been trained in social anthropology (having won University Scholar distinction in the structural analysis of Chinese myth and folk-tale), and since I was eager to begin field work in the New Territories, I readily accepted the offer of an unpaid attachment to your office. Throughout the early weeks of June, the project gradually took shape and became a reality. Government showed interest in the idea, and approved the project. Scholars at both universities pro- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 206 NOTES AND QUERIES a temple outside Tung Kwun city whose upkeep and ritual observances were financed by large joint landed estates. 14. Yeung-leung's son, Tsz-ming (8) was married off, albeit unwittingly, to a princess of the Sung Dynasty. I have little to add here that Sung and O'Dwyer do not mention, but I believe it is important to stress that this tale (popularly known as the Wong Ku (*) story) served the important function, at least prior to the 1930's, of defining Tangs relative to outsiders (the powers-that-be) and locals (especially surrounding great and small lineages). 14. a. The San On gazetteer (a rare copy of which exists in the Fung Ping Shan Library of Hong Kong University), compiled in 1819, gives the tale in complete detail. 14. b. The Rev. Krone's "A Notice of the Sanon District," published in the Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1859, contains the following passage: "The inhabitants of a pretty little village on Deep Bay called “Kam-Tin”... also trace their origin up to the Sung dynasty. A high mandarin, they say, of the name of Tung, came to San On from the interior of China, and was so much pleased with the county around Deep Bay, that he settled down and made himself very popular, by giving gratuitous instruction. The grandson of this man having done some meritorious service to the State, the emperor Ko-tsung of the Sung dynasty, gave him his daughter in marriage.' 14. c. It will also be noted that the plaque commemorating the return of the iron gates to Kat Hing Wai makes especial reference to the tale. Several elders of neighboring villages, when asked why the Tangs were so powerful as to be able to concentrate five wais (walled villages) in the district, cited this imperial kinship link. 15. The second major migratory movement of the Tangs occurred during the generation of Wong Ku's sons. Lam (*) settled at Lung Kwat Tau (##), Kei (*) settled in Tung Kwun at Shek Tseng &✯✯, Wai (*) established the Tang branch-settlement at Tai Po Tau (†). Chi (#) remained in Sham Tin. [Chi's grandson Chu-on (₫) established the Ha Tsuen lineage-village.] * Reprinted in JHKBRAS 7(1967). See p.134. † See P. Wesley-Smith's article in JHKBRAS 13, 1973: 41-44. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n NOTES AND QUERIES 211 Village, p. 41, the K'ang Hsi evacuation "may well have helped the Liao lineage to consolidate its position as a major power and landowner in the area." This undoubtedly extends to the Tangs as well, though for quite different reason. The Liaos increased their local power by means of the formation of a Hakka/Punti alliance to finance the local school built to honor the two official Chou Yu-te () and Wang Loi-jen (). The Kam Tin Tangs also participated in the "deification campaign" (The two officials petitioned the emperor to allow the re-population of the coastal strip), and similarly constructed the school, the ruins of which are still to be seen in Pak Wai Tsuen. However, the school was never given official recognition [i.e. it was not listed, with the other schools, in the gazetteer], perhaps because of, again, the "special relationship” enjoyed by the Tangs and San On magistrates. The Tangs claim that these officials were eventually to suffer at the hands of the imperial government because of their loyalty to the Tang family! [I have been unable to verify this, though I expect that it is true. How else can one explain the subsequent favors bestowed on the Tangs immediately after their (at least implicit) support of the Cheung Ta-yuk and Lei Man-wing rebellions?] 23. c. The To Hing Tong () was constructed in 1707 by the five branches of the Tangs residing in San On and Tung Kwun. This followed shortly after the re-location of the Tangs in San On. The large number of Tang settlements in Tung Kwun no doubt facilitated the smooth re-location into Kam Tin, Ha Tsuen, Ping Shan, Tai Po Tau and Lung Kwat Tau. Several tales concerning this relocation are still told, some of which cast doubt on the existing theory that there was a total evacuation. The ceremonies held twice yearly at the To Hing Tong (continued into the early years of the Republic) served greatly to consolidate the consciousness of Tang unity. 24. By far the most popular topics of conversation among Tang elders concern the nature and extent of their land holdings prior to 1898, and how subsequent events stripped them of much of these estates. It is probably impossible for us now to reconstruct, from records available, the exact amount and number of their holdings. However, some evidence exists: * After the Evacuation of the Coast 1662-69 by the Ch'ing authorities to deny supplies and assistance to Ming loyalists on Taiwan. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 212 NOTES AND QUERIES 24. a. Several tales contain information regarding land tenure. For instance, an elder of the 3rd Fong who related the Tang Hei-sui () tale (see Sung p. 253), mentioned that members of the Tso () established after his death each received 100 Tam Kuk each year till 1898, indicating extensive holdings. 24. b. As mentioned above, the Kam Tin Tangs virtually owned the Pat Heung Valley (even the suspect Cadastral Surveys confirm this).* They also possessed land around Yuen Long and further south, Shun Fung Wai (). Ancestral land on Hong Kong Island totalled approximately 1000 Chinese acres, and clan land (shared among the five fongs) in Kowloon was extensive (200 acres in Cheung Sha Wan alone). 25. Land was either communally or privately owned. The former ("communal ownership") is divided into a number of categories, the most important of which are Tso () and Tong (). Tong land is appropriated in the literary name of an ancestor (hence early confusion of Tongs as literary clubs). Unlike Tso, the joint holders need not be descendents of a common ancestor. Hence, while Tso land exhibits "vertical solidarity" within a fong across class boundaries, Tong land establishes horizontal ties across fong within class boundaries. 26. For the uses to which ancestral land is put, see the material from the Nam Yeung genealogy and the section on Land Tenure ("varieties of Tenure") reproduced from the Hong Kong Government Gazette, No. 26, 28 April 1900. I would here simply like to add two further uses of ancestral land: 1) defence funding and 2) financing ritual ceremonies. On the former, see Enclosure 7, no. 172 from Extension of the Boundaries. [I add here what might appear superfluous; ancestral land increases in direct proportion to the distance from Kam Tin. Private holdings predominate within the heung itself] 27. As we have seen, the Kam Tin Tangs acted as "unofficial" government of a large section of San On county. One of the essential elements to this system of control was their status as tax-lords. The former is thus explained in Cecil Clementi's report on his work in the New Territories in 1905-1906: "On the recommen- “Suspect" because they do not always reflect the pre-1898 situation: owing to decisions about ownership made by the New Territories Land Court. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n NOTES AND QUERIES 217 is formed on top. Then pick out the thin layer with a bamboo stick, upon which it is allowed to dry. The end-product will be the delicious and nourishing bean skim. Being performed entirely by hand in the past, the whole process was not so simple as this brief description suggests. Over eighty years ago, my great-grandfather with his two sons and their wives fled from famine-stricken Chi Kam hsien in Wai Chau prefecture, Kwangtung, and reached Pun Shan Village, Chai Wan Kok, Tsuen Wan where they started their occupation of bean skim making. At that time, there was no highway linking Tsuen Wan with Kowloon. In order to sell the bean skim and buy more yellow beans, my ancestors had to climb over rugged hills every day. In those days, the yellow beans were first exposed under hot sun (or heated in a pot in case of dull weather). The impurities such as sand and stalks were carefully picked out from the beans, then the beans were crushed by manual labour until the husks were separated from the beans. Beans and husks were then poured into a bamboo container which was tossed up and down with both hands so as to cast out the husks. The pure beans were then put into a tank and soaked in water for four hours (six hours in winter). Then the beans were ground into a paste by pushing hard at the stone-grinder. The amount of beans could not be in excess of forty catties if the whole process was to be finished within one day, and one had to rise about 2 a.m. to start grinding. This paste was then wrapped inside a cloth bag and the fluid squeezed out. The refuse was then filtered off, while the pasty fluid was poured into twelve flat-bottomed metal pans and boiled, using grass as fuel. (The smoke as emitted from the fluid and the burning grass is not unlike tear gas, giving one a suffocating feeling.) The surface foam was removed, and the fluid kept at a temperature that kept it near boiling. A thin layer of membrane formed on the surface, which was taken off with a bamboo stick and allowed to dry. This process of heating, layer-forming and taking off was repeated again and again, until the paste in all the twelve pans became membrane i.e. bean skim. This process must have required the longest working-hours of the world, for one had to work at it twenty-one hours on end every day, from 2 a.m. to 11 p.m. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n NOTES AND QUERIES 227 only able to do so at high tide. At the same time the plane dropped lower and made narrow circles over the town. The Middle School lies just behind the hospital with the Preparatory School on one side and as the plane flew low over one of the buildings a small machine gun opened fire on it. The plane immediately came back, and having thoroughly inspected the position dropped a bomb which blew up a house near us, the machine gun again opened fire and this time the bomb was not so accurately placed and unfortunately fell in our garden, breaking down the wall and making a deep pit about 12 feet within our hospital premises. The plane after dropping a few more bombs flew away, and we found on inquiry that the gunboat with the 2 motor launches had also retired after setting fire to several junks which however had been deserted by the occupants. After about half an hour the plane again returned and released several bombs over the town one of which hit the middle school, demolishing one of their houses alongside our precincts breaking down more of our wall, shattering most of the glass in the doctor's house and covering the garden with broken bricks, large fragments of bomb shells and dust. As far as we know there has been nobody injured. Although we had repeated alarms the plane did not return until 2.30 p.m. when it dropped 4 more large bombs on the Middle School compound, completely demolishing 2 more large buildings. The only good result from this episode was the fact that our young new doctor took fright and ran away in spite of his contract. September 12th, 1939 We have many air raid alarms during the day and sometimes during the night, but the planes pass over us to other destinations. My family arrived in Hongkong August 25th, but has not yet been able to get here. I am glad to have them out from Europe under the present circumstances. They like to have a rest after a long and adventurous journey. They are staying as guests in the Bishop's House. Please continue your prayerful support of our work in China and do all you can to help us. Yours sincerely, EUGEN MILCH. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 228 NOTES AND QUERIES A FURTHER NOTE ON FENG YUN-SHAN AND GÜTZLAFF Since the publication of my Additional Notes on Carl T. Smith's Notes on Friends and Relatives of Taiping Leaders in the last issue of this Journal (Vol. 16, 1976: 132-134) I have acquired some fresh materials on Feng's relationship with Gützlaff (Additional Note (1)). The material is found in Prescott Clarke's paper The Coming of God to Kwangsi (Department of Far Eastern History, The Australian National University, No. 7, March, 1973) and Carl T. Smith's copy of "The full report of a Taiping deserter" from the Hong Kong Overland Register, 27th September 1853. A critical study of the contents therein enables me to arrive at a more definite conclusion on the subject under discussion. Clarke's able and well-written paper deals with the life and works of Karl Gützlaff on the basis of exhaustive research in Europe and Hong Kong. He believes that Gützlaff's influence on the Taipings has either been "dismissed or forgotten" (p. 147). Its title suggests the close contact of Gützlaff's work with the promotion of Christianity in Kwangsi, but immediately calls for clarification. Should it imply that the worship of God was mainly, if not wholly, through the introduction of Gützlaff's work, it seems to me that the credit due him is overestimated. Undoubtedly, a few points in the paper which are well-documented and verified can be accepted as Gützlaff's contribution to Taiping Christianity. For example, there were six stations established in Kwangsi in 1848-50, including Kwei-ping, each being run by a few members of the Chinese Union as a unit. Some members did join the Taipings after the uprising in 1851, but they could only hold unimportant positions in the lower echelon thus being unable to exert any significant influence on the movement. Indeed, they had to forsake what had been taught by Gützlaff and assimilate the Christian faith and obey the military rulings of the Taipings. However, a decidedly significant and valuable contribution that Gützlaff made to the Taipings was the use of his version of the translated Bible and some tracts he had written. Through the new version of the Bible the Taipings adopted the term "Huang Shang Ti" (1) for God a term which Gützlaff had borrowed from the Chinese ancient classics. This process identified the Chinese God with the Christian God more closely than the term "Shang Ti". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n NOTES AND QUERIES 229 Concerning the Taiping leader's relation with Gützlaff's Union, Clarke draws a conclusion which cannot be lightly accepted; i.e. "it is more likely that Feng Yun-shan visited Gützlaff, and was possibly baptized by him in 1848” (p. 164). It appears that the only seemingly persuasive evidence that he could produce is an "eyewitness" who claimed to be a "deserter" from the Taiping ranks in Hunan. This man had been a Union member before being dismissed in 1851. He returned to Hong Kong in 1853 announcing publicly that he had joined the Taipings in Hunan and that Feng Yun Shan was pleased to recognize their old acquaintance (p. 165). He was appointed a low officer. Afterwards he deserted and returned to Hong Kong. The Register published his report on 27th September, 1853. (Carl T. Smith refers to the same report but mistakes Kwangsi for Hunan). It can be easily shown that the whole report was a fabrication of the poorest quality, for everything he stated therein was false. In the first place, the deserter could never have seen Feng Yun-Shan in Hunan because Feng had died near Chuan-chow in Kwangsi in early June 1852, before the Taiping army entered Hunan. This fact was not known to the outside world until long afterwards, so that it is no wonder he made the false statement. A critical study of the full document reveals the following mistakes point by point. (1) Hung Hsiu-ch'üan was crowned Heavenly King ( ) and the new Kingdom was named Tai-Ping-Tien-Kuo (  ) right after the uprising, and Hung was not called Tai-ping wang'. No title of "Royal Father" was in use, and the Taiping army could not be identified with “Ming” ( ) which was only used by the Triads. (2) The Taiping army had not passed through Nan-ning of Kwangsi and Lo-ting of Kwangtung on its northward expedition, but marched directly north from Yung-an through Kweilin to Chuan-chow thereby crossing a mountain path to enter Hunan. (3) The total enrolment of the Taipings at that time was only some tens of thousands, and not several hundred thousands. (4) In the lowest echelon of the Taipings' military organizational system, there was no such rank as "vexillary" such as he claimed to have been appointed to by Feng, but there were four ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 230 NOTES AND QUERIES Liang-ssu-ma (梁司馬) each in command of 25 soldiers, all under the command of a Centurion (Tsu-chiang † †). (5) Chien Chiang, the Chekiang literatus, never joined up with the Taipings, but later enlisted in Lei I-hsien's (†) headquarters in 1853 near Yang-chow. He was shortly afterwards executed by Lei after proposing the Li-kin system of taxation. (6) Lo Ta-kang at the beginning of the uprising was appointed a Chun-Shuai (軍帥) and never appointed Wang (king) or Great General. (7) There were no other two Los each with title of Wang and Assistant General, (8) Yang Hsiu-ch'ing was East King (東王), not Assistant Councillor. He was the number two man in the Tai-Ping-Tien-Kuo next only to the Heavenly King, while Feng Yun-Shan was the number four in rank. (9) The Taiping forces were organized into five main armies, Central, Front, Rear, Left and Right, and was not divided into left and right wings. (10) Concerning religious faith, the deserter knew nothing about the distinguishing features of Taiping Christianity, but reechoed a superficial doctrinization very vaguely recalled from Gützlaff's teaching. For general references to the above historical facts, see my book The Taiping Revolutionary Movement (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1973) relevant chapters. Thus, it can easily be seen that this ex-member of Gützlaff's Chinese Union, aside from being ignorant of Feng's death, did not know the personnel, itinerary, enrolment numbers, titles, organizational structure, and the Christian religion of the Taipings. In other words, we may reasonably presume that he had never joined up with the Taipings. But his return to Hong Kong with such a false report in 1853 did create a sensation, and provided a seemingly firm ground for general belief in the fable of Feng's relation with Gützlaff. Even the editor of the Register proclaimed "it worthy of credit". Readers generally still ignorant of Taiping affairs of course, took both the account and the connection as bona-fide fact. Clarke states (p. 164) that the first Anglican Bishop of Victoria, George Smith, publicized being informed by a Union Member that Tien-Teh-Wang and Feng Yun-Shan were identical and that Feng had been a member of the Union. He also consulted with Robert ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n NOTES AND QUERIES Natrix aequifasciata Barbour 233 The first specimen of this species known from Hong Kong was sent to me by the Police on 8 May 1978 for identification. It is a juvenile, having bitten the boy who caught it in a stream near Shing Mun Reservoir in the New Territories on 7 May 1978. A second specimen, also immature, was kindly given to me by Dr. Frank F. Reitinger. He had found it inside a tunnel in a catchment channel near Shek Kong Village in the New Territories while collecting at night on 17 June 1978. According to Pope (1935, p.95), Natrix aequifasciata is an inhabitant of mountain brooks and is known from various localities in Kwangsi, Kwangtung, Hainan, and Fukien in China. In a recent publication (Anon., 1977), it is listed also for Yunnan, Kweichow, Kiangsi, and Chekiang provinces in China. Opisthotropis balteatus (Cope) On 25 May 1977 I received a live immature female of this snake from Mr. R. J. Clibborn-Dyer, who had found it early that day on the Ting Kok Road close to Shuen Wan in the New Territories. The place where this specimen was found was beside an abandoned waterlogged paddy-field, through which a stream flowed into the sea. Opisthotropis balteatus is known to occur in Southern China (including Hainan), Vietnam, and Cambodia. It frequents mountain streams, and Pope (1935, p.168) concludes it to be an inhabitant of low to moderate altitudes. Opisthotropis kuatunensis Pope Two immature specimens of this little-known snake were given to me by Mr. Jerry K. S. Lee, who collected them in the central area of the New Territories mainland. The first was found at about midnight on 16/17 November 1974 in a catchment channel near Shek Kong Village. The second he found on the night of 13/14 July 1978 in a stream at an altitude estimated to be about 823 metres on Tai Mo Shan. The type and fifteen paratypes of this species were collected by Pope in Chungan Hsien in north-western Fukien, China. In describing the habits of Opisthotropis kuatunensis, Pope (1935, p.170) remarks that: ‘... it inhabits the highest forest cascades of the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 240 LIFE MEMBERS: ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. ASOME, Mrs. M. J. BELL, Gordon J. BOARD, D. B. M. BONSALL, G. W. BUTT, Dr. Nancy CALCINA, P. G. CARLSON, Miss R. E. CATER, Jack CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Alfred T. CHENG, T. C. CHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong CHOA, Dr. Gerald CHUN, Miss Oy-Ling CLARK, Rev. Cyril S. COMBER, Leon COSBY, I. P. S. G. CRAMER, B. L. C. CRONE, Dr. D. L. DJOU, G. G. EMERSON, G. C. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVANS, Paul J. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. A-9 Bellevue Court, Stubbs Road, Hong Kong. The Royal Observatory, Nathan Road, Kowloon. Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Ave., Hong Kong. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, Hong Kong. Commercial Investment Co. Ltd., Hong Kong. Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Ave., Hong Kong. 8, Mount Kellet Road, The Peak, Hong Kong. Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, Hong Kong. Coronet Court, 14th floor "H", North Point, Hong Kong. United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. St. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, Hong Kong. Sailors' & Soldiers' Home, 22 Hennessy Road, Hong Kong. K.P.O. Box 6086, Kowloon. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation, Queen's Road Central, Hong Kong. IA Verbena Road G/F, Yau Yat Chuen, Kowloon. 17, Broadwood Road, Hong Kong. American International Assurance Co. Ltd., No. 1, Stubbs Road, Hong Kong. 1, Lower Albert Road, Hong Kong. 33, Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, Hong Kong. Ray-o-Vac International Corporation, 405, Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road, C., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 242 LIFE MEMBERS: KINOSHITA, J. H. KNIGHTLY, F. J. KVAN, Rev. E. LAI T. C. LIST OF MEMBERS LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. LAU, Michael Wai-Mai Palmer & Turner, Room 1906 Prince's Building, Hong Kong. 301, Valverde, May Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Psychology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Extra Mural Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shiu Hing House, 12/F, 23-25 Nathan Road, Kowloon. Highclere, 3 Middle Gap Road, Hong Kong. Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. LAUFER, Mr. & Mrs. E. M. c/o China Light & Power Co. Ltd., Argyle Street, Kowloon, LAWRENCE, Mrs. B. M. I. 3, Ravenscourt, 24 Mount Austin Road, Hong Kong. LEE, J. S. LEE, Dr. R. C., O.B.E., J.P. LETHBRIDGE, H. J. LEUNG, Pak-kui LI, Dr. Choh-ming, K.B.E. LI, David K. P. LISOWSKI, Prof. & Mrs. F. P.. LIU, D. H. LO, T. S. LOSEHY, Miss Patricia LUK, George Ping Chuen LUM, Miss Ada LUNDEEN, Mr. & Mrs. R. W. MacKENZIE, J., J.P. MacKEOWN, Dr. P. K. MCCRARY, M. Prince's Building 25/F, Hong Kong. 1, Hysan Avenue 21/F, Hong Kong. Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Home Affairs Dept., 141 Des Voeux Road C., 25/F, International Building, Hong Kong. Vice-Chancellor's Office, Chinese University of Hong Kong,Shatin, N.T. D7 Grenville House, 1 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. 28, Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. 305, Prince Edward Road, Flat 5D, Kowloon. Lo & Lo, Jardine House 7/F, Pedder Street, Hong Kong. Russ & Co., Baskerville House G/F Room 1, 22, Ice House Street, Hong Kong. B38, Po Shan Mansions, 10, Po Shan Road, Hong Kong. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon. 1101 Tavistock, 10 Tregunter Path, Hong Kong. Management & Planning Services Far East Ltd., G.P.O. Box 9981, Hong Kong. Dept. of Physics, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Flat 6A, United Mansions, 7 Shiu Fai Terrace, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n LIST OF MEMBERS 243 LIFE MEMBERS: McKEIRNAN, Rev. M. J. - Maryknoll Fathers, Tung Tao Tsuen, Kowloon. MARDEN, Mrs. J. L. - 14 Shek O, Hong Kong. NICHOLS, Hon. E. H. - 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, Hong Kong. NORONHA, J. E. - 8 Hereford Road, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. OGDEN, B. J. N. - Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, Hong Kong. OU, Miss G. - French Consulate General, P.O. Box 13, Hong Kong. PAIN, J. H. - Hong Kong Tourist Association, Connaught Centre 35/F, Hong Kong. PICCUS, R. P. - Continental Can International Corporation, Hutchison House, G.P.O. Box 10044, Hong Kong. RAWLINSON, M. C. - Flat 22 Green Lane Hall, Blue Pool Road, Happy Valley, Hong Kong. RAYNER, Mrs. C. M. - Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. RITCHIE, D. J. - Flat 4A, 45 Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong. RIDE, Lady - 42, Chung Hom Kok Road, Stanley, Hong Kong. RYDINGS, H. A., M.B.E. - The Library, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. RUST, H. A. - Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building 19/F, Hong Kong. SEED, B. - Diocesan Boys' School, Mongkok, Kowloon. SELLETT, G. - 'Pinecrest', N.K.I.L. 3542, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. SERSALE, Miss Sheila - 11A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. SMITH, Rev. C. T. - Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. SPOONER, M. G. - The Registry, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. STEVENS, K. G. - Apt. 4B, 26 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. SU, Dr. Chung-jen - 155 Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1st f., Hong Kong. TAN, Khek-Seng - A, 11th Fl., Elegant Garden, 11 Conduit Road, Hong Kong. TANG, Mrs. Madeleine - 8C Grenville House, 1, Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. TANG, Sir Shiu-kin, C.B.E. - The Kowloon Motor Bus Co. Ltd., Room 1701 Central Building, Hong Kong. THOMAS, L. F. - Lowe, Bingham & Mathews, Prince's Building, 22/F, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 250 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: CHEUNG, O. CHIAO. Dr. Chien. + CHILVERS, Mrs. A. CHIU, Mrs. C. CHOA, R. CHU, Lee CHUA, Miss Fi-lan CHUNG, Ms. S. CLIMAS. Mr. & Mrs. D. J. COCHRANE, Mrs. V. COCKELL, Miss J. V. COLBOURNE, Prof. M. J. CONNOLLY, Miss M. CRABBE, P. I. CRISSWELL, Dr. C. N. CROSBY, A. R.. CUMINE, E., J.P. DABORN, Miss Carol DAIKO, P. DAVIES, Mrs. L. R. DAVIES, Mrs. Mona DAVIES, Mr. & Mrs. S. J. DAWSON, Prof. J. L. M. DAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. DE BURE, Mrs. U. 703 Prince's Building, Hong Kong. Residence No. 8, Flat 1A, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 3, Mount Nicholson Road, 1/F1, Hong Kong. Twin Brook 11B, 43 Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong. Banque Nationale de Paris, Central Building 2/Fl, Hong Kong. 48, Haven St., 4/Fl, Causeway Bay, Hong Kong. 1903 Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road, C., Hong Kong. Mail Collection, H.K. & S. Bank, P.O. Box 64. Hong Kong. Flat A1, Pearl Gardens, 7 Conduit Road, Hong Kong. Apt. 9, 23B Shouson Hill Road, Hong Kong. Apt. 6009, Cape Mansions, Mount Davis Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Community Medicine, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. 5, Wylie Gardens, King's Park, Kowloon. Property Dept., Local Property & Printing Co. Ltd., 54/6 Caxton House, 1 Duddell St., Hong Kong. King George V School, Kowloon. Flat B23, 7 Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. 28, Yun Ping Road 2/Fl, Hong Kong. Mountain View, 31 Plantation Road, The Peak, Hong Kong. P.O. Box 201, Hong Kong. 75 Perkins Road, Jardine's Lookout, Hong Kong. "Sailing Look", Lloyd Path, Barker Road, Hong Kong. 1201 Luginsland, 18 Old Peak Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Psychology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. 1, Headland Road, Repulse Bay, Hong Kong. 550 Victoria Road, Block 2, Floor 30, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: DE FAZIO, Mr. & Mrs. M. F. - DE SILVA, Ms. Minette - + + · DEUTSCH, R. R. - DIAMOND, A. I. DOLFIN, J. 4 = DOMENACH, J. L. DONALD, Mrs. A. E. - DRAGE-FRANCIS, C. D. S. DRAKEFORD, L. S. DRYSDALE, Mrs. J. G. L. · DUNCAN, N. + 251 16, Tung Shan Terrace Flat 2B, Hong Kong. Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong. Shatin, N.T. Public Records Office of Hong Kong, 2, Murray Road, Hong Kong. 155, Argyle Street, Kowloon. c/o French Consulate, 2B Kennedy Terrace, Hong Kong. 2, Mount Kellett Road, The Peak, Hong Kong. 12 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. B 101 La Hacienda, 33 Mount Kellett Road, Hong Kong. 7, Shouson Hill Road, A/2F, Hong Kong. DUNKERLEY, Mrs. C. H. 401 Villa Verde, 14 Guildford Road, The Peak, Hong Kong. EDWARDS, Miss A. H. ELIAS, Mrs. P. E. ELSOM, G. J. B. EVANS, C. J. - · - + EVANS, Prof. D. M. E. FABRY, Mrs. R. G. FABRY, R. G. - FESSLER, L. · FORSYTH, A. J. A FORSYTH, J.- GAILEY, Mrs. N. GAMLEN, R. GARCIA, A. - - GARRETT, Mrs. V. M. GATELY, C. GHOSE, Mrs. R. T - + American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, Hong Kong. B2 Habitat, Pak Sha Wan, Sai Kung, N.T. 6A, 6M Boven Road, Hong Kong. Flat 9, 8 Mansfield Road, The Peak, Hong Kong. Dept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Rural Retreat, Taipo Kau, N.T. Rural Retreat, Taipo Kau, N.T. Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle St., Kowloon. 102, 80 Macdonnell Road, Hong Kong. 102, 80 Macdonnell Road, Hong Kong. Flat 16, 14 Mount Austin Road, Hong Kong. 62 A-D Robinson Road, 19/F, Flat B, Hong Kong. Victoria District Court, Hong Kong. 19, Vivian Court, 20 Mount Kellett Road, Hong Kong. Environment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, Hong Kong. St. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: HUYSMAN, Mrs. J. HUYSMAN, J. INGLES, Miss J. M. JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JOHNSON, B. D. JOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. P. K. JONES, G. W. E. JONES, Major M. C. JONES, S. D. JONES, Miss S. M. JONES-PARRY, R. KAYE, Miss M. J. KINMONT, Miss A. KIRKBRIDE, K. M. G. KNEEBONE, Mrs. S. 253 Banque Belge pour L'etranger S.A., Belgian Bank Building, 721-725 Nathan Road, Kowloon. Banque Belge pour L'etranger S.A., Belgian Bank Building, 721-725 Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Government House Lodge, Garden Road, Hong Kong. 2 Stafford Road, Kowloon. Flat 18B Rhenish Mansion, 84 Bonham Road, Hong Kong. c/o A.LA., P.O. Box 444, Hong Kong. Flat 42, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, Hong Kong. 6, Race Club Towers, 49 Shan Kwong Road, Happy Valley, Hong Kong. District Office, Taipo, N.T. Kennedy Road Junior School, 26 Kennedy Road, Hong Kong. Longman Group (Far East) Ltd., P.O. Box 223, Hong Kong 57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, Hong Kong. The Helena May, Garden Road, Hong Kong. The Building Authority, Murray Building 8/F, Garden Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. KNISLEY, Mr. & Mrs. J. G. 5 Shouson Hill Road, East G/F, Hong Kong. KOEHLER, K. KOWALSKI, Ms. U. KWOK, Ping-leong LACK, A. J. LAMBE, Miss M. M. LAM, Yung-fai LATHAM, Capt. R. LAWRENCE, A. I. Deep Water Bay, Hong Kong. 45 Bisney Road G/F, Hong Kong. Kerry Trading Co. Ltd., 25/F American International Tower, 16-18 Queen's Road C., Hong Kong. Flat 1, Peak Pavilion, 12 Mount Kellett Road, Hong Kong. 21F Felix Villa, 10 Happy View Terrace, Broadwood Road, Hong Kong. Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell Street, Hong Kong. 43, Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon. U.S.D. L.O., American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road, Hong Kong. 3 Ravenscourt, 24 Mount Austin Road, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 254 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: LAYTON, F. A. L. LEE, Mr. & Mrs. P. J. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., Queen's Road C., Hong Kong. Essex Asia Ltd., K.P.O. Box 5462, Kowloon. LEIMAN, Mr. & Mrs. R. M. C3 Estorial Court, Garden Road, Hong Kong. LERNER, B. 57 Rutton Building, 11 Duddell Street, Hong Kong. LESSER, Ms. M. 5806 Cape Mansions, Mount Davis Road. Hong Kong. LETCHER, Dr. R. M. Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. LEVIN, D. A. Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. LI, Lao Edwin Consulate General of Costa Rica, 3 Tin Hau Temple Road, Flat C10, Hung On Bldg., Hong Kong. LI, Shi-Yi 72, La Salle Road, 2nd Floor, Kowloon. LI, V. P. A17, 4 South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, Hong Kong. LIARDET, A. J. Gilman & Co. Ltd., P.O. Box 56, Hong Kong. LINTHWAITE, Mr. & Mrs. J. 2, The Albany, Albany Road, Hong Kong. LIU, S. C. Apt. 2B Swiss Towers, 113 Tai Hang Road, Hong Kong. LO, Prof. Hsiang-lin Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. LOBO, Mrs. M. Face View Mansions Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, Hong Kong. LOCKING, J. R. Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club, Sports Road, Happy Valley, Hong Kong, LOFTS, Prof. B. Dept. of Zology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. LOVERIDGE, D. 10F Ho Lee Commercial Building, 38 D'Aguilar Street, Hong Kong. LUNNEY, R. 9B, 14th Floor, Broadway, Mei Foo Sun Chuen, Kowloon. LUTZ, H. F. Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. MA, Prof. Meng, M.B.E. Jardine House 12th Floor, Hong Kong. MACCALLUM, I. Cameraman, 4 Conduit Road 3/F, Hong Kong. MACGREGOR, K. 23 South Bay Close, Apt. 13B, Repulse Bay, Hong Kong. MAHLKE, W. J. Page 270 Page 271 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 256 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: PARR, M. J. · · · PARRINGTON, Miss J. PARRY, R. H. · + PAUL, Mr. & Mrs. A. M. PEACOCK, B. PERESYPKIN, O. P. + + Wardley Ltd., G.P.O. Box 8983, Hong Kong. Arts Faculty Office, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. The Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., Hong Kong. 9, Jade House, 47C Stubbs Road, Hong Kong. Museum of History, Star House 4/Fl., Kowloon, P.O. Box 1382, Hong Kong. PETERS, Mr. & Mrs. R. K. 15, Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. PICKFORD, J. B. PNIEWSKI, T. J. PORDES, F. PRENTICE, E. PRESCOTT, J. A. PRYOR, Dr. E, G. - QUESTED, Dr. R. K. I. - RAM, Mrs. J. - REID, A. J. H. REYNOLDS, Prof. W.. A. RICHARDS. Mr. & Mrs. S. F. RIBEIRO, Mrs. S. RIELY, Miss C. C. - RIGG, Mrs. J. R. · E/M Department, Public Works Dept., Caroline Hill, Hong Kong. 'Serious Music', Radio Hong Kong, Broadcast Drive, Kowloon. 47/50 Gloucester Road, Lap Heng Building 1/F, Hong Kong. Flat 7, 94C Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. 67B Perkins Road, Jardine's Lookout, Hong Kong. Colony Planning Division, Crown Lands & Surveys Office, Murray Building, Hong Kong. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. 80 Kennedy Road, Lee Building, Hong Kong. Kleinwort Benson (H.K.) Ltd., Wing Lung Bank Building 9/FL, 45 Des Voeux Road C, Hong Kong. 19, Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Far Eastern Economic Review, P.O. Box 160, Hong Kong. ROBERTSON, Mrs. A. G. - 5A, Hatton House, 15 Kotewall Road, Hong Kong. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. Park Mansion, 4 Mile Tai Po Road 1/Fl., Kowloon, RODGERS, R. D. - B1 Harbour View Mansions, 11 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: ROHRS, K. R. ROPER, G. W. + SALMON, Mrs. P. A. SAPSTEAD, G. A. G. - SCOBELL, C. L. - + SCOLLARD, Dr. & Mrs. D. M. + SCOTT, Dr. I. SEARLS, M. W. SHAM, F. + SHANNON, Major J. M. - SHAW, Dr. & Mrs. B. C. - SHOEMAKER, J. F. SHU, Dr. H. T. - SIDNEY, Miss F. A. SLEVIN, B. SMITH, F. K. SO, Dr. C. L. STEAD, Miss S. M. STEINER, H. STEMPEL, A. ++ + - STEWART, Miss J. M. C. STRICKLAND, J. E. - + + + + Flat 3B, 17 Bonham Road, Hong Kong. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, Hong Kong. 40 Plantation Road, The Peak, Hong Kong. Mass Transit Railway Corp., G.P.O. Box 9916, Hong Kong. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, Hong Kong. 257 35 Baguio Villa 14/FL, 550 Victoria Road, Hong Kong. 35 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Esso Standard Oil (H.K.) Ltd., G.P.O. Box 5369, Hong Kong. 22A, Caine Road 1/Fl., Hong Kong. 1, Salisbury Mansions, Pilgrim's Way, Beacon Hill Road, Kowloon. 72 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. 73, Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon. 70 Mount Davis Road G/Fl., Hong Kong. 18, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, Hong Kong. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, Hong Kong. Flat E2-21 Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Flat 19B, 45 Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong. Graphic Communications Ltd., Printing House 6/Fl., 6, Duddel Street, Hong Kong. Flat 18A, 3 Tregunter Path, Hong Kong. 28 Lancashire Road, G/FL., Kowloon. Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., G.P.O. Box 64, Hong Kong. STUMPF, Dr. K. L., O.B.B, - Lutheran World Federation, Dept. of World Service, 33 Granville Road, Kowloon. SU, S. TAYLOR, Mrs. V. V. - Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road C., Hong Kong. 14A Piccadilly Mansion, 6 Po Shan Road, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: WILLIS, D. N. WILSON, B. D. - WILSON, D. C. WILSON, J. WILSON, J. C. WILSON, Mrs. L. C. WONG, Miss M. WONG, Siu-Lum WRIGHT, D. A. L. - WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. WYMAN, Mrs. P. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. Hong Kong Tourist Association, 35/F, Connaught Centre, Hong Kong. Flat 2D, 30 Plunketts Road, The Peak, Hong Kong. 2 Mount Kellett Road, The Peak, Hong Kong. Economic Services Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, Hong Kong Flat 3E, 7A Conduit Road, Hong Kong. 109B Robinson Road 1/F, Hong Kong. 8 Fung Fai Terrace, Happy Valley, Hong Kong. Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. The Hong Kong Club, Hong Kong. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. 23B Ventris Road, Happy Valley, Hong Kong. 12, Bowen Road, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 260 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY OVERSEAS MEMBERS: ANDERSON, Dr. E. N. BERKOWITZ, Prof. M. I. BEVERIDGE, R. J. BINGHAM, Mrs. A. BRAGA, J. M. BUNGER, Prof. K. CHAR, Tin Yuke CLARK, Mrs. A. T. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. EITZEN, Mrs. J. GARD, Dr. R. A. GOODRICH, Prof. L. Carrington HARRISON, Prof. B. HAYWARD, G. W. HEATHERINGTON, Mrs. E. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. LAWTON, D. LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan LU, Mrs. S. LYNCH, Rev. P. F. MACLEAN, R. MACPHERSON, J. A. Dept. of Anthropology, University of California, Riverside, Cal. 92502, U.S.A. Dept. of Sociology, Brock University, St. Catherines, Ontario, Canada. 13 Hartwell Hill Road, Hartwell, Victoria 3124, Australia. Welby Croft, Chapel-en-le-Frith SK12 6CY, Cheshire, England. National Library of Australia, Canberra, Australia. 53 Bonn-Bad Godesberg, Lukas-Cranach-Strabe 14, Germany. 3898 Diamond Head Road, Honolulu, Hawaii 96816, U.S.A. Williams & Glyns Bank Ltd., Hottsbank Kirkland House, Whitehall, London S.W.1., England 155 Mount Pleasant Road, Singapore 11. The Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions, 531-2 Melville Library, State University of New York, Stony Brook, Long Island, New York 11790, U.S.A. 640 West 238th Street, The Bronx, New York 10463, U.S.A. 26 The White House, St. Paul's Bay, Malta. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Sevenoaks, Kents, England. c/o Col. & Mrs. Raymont, 270 Park Road, Rockcliffe Park, Ottawa K1M 0E1, Canada. Ostasiatisches Seminar, Der Universitat Zürich, Mühlegasse 21, 8001 Zürich, Switzerland. Time-Life News Service, c/o Associated Press, P.O. Box 775, Bangkok, Thailand. Dept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia. c/o U.S. Embassy, 581 Merchant Street, Rangoon, Burma. Maryknoll Centre House, 120 San Min Road 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan. The Singapore International Chamber of Commerce, Denmark House, Singapore 1. The Library, Cabrillo College, 6500 Soquel Drive, Aptos, California 95003, U.S.A. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 188 DAVID FAURE There is little doubt that at least for several months, Leung Shuen Wan was a central bandit hideout. Mr. Lau Shang of Pak Lap Village on the island said that there were bandits who came there from the mainland, but they did not rob the villagers for they were themselves stationed in Tung Ah Village nearby. Villagers from Tung Ah and Pak Ah confirmed that there were bandits on the island and that the island villagers were not disturbed. Mr. Chung T'in Fuk of Pak Ah added that this might be because the bandits were from P'ing Shan (in China) nearby, and were afraid that the villagers might take reprisals against their own villages.73 Mr. Kong Ts'eung of Tung Ah knew that the bandits used the T'in Hau Temple of Leung Shuen Wan as their headquarters. The first group that arrived was Hoklo. Then came Hoh Shing Nin, from Aau T'au in China. Hoh was well-known among Sai Kung villagers as a bandit chief. But other bandits also came, and they began to fight among themselves. Hoh quarrelled with a certain Chan Nai Shau. According to Mr. Tse Koon K'au, for a short while Hoh had to leave Leung Shuen Wan for Tap Mun, and later Chek Keng. Chan took his guns with him in pursuit.74 Villagers from Leung Sheun Wan and nearby Kau Sai were apparently quite favourably disposed to Hoh Shing Nin. Mr. Chung T'in Fuk of Pak Ah thought that Hoh was a guerrilla, who was maintaining order in the area. Mr. Loh Kai Faat, a boatman from Kau Sai, made a distinction between Hoh and Chan. Hoh maintained order here, according to Mr. Loh, but Chan was a genuine bandit.75 The Wai Ch'i Wooi and the K’ui Ching Shoh The only government in Sai Kung in the very turbulent months immediately after the coming of the Japanese was the Sai Kung Market Chamber of Commerce. Mr. Lei Shiu Yam was its chairman. It was recognized by the Japanese Government as the Wai Ch'i Wooi, the local governing body that was set up in all local areas of Hong Kong and the New Territories in the early months of the occupation. The Sai Kung Wai Ch'i Wooi was located on the first floor of No. 34 Main Street, Sai Kung Market. It had little formal authority and no military power, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 189 although military power was much needed at the time. In fact, it was quite ineffective against the bandits. Several months into the occupation, the office was burnt by the bandit Wong Chuk Ts'eng.70 Mr. The burning of the Wai Ch'i Wooi was well-known. Chan Tsz K'eung, of Sai Kung Market, thought that a Japanese spy had been sent to investigate the guerrillas in Sai Kung and that this was a reprisal. Mr. Lei Yun Shau thought that it was due to a dispute between Wong Chuk Ts'eng and the Wai Ch'i Wooi. Mr. Loh Kai Faat of Kau Sai thought that Wong Chuk Ts'eng, having made a fortune from banditry, was wavering between looting and working for the guerrillas; the Wai Ch'i Wooi, however, was on the verge of deciding to capture him. Mr. Sham Kin K'eung, who spent most of his war years in Tai P'ang, said that Wong had fought on the side of the Nationalist forces in Tam Shui at Pak Mong Fa. He was a bandit and a smuggler who operated from Sham Chun to Wai Chau, and he had many small groups working under him. Mr. Sham thought it unlikely that Wong would have come to Sai Kung himself, and believed it must have been one of these groups working for him that was responsible for burning the Wai Ch'i Wooi. It is not at all clear what the disputes between the Wai Ch'i Wooi and the bandits amounted to. Several months after the burning of the Wai Ch'i Wooi, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam resigned as chairman, and the post was given to Mr. Hui Mei Naam of Lai Chi Chong. This change might not have had anything to do with the burning of the Wooi. Several months into the occupation, the Japanese Government could afford to strengthen its presence in the districts. On July 20, a new system of district administration was promulgated, dividing the whole of Hong Kong and the New Territories into twenty-eight districts, Sai Kung being one of them. Each one of these districts was represented by a K'ui Ching Shoh (District Administration Office), and this name came to be used in place of Wai Ch'i Wooi. The extent of the district was the entire peninsula east of Ma On Shan, including not only the villages from Tseng Lan Shue to Man Yee Wan, but also those north of Pak Tam Chung, those in Shap Sz Heung, and those near Hang Hau. The K'ui Ching Shoh office was set up at the Sung Chen School, and at about this time, a small contingent ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1978: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. Hon. Secretary: B. C. J. Shaw, B.A., Ph.D. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: Helga Werle, Phil. Sin. Cand. (Munich) A. I. Diamond, M.A. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. D. H. Liu G. W. Bonsall, M.A., M.L.S. B. A. V. Peacock, M.A. J-L Domenach iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 EDITORIAL With this Journal, No. 18 in the series, our printer and member, Mr. Lam Yung-fai, has completed eighteen years of sterling work for the Society. In my twelve years as Hon. Editor and to my knowledge before that, Mr. Lam has always treated the Journal as a special job, something dear to his heart and therefore the subject of his special attention. I have not been the best of the editors because my official duties leave little time and less energy for other pursuits, and in consequence Mr. Lam and his staff have had to accept papers as and when I was able to deal with them and often "bad copy" in my poor hand. It is largely owing to Mr. Lam's tolerance, patience, and his affection for the Society that a satisfactory Journal is produced each year. For this, we are indeed most grateful. It is therefore with great pleasure that I record here the Council's decision to appoint him an Honorary Member of the Society in recognition of his services to the Branch. It is eleven years since I penned an editorial. During that time and since its inception, the Journal has provided a useful, indeed major, outlet for work on Hong Kong. The result is, by now, a large body of material on the subject that is of value to the Hong Kong community and of use to many persons seeking background to their own studies and literary work of all kinds. Perhaps the greatest compliment paid was the extensive and acknowledged use of material from the Journal in P.H.M. Jones' Golden Guide to Hong Kong published by the Far Eastern Economic Review in 1968; though of course, much more has appeared in these pages since then, thanks to the interest in Hong Kong and China that draws so many researchers here for academic work. Much of the material provided is historical. This is important in a period of sweeping change when, otherwise, much of value that would provide essential background to the current, ever-changing scene, is swept aside and lost forever unless recorded. Some of it relates to the contemporary, equally threatened by the rapid pace and face of change. Most is sociologically-based. Here, I renew the thought expressed in 1967, and earlier by our first Hon. Editor, Professor Cranmer-Byng: that since ethnography is a particular ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 # HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1977 The Accounts before you have again been kindly audited by Messrs. Wong Tan & Co., and show that the Society is in a reasonably healthy financial position. The Income and Expenditure account shows that the Society incurred a small deficit in the year amounting to HK$2,808, compared to a similar one of HK$2,962 in the previous year. Members will note that just under half of the society's income comes from Annual Memberships, the rest being made up from life memberships, sale of publications, Bank interest and dividends received. I would like to ask members to encourage their friends to join the Society to improve the annual membership income. This will become increasingly important in the years ahead due to the renting of space in the Hong Kong Arts Centre for the Library and the Secretarial Office, which together will cost HK$5,500 p.a. It is hoped that an increase in annual membership will come about as a result of the Society's activities becoming more well known through the Arts Centre, but members are also asked to assist in this direction. Increased Annual Membership income will also encourage the Society to publish more symposiums to add to its now very respectable collection. The Balance Sheet indicates that the Quoted Investments are continuing to hold up well and show a market value appreciation over cost. These investments are kept under review. Under “Sundry Creditors” an amount of HK$25,000 is shown. This is for two journals, 1976 and 1977, the former of which was received by members at the end of last year and recently paid for: the 1977 journal is likely to be paid for later this year after publication. D. A. GILKES Hon. Treasurer. March 18, 1978 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 34 RICHARD J. SMITH 1 Throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century, informed Western observers repeatedly pointed to the lack of a modern, Western-trained officer corps as the key deficiency of the Chinese army. See, for example, Mary Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism (New York, 1967), 201; Major A. E. J. Cavendish, "The Armed Strength of China,” Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 42.244 (June, 1898), 720-722; NCH, July 6, 1880; Chinese Times, December 3, 1887; etc. For an interesting and informative discussion of officer education in the West, consult Correlli Barnett, "The Education of Military Elites," Journal of Contemporary History, 2.3 (July, 1967). 2 Cited in Chang Chung-li, The Chinese Gentry (Seattle, 1955), 174. 3 Helmutt Wilhelm, "Chinese Confucianism on the Eve of the Great Encounter," in Marius Jansen, ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Modernization (Princeton, 1965), 288-289. 4 Etienne Zi, Pratique des examens militaires en Chine (Shanghai, 1896), 111-112. For other critiques of the traditional military examinations, see Chang Chung-li, 181, 187-190; William Ayers, Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 178-182; Ichisada Miyazaki, China's Examination Hell (New York and Tokyo, 1976), chapter 8. 5 Richard J. Smith, "Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850-1860," Journal of Asian History, 8.2 (1974), 128. 6 Hsieh Pao Chao, The Government of China, 1644-1911 (Baltimore, 1925), 311-312; Chang Chung-li, 187. 7 Cited in Chang Chung-li, 181. 8 Miyazaki, 106. See also Robert Marsh, The Mandarins, (New York, 1961), 149-151. 9 Smith, "Chinese Military Institutions," 135. 10 Wu Wei-p'ing, "The Development and Decline of the Eight Banners" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania), 1969), 84-88. 11 Lo Erh-kang, Li-ying ping-chih (Chungking, 1945), 199-200. 12 Cited in ibid., 53. 13 Lei Hai-tsung, Chung-kuo wen-hua yi Chung-kuo ti ping (Changsha, 1940). 14 W. T. deBary, et. al., eds., Sources of Chinese Tradition (New York and London, 1960), 2: 9-10. 15 IWSM, Hsien-feng, 28: 46b-47. 16 Ibid., 28: 47a-b. 17 Ibid., 28: 47b-49. 18 Zi, 112. 19 Chang Chung-li, 181 and note 69. See also Chang Pe'i-lun's reform proposals in 1889, YWYT, 3: 527-530, and Chang Chih-tung's in 1898, Ayers, 178-182. 20 Ralph Powell, The Rise of Chinese Military Power 1895-1912 (Princeton, 1955), 93. 21 Smith, "Chinese Military Institutions," 150-156; see also Wang Erh-min, Huai-chün chik (Taipei, 1967) 191-193, 207-208. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895 35 22 See Jonathon Porter, Tseng Kuo-fan's Private Bureaucracy (Berkeley, 1972), 74-76, 127. 23 Consult Richard J. Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins: The Ever-Victorious Army in Nineteenth Century China (Millwood, New York, 1978). 24 Richard J. Smith, "Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Feng-huang-shan, 1864-1873," Modern Asian Studies, 10.2 (1976), 196-197; also Kwang-ching Liu and Richard J. Smith, "The Military Challenge: The Northwest and the Coast," in The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 11, Late Ch'ing, Part Two, Chapter 4, forthcoming. 25 Cavendish, 709-710. See also the sources cited above, note 24. 26 Smith, "Foreign-Training,” 196, 220-223. 27 IWSM, Tung-chih, 25: 3. 28 Smith, “Foreign-Training,” 220-223; also Richard J. Smith, “Reflections on the Comparative Study of Modernization in China and Japan; Military Aspects,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 16 (1976). 29 Ibid., (both sources); Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins, chapters 8 and 9. 30 Smith, "Foreign-Training," 215-223. See also Mark Bell, China (Simla, 1884), 2: 58; William Bales, Tso Tsung-tang Soldier and Statesman of Old China (Shanghai, 1937), 339; K. C. Liu, "Nineteenth-Century China," in Tang Tsou and P. T. Ho, eds., China in Crisis (Chicago, 1966), 120. 31 On the relationship between modern weapons and tactics and officer-training in the West, see Emory Upton, The Armies of Asia and Europe (New York, 1878), 270-271, 318-319, 324, 328-330 and passim. See also NCH, July 28, 1866, cited in Wright, The Last Stand, 201. For Upton's critique of Chinese tactics and training in the mid-1870's consult The Armies, 20-23. For the use of lien-chün in suppressing internal rebels, see Kung-chung tang Kuang-hsi ch'ao tsou-che, 2: 302, 664, 667; 3: 172, 318, 323, 399, 445, 518, 753, etc. I am indebted to Professor K. C. Liu for supplying this reference. For a critique of yung-ying and lien-chin forces in the 1890's, consult Cavendish, 712-714. 32 Smith, "Foreign-Training," 216 and notes. 33 Bell, 2: 4. The standard works on Li's army are: Stanley Spector, Li Hung-chang and the Huai Army (Seattle, 1964); Wang, Huai-chün chih (Hong Kong, 1973). 34 See Chang Chih-tung's somewhat comparable effort in the 1880's and 1890's, discussed in Ayers, chapter 5. For a brief overview of the problems connected with officer education in late Ch'ing China, consult Powell, 40-45. 35 Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins, chapter 9. 36 Wang, Huai-chün, 203; LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39-41, 41-43; LWCK, Memorials, 27: 4-5. 37 On the West Point inquiry, see Chester Holcombe, China's Past and Future (London, 1904), 82-83; FRUS, 1875, part 1, 227-228. On Li's negotiations with Upton, consult LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39a-41a; YWYT, 3: 592; Peter Michie, The Life and Letters of Emory Upton (New York, 1885), 29-298, 309-310. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 36 RICHARD J. SMITH 38 Holcombe, 82-83; LWCK. Memorials, 27: 405. See also Wang Chia-chien, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang ti chuang-she chi ch'i yin-hsiang," Kuo-li T'ai-wan shih-fan ta-hsüeh li-shih hsüeh-pao (April, 1976), 3. 39 LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39-41. 40 Wang, Huai-chün, 203 and passim; LWCK Memorials, 35; 33b-34, 34b-35. On Wang, see also Bell, 2: 49. 41 On Chou's army, see Japan, Ministry of War, comp. Rimpō heibi ryaku (1882), 3: 45b-46b; Bell, 2: 4, 57-59; Great Britain, War Office, 33/34 (1880), 128-130; FRUS, 1873, part 1, 182-188; CWCK, 1.4: 36b-32; etc. Chou's nien-p'u is included in CWCK. His writings and nien-p'u indicate a rather progressive outlook, including an appreciation not only of Western weapons and military methods, but also of certain aspects of Western science and medicine. 42 CWCK, 2.2: 13a-b; also 1.4; 2b-3, 32-33. 43 Ibid., see also 2.2: 1-8. On the attractiveness of Green Standard rank, consult K. C. Liu, “The Limits of Regional Power in the Late Ch'ing Period: A Reappraisal," Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, n.s. 10.2 (July, 1974), 210, and esp. 218. 44 See, for example, CWCK 1.1.2: 24b; 1.4: 2-3, 5-13b, 19-24, 26b-27, 32-33b; 2.2: 1-2b; "supplement," 1: 11-23, 44; etc. 45 See, for example, CWCK, 1.1.2: 16b-17, 23-24, 27-28; 1.4: 3b-4, 10a-b, 27, 30-32; "supplement,” 1: 7-24. 46 CWCK, 1.1.2: 17b-18; 1.4: 30-41; etc. 47 Ibid., 1.4: 33b. 48 Bell, 2: 57; see also Cavendish, 721. 49 Bell, 2: 57, 197; Great Britain, War Office, 33/34 (1880), 129, "The Army of Li Hung-chang"; CWCK, “supplement," 1: 14b, 20, 23b, 35b-37b; see also CWCK, 1.4: 36b-37. 50 CWCK, 1.1: 19b; 1.1.2: 41b-42; 2.2: 22b. 51 Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang," 3-4, 23-24, note 18. 52 CWCK, 1.4: 34. 53 CWCK, 1.4: 33b-34; also 1.1.2: 41b-42. 54 See note 40. 55 Knight Biggerstaff, The Earliest Modern Government Schools in China (Ithaca, 1961), 61-62; Cyrus Peake, Nationalism and Education in Modern China (New York, 1932), 10-12; Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang," 7-8. 56 Ibid. (Wang), 7-8. 57 Chinese Times, April 30, 1887. The entrance examination consisted of three parts. The theme for the essay was: "(When the people have been taught patriotism and loyalty) they may easily overcome their enemies." The theme for the discourse was: "Much planning brings success." And the subject for the poetry exercise was: "Though summer has come, nature is still mild and pleasant." Ibid. 58 Biggerstaff, 63; NCH, April 13, 1887; Chinese Times, April 23, 1887, "The Tientsin Military School"; etc. The most complete discussion of the establishment, rise, structure, administration and influence of the Tientsin Military Academy is Wang Chia-chien's, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang." ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895 59 Ibid. (Wang), 8. 37 60 Ibid. Wang notes that branch schools of the Tientsin Military Academy were established at Shan-hai-kuan and Wei-hai-wei. 61 Ibid., citing LWCK, Memorials, 74: 25. 62 Ibid., 8-9. 63 Ibid., 7. On Li's financial difficulties, consult Wang, Hual-chin, 275-290; Spector, chapter 7. 64 Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang," 9-12. The major problems, according to Wang, were: (1) The administrators of the academy were not well suited to their tasks (non-specialists); (2) the foreign instructors were arrogant, overpaid, unappreciative, and remiss in their teaching responsibilities; (3) heavy reliance on interpreters was inefficient and confusing; and (4) both academic and practical training tended to degenerate into formalism. Other problems included capricious grading, reports of cheating, and shortages and lack of standardization in equipment. For problems in China's other military and naval schools, consult Ayers, 108-113, 179-180, and John Rawlinson, China's Struggle for Naval Development (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), passim. 65 Rawlinson, 163, 169; Ernst Presseisen, Before Aggression (Tucson, 1965), 140-141; NCH, September 21, 1894. 66 For a summary of the fighting on land and sea, consult Liu and Smith, "The Military Challenge." ** 67 See, for example, E. Bujac, Précis de quelques campagnes contemporaines (Paris, 1896), vol. 2; N.W.H. Du Boulay, An Epitome of the China-Japanese War, 1894-95 (London, 1896); Lieutenant Sauvage, La guerre Sino-Japonaise 1894-1895 (Paris, 1897); Richard Wallach, "The War in the East," Proceedings of the United States Naval Institute, 21, 4 (1895); T. A. Brassey, ed., The Naval Annual (Portsmouth, 1895); Vladimir (pseudonym for Zenone Volpicelli), The China-Japan War (London, 1896). 68 On the Japanese response to the war, see Donald Keene, "The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 and Its Cultural Effects in Japan," in Donald Shively, ed., Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture (Princeton, 1971); also Jeffery Dorwart, The Pigtail War: American Involvement in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 (Amherst, Mass., 1975), 94-96. 69 Professor Samuel Chu of Ohio State University is currently studying the Chinese response to the war, and has produced several illuminating but as yet unpublished papers on the subject. For the time being, the best available discussion of Chinese attitudes is Kuo Sung-p'ing, "The Chinese Reaction to Foreign Encroachment" (unpublished dissertation, Columbia University, 1953). 70 See Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's critique, cited in Joseph Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), 111; consult also Kuo, 49-50, 81-83, etc. 71 Cited in Li Chien-nung, The Political History of China 1840-1928, translated and edited by S. Y. Teng and Jeremy Ingalls (Princeton, Toronto, London and New York, 1956). See also Japanese Imperial General Staff, eds., History of the War between Japan and China (Tokyo, 1904), 1; 30-32. 72 Rawlinson, 190. 73 Liu Feng-han, "Chia-wu chan-cheng shuang-fang ping-li ti fen-hsi," Chung-kuo i-chou, 829 (March 14, 1966) and 830 (March 21, 1966); CJCC, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895 100 Powell, 56-59; Peake, 20-22; Wang, Huai-ch'in, 363; etc. 39 101 Wang Chia-chien, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang," 1, 8; Powell, 235-236. 102 Chinese Times, April 30, 1887; Ayers, 118. 103 See Ernest Young, "Nationalism, Reform and Republican Revolution," in James Crowley, ed., Modern East Asia: Essays in Interpretation (New York, etc., 1971), 160-162; Yoshihiro Hatano, "The New Armies,” in Mary Wright, ed., China in Revolution (New Haven and London, 1968), and Powell, passim. 104 For abundant documentation on the dilution of traditional values and loyalties at the Tientsin Military Academy, see Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang," 9, 11-12, 19-20, and notes, Li Hung-chang had pointed out the need to study the Classics and History "in order to strengthen the root," but Wang claims that the students tended to adopt a foreign-worship mentality, ignored China's legendary heroes, and (in the words of a contemporary critic) neither discussed the virtues of integrity (chih) and duty (i), nor knew of honesty (lien) and shame (ch'ih). Cf. Chou Sheng-ch'uan's army song (Sheng-chün hsün-yung ko), CWCK, "supplement," 1: 50-52b. 105 The evidence, contained in CWCK, remains to be gathered systematically, but even a brief glance at Chou's nien-p'u and his extensive writings suggests these conflicts. 106 CWCK, 1.4: 30-47b, esp. 33b and 37. 107 Ibid., 1.1: 20a-b; 1.1.1: 10a-b; 1.1.2: 15b, 19b-20, 23b (on bullets and rations), 40b-41; etc. 108 CWCK, "introductory chuan (Chou's nien-p'u)" 31b-56 passim. Ironically, after Chou's death, the Sheng-chün was employed in work on the grounds of the Tientsin Military Academy. Chinese Times, May 28, 1887. 109 For Chou's concern with positive attitudes toward the military, see CWCK, "supplement," 1: 20b-21, 22b-23, 50-52b. For Chou's esteem for civil status, see CWCK, "introductory chuan," 57n. Cf. sources cited in note 72. 110 These tensions were not, of course, fully resolved — but neither were such tensions in the West. See Barnett, "The Education of Military Elites," esp. 21, 27, etc. On the emphasis on technical education at the Tientsin Military Academy, see the sources cited in note 104. 111 Ernest Young, The Presidency of Yuan Shih-k'ai (Ann Arbor, 1977), 58-59. 112 Ibid., 56. 113 Powell, 160. 114 Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang," 8; Biggerstaff, 63. 115 Young, Yuan Shih-k'ai, 56-64; Powell, 79-81; Jerome Ch'en, "Defining Chinese Warlords and Their Factions," Bulletin of the London School of Oriental and African Studies, 31.3 (1966), and especially Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang," 12-19, which discusses the careers of over 60 individuals from the academy. Young, 56, notes that of thirty "leading military participants" singled out by Liu Feng-han for "their subsequent prominence in the early republic," twenty-five had attended the Tientsin Military Academy before joining Yuan Shih-k'ai at Hsiao-chan (in the period 1895-1899). See Liu Feng-han, Hsin-chien lu-chün, 113-125. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 IS FACE THE SAME AS LI? A CRITICAL NOTE ON AGASSI AND JARVIE, 'A STUDY IN WESTERNIZATION' MARGARET N. NG* The Claim that Face is the Same as Li This paper has a very simple aim: to point out and explain a confusion made by Joseph Agassi and I.C. Jarvie in their controversial paper, 'A Study in Westernization'. In this paper, the authors raise the question, how far is Hong Kong westernized, and answer, Hong Kong is superficially westernized but deeply Chinese, because the Chinese in Hong Kong are dominated by the concern for face, which, being Confucian, is deeply Chinese. In the present note I shall not address myself to the central question of how westernized Hong Kong is; I shall concentrate on criticizing the subsidiary theory that face is Confucian. My contention is that Agassi and Jarvie have erroneously confused face with li (translated as propriety, courtesy, rites, all of which are notoriously inadequate). This is perhaps a minor error, but as no one seems to have noticed it I think I should give my own criticism of it, for what it is worth. Agassi and Jarvie claim that face is Confucian; this claim is made directly on p. 140 of their paper. The authors are explaining that the reason why it is difficult to change the Chinese preoccupation is because there is a narrow 'traditional view that the Chinese way of doing things is not simply the best, or the right, way of doing things, but the only way of doing things'; they allege that Confucius can be sympathetically read to say that causing others to lose face is the worst way to lose face, and that 'Men are human because they have face to care--without it they lose human dignity'. From this it is clear that the authors think that li, fundamental in the teachings of Confucius, is the same as face. * Dr. Margaret Ng has BA and Ph.D. degrees in Psychology from the Universities of Hong Kong and Minnesota, and until recently was on the administrative staff of the Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 IS FACE THE SAME AS LI? 57 sible. The fact is, the Chinese cultural superiority lies in the loyalty to li; and if I am right that li is not the same as face, and li is deeper than face, and the Chinese will shamefacedly admit the silliness of face but will be shocked to attack li, then the optimistic thesis of the authors is mistaken. It would be, moreover, amply clear that to argue the Chinese into relinquishing their sense of cultural superiority, we do not so much need a critical examination of face, as a critical examination of li NOTES 1 Joseph Agassi and I. C. Jarvie, 'A Study in Westernization', in Hong Kong, A Society in Transition, edited by I. C. Jarvie in consultation with Joseph Agassi, Routledge, Praeger, London and New York, 1969, pp. 129-163. 2 There is of course no consensus among the Chinese about face or even Confucianism. There was a time when the concern for face was open and considered unquestionably proper even though nothing lofty; the more old-fashioned still think there is something to be said about face, though they do not say it. There was a generation, in the early 1900's, during which Confucianism was fiercely attacked as obstruction to progress. 'Revolutionary' China still keeps the practice. Meantime, face as an art or even an expression is quite lost to the present younger generation of Chinese in Hong Kong, and Confucianism is no longer mentioned one way or the other. But the feelings for face and li, the cultural superiority, are there just beneath the surface, and emerges at scratch. 3 I prefer the fuller expression of 'pride-shame' to just 'shame' culture, as pride is often as prominent as, if not more so than, shame in a so-called shame culture. This is originally suggested by Margaret Mead in 'Guilt, Ritual, and Culture', in Roger W. Smith (ed.), Guilt, Man and Society, A Doubleday Anchor Original, 1970, pp. 117-134. Correspondingly I use 'guilt-saintliness' rather than just 'guilt' culture. 4 Margaret Mead, Co-operation and Competition among Primitive Peoples, New York, McGraw Hill, 1937, pp. 493-494. Ruth Benedict believes, in The Chrysanthemum and the Sword, London, Secker & Warburg, 1947, p.223, that shame is 'a reaction to other people's criticism'. 5 Analects, III, 3, Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series, Supplement No. 16, A Concordance to the Analects of Confucius, Harvard-Yenching Institute, Peiping, 1940. Translations of quotations n. 5-19 are my own. Ibid., III, 4. 林放問禮之本。子曰:大哉問,禮與其奢也,寧儉;喪,與其易也,寧戚。 Ibid., III, 8, 予夏問曰:巧笑倩兮,美目盼兮,素以為绱兮,何謂也?子曰:繪事後素。曰:禮後乎。子曰:起予者商也。始可與言詩已矣。 Ibid., XII, 1. 子曰:非禮勿視,非禮勿聽,非禮勿言,非禮勿動。 9 Ibid., XIV, 30. 10 Ibid., XIV, 7. 11 Ibid., XII, 23, 24. 子貢問友。子曰:忠告而善道之,不可則止,毋自辱焉。 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 QINGMING FESTIVAL IN CENTRAL CHINA 73 on one hand, have had connotations of slaughtering, and on the other, associations with 'breaking of clay or earth', as is done in ploughing. This is, of course, but a vague hunch; if, for the sake of our present argument, we accept this interpretation, we could transpose this hunch to the universe of Qingming and say that what is given to the ancestors as edible meat and drinkable wine is earth and rice. 8. Order in Worship The note from Yuanjiang, quoted above (p. ), tells us that grave worship started before Earth God Day which falls around the vernal equinox in the second moon. The ceremonies directed to the new graves took place before that particular date. Then there seems to have been an intermission of thirty days before the ritual was continued, and then it was focussed on the old graves. There is no explanation given in the chronicle for the different categories of 'new' and 'old' graves, so we will assume that new graves were those of the recently deceased. If we accept this we must look for possibilities to account for this difference between the two categories as it is represented in time, and why in that mode of representation the point of reference is She ri, Earth God Day. This particular day was devoted to offerings to She ji, the Earth God.75 Meat and wine were used in this ritual. From Jiangling we learn that the meat for the She offerings was a mixture of pork and mutton which was placed inside a pumpkin.76 In Wuling the term sheng describes the meat. The day was generally for divining about the coming crops, and qi gu 'prayer for grain'. In Zhongxiang, according to the chronicler, there were shamanistic performances accompanying the offerings.78 There are at least some superficial similarities between the Qingming practices and the offerings on She ri. In this context one main question concerns the sort of relations conceived of in this area of China as linking the grave ancestors and the She. I have found no substantial information from the Dongting area to provide us with any further clues. But it appears as if it was necessary to do the grave rituals for the recent dead before one could go ahead with the worship of the Earth God. And perhaps the She offerings were a necessary precondition for a successful grave worship at the older graves. At any rate, the note from Yuanjiang stresses the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 QINGMING FESTIVAL IN CENTRAL CHINA 81 39 See Maurice Freedman: Geomancy. Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland for 1968. London 1.15. 40 Aijmer, A Structural Approach...p. 95, 41 GJTSJC VI:1223 *** 126. 42 Maurice Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology No. 33. London: Athlone Press, 1966. 1* For instance, Lewis Hodous provides an account in his Folkways in China, London: Arthur Probstain, 1929, p. 92. Hodous draws mainly on his long Fujian experience. 44 Aijmer, A Structural Approach p.96. 45 Aijmer, The Dragon Boat Festival, p. 77f. 46 GJTSJC VI:1193, &$ 26. 47 GJTSJC II:51, 6a. A Similar arrangement occurred in Youxian, GJTSJC II:51, 19b. 48 Aijmer, The Dragon Boat Festival, pp. 78f. 49 There were probably several kinds of paper money in use. The yellow kind referred to above was in all likelihood the 'gold variety. As our sources do not carry information in detail on this subject we must leave such further implications aside. 50 I have notes from Gongan (GJTSJC VI:1193, * 36), Hanzhou (VI:1130, 風俗长 Ib), Zhongxiang (VI:1142: #6# 1b, 2b), Jingshan (VI:1142, & 3a) Chongyang (VI:1120 † 4a, 5a), and Tongshan (VI:1120, Afb† 6a). 51 I have found notes from Baling (GJTSJC VI: 1223, K## 2b, ennt juan 11:6a), Wuchang (GJTSJC VI:1120, ✩ 26), Chongyang (VI:1120, £#* 46), Tongshan (VI:1120, ### 6b) and Yingshan (VI:1166, BB‡ 4b). 52 Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society. pp. 140f. 53 Other names for this festival used in the region are Yulan dahui, 王蘭大會 Yulan penhui 盂蘭盆會,and Duwang dahui 度亡大會 All are Buddhist terms. 54 I have, at present, no information from the Dongting area on the handling of paper money at funerals, for instance. 55 GJTSJC VI:1223, # 2b. 56 GJTSJC VI:1193, £&$ 26. 57 GJTSJC VI:1142, R&* 3a. 58 GJTSJC VI:1193, # 2a. 59 GJTSJC VI:1259, 6 2a. 60 GJTSJC VI:1130, &‡ 2a. 61 GJTSJC VI:1120, K✩‡ 4b. 62 GJTSJC VI:1166, ### 46. 63 GJTSJC VI:1142, ‡ 4a. 64 GJTSJC VI:1142, &* 2ab. 65 mm, juan 2:96. 66 GJTSJC VI:1193, R 2a. 67 GJTSJC VI:1259, ✩ lb; 1142, * 2a. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 82 68 GJTSJC II:51, 19b. GÖRAN AUMER 69 GJTSJC VI:1259, RG 2a. 70 GJTSJC VI:1193, 風俗考 26; 1130, 風俗考 2a; 1142, 風俗考 38; 1120, 風俗考 5a; 1166, 風俗考 5a. 71 GJTSJC VI: 1259, + 2ab. For two interesting discussions on foodstuffs as part of offering rituals, and in terms of cooked and raw food, see Emily M. Ahern, The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973, pp. 167-170, and Arthur P. Wolf: Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors, pp. 131-182 in Arthur P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford, Cal.: Stanford University Press, 1974. 72 Chroniclers report this custom from Hanzhou (GJTSJC VI:1130, 1b), Jingshan (VI:1142, 3a), Zhongxiang (VI:1142, 6b), Chongyang (VI:1120, 4a), and Yingshan (VI:1166, 3b, 4a). 73 GJTSJC VI:1120, 4a. 74 A local tradition from Daye (GJTSJC VI: ... 17a) tells of a persecuted jiao dragon that turned itself into an ox island in a river; this was henceforth called Bull Island. A similar transmutation is mentioned in a legend referring to the Yuan River; see E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh Ltd. 1932, p. 116f. 75 In Tongshan, there was an idea of a pair of Earth Gods, She Gong and She Mu. I have no other evidence for ideas of a female counterpart in the Dongting area; GJTSJC VI:1120, 6b. 76 GJTSJC VI:1193, 2a. This may be compared to the use of a mixture of rice and red beans, sometimes contained in a pot, on other ritual occasions; see Aijmer, The Dragon Boat Festival, p. 76. 77 GJTSJC VI:1259, 1b. 78 GJTSJC VI:1142, 2a. 79 GJTSJC VI:1259, 1b. 80 #Ma juan 3: 8a. 風俗考 81 GJTSJC VI:1120, 4b. 82 GJTSJC VI:1142, 4b. 83 GJTSJC VI:1120, 3a. ## 4b. 84 GJTSJC VI:1166, 4b. 風俗考 85 GJTSJC VI:1193, 2a. 荆楚歲時記 Seasons in Jing and Chu. Auth. Tsung Lin 86, juan 13:4a. 87 GJTSJC VI:1130, 1b. 風俗考 88 GJTSJC VI:1120, 4b. 89 GJTSJC VI:1120, 2b. 90 Aijmer, A Structural Approach... p. 95. 91 GJTSJC VI:1142, 1b, 2b. 92 荊楚歲時記 7b. 風俗考 16, 2b. M16 93 GJTSJC VI:1142, 2a. 94 loc. cit. 95 GJTSJC VI:1166, 5b. Records of the ... Ed: MELAR‡ n.d. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 92 EUGENE COOPER instilling old social forms with new revolutionary content, making them serve new purposes. The current premises of the union are in an apartment block in Tokwawan in Kowloon. They occupy a flat decorated with Communist slogans and a picture of Chairman Mao Tse-tung flanked by two Chinese flags. The Federation of Trade Unions runs a small school for children of "patriotic" workers in the union headquarters, although the children are not generally those of art-carved furniture workers. The union premises are seldom used by the workers before the evening as they are all off working; thus the flat was made available to the Federation for the operation of the school. Curricular and extra-curricular activities are structured around revolutionary and pro-Peking themes with texts and reading materials published in Peking. Shortly before my departure from Hong Kong this school was discontinued and the teacher, a middle school graduate, went to work in a factory. Other Federation affiliated unions have also used the union's premises for meetings and other activities such as preparing for the celebrations of October 1, the anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic. The premises are, however, under the control of the Woodwork Carvers' Union, and it is my impression that any such use of their premises by affiliated Federation unions must be agreed to by them. The flat serves as a place where workers without means to afford a private apartment in Hong Kong's over-inflated real estate market, and without family in Hong Kong to take care of them, may sleep at night. However, one must be prepared to put up with the regulations, which include lights out and lock up at 11:00 p.m. One worker friend of mine, forced by circumstances to stay temporarily at the union, had a serious falling out with the union because of these regulations. Nevertheless, during the year that I was acquainted with the union, two or three workers made the union premises their more or less permanent dwelling place. There were no bunk beds in the Woodwork Carvers' Union premises, although I observed them built into the walls of other union halls I visited in Hong Kong. Workers just unrolled their bed-rolls across boards which had been laid across the students' desks. Once every week or two these same desks were pulled together to form a long table and the officers and activists in the union ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933 I 117 The distinctive feature of the family in China is its cohesiveness. One finds in it a unity of energy, of time and of space that has almost no parallel in any Western institution or in Western society. In fact, it is difficult for Occidentals, long trained in a theory of individualism, adequately to conceive of the strength of the family tie in China. Individualism induces in our society a centrifugal force rather than the centripetal pull characteristic to Chinese life. The intensity of this family cohesiveness must be emphasized because it explains many aspects of the Chinese family which bear directly upon the question of village government in China. Unity of energy is forcibly indicated by a consideration of the economic organization of the family in the face of a terrific struggle for existence which is characteristic of rural life in many parts of China. One might suppose that so intense a battle for a bare subsistence would tend to make every individual fend for himself. Except in the most extreme circumstances this is the opposite of the case. The entire productive energy of the individual is expended for the family unit, and all family resources are pooled for the common benefit. Even those individuals who reluctantly migrate for the dual purpose of adding to the family income and reducing the number of mouths to be fed from the family land, do so for the sake of the family good, and are as much members of it still as those remaining at home. Even the sale of female children, which undoubtedly still occurs during severe famines, can be partly explained as a sacrifice for the good of the whole group. Another example of unity of energy is the well-known fact of the complete backing which a promising young scholar might have expected from his family under the old examination system. There was a thoroughly utilitarian motive in this support, for the scholar, once he made good, was expected to bring both honors and material gain to his family. The organization of many crafts on a purely monopolistic family basis, where the whole economic fortune of 1 The enormous increase in population during the Ch'ing dynasty, with the attendant disastrous famines in almost all parts of China, has proved to be a force strong enough to exert a loosening effect upon the cohesiveness of the family system. This tendency has been, however, not toward the entire destruction of the traditional family system, but toward decreasing the size of the family unit. Cf. Buck, J. Lossing; Chinese Farm Economy, p. 335. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933 from the right to own property. 119 A recognition of these evils by modern, educated Chinese has led to a vigorous and disruptive attack upon the whole traditional system. Sun Yat-sen recognized these evils, and the new civil code of the Republic aims to break the grip of the family system by altering its legal basis.1 II An interesting outcome of this family unity is the theory of mutual responsibility. This theory is of the utmost importance both in family life and in village government, of which it is a cornerstone in legal theory and in practice. The family is collectively and directly responsible for the crimes of each member. Indeed, one of the postulates of Chinese law seems to have been this principle.2 Under the Ch'ing dynasty punishment for the crimes committed by an individual might sometimes be visited upon any or all the members of his family, even to the extent of death for the whole group in serious cases.3 In customary practice this phenomenon of mutual responsibility is very active. The deeds of each member of the family are the intimate concern of all. Strong pressure will be brought to bear upon an individual to prevent or to correct breaches which might impair the reputation of the family or entangle it in quarrels and law suits. Kulp, in his study of Familism in South China, finds that all offenses except failure to pay taxes are in reality against the family, and are subject to judgment in the first place by the family and its leaders. The extreme inquisitiveness of the typical Chinese villager is but one aspect of this feeling of responsibility for all that 1 China. National Government; The Civil Code of the Republic of China. Vol. II, p. vii. For particular examples see below p. 14, 15. 2 On this point see: Alabaster, Ernest; Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law, p. lxx-lxxii, 151, 152, 193-196. On the evils of mutual responsibility, from the legal point of view, ibid., p. lxxi-lxxii, 3 Ta Ch'ing Lu Li, (****), (Sixth Division: Criminal Law, Book I, Sec. 254) translated by Staunton, George T.; Ta Tsing Leu Lee, Being the Fundamental Laws, and a Selection from the Supplementary Statutes of the Penal Code of China, p. 269-270. See also: Alabaster; op. cit., p. lxvi, 466-467; Boulais, Guy; Manuel du Code Chinois, p. 464-466. 4 Kulp, Daniel Harrison; Country Life in South China, Vol. I: Phenix Village, p. XXVIII. (This work will hereafter be referred to as Phenix Village.) Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 126 C. MARTIN WILBUR (Chapter 2) GOVERNMENT BY THE CLAN In some sections of China, government of the village is in every sense completely clan government. This is especially true in South China, where Phenix village, studied by Kulp, is a typical example. Even in North China, where the multiple-clan form of village is extensive, government is based to a large extent upon the clan system and makes great use of the machinery of clan administration. Government by the clan, moreover, is the earlier and the less advanced form. Therefore it will not be amiss to consider the organization of clan government first, and then advance, in the next two chapters, to a study of the multiple-clan village. I The whole life of the single-clan village is marked by a definite familistic outlook. Kulp's definition of familism indicates just how all inclusive and how powerful a factor this psychological trait is. Familism is a social system wherein all behavior, all standards, ideals, attitudes and values arise from, center in, or aim at the welfare of those bound together by the blood nexus fundamentally. The family is therein the basis of reference, the criterion for all judgments. Whatever is good for the family, however that good is conceived, is approved and developed; whatever is inimical to the interests of the family, however they are formulated, is taboo and prohibited.1 The village clan is the largest unit in which this familistic outlook has complete dominance. And although within this unit there is a strong clan consciousness, or esprit de corps, which binds the individual members very closely and leads to a highly developed particularism, at the same time there are several sorts of groupings within the clan. To a certain extent these have a disruptive effect upon the unity of the whole. The true picture of clan life is not seen until these smaller units are visualized. 1 Kulp, Phenix Village, p. XXIX. In writing this chapter the author has drawn heavily upon Kulp's study, for that work is specifically an investigation into clan life in China, and is by all odds the best work upon the subject in any Western language. But it would have been impossible to give credit in footnotes for every idea drawn from this source. The writer therefore takes this opportunity to express his indebtedness. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 134 C. MARTIN WILBUR ization upon an earlier, and in some ways disparate form, as it is due to sectionalism and isolation. For the whole range between absolute familism, as found in some sections of South China, and the civism which exists in an arrested state in North China is possible by this process of development. I The causes for the continuation of clan life as the dominant form in South and Southwest China, and for the replacement of this type of organization by civism in the North are of interest, and indicate something of the nature of the latter form. In the first place, it should not be supposed that the “Chinese" peoples inhabited all or even a large part of modern China during their whole history, nor even that the Chinese type of civilization covered the territory during much of it. Li Chi has archaeologically and anthropologically established the fact, already known by historians, that Southern China was only slowly populated and sinicized by the Chinese through a long period of infiltration and migration.1 These migrations to the South seem to have been frequently of the clan sort, or at least to have occurred during periods when clan life was more extensive in the North than at present. The new situation was one calculated to further clan life amongst the Chinese settlers. They found themselves among hostile but culturally inferior peoples, circumstances which strongly reinforced the "we-group" attitude and resulted in a self-imposed segregation, and a continuation of clan life, at least in rural districts. At the same time clan life was also the system amongst the earlier "natives" of South China, and this continued among them, perhaps in modified form, while they were assuming distinctly Chinese cultural traits. In North China the situation is not the same. Aside from the fact that this section has much longer been the home of the Chinese, which seems to correlate with the slow breakdown of clan life, at 1 He shows that a Southeastward movement was the dominant current of migration up to the end of the Sung dynasty (1280) and especially strong between Chin and Sui (265-618) inclusive, and again from the beginning of the Five Dynasties to the end of the Sung (906-1280). The Southwestward movement was the dominant one during the Yüan and Ming dynasties (1280-1644). Li Chi; The Formation of the Chinese People, passim, specifically, p. 165. 2 Phenix village is exactly this sort of a community. Kulp, Daniel H.; Phenix Village, Chap. III passim. Page 150 Page 151 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 136 C. MARTIN WILBUR munity.1 Kin status is for all practical purposes also a prerequisite. To be a village elder a man must stand at the head of a large clan or family, and the more powerful the group behind him, the greater will be his influence. Age is a second value which custom requires, although this is losing its force in many places today. Ability, specifically scholarship, is the third desirable quality for village leadership. Scholarship, whether of the old or the modern style, almost universally brings leadership, both because of the traditional reverence for learning, and because the man of letters is able to talk on a plane of ease and familiarity with officials of the government higher up, a thing which the common villager can never do. The traditional village leaders have behind them several very powerful psychological supports for their authority. The first of these is custom: all that is carried over from the familist system such as reverence for age, respect for status, and the habit of obeying vested authority. The central government, at least up until very recently, recognized them as the responsible authority in the village, and thus added to their prestige. Also, they hold their position partly because of their practical ability, their wisdom, and their popularity. At the same time these leaders are constantly protecting and reinforcing the customary values to which they owe their influence. One of the most obvious indications of change in village government today is the emergence of a new type of leader in rural affairs. In villages where the influence of new forces has begun to penetrate, men who lack the traditional qualifications for leadership are beginning to assume an importance in village polity. These are men of natural ability who are able to exert power by inspiring and leading small, discontented groups, or the mob generally, to an opposition of + 1 Maybon, B.; Essai sur les Associations en Chine, p. 192 points out that throughout all associations in China runs this common trait of “particularism”. He says: "Entre les members d'une association existe toujours un lien de communauté. la commune n'est ouverte qu'aux habitants originaires des villages, à l'exclusion des aubains." From the point of view of the central government, speaking historically, it was only possible for a man to change his political residence (i.e. to become a member of a village other than that of his ancestral home) if the family from which he came had been destroyed. Then if he were the head of a family of his own, had been a registered land owner for twenty years in his new home, could speak the dialect properly, and were an honorable character, his name might be transferred to the local Yüan Chi (§#) or register which fixed his political residence. Bazin; "Recherches sur les Institutions Administrative et Municipales de la Chine" II, p. 258. On this point see also Boulais, Guy: Manuel du Code Chinois, p. 161-162. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933 137 traditional authority. They form a new and disruptive element in village political life. But their importance seems to be growing. The emergence of this group is significant as indicating a slow but certain shift in rural group values. The traditional values such as custom and precedent, age, family status and scholarship of the old sort are losing ground, under the impact of new ideas, to the values of practical success, individual prowess, youth and new education. It is Kulp's opinion that in the new complex of social values, although learning will remain as a criterion for leadership, age is sure to disappear. How quickly and how thoroughly the familist value of status will be overridden it is difficult to guess. These new leaders gain importance from a connection they are often able to make outside the village with the Kuomintang party and with the National Government. The new government of China is eager to introduce a modern republican form of politics in rural districts. Often it is these natural leaders who most eagerly accept the new idea. When they are able to get the support of the party and organize a local unit they can exert a great deal of power to the severe detriment of traditional polity. This subject will be discussed more completely below; at present only the traditional village leader will be considered. Called by many different names,2 performing different functions in different areas of the country, and enjoying varied degrees of influence and authority, yet these village elders are a thoroughly Chinese phenomenon with a long history and a fairly constant set of rights and duties. They form the core of village government in China, and it is due to their generally high standard of character that the system of self-government has so long been in effect and effective. Under all sorts of political disruption, in the midst of civil wars they have carried on the government of rural districts, oblivious to changes of dynasties, invasions of "barbarians" and national disasters. The Ti-pao (*) is a semi-official government officer who is usually to be found in large villages or in those near administrative Kulp; op. cit., p. 116. 2 Among the more common names listed by Giles as referring to the village elder are Hsiang lao (**), Hsiang ch'i (**), Hsiang chang (**), Hsiang hsien-sheng (£), Li chang (LA), and Hsiang cheng (RE). There are also many others which refer more definitely to semi-official government positions but are used interchangeably, Giles, Herbert A.; Chinese English Dictionary, passim., especially, p. 530. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 138 C. MARTIN WILBUR centers. The occurrence of this Ti-pao complicates the discussion of village government for several reasons. In the first place, when his position is firmly established he seems to infringe somewhat upon the purely democratic nature of village government, because he usurps many of the duties of the elders. Secondly, the fact that his authority is not always equally great makes it difficult to fit him into the picture of the free village, for the greater his power from above the less complete may the self-government be said to be. For the present this individual will be left out of the discussion, though it must be remembered that his existence as an underling of the Hsien government does modify theoretic village government. The village temple is the recognized center of government in the village. Usually it has a minor religious significance, being dedicated to some beneficent deity such as the god of literature, of war, of mercy, or of rain, who is calculated to bring a particular blessing to the village. More essentially it is the social center of the village and the seat of government, a sort of town hall. This temple enjoys what amounts to a corporate existence; it has perpetual being, owns property, can buy and sell and enter into contract, and it acts through a body of officers, a council, which is regularly elected. Many typical administrative duties in the village are undertaken by the temple, through its council, for the civic good. This council is either composed of all the heads of various families in the village, or more probably of a group elected or taken in rotation from among the heads of families. It receives no recognition from the central government, being an internal administrative body pure and simple, handling village business only. It meets whenever village business needs to be discussed or attended to. Bazin reports that minutes (Pao tan) are kept of these meetings, one set in grass characters to be passed around among the villagers, and a second, more complete in large characters to be pasted upon the door of the temple. Whether this is an usual practice, however, it is impossible to say. III First among the administrative duties of the village temple is the handling of village finances. There are various sources of revenue. 1 Leong and Tao; Village and Town Life in China, p. 34. 2 Bazin; op. cit., I, p. 64. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 140 C. MARTIN WILBUR rally, the uses of these funds from public property are not ceremonial but practical, in that they contribute to the maintenance of the village and its growth in material equipment and in prestige.” The village elders, as differentiated from the council of the village temple, are responsible for the morals and morale of the villages as a whole. This responsibility falls upon them both from the fact that their position is the culmination of a familist type of social organization, and because the government higher up holds them responsible. They maintain the "face" of the village, and they jealously guard the traditional way of doing things, the traditional virtue. In this sense they are the most conservative force in village life today. In village judicial matters the elders act as a court of appeal when quarrels or crimes cannot be settled within the various kin groups, or when trouble arises involving members of more than one group. Although they lack official judiciary power, and outside their kin groups have no familist jurisdiction, they do derive authority from one important factor: they are the last court of appeal; beyond them is the official court of the magistrate. Every Chinese villager has a healthy fear of the official courts, and counts himself lucky never to see the inside of one. This fear is a very deep-rooted one, and has been encouraged by the government even officially.2 Without wishing to reinforce the accepted Western view of Chinese 1 Kulp; op. cit., p. 124. Phenix village is really of the single clan rather than the multiple clan sort, but in this case the distinction does not matter. + 2 A lively quotation from Huc illustrates this point, and is worth giving in full. Edict of Emperor "Tchang-hi": "The Emperor, considering the immense population of the Empire, the great division of territorial property, and the notoriously law-loving character of the Chinese, is of the opinion that law-suits would tend to increase, to a frightful amount, if people were not afraid of the tribunals, and if they felt confident of always finding in them ready and perfect justice. ..I desire, therefore, that those who have recourse to the tribunals should be treated without any pity, and in such a manner that they shall be disgusted with law, and tremble to appear before a magistrate. In this manner the evil will be cut up by the roots; the good citizens, who may have difficulties among themselves, will settle them like brothers, by referring to the arbitration of some old man, or the mayor of the commune. As for those who are troublesome, obstinate, and quarrelsome, let them be ruined in the law-courts that is the justice that is due them." Huc, M.; The Chinese Empire, vol. I, p. 105-106. "Tchang-h" is given "Khang-hi" in the original French and therefore certainly represents K'ang Hsi (1662-1723). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933 143 According to the theory, each Chia or Pao should select one of its members to serve as a headman, and this headman, when approved by the magistrate, becomes Ti-pao. In practice, however, the Ti-pao will stand at the head of a whole village, or of several small ones, as the agent of the magistrate. How the Ti-pao is selected is not a matter of agreement. The official government view is well expressed by the Ta Ch'ing Hui Tien: "The scholars and people shall elect to this office men of probity, education and property.” Or, in the Ta Ch'ing Lü Li: "In every District 100 Families shall elect one Headborough (or Hundred man) Li chang, and ten Tithing men Chia shou, who shall be charged for the year with the collection of the revenue and the arranging of other public matters. Any person who without warrant assumes the title of Chu-pao, Li-chang, Pao-chang or other title of authority, and takes advantage of that to exact levies from the people, shall be liable to 100 blows and banishment for two years. The elders from among whom the above elections are to be made, must be men of mature years and known merit, belonging to the locality, as approved by the majority, and no one who has held office or been employed as a Yamen underling, or been convicted of offence, shall be eligible. A breach of this law shall entail a punishment of 60 blows upon the offender, who shall also be deposed from office, and any official sanctioning such illegal election shall be liable to 40 blows, and in case of bribery to such severer penalty as the law against bribery for an illegal purpose may entail.” Thus it will be seen that in theory the Ti-pao is chosen freely by the people, without interference from the magistrate. Hsieh is authority for the statement that the government even issued orders to the magistrate not to interfere in these elections.3 A dissenting view is expressed by Morse, who states that the Ti-pao is nominated 1 Jamieson; op. cit., p. 68. 2 Ta Ch'ing Lü Li (division of Hu Pu), Sec. 83, Lü. Translated by Jamieson, ibid., p. 63. Most of this passage has also been translated into French by Bazin and by Boulais, who also give the text: Bazin; op. cit., I, p. 25 ff.; Boulais; op. cit., p. 183-184. Also cf. Staunton, G.; Ta Tsing Leu Lee, p. 88-89, According to Dr. C. H. Peake the text should be broken after the words; "banishment for two years." The further discussion would then apply not to the Ti-pao, but only to the village elders. This distinction is not clearly brought out in any of the Western texts cited. 3 Hsieh, Pao Chao; The Government of China, p. 309. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933 145 such as a broken bridge or a bandit raid. Even such judicial duties as settling disputes between private individuals, spoken of above as the particular duty of the elders, is mentioned by that author as a function of the Ti-pao. Officially he has no such right, and unless he happens to be a village elder he would lack the customary authority which accrues to the accepted leaders of the sib and village group. Village government would be able to get on quite well without the Ti-pao, for it has an adequate machinery for almost any internal governmental circumstance. What he does in village affairs, therefore, mostly replaces a function which some one else would do if he did not. It is his position as a link between the village and the state that makes the Ti-pao significant. This will be discussed in the next chapter. (Chapter 4) THE VILLAGE EXTERNALLY No village is completely an isolated unit. On the one hand there are contacts and relations with outsiders and with neighboring villages; on the other, the village is forced to have relations with the Central Government. These external contacts and how they are fitted into or provided for by the scheme of village government are the subject of the present chapter. I Relations with outsiders or with other villages are carried on in a thoroughly customary manner, chiefly through the agency of the village temple. It is one of the duties of the temple to form inter-village alliances and treaties, a whole network of which will radiate out from one to many similar temples in other villages.3 Often these treaties are in a true sense alliances, especially in the South, where there have occurred inter-village wars, based upon hereditary feuds. In the main, however, the treaties are economic, relating 1 Jamieson; op. cit., p. 72. 2 Ibid. 3 Leong and Tao; Village and Town Life in China, p. 33. 4 These clan fights are frequently mentioned in the Peking Gazette, and are accorded special treatment in the law. See: Alabaster, Ernest; Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law, p. 451, 459-462. For specific examples see ibid., p. 461-462, and Chinese Repository, vol. IV, 1836, p. 411-415. Smith also gives accounts of sporadic "wars" in Shantung as late as the end of the last century, though these were not blood feuds, Smith, Arthur H.; Village Life in China, p. 176-178. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933 165 any contingency of administration which faced the small and self-contained villages of the rural districts in which the great mass of the Chinese people dwelt. Author's note: On rereading this effort of an aspiring young Sinologue in Peking some 45 years ago, the author realizes how quaint it must seem today for the "state of the art" is far advanced since then, with a proliferation of on-the-ground studies of Chinese rural life done by sociologists and social anthropologists in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. They provide concrete information on village governance richer than all one could find in 1933, C.M.W., 15 October 1979. BIBLIOGRAPHY I. WORKS CITED IN THIS PAPER. Addison, James T.; Chinese Ancestor Worship: a Study of its Meaning and its Relations with Christianity. No place, Chung Hua Shen Kung Hui, 1925. Alabaster, Ernest; Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law and Cognate Topics, London, Luzac, 1899, Bazin; "Recherches sur les Institutions Administratives et Municipales de la Chine" (Journal Asiatique. 5th Series, vol. 3, 1854, p. 6-66; vol. 4, 1854, p. 249-348), (The two papers are differentiated by the Roman numerals I and II.) Bishop, Carl W. Man from the Farthest Past. New York Smithsonian Institution, 1930. (Smithsonian Scientific Series, vol. 7.) Bishop, C. W.; "Prefatory Note on the Worship of Earth in Ancient China." (Excavation of a West Han Site. Shanghai, no pub., 1932, p. 1-20.) Bishop, Carl W.; "The Rise of Civilization in China with Reference to its Geographical Aspects" (Geographical Review, Oct. 1932, p. 617-631.) Boulais, Guy; Manuel du Code Chinois. Shanghai, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1924. (Variétés Sinologiques 55.) Buck, John L.; Chinese Farm Economy; a Study of 2866 Farms in Seventeen Localities and Seven Provinces in China. Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1930. Chen Huan-chang; The Economic Principles of Confucius and His School, 2 vols. New York, Columbia, 1911. China National Government. The Civil Code of the Republic of China. Translated into English by Hsia, Ching-lin: Chow, James L. E.; Chang, Yukon, 2 vols. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1930-31. vol. 2. China Year Book 1932. (Woodhead, H. G. W. Ed.) Shanghai, North-China, 1932. Chinese Repository. See: "Clanship Among the Chinese." ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 NOTES AND QUERIES BROOK'S GECKO FOUND IN MACAU 191 In an earlier note (Romer, 1977, p.232) I recorded the first known occurrence of Brook's Gecko, Hemidactylus brookii Gray (Reptilia: Sauria: Gekkonidae) in Hong Kong, and outlined the known geographical range of this species throughout the world. The purpose of the present note is to add a further record of the occurrence of this lizard in the geographical area of southern China. Through the enthusiasm of a young herpetologist (Mr. Stephen J. Karsen) who visited the Portuguese territory of Macau in June 1979, I received for identification three geckos which he collected there during his visit. They are females, one adult and two sub-adults, and all belong to the species Hemidactylus brookii. They had been found under stones near the Hotel Bella Vista. In Mr. Karsen's view, based on geckos seen (but not captured) in other localities, this species may be well established or even common in Macau. Many species of reptiles, besides Brook's Gecko, have been widely distributed in the world by Man either unintentionally or deliberately. The main interest in the present instance is the scarcity of records of this species in China. As to whether the Brook's Geckos which breed in at least one locality in Hong Kong were introduced from Macau, or from elsewhere, is a matter of conjecture. REFERENCE Romer, J. D. 1977 (printed 1978) Reptiles New to Hong Kong. J. Hong Kong Branch R. Asiatic Soc. 17, pp.232-234. Hong Kong, 15 July 1979 J. D. ROMER ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 204 NOTES AND QUERIES lict until demolition commenced in November 1953 and a block of government flats was erected. This more modern and far less attractive building was originally to be known as "Marble Hall Flats" but is now called Chater Hall. What seems to be some of the brickwork associated with Sir Paul Chater's home can still be seen near the site. Hong Kong, June 1979 A Note on Sources PETER WESLEY-SMITH The photographs were contained in the Governor's despatch to the Colonial Office written when the gift of Marble Hall to the Hong Kong Government seemed to be about to take effect. See Clementi to Amery, No. 475, 23 Nov. 1926: C.O.129/498. Also included with the despatch were extensive plans of the house and a description provided by the Public Works Department, Hong Kong. Short biographical notices of Sir Paul Chater appear in Arnold Wright (ed.), Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai etc. (London: Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Co., Ltd., 1908), pp. 107-8 (there is a photograph of Marble Hall at p. 156) and W. Feldwick (ed.), Present Day Impressions of the Far East etc. (London: The Globe Encyclopedia Co., 1917), pp. 518-20. See also Nigel Cameron's brief history of The Hong Kong Land Company Ltd., published in 1979. Further (though scanty) information can be discovered in the various reported cases on Chater's much-litigated will; see (1927) 22 H.K.L.R. 80; (1927) 22 H.K.L.R. 89; (1930) 24 H.K.L.R. 43; (1936) 28 H.K.L.R. 1; (1937) 157 T.L.R. 376 (on appeal to the Privy Council); (1949) 33 H.K.L.R. 283. Chater was authorised to embark on pier and wharf schemes by ordinances Nos. 4 and 19 of 1884. After his death, the Chater Masonic Scholarship Fund Ordinance (No. 25 of 1929, now cap. 1007, L.H.K. 1975 ed.) was passed. His collection of pictures is catalogued in James Orange, The Chater Collection: Pictures Relating to China, Hong Kong, Macao, 1655-1860 (London: Thornton Butterworth Ltd., 1924). I am much indebted to Mr. J. F. G. Marshall, of the Public Works Department, Hong Kong, for information he painstakingly gathered several years ago on the postwar history of Marble Hall. Hong Kong, September, 1979 PETER WESLEY-SMITH ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 NOTES AND QUERIES TWO BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES 213 I have come across two interesting references in my reading that others may wish to know of. Sybille Van Der Sprenkel, Legal Institutions in Manchu China (University of London, The Athlone Press, 1962) with reference to E. Alabaster's Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law and cognate topics... London 1899, mentions additional notation on "the author's copy (now in Cambridge University Library) intended no doubt for publication in a revised edition" (fn p. 72). Henry Lethbridge, Hong Kong: Stability & Change (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1978) mentions "Lockhart's personal copy of Johnston's Lion and Dragon in Northern China [London, John Murray, 1910] which is now in my possession", and observes that it "testifies to Lockhart's painstaking scholarly interest in Chinese society, for the book is heavily annotated and commented upon and clearly much read and pondered over" (p. 7). Hong Kong, 1980 JAMES HAYES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1979: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. Hon. Secretary: B. C. J. Shaw, B.A., Ph.D. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: Helga Werle, Phil. Sin. Cand. (Munich) A. I. Diamond, M.A. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. D. H. Liu B. A. V. Peacock, M.A. P. K. Cavaye, B.A., Dip.Ed. iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 THE U.S. AND THE QUESTION OF HONG KONG 1941-45 9 Hong Kong, stated without authorization but from his "knowledge of the movement of opinion in England", he felt confident that when the time came to deal with Hong Kong, the Chinese would be completely satisfied." The Foreign Office was naturally most displeased by such an utterance,36 By contrast, the American behaviour at the conference was dis-coordinated. While much of the criticism of British imperialism and skepticism regarding the British attitude and intention in respect to the Atlantic Charter were expressed by the American participants, and while they generally supported the Chinese stand on Hong Kong, the pressure they succeeded in exerting was considerably discounted because they failed to function as a closely coordinated team. Stanley Hornbeck, a delegate to the conference, commented specifically on the organization of the American group in a memorandum on his observations of the conference: "It needs to be kept in mind with regard to I.P.R. Conferences that, whereas, as a rule, the Groups from most countries... attend and function as “delegations” (with a certain amount of guidance if not definite instructions from their Governments), the members of the American Group attend the function simply as members (without a "group" organization and without express guidance and with no instructions from their Government.)" This disjointed approach was to largely characterize the American stand regarding the question of Hong Kong during the war, Such an approach did not long escape Britain's attention. In March 1943 Anthony Eden, the British foreign secretary, paid a visit to Washington, apparently on Churchill's prompting. Eden's conversations with Roosevelt and senior American officials only "provided an exchange of views with regard to such matters as cooperation between the Governments with respect to political questions arising in connection with the prosecution of the war"; there was no intention of commitment on either side.38 Early in Eden's visit Harry Hopkins, special assistant to Roosevelt, made the general remark, in front of the president, to the British visitor that he "thought no useful purpose would be served at this stage of the war, and surely no useful purpose at the Peace Table, by Great Britain and [the United States] having no knowledge of [their] differences of opinion” regarding Hong Kong, Malayan Straits, and India.39 Eden could do no harm in agreeing to this comment.40 Roosevelt, however, was much more direct about Hong Kong. He ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 20 CHAN KIT-CHENG 62 "The Hong Kong Question during the Pacific War (1941-45)”, p. 72. 63 Brigadier A. J. H. Dove of the War Office to C. H. M. Weldock of the Admiralty, 12 August 1945, communicated to the Foreign Office, FO371/46251, and Admiralty to commander-in-chief, British Pacific Fleet, tel. 131957A, important, 13 August 1945, communicated to the Foreign Office, FO371/46252. 64 Seymore to Ernest Bevin, foreign secretary, tel. 857, most immediate and top secret, 16 August; tel. 865, most immediate and top secret, 17 August; tel. 909, most immediate and top secret, 23 August; and Bevin to Seymore, tel. 984, 25 August 1945, FO371/46252. **Harry S. Truman, Memoirs by Harry S. Truman (New York, 1965), I, p. 492. **Thorne, op. cit., p. 649. 67 General Hurley, now United States ambassador at Chungking, to secretary of state, tel. 1414, 21 August 1945, in FRUS, The Far East, China, 1945 (Washington, 1969), VII, pp. 507-8. **Truman, op. cit., pp. 493-4. *Hurley to secretary of state, tel. CFB$633, 23 August 1945, in FRUS, The Far East, China, 1945, op. cit., p. 511. 70 Truman, op. cit., pp. 494-5. 71 Truman, ibid., p. 496. 72 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong (Oxford University Press, 1958), p. 302. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 26 LUKE KWONG * Robert Hart, the second Inspector-general, projected in 1906, "I doubt if the year 1930 will see any foreigners at all in the Chinese Customs." (The I. G. in Peking, II, p. 1511.) Also, see his other comments, Ibid, p. 1423 and p. 1528. Yet, this tradition of foreign predominance proved more tenacious than he had expected. • See Chinese Maritime Customs, Service List, 1948. "For a discussion of this feature of the Service, see Hosea B. Morse, The International Relations of the Chinese Empire, London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1910-18, II, pp.140-41; also, Stanley F. Wright, Hart and the Chinese Customs, Belfast: Wm. Mullan & Son Ltd., 1950, pp.7-8 and pp.269-70. • Arrangements are being made for this memoir to be published by Lung Men Press, Ltd., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 58 REVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS and he helped others to loosen theirs, at least to some extent. Some, though, spent the whole night with hands tied, but how they managed I do not know. Later the marks on their hands showed for weeks. To cap it all, poor Father Bauer still had dysentery, and Father Madison also developed a similar malady. Well, we used the water jar, which so fortunately had been left in the garage. Thus passed our first night in the garage—the Christmas night of 1941. Altogether we were thirty-four—a Bishop, a Salesian Seminarian, Brother Bernard, two laymen, Mr. Brown and Michael, and Fathers Benson and Norris, C. P., Szeliga, the Polish Salesian, Toomey, Troesch, Meyer, Downs, Keelan, Quinn, Bauer, Reardon, Callan, Allie, Madison, Gaiero, Siebert, McKeirnan, Walter, Moore, O'Connell, Tackney, Knotek, O'Connor, C. M., Charles Murphy, from Scarboro Bluffs, Canada, and our Brothers Michael, Anselm, Lawrence, Thaddeus and William. Dawn finally came, and we welcomed the new day. Fortunately for us the weather was mild, and despite the fact that all except Father Szeliga slept without their cassocks, and some just in trousers and underwear, we felt no ill effects, except a natural stiffness in our joints and bones from the hard floor. The ominous silence of the preceding night continued, and we began to wonder if in reality the war was over or what was brewing. Later we learned that an armistice had been agreed upon about five o'clock Christmas afternoon, though at Stanley sporadic fighting continued until around seven, when the few men still defending the prison surrendered. On receiving telephonic instructions from Hong Kong the big guns at the Fort also ceased firing and the Fort was soon in Japanese hands. As the morning wore on we began to think of food and drink since we had nothing in our stomachs since eleven o'clock the preceding day, but nothing seemed to be forthcoming. The sentry peeked in from time to time, and whenever he did so we always managed to turn our faces towards him and slip our hands back into their nooses. About ten o'clock we tried to make signs to the sentry that we were hungry and thirsty but to no avail. Finally, after repeated representations and the offering of a very valuable wrist watch by Father Toomey, the sentry handed in through the crack in the door, his canteen which was about half full of water. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 80 REVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS jam, butter, sausage (canned) and canned milk, but the prices were rather expensive. Our Procurator, Father Troesch, managed to borrow some money and bought a few cans of pineapple, sausages and jam. We had the pineapple for supper and the Sisters made us a cake. Father Reardon much improved. As we have no communication with the outside world, or even with Hong Kong for that matter, rumors are rife and often fantastic. Today's prize one is that we are to be free by the 15th! 12—In addition to our two Camp meals, we Maryknollers (while our limited stock of food lasts) have a breakfast of coffee and oatmeal, the latter very often mixed with left-over rice (not that we have more rice than we can eat at our evening meal, but some cannot eat their portion). This morning for breakfast, however, we had a little sausage as an appetizer. Tiffin—boiled rice, a very little meat and one doughnut. Supper, Father Meyer makes some buns. Some cases of grippe appear in Camp. 14—Just as we were preparing to eat our morning meal, word came that everybody had to proceed to the ball field for search and inspection. Leaving the food still on the stove, we left our quarters and assembled in the field. After considerable delay, we were segregated according to nationalities, formed in line and made to walk past Indian or Japanese soldiers, who searched each internee. While waiting, and during the search, it began to drizzle and among that crowd of almost three thousand, there were hardly a dozen umbrellas. In the meantime, our quarters were also searched, and upon our return, we found our typewriters had been confiscated, as being instruments of propaganda. Fortunately, I had loaned my "cement mixer" to the Sisters, and a little later, Sister Famula, who speaks Japanese, managed to get it back from the Japanese. Father Troesch somehow or other managed to save his, but Father Meyer's was gone. We returned to our quarters about twelve noon, and had our belated morning meal, which now consisted of three small pancakes. 15—Sunday. In accordance with a new plan, Father Allie preached at the three Masses today. This will be followed by others in turn. Sister St. Dominic finally gets permission to leave Camp in order to go to the Civil Hospital at Hong Kong for treatment. Songfest at 6 p.m. of which Father Quinn takes charge. Fathers Quinn and Madison give a rendition of "The March of Time." Father Reardon returns from Tweed Bay Hospital. A Mr. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 92 REVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS to begin at St. Stephen's was called off at the last moment by the authorities. 7-Language classes resumed after the Easter Holidays. Meeting of the American community at 2:00 p.m. The cooks, after airing their grievances, decided to continue. Had they really resigned, I think few tears would have been shed, though it would have been a problem to find volunteers for their places. The Dollar Line officials in Camp were called up for inoculation—does this also mean repatriation for them? 8-Meals improving a little; less rice, with a little more fish, meat, and vegetables, but we are still hungry after each meal. Also one piece (small) of black bread, the first issued in many days. A prevalent question these days is: "How much have you lost?" Or, "how much do you weigh now?" Still trying to get the Japanese to give us better food. 9-EXTRA! Four Britishers escape from the Camp during the night!! Result: extra Indian guards all around the Camp, with a small guard house perched on every little eminence along the rocky coast of the sea. And the Camp confines are being gradually made smaller. At first, we were permitted to walk down the main road almost to Stanley village, but that was shortened; then the road along the western end of the Camp along the sea, skirting the St. Stephen's College football ground, was declared out of bounds, and we were kept to the top of the hill. Also, possibly as a result of the escape, we receive orders to surrender and hand in all tools, garden as well as small tools. Speaking of garden tools, this reminds me of the fact that the Americans had begun a small vegetable plot, as have some of the British Blocks, over near the Prison, and we have been hoping to add to our meager rations from this plot. But now, we have to hand in all tools! Brother Thaddeus is in charge of some of this garden work. 10-Since we came to Camp, many of the internees have tried to turn their individual talents to some practical use, though tools and materials are very conspicuous by their absence. Nevertheless, it has been surprising what articles have been made, proving the truth of the adage that "necessity is the mother of invention." So today, in the American section of the garage (we seem to have a predilection for garages these days), an exhibition of Stanley-made ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 98 REVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS Now that we are getting a decent ration of flour we shall have to figure out ways and means to bake our own bread, for now the little we used to get from Hong Kong has ceased. The American council accordingly called a meeting in our community garage and discussed the question. In our community kitchen there was, of course, no oven made for baking purposes, so the best we can do is to use the few electric stoves scattered throughout the apartments. A few of these are set up in the kitchen and the baking begun. The Maryknoll Sisters and we each have an electric oven, and they start forthwith in turning out luscious loaves of bread. Father Meyer, too, in our block, starts experimenting with yeast and bread baking formulae, and soon has a tasty loaf set before us. Father Meyer's fame is extending throughout the Camp, and many are now coming to us for instructions on how to bake bread. Recently, Father Troesch managed to buy a few dried apples at the Canteen and, lo and behold, he shortly presented us with an apple pie! And a very creditable piece of the great American dessert! 25—News received of the death on December 7th of Father Toomey's mother, R.I.P. Father Madison presides at an "Information, Please" at the Club Hall. After the recent escapes from the Camp, the construction of a barbed wire fence all around was begun and today it was completed. We lose a little more of our freedom, and are now quite interned. Electric lights are also being put up along our borders. We understand that this is in accordance with international law governing internment camps. A new masonry gateway is also being built across the main road leading into Camp, with a guard post outside. 26 Sunday, Father Charles Murphy preached at all the Masses today. There were no afternoon services because of a heavy rain storm, our first real storm of the season. A Bridge and Games tournament opens. One duck egg in our rations this morning, and this evening we get our first "seconds" under the new arrangement, which, with a saucer of cornstarch from Father Troesch's larder, left us quite sated. 27—The Dutch internees are told that they may be repatriated either to Holland or other Dutch possessions. A few Belgians and Norwegians also included. After some discussions, we Maryknollers get from our community kitchen our rations of flour, but three ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46 115 21-Report has it that some 52 internees may be allowed to go to Shanghai on Wednesday. No electricity due to overloading of circuits. As a result, we have to get our "chow" cooked in the British kitchen for a couple of meals. The Shanghai baggage goes to town in the food truck. 22--The Shanghai trip delayed and the baggage returns from the city. 23-We understood a few days ago that the Japanese had rounded up several hundred very destitute Chinese in the city with the intention of deporting them somewhere along the South China coast. They were first brought out to Stanley and placed in the Prison for a day or so. Next they were herded onto several large junks in Stanley Bay. The junks were towed out to sea but meeting heavy weather, the tugs had to put back into quieter waters and anchored again in Stanley Bay just off the western side of our Camp. As we walked along the top of St. Stephen's Hill, we could see the unfortunates very plainly crowded on the junks, and standing up, with no covering over their heads. Thus they remained for at least two days and nights, exposed to the sun and rain. No doubt their food was but a trifle, for while anchored off the Camp, a number of bodies were seen by the internees to be thrown overboard, and later these bodies were washed up on the beach, where they remained unburied. I believe the Camp officials requested permission to bury them but the beach being outside our barbed wire enclosure, the permission was refused. The junks finally sailed away with their human freight. Earlier in the Camp, a similar permission was asked to bury a few bodies of soldiers which had been washed up on the beaches, but again the permission was not granted. July so far has given us 22 days of rain which, like California, is most unusual for this month, and as a result the reservoirs are filled up and overflowing. 25-The Shanghai repatriates are told to be ready to leave at any time, but there is still a further delay. No doubt it is a question of shipping. Among them are two Dutch Salesian Fathers. The British put on a good show at 7 p.m., "The Optimists,” on the bowling green outside our former American Club A-4 Block. Swimming restrictions lightened; we may now go and return at any time within the prescribed hours. Mixed marriage in our private Maryknoll Chapel at 9 a.m. Father Hessler officiated. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 116 REVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS 26-Sunday. Another Gingles meal of a real slice of meat, fried sweet potatoes, spinach and rice, with some Philadelphia rice scrapple for breakfast. Our rations seem to be getting less and the rice poorer, and we have to spend quite a little time in picking the worms out of the rice and the weevils out of the flour. The Shanghai groups finally get away at 2:00 p.m. 28--A softball league starts up, as the British are getting quite enthusiastic about the game, but they lose the first game to the Americans, now mostly Maryknollers. At present there are some six teams lined up; i.e., The Police, St. Stephen's, The College, the Indian Quarters, the Married Quarters, and the Americans. We have two grounds, one in the back of the American blocks on a large tennis court space, and the other down at the Indian quarters, and the games are played after supper. 30-Father Tackney develops an ear infection, apparently from swimming, and Dr. Talbot is treating him. A Miss Rose died today. 31-No softball, as the rain continues. Many of the British have not yet received their parcel of food, arrangements for which were begun some three months ago. Today we received as rations 9 pounds of meat, of which about 6 pounds were fat. The fat, of course, will come in handy for frying things, but the lean meat will not go far among 41 people. AUGUST 1-The Hong Kong dollar was further devalued today at a rate of four to one military yen. Canteen prices further increased. 2-Sunday. Mrs. Williamson, Catholic, dies. Monday, Father Hessler sang a High Mass for the repose of her soul. Mr. and Mrs. Nance, American missionaries, who did not want to be repatriated, and who live in our Block, next to the Sisters, announce the birth of a baby boy, Jonathan Goforth Nance, in Tweed Bay Hospital. They already have two small children. After some delay incident to moving our quarters, language classes start again, but only one hour a day, just to keep in trim. 4- St. Dominic's Day. Good news—for some: the four Americans, Mr. Gingles, Dr. Molthen, Mr. Salmon and Miss Dorrer, are to leave Camp tomorrow at 10:00 a.m. Also some Britishers, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED JULIAN F. Pas* This is a review article partially intended as a book review of Philip Baity's Religion in a Chinese Town1 but also as a reopening of the discussion on Chinese religion, with emphasis on the popular religion. The setting is Taiwan, but the subject can hardly be contained to this small island and somehow reflects the problems of religion in China as a whole. In recent years there has been a revival of interest in the study of Chinese religion. This monograph by P. C. Baity is a most welcome addition to the number of more serious works on the topic and shall have to be taken into account by all future researchers. Based on field work carried out in Northern Taiwan (Tamsui and Peit'ou) between 1968 and 1970, the present work is a reproduction of the author's doctoral dissertation. His viewpoint is primarily anthropological: besides summarizing his field work results, he also offers a new way of interpreting the paradoxical relationship between the three traditional religions of China and "the array of folk religious beliefs and practices which are characteristic of the great majority of people in both villages and towns.” (p. vii). Although the author has done his research carefully and provides us with a mass of new information and new insights, I still have serious reservations about his overall thesis: a new interpretation of the relationship between the three classical religions and the folk religion. In this review I shall summarize and evaluate each chapter in turn, offering a more synthetic presentation of my views on the author's new interpretation. Chapter 1, "The Development of Temples in the Field Area" (pp. 15-53), sketches the development of temples in the area under study. From the time of immigration to Taiwan on a more significant scale... * Julian Pas is Associate Professor, Department of Far Eastern Studies at the University of Saskatchewan, Canada. 1 Baity, Philip Chesley. Religion in a Chinese Town, (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, vol. 64, edited by Lou Tsu-K'uang). Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1975. (ix-307 pp.) U.S. $7.00. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED 151 migrants, the arrival of a record number of Christian missionaries and new government regulations concerning religious festivals, all contribute to great changes. One more factor not so strongly felt ten years ago, but very active ever since, is the economic prosperity of the island, which has resulted in a new temple-building boom, perhaps unequaled in the past). So far the author has identified the temples as either Taoist, Buddhist or Confucian, but now raises the question as to the usefulness and adequacy of these terms: "Of what significance are these terms (as well as the term 'temple' itself) to our understanding of the development and character of religion in Taiwan?” (p. 52). In Chapter II, "The Use of Government Gazetteers in Scholarly Research" (pp. 54-84), the traditional way of dividing the religions of China is rejected as inadequate. This terminology was used in official gazetteers but is not always reliable. Moreover, the gazetteers, although of importance for researchers, are often biased: there are omissions of a large number of smaller temples or so-called unorthodox temples; and the relative importance of various temples is ignored. Therefore the gazetteers have to be used with great apprehension and should be complemented with field-work information. The confusion of the temple names—I’d rather use temple 'appellations'—certainly makes it very difficult to classify temples according to the three religions model, if one goes by these appellations only. But the author's conclusion on p. 72 is unwarranted: "For this reason I do not believe that the three religions classification is a useful tool for uncovering the system of Taiwanese religious beliefs." Even if temple appellations are partially interchangeable (e.g. a kung may refer to a Taoist or Buddhist temple) their identity is not only based on their names. Besides—and here I only anticipate a major criticism to be discussed later—the "system of Taiwanese religious beliefs" is not only embodied in the temples but goes beyond temples and temple rituals. The chapter concludes with a criticism of the classical division of the Chinese religions. Everyone must admit that this model does not work any longer: it is a simplification. The author's attempt to propose a set of new criteria to identify the essential nature of Chinese religion in Taiwan is the necessary consequence of his ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 154 proposed by Baity. JULIAN F. PAS What is disappointing in the latter's book, is the lack of an attempt to define what the popular religion is, or how he sees it. He limits his discussion to temple types and their characteristics, but by this very fact cripples his argument: temples and temple types, once again, are not the only component of the folk religion: the basis is too narrow to define the religious system of the people. Where the author discusses the ancestral cult and community cult (pp. 87-96 and 96-104), I feel that the contrast between them is over-emphasized. In fact, both are complementary rather than contradictory aspects of one reality. Both are expressions of the people's religion, just as family and community in general are two complementary social phenomena. Although tensions may arise, both aspects are equally necessary and have to be kept in balance. Moreover, in this important discussion, one looks in vain for a definition of community or community cult, community temple. Yet, this is a set of crucial concepts; if they are not defined, the sense of ambiguity keeps lingering on. The author occasionally comes close to a vague definition, as when he writes: "The identification of the deity with the new geographical community is underlined by the frequent claim that the god belongs to them personally. Gods are not only identified with the villages, towns and cities they control, but the deity statues and sometimes the temples themselves are claimed to be public property belonging to the entire community." (p. 100). One can almost extract a definition from these lines: a community cult is the worship of a particular deity (deities) by a group of people forming a natural community, usually defined by geographical boundaries and by cultural homogeneity. This worship normally leads to the construction of a temple in which the deity is enshrined. This temple is community property and is administered by a committee, appointed by the community (or by the deity). The deity chosen is one that reflects the ideals and needs of the particular community and serves as a unitive and protective symbol, The geographical area in which the cult is centered is variable from small hamlets to villages and towns. Since in modern times the old patterns of community have greatly changed, there is naturally a change toward greater complexity in the community cults as well. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 156 JULIAN F. PAS monastic temple are not the same at all. A monastery is a residence for monks or nuns usually not open to the public, whereas a monastic temple is usually a public worship hall built on the monastic premises, but open to outsiders. Of great importance here is the difference between the large monasteries and the hereditary temples controlled by a small number of monks (or nuns), as discussed by Holmes Welch (The Practice of Chinese Buddhism). Both types do not operate in the same manner, and although Welch's observations do not necessarily apply to Taiwan, the distinction has to be kept in mind. What is a 'bone temple' and how is it different from a pagoda? The term 'bone temple' is peculiar: does it mean that bones are stored in the temple hall? From my own field work experience, I know that there are pagodas in which urns are stored, containing the ashes of Buddhist devotees who have been cremated. Is such a pagoda a bone temple? The word 'bone' does not seem appropriate. In Buddhist temples I also have seen side altars with large numbers of name-tablets of Buddhist believers, but no ashes or bones are to be found in these places. So I do not quite understand what 'bone temple' refers to. Bones are often placed in large urns after cleaning them for second burial but as far as I know, they are then reburied in a graveyard. Besides this lack of precision of terms, some inaccuracies have to be pointed out. The author states (p. 114) that a monk by leaving home, eliminates the fundamental difference between his own ancestors and those of others. This enables him "to perform many services which might not otherwise be possible..." How is it then that Taoist priests, who are "fire dwellers”, are able to perform the same services? Further, the author says that "Because the monk has cut off his family ties, he becomes available as a surrogate descendant for others, and is able to take over their ancestral services. Because he has fundamentally broken the Confucian code of filiality, he needs not obey its sanctions against worshipping other people's ancestors." (p. 117). The two sentences are very distorted. The idea of causality, twice expressed by 'because' is a mere assumption and in fact unwarranted. The Buddhist monk shares these functions with Taoist priests and even with married Buddhist masters; moreover he does not become a surrogate descendant, he only performs the ancestral services in the place of the family, which is ultimately responsible. When families invite him to perform his services, it is not because he has broken the Confucian code: that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 158 JULIAN F. PAS As I see the situation, Chinese temples can be grouped under various criteria, for instance, (i) religious affiliation; (ii) nature of deities enshrined; and (iii) ownership. Let us try this proposal and see how it works out. (i) Temples according to their religious affiliation: First, there are temples that must be considered as essentially Confucian: in Taiwan only a small number located in most of the district capitals: Taipei, Tainan, Tai-chung, Changhua, Hsinchu, Kaohsung, Hualien, Chiayi, Taitung. These are the temples erected in honor of Confucius himself. A number of temples enshrining Kuan Ti or other deities do not fall under this category. Second, a great number of temples are distinctly Buddhist: they are built by the Buddhist community (monks and/or nuns) or by a distinctly Buddhist group of lay people or even by an individual Buddhist believer or Buddhist family. They enshrine Buddhas and/or bodhisattvas, and are in most cases attached to monastic establishments. Temples enshrining bodhisattvas Kuan-Yin or Ti-tsang are not necessarily of this type. Third, there are temples in Taiwan that may be called Taoist. Their numbers on the mainland tend to be much larger: they were in some cases attached to Taoist monastic institutions, just like their Buddhist counterparts. Taoist monasteries (as the author also mentions, p. 113) do not seem to exist in Taiwan nowadays (although a revival is taking place, e.g., the Tao Te Yuan in Kao-hsiung) but Taoist temples can still be recognized as such, although it is not easy to formulate practical criteria. Negative criteria are: temples designated as Taoist either in government publications and official lists or by the temple administration itself are not necessarily Taoist. In those cases "Taoist" temple means any temple which is not Confucian, Buddhist or ancestral. Furthermore, a Taoist temple is not necessarily one that enshrines Taoist deities (cf. Buddhist temples). Positively speaking, a Taoist temple is one founded and/or administered by a distinctly Taoist ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED 161 present day Taiwan, I may point out the cult of the Golden Mother of the Jade Pool and the cult of Kuan Ti focussing on divinatory writing and the publication of morality books. Having discussed the great variety of temples according to the first criterium: religious affiliation, the other two criteria mentioned (nature of deities enshrined, and ownership) do not need much attention, since they have already been co-discussed. However, the second criterium needs some elaboration: distinction of temples according to the nature of the deities enshrined. In a few cases there can be no mistaken identity although this criterion by itself is insufficient to determine the temple type. The clearest cases are when the Buddhist Holy Ones are the main objects of worship; Buddhas Sakyamuni, Amitabha or Amita, the Buddha of Healing (rather than 'Medical Buddha' as Baity calls him on p. 126), bodhisattvas Kuan-yin (Avalokitesvara), P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra), Maitreya, Wen-shu (Manjusri), to name the principal ones. In most instances these temples are essentially Buddhist. However, one has to be very careful: the mutual absorption of cult objects by various religions has often blurred the origins; in many Matsu temples (community temples of the folk religion) there is a secondary shrine behind the central hall, in which Kuan-yin is enthroned on the central altar. However, the iconography has been changed: this Kuan-yin does not have the appearance of traditional Buddhist sculpture but appears as another deity of the folk religion. Therefore such temples are still essentially folk religious temples, and the dissonant appearance of Kuan-yin should not deceive the observer. The same principal applies to the cult of Ti-tsang (Ksitigarbha). Although originally a bodhisattva, his cult has become so popular that he has been absorbed into the folk religion: his image can be found in many community temples throughout Taiwan, mostly on a secondary altar in the central hall. But once again he has lost the typically Buddhist iconographic appearance. What is the difference between Taoist and popular deities? The most distinctively Taoist Holy Ones are those one does not often see in the temples: their images, painted on scrolls, are in the possession of Taoist priests and brought to the temples or temporary roadside shrines by them for special occasions: such as rituals for the dead or the great chiao festival. Besides those there ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 162 JULIAN F. PAS are, of course, an enormous number of deities mentioned and described in Taoist ritual texts, of whom the common people do not even know the names. They belong to the esoteric tradition of Taoism and are only known to Taoist priests. But besides those, the majority of deities worshipped in the temples belong to the popular religion, although many border cases may exist of mutual absorption between the three traditional religions and the popular religion. Some of the most ‘popular' deities of Taiwan religion belong to the popular or community religion: examples are Matsu, Kuanti, the earth god(s), the Wang-Yeh gods, the city god(s), Prince Nat'o or T'ai-tzu, Pao-sheng ta-ti and even the so-called supreme god of Taoism, Yü-huang Ta-ti. A number of originally Taoist or Buddhist deities have been absorbed into the folk religion and have become part of it: Kuan-yin and Ti-tsang wang for the Buddhist side; the kitchen god, Yü-huang (Jade Emperor), the 8 Immortals for the Taoist side. According to the third criterium mentioned above, ownership of a temple, several categories exist greatly coinciding with the division based on the other two criteria. Temples may be government-owned (Confucian temples); owned by the local community on the neighborhood or town levels (these are the community temples); or privately owned, either by individuals, families, sectarian groups or monastic institutions. Final sub-section of Chapter Three. After this long digression, I had better return to my book review. In this last part of Chapter Three the author discusses the 'genesis of temples'. Although strictly speaking there is a difference between temple and cult, between temple and deity worshipped in it, still the two should be discussed together. In fact there is a special chapter on the Genesis of Gods. However, since the author prefers to discuss the genesis of temples separately, we had better follow him. He distinguishes several ways of temple development: (A) by process of fen-shen or "splitting bodies" (p. 125). The reason of the spread and construction of new temples is the god's efficacy. (ii) by process of proselytization or a conscious effort on the part of the believers to spread the cult. This applies to Buddhist temples (and Christian churches). (iii) by transformation of a private home or temple into a community temple. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 164 JULIAN F. PAS So far so good: I can agree with some factual statements expressed here but do not understand the logic of the author's reasoning, as, for instance, expressed in his conclusion (pp. 167-168); "Life and death, and the idea of pollution and purity show a remarkable consistency in ordering the religious concepts of the Taiwanese, be they ordinary folk or priests. The fact that they apply equally to Buddhists and Taoists shows that there is an underlying reality behind the apparent diversity of the two religions. I would say that this is evidence that the distinction between life and death services is as analytically useful as the distinction between Taoism and Buddhism in trying to understand the manner in which the average Taiwanese townsman understands his religion." Not digressing about the curious statement about "the apparent diversity of Buddhism and Taoism", I'd like to point out that the author is trying to punch open doors. Here we come to the central theme of this book: the author has rejected the traditional three-fold division of Chinese religion as inadequate and unworkable, but overlooks the possibility that the popular religion is in fact a totally different entity. He does not have to prove that according to the folk religion the universe is divided into two realms: life and death, pure and impure. On the one hand, this division is part of their world view: on the other hand, it should not be over-emphasized; and equally the classification of temples based on ritual purity and impurity should not be over-emphasized either. Philosophically and historically speaking the author's "thesis" is very shaky. This chapter is full of inaccuracies and subtle distortions and, in my view, the conclusion built on them has no validity. From a philosophical viewpoint, the argument is weak. Although the author states that "the symbolic universe of Taiwanese religion is too rich..." and that he will examine only "a few of its major features" (p. 136), he does not fulfil his promise. He has not attempted to explain to us the general religious world view of Taiwan's folk religion. The yin and yang concepts are part of this, but are not the only major feature. Besides, even the yin-yang philosophy has not been treated well. He over-states the dichotomy whereas in Chinese philosophy there is no such strict dichotomy but rather polarity. As a result, he also over-states the dichotomy of pure and polluted, of life and death. At least the author should have explored ! I ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED 165 the possibility of a popular religious world view that is not clearly developed and consistently structured. The popular concept of "soul" is an example: the division of yin “soul” and yang “soul” does not work in a consistent way and often exasperates the logical mind. If one proceeds in a logical way one arrives at misinterpretations. If the differentiation of temple types is linked with concepts of pollution vs purity, one comes to wrong conclusions. I can point out several examples where the author's reasoning goes astray. On p. 142, he writes that "Ancestral temples are off-limits to all ghosts except ancestors". This is a tautology if one keeps in mind why ancestral temples are built in the first place. "In community temples the converse (the opposite?) tends to be the case, .. "This again is obvious: the community temple is built as a centre for community worship. The cult of the dead is considered a private matter that belongs to the family, and as the author elsewhere acknowledges, only those ghosts who may be a threat to the community as a whole, are pacified through community rituals. + On p. 144: "The bones of the deceased are never kept in the home with the spirit tablet. . .”: an obvious and unnecessary statement. The bones as in all cultures belong in the grave, and only in some cultures where cremation is practiced are they stored in special depositories as, e.g. pagodas. These, author says, "are carefully segregated from the deity altars or the tablet halls." This is of course so, since pagodas must be seen as extensions of graveyards or cemeteries. On p. 148-149 it is said that “bone temples" are not appropriate temples for enshrining community gods". This again is obvious: "bone temples" are not meant to be community temples in the first place. Buddhas on the other hand, are not believed to be contaminated: they are beyond the duality of life and death or do not suffer death, having attained nirvana. This reasoning is unconvincing. Buddhas are enshrined in "bone temples" for totally different reasons: putting the tablets in their presence symbolizes the Buddha's welcoming his devotees to his Pure Land. Moreover, what about bodhisattvas? They have not entered nirvana like the Buddhas. We have here to do with a great ideological difference between Buddhism and the folk religion: Buddhas and bodhisattvas transcend this impure world. Although living in this world, they ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 166 JULIAN F. PAS cannot be touched by its defilements. The gods of the folk religion are seen as more human in this (and other) respects. They need worship and offerings for their continued existence. They are susceptible to dangers and impurities. This shows that these concepts have been created by the common people in a simple fashion. Neither the higher deities of Taoism nor the Buddhist Holy Ones share this vulnerability. Unless, perhaps, even here there is a wrong interpretation by the author. Is it correct to say that the gods can be polluted? I have some doubts. If gods are really efficacious, they do not have to fear human pollution, or pollution by evil spirits. I believe that gods are kept away from the presence of evil spirits as a sign of honour; it would be an insult to their sacredness (just as the common people are not brought into the presence of emperors). Wherever there is a special need of bringing the two together, as in cases of exorcism, the gods are called down to chase the evil spirits away. Why is that not polluting as well? In such cases, the element of irreverence is absent (as when criminals are brought into the presence of high mandarins for judgment and sentencing). The same sense of respect for the hierarchical status is present in the chronomantic ordering of sacrifices. The higher the status of the gods, the earlier in the day they are served (p. 154). On pp. 168-169, several confusions occur: Taoist priests are said to perform in Buddhist temples, while Buddhist monks are invited to Taoist temples. The examples cited do not warrant this, for the so-called Buddhist temple is not really a Buddhist temple, while the Matsu temples cited are not Taoist either. The author conveniently follows the official appellation from the gazetteers, which he has criticized in a previous chapter. On p. 174, there is another example of 'sublime distortion'. The author tries to explain the folk saying that "Taoists do not offer the service for feeding the hungry ghosts, and Buddhist monks do not offer the li-tou service", already quoted on p. 165. Factual observations contradict the saying. The author's explanation is that “individual ancestral services such as chin-chu and chin-t'a are only offered... in "Buddhist" bone temples, and by Buddhist priests (p. 174), whereas the community temples do not allow this to take place: the god's purity must be safeguarded. First, the statement is incorrect as far as chin-chu services are concerned; these normally ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 168 JULIAN F. PAS "the worship of Kuqn-yin is not unknown in Matsu temples either” (p. 185). This is a gross understatement: as I already mentioned, many famous Matsu temples (and perhaps even most) have a secondary hall dedicated to Kuan-yin. To summarize my comments on Chapter IV: although there is a great amount of correct factual materials, their interpretation is rather shaky: a critical analysis undermines the author's theories. His neglect of a sound historical and philosophical basis leads him to many fallacies and contradictions. Chapter V, "Ritual Services in Temples" (pp. 189-237) comes as a surprise: the author has already dealt with these services in Chapter IV. After a while it becomes clear that he now considers them from the aspect of generating income. The main thesis of this chapter, as I see it, is to point out that the two types of temples (here reduced to community temples and "bone temples") have each a different center of gravity in their ritual life; community temples, deriving their main income from li-tou rituals are oriented toward life, whereas the "bone temples" are death-oriented: their main source of revenue are the rituals for the dead. I do not understand what the author intends to prove: there is no need to prove the obvious: community religion is naturally oriented towards protection of the living and also naturally (but secondarily) tends to protect itself from evil influences, such as for instance the threats posed by revengeful ghosts. That Buddhism emphasizes services for the dead is both historically conditioned and a simplification. A great number of Buddhist temples have found in these services a means of livelihood, but there is more to Buddhism than being a national undertaker. On p. 191, the author examines the income of a group of temples in the Tamsui-Peit'ou area. I wonder why he uses the "official classification" system: it is incorrect and totally misleading. For example, the Ch'ing shui Lung-shan temples are not Buddhist; the three Matsu temples are not Taoist, and the Hsing Tien T'ang is not really a Confucian temple. In a previous context I have pointed out the author's strange sense of causality: another example is given on p. 196: "Because the gods in the temples have well defined areas of control over which they extend their protective influences, par. Page 195 Page 196 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 170 JULIAN F. PAS to the hungry gods" (p. 235). This statement is contradicted by the custom of ending great festivals with a huge banquet offered to the ghosts: at the end of a chiao festival there always is this p’u-tu ritual. I have seen it performed as well at the conclusion of a temple consecration, of an installation of new deity statues, etc. I feel that the author over-states his case in order to strengthen his thesis. In Chapter VI: "The Genesis of Gods” (pp. 238-269), the author formulates a new theory of how the gods, or cult-symbols, are created by the community. Since the gods, per definition, are symbols of community cohesion, they must appeal to the community as a whole. Ancestors are naturally excluded as candidates, and so the author decides that "gods evolved from hungry ghosts" (p. 239). Such a theory comes as a shock: it goes against the grain of most religious traditions, in which candidates for sainthood and deification are chosen from among the highest models of virtue, reflecting ideals of human perfection to be imitated by all men. Here, however, gods are born on the "garbage piles” of society; they are among the outcasts who have no known family, no known descendants. That this theory is at first alarming does not necessarily undermine its validity. However, before it can be accepted, we must carefully scrutinize it. First of all, it is clear that the author only talks about the deities of the community religion. A great number of "supernatural” beings are therefore not included: for example: the higher gods of Taoism, the Buddhist Holy Ones; their genesis is quite different. Also excluded are the gods of the "state religion" of ancient times, still worshipped nowadays: Heaven, Earth, the nature gods like the spirits of thunder, of rain, of mountains and rivers, etc. These are rather personifications of natural phenomena. The author also excludes the Taoist immortals, although in legend and literature they are often close to the people. It seems therefore that only one group remains to develop into cult symbols, the hungry ghosts. The fact of their evil origins is later on camouflaged. A priori I do not see any serious reason to reject this theory even if it appears to be shocking. However, I want to see solid arguments brought forward. And I find that the author does not provide them, except for one case (see later). When the author takes up the Matsu cult as an example he undermines his own thesis when he says that it is possible that her cult "began as the cult... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED 171 to a ghost, perhaps to bones or a corpse" (p. 251). Soon afterwards he makes this ghostly origin a positive fact, although the emphasis is slightly shifted. Matsu (and Ch'ing-shui tsu-shih as well) were originally "spirits without descendants” (p. 252). There is one weakness in the author's reasoning: do gods arise from "lonely ghosts", also called “hungry ghosts" or "orphan spirits”, or do they arise from Kui ("ghosts")? No clarification is ever given to the terms, although I find them crucial in this context. Evil spirits were believed in by the Chinese people from ancient times, but with the advent of Buddhism they were identified with the pretas, which means "hungry ghosts" in the context of popular Hinduism and Buddhism. An important distinction should be made, however, between the anonymous mass of hungry spirits, and the ghosts of individuals. It appears that all the gods arising from ghost-state to divinity have been individually known during their lifetime and after their death. Some of them died without offspring, but is that the determining factor here? The author says yes; but I am not convinced. The author sees here a likeness with the Buddhas (bodhisattvas as well?) and the immortals of Taoism; but again, they did not reach the high state of perfection because they broke off the family ties; but, having left their families, they had a better opportunity to reach that state. The same principle applies to the examples given by the author to prove his thesis: they were not worshipped by the community just because they had no family ties; but because they were extraordinary persons possessing a special power that elevated them above the ordinary man. Not being married and leaving no descendants is just one aspect of their higher status. In other words, they were admired by the people — perhaps also feared (sharing the ambiguity of the sacred: fascinans et tremendum) and after their death a cult started to emerge. This is only one process of cult formation. I accept the possibility that some gods arose to divine status as the author claims, but this to me is rather exceptional. In any case, he owes us better proof than what he provides here. It is my claim that most of the major gods, if not all, worshipped in the area under scrutiny, rose to eminence as a variety of hero-worship. Some of them had families of their own but this fact may have been forgotten or considered unimportant. I cannot accept the author's a priori statement that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 172 JULIAN F. PAS "If gods did have actual descendants, then it is clear that they could not serve the function which they do as foci of worship which goes beyond the Family.” (p. 240) To clarify my a priori statement, let us examine the major gods of the author's research area (mentioned in Chapter I). ✪ Matsu (ii) Shen-nung (iii) Kuan-yin (iv) K'ai-chang sheng-wang (v) Ch'ing-shui tsu-shih (vi) Ting-kuang Fo (vii) Cheng Ch'eng-kung (Koxinga) (viii) Kuang-tse tsun-wang (ix) Pao-sheng Ta-ti (x) Kuan-Ti (xi) The Wang-yeh gods (xii) The city gods None of those can be proven to have developed from a “withered corpse"; on the contrary, several of them were historical personages of much fame, who had been great leaders in their life-time and almost certainly led a normal life within a family. If a deceased person of great merit to the community cannot become a cult object because he has posterity, then by the same token, a great official cannot serve the community at large during his lifetime either. Family ties are not necessarily an obstacle either for government service or for cult formation. When people start worshipping a great person after his death, they do not worship him as an ancestor but as a great person who transcends the limitations of his family. An example to show how the author confuses two ideas and uses them as the need arises is the case of the Buddha: as I already quoted from p. 252 above: many small gods but also major deities can be shown to have been spirits without descendants. Now, the author also draws the Buddhas and bodhisattvas into the series "as exemplars of the same tradition of breaking the family tie" (my underlining). Now, it is well-known that Buddha Sakyamuni had a son (not without descendants) but that he later on broke the family tie. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED 173 ties. Fear may well be a motivating force to build small shrines for abandoned bones, but except for one case of a major cult arising out of it (Anle po, pp. 254-256) the author has not substantiated his thesis. I feel that ghost-worship is only a minor and exceptional case of deity-formation. Finally, Chapter VII: “Structure and Function of Community Cults" (pp. 270-291), treats some of the sociological aspects of the community cults: especially leadership. But first the author discusses the primary functions of the cult, which he formulates as follows: "First to rid the community of evil and to assure the well being of the community members; second to act as an instrument of social control so as to unite the worshippers of various different families, and to elicit from them a certain conformity of behavior." (p. 270). I wonder whether the author should not have reversed the order; instead of emphasizing the negative functions, the more positive ones are more significant: First, the community cult is a symbol and an effective expression of group cohesion. Social control and conformity are rather secondary effects. Primarily the cult is an organism for group celebration — secondly, the cult is a means to protect the community: by obtaining divine favours from the various community gods and by exorcising all kinds of evils of 'supernatural' origin. Among those evils, the ‘hungry ghosts' (rather the 'lonely' ghosts) are one group, but they are not the "main evil" confronting the community (p. 271). Among the greatest misfortunes used to be and still are fire hazards and water catastrophes (like typhoons, storms, floods): these are caused by fire and water spirits, and are often exorcised in the early days of a chiao festival. On p. 272 ff., Baity speaks about the spatial aspects of the community cult. It is regrettable that he did not discuss this matter right at the start, since this is one of the essential aspects of the community cult. The main temple of an area, housing the protective deity of the community, is called a tsung miao by the author (p. 272). This is at least ambiguous: a tsung miao is rather the mother temple of a cult which has spread to other areas developing a number of split-temples or fen-miao. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 174 JULIAN F. PAS 44 Another incorrectness is found on p. 273: ... at the level of the town, the cult of the local people and the cult of the Confucian officialdom merged imperceptibly into one and the same figure that of the City God." This is a quite questionable statement: in many towns the City God temple is not the main deity of the community at all: Matsu is an example, Kuan-yin another one. I admit that officialdom made great efforts to positively control the community cults and promoted the City God temples, but I'd rather like to see examples of townships where his cult has become the main focus of worship. Moreover, City Gods do not seem to have arisen from so-called "hungry ghosts" but are rather deified men of great merit. The genesis of these gods does not fit in with the author's theory of deity formation. In the latter part of Chapter 7, the author discusses cult leadership. There are several forms or patterns (i) the rotating pattern: all the heads of households in turn become "stove-master". (I'd prefer to call him 'incense-master', since in the Chinese term lu-chu the word lu means 'stove' in some contexts, but here it means incensor or incense container); (ii) election by divination (casting the divining blocks), usually for a limited term; (iii) appointment of a committee and chairman and often of a temple manager. Here the author is not clear as to how the appointments are made. If committees appoint chairmen and managers, by whom are the committees appointed? Very often larger temples elect wealthy local businessmen or politicians to their committee, and even in smaller temples local leaders often serve on the temple committee. Wealthy and influential personalities are hoped to guarantee the good luck of a temple in more than one way. It is now time to recapitulate the main themes of the whole book: to point out its merits and its shortcomings. First of all, the book starts off with some kind of ambiguity concerning what the author's real objective is. On p. 1 he announces his intention as "to develop a new analytical model to account for certain features of belief and behavior in Taiwanese temple cults, and to provide a classificatory framework for temple types in urban Taiwan"; in particular he wishes to examine certain aspects of "community religion". What those "certain aspects" entail is not clear, but an indication is given when author says that his "major goal is to classify temples”, (p. 4). On the other hand, he also seems to aim at revealing "the systematic nature of the folk beliefs" (p. 4), which ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED 175 he believes, a priori, to be different from the three traditional systems. He wants to discover "another system of analyzing Chinese religion" (p. 11). I find this lack of precision rather alarming, and wish the author would have told us whether he just wants to concentrate on a description of temple types or whether he further wants to correlate these temple types with the overall religious world view of the community. Now he wavers from one to the other; he goes beyond an ethnographic temple study but leaves many questions concerning the "systematic and unitary nature” (p. 7) of the folk religion unanswered. I see his main objective as it appears through the various chapters ----- as an effort to clarify the nature of community religion by focussing on different temple types as indicators of that religion, but he has not succeeded in clarifying its relationship with the three traditional systems. Logically as I see it - the thesis of his research should be formulated along these lines: the folk religion (community religion) of Taiwan can be characterized as permeated by a yin-yang view of the universe, expressed in their religious rituals through a differentiation between rituals for the living and rituals for the dead. Temples have each their own range of rituals emphasizing the one or the other. What I find most wanting is the absence of a formal discussion of community, community cult, community temple and ultimately community world view. Several aspects are present, but scattered around in different places. Although I do recognize that there is a great amount of new information presented to us, its usefulness is very often compromised by the way the author draws his conclusions: as I indicated in the appropriate contexts, the presence of many "subtle distortions" especially of the type of causality-links discredits not the "raw materials" of the research but the final product. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 190 JULIAN F. PAS be followed. In other words, for the average Chinese, religion is a socially important value system to make for a smooth functioning of human relationships as much as it is a method to obtain divine favours to increase the effectiveness of human efforts toward the realization of a happy life. END-NOTES 1 This paper was first presented at the joint panel of the CASA and the CSSR on Chinese Religion at the Conference of the Learned Societies in Saskatoon, May 1979. 2 Compare the five-volume work written by J. J. M. de Groot: The Religious System of China; although it is mainly based on his field work done in Amoy, it is considered to be a standard work on Chinese religion in general. 3 See P. C. Baity, Religion in a Chinese Town (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, no. 64), Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1975. (See my review article pp. of this issue). 4 See various ceremonial and memorial booklets issued by the Municipal Government of Taipei, Tainan and Taichung, e.g., Ta-ch'eng chih-sheng hsien-shih K'ung-tzu shih-tsun chien-shuo, Taipei, 1974, Ta-ch'eng chih-sheng hsien-shih K'ung-tzu shih-tsun chien-chieh (Memorial Service for Confucius on his Birthday), Taichung, 1977. 5 See Y. Raguin, S.J., "Buddhism in Taiwan", pp. 179-185 in H. Dumoulin, ed. Buddhism in the Modern World, London, New York: Collier Macmillan Publishers, 1976. 6 Questions and Answers about the Republic of China (Taipei: Chung-hua Information Service, 1978), p. 17. 7 W. L. Grichting, The Value System in Taiwan 1970: A Preliminary Report. Taipei, 1971. (Quoted by Y. Raguin). 8 See for example Taiwan Tzu-miao ch'uan-chi, Ed. by Wang I-han, Taichung Luan-yu Journal Society, 1977. Lists of local temples issued by municipal governments follow the same pattern. However, the more scholarly but antiquated list published in the Taiwan Gazetteer and adopted by Lin Heng-tao divides the temples into three main groups: Taoist, Buddhist, folk-religion (t'ung-su). 9 See Lin Heng-tao, Taiwan Szu-miao Ta-ch'uan, Taipei: Ch'ing-wen Publishing Company, 1974. 10 See M. Saso "The Taoist Tradition in Taiwan", China Quarterly No. 41 (1970), 83-102. 11 M. Saso, "Red-Head and Black-Head: the Classification of the Taoists of Taiwan according to the Documents of the 61st Heavenly Master," Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica (Taipei), 30 (1970). 12 See H. Welch, "The Chang T'ien-shih and Taoism in China", Journal of the Oriental Society 4 (1957-58), 188-212. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 RELIGIOUS LIFE IN PRESENT-DAY TAIWAN 191 10 See M. Saso, The Teachings of Master Chuang. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1978. 11 Journal of Buddhist Culture, Fo-Chiao wen-hua hsüeh-pao,*** published by the Institute for the Study of Buddhist Culture since 1972. Articles are in Chinese or English. 12 Journal of Taoist Culture, Tao-chiao wen-hua,Maxit published by the Taoist Culture Journal Association since 1976. Articles are in Chinese. 13 Examples are: Fo-kuang hsüeh-pao,1*£* published by the Buddhist monastery on Fo-kuang mountain near Kaohsiung, since 1975 or 1976; Boahedrum, Pw-ti-shu,### Taichung: Hui-châ, & Torch Wisdom, Taipei; Hal Ming-tao, published in Tounan (Yünlin district). of 14 See E. Ahern, The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973. 15 See L. G. Thompson, "Notes on Religious Trends in Taiwan", Mon. Ser., vol. 23 (1964), 319-350. 16 See A. P. Cohen, "Fiscal Remarks on some Folk Religion Temples in Taiwan", Mon. Ser., vol. 32 (1976), 85-158. 17 See Liu Chih-wan, Taipei-shih Sung-shan ch'i-an chien-chiao chi-tien (Great Propitiatory Rites of Petition for Bene-ficence at Sungshan, Taipei, Taiwan), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology, (monographs no. 14), 1967, Liu Chih-wan, Chung-kuo min-chien hsin-yang lun-chi (Essays on Chinese Folk Belief and Folk Cults), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology (monographs no. 22), 1974. M. Saso, Taoism or the Rite of Cosmic Renewal, Washington State University Press, 1972. 18 See St. Harrell, "Modes of Belief in Chinese Folk Religion", in JSSR, vol. 16 (1977), 55-65. 19 See D. Jordan, Gods, Ghosts and Ancestors. Folk Religion in a Taiwanese Village, University of California Press, 1972, G. Seaman, Temple Organization in a Chinese Village (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, vol. 101), Taipei: Chinese Association for Folklore, 1978, 20 See D. Overmyer, "The Saying of Master Lu", Unpublished paper, given at the joint panel of the CASA and the CSSR on Chinese Religion at the Conference of the Learned Societies in Saskatoon, May, 1979. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 206 NOTES AND QUERIES He named the new temple the 'Pu To' (Po Tor in Cantonese) in the East, meaning Kwangtung. There is a much older 'Pu To in the South' at Amoy in the Fukien province.* The original 'Pu To' is the famous island of that name off the Chekiang coast. It is covered with temples and is one of the homes of Chinese Buddhism.† Apart from seeing the relics associated with its founder and visiting his grave and those of later abbots, the purpose of our visit is to walk round the premises and to note the wealth of presentation boards (§§§) to be found on them. These combined examples of calligraphy and Buddhist sentiment are cut on wood and mostly painted in gold characters on a red ground. Many are from the brush of the several abbots, especially the founder who clearly took a delight in naming and commemorating the different buildings and gateways. The Monastery occupies a considerable area and its grounds were previously much larger, taking in a wooded area in front which has since been resumed by the Government for development. There has been considerable re-building and much new building, but overall the influence of the founder is still plainly evident. Chinese calligraphy has always been a highly—indeed perhaps the most—respected and prized art form. Dun J. Li in his The Essence of Chinese Civilization (New York, Van Nostrand Co., 1967) writes (p. 414): Of all the talents the Chinese emphasized, none was more important than the literary talent. Such emphasis was evidenced by the fact that prior to the modern period the Chinese produced more books than the rest of the world combined. As for fine arts, the art form which the Chinese cherished most was calligraphy, and the works of such great masters as Wang Hsi-chih (321-379), Liu Kung-ch'üan (d.A.D. 865), and Chao Meng-t'iao (d.A.D. 1322) were imitated throughout history. He then gives biographies of several famous calligraphers, taken from the standard dynastic histories, which illustrate this esteem. Emperor Mu-tsung of T'ang (821-824) was not considered an able, enlightened ruler. * P. W. Pitcher, In and About Amoy (Shanghai and Foochow, The Methodist Publishing House in China, 1909) p. 78 and illustration at p. 161. † See the extensive account in Reginald Fleming Johnston, Buddhist China (London, John Murray, 1913) pp. 259-389. I ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 212 "Five Belongings" NOTES AND QUERIES (a) Belonging to the Religion (皈依) (b) Belonging to the Mean (飯中) (c) Belonging to the Truth (皈正) (d) Belonging to the Unity (歸一) (e) Belonging to the Void (皈空) "Four Tests" (a) Test of True Self (考自) (b) Test of Sincerity (考真) (c) Test of Dedication (考願) (d) Test of Sacrifice (考捨) Also the Religion practised a rather sophisticated form of "sitting cross-legged" as a means to cure opium addicts. (d) Yan Cheung Villa (仁昌別墅) According to surviving elderly inmates, the Yan Cheung Villa was built by a group of persons from South China who belong to a society established about 1920—known as the Tung Sin She (同善社). It belongs to that body of the laity worshipping the 'Three Religions' of China i.e. Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism*. It had followers in various parts of Kwangtung but no major centre. In the early 1930s the Society's leaders were looking for a site to build such a place, but Kwangtung was often in a disturbed state and they were of the opinion that a remote site in the New Territories of Hong Kong would be preferable, as the Colony had an enviable reputation for law and order, peace and quiet. Accordingly, a search was made for a suitable site. Tsuen Wan was then a small market town with a very quiet and beautiful hinterland and yet possessed excellent communications by sea and land with Hong Kong and Kowloon. A site with good fung shui in a locality with a propitious name was selected and agents bought land from local villagers. * Mayers Chinese Reader's Manual p.298 describes them as the Three Systems of Doctrine (or Religion)' and states that they 'constitute the recognized systems of religion, philosophy and ethics among the Chinese'. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 234 BOOK REVIEWS In providing this detailed and thoughtful account, the writer has done an immense service to the present governments of Malaya and Singapore — indeed of the region — as well as to students of Chinese society old and new. It is of greater value because of his own personal involvement in the business of government and in the fact that, as stated in his preface (p. xiii), he had the enthusiastic support of police officers of all ranks and officers of the Chinese Affairs Department throughout Malaya and Singapore who conducted enquiries, collected information and translated documents. It is doubtful whether this work could be done again — it is mentioned that many of the police documents of the last colonial period have been destroyed and we should be deeply thankful that Blythe was available to undertake it at the time he did. T The book is well produced, on good quality paper with solid binding and clear large type. The 18 illustrations are as notable as the contents. Hong Kong, May, 1980. JAMES HAYES 'Friendly Societies are very good,' said Mr. Van Dyke. “But I am referring to secret and dangerous Societies." 'These qualifying names are purely arbitrary,' said Tek Chiu. “All Chinese Societies are professedly good, and they, all of them, are just what members choose to make them. There is no fixed principle according to which you can draw a distinction between those that are exclusively benevolent and friendly, and those that you call secret and dangerous societies.' 'Is the Broken Coffin Society entitled to be called friendly, or is it justly designated secret and dangerous?' 'It is justly designated secret and dangerous. It is the fault of our Triad Society, certainly, that such a dangerous and criminal clique is not exterminated at once. Such bad sets of men are like bad teeth that ought to be pulled out. But because a man has a bad tooth in his head, he should not be prohibited from eating." Lamont continues: A Chinaman is a social being—a tool rather than a member of his community. If he were to cease living a social life, he would cease to be a Chinaman. The Chinaman abroad lives a large part of his being in the 'hoey. The hoey unites men more closely even than the sons of one father in a family. So powerful is the bond of this Freemasonry of China, that if two brothers in a family belong to different hoeys their relationship in such a set of circumstances is more distant than is that which subsists between those members of one hoey who are not relatives in the ordinary sense at all. Tek Chiu's view, that Chinese societies are what members choose to make them, can also be found in Leong Gor Yun's Chinatown Inside Out (New York: Barrows Mussey, 1936), especially Chapter Two. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 237 FABER, Mrs. Audrey, 10 Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, HONG KONG, LOCAL LIFE MEMBERS FAULKNER, Mr. Raymond J., 423 Holland House, Ice House Street, HONG KONG. FREMANTLE, Mr. Adam, Coudert Bros, Alexandra House, 31/F, 20 Chater Road, HONG KONG, FRY, Mr. R. A., Office of the Commissioner of Rating and Valuation, 1 Garden Road, HONG KONG. FUNG, Mrs. Leatrice, 17 Magazine Gap Road, Flat 5A, HONG KONG. FUNG, Sir Kenneth Ping-Fan, O.B.E., J.P., Fung Ping Fan & Co. Ltd., 2705-2718, Connaught Centre, HONG KONG. GAFF, Mrs. Jennifer A. Wilfred Flat 6, 110 Repulse Bay Road, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG. GILKES, Mr. D. A., J.P. The Bursar's Office, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M., c/o Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corp., Queen's Road, HONG KONG, GORDON, Mr. K. H. A., 48 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG. GORDON, The Hon. Sir S. S., c/o Sir Elly Kadoorie & Sons, St. George's Building 24/F, HONG KONG. HAYES, Dr. James, J.P. 7 The Albany, Albany Road, HONG KONG. HAYIM, Mr. E. J., C.B.E., 4th Island Road, Deep Water Bay, HONG KONG. HECHTEL, Mr. F. O. P., Flat 10 Aigburth Hall, May Road, HONG KONG HO, Mr. Tickon, 50 Village Road, G/Fl., Happy Valley, HONG KONG. HONEY, Mr. N. R., c/o Medical and Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, HONG KONG HOPKINSON, Mrs. I. 12 Mount Nicholson Gap HONG KONG HOWARD, Mr. W. J., P.O. Box 20704, Causeway Bay Post Office, HONG KONG. + HOWNAM-MEEK, Mr. R. S., 7A, Conway Mansion, 29 Conduit Road, HONG KONG. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von, 9A Stanley Beach Road, HONG KONG. HU, Dr. Shih Chang, 210 Tin Hau Temple Road, Flat C1, 15/F., HONG KONG. HUI, Miss Wai Haan, Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG + HUNG, Mr. Chiu Sung, Yuet Ming Building, 17/F, Flat B, King's Road, HONG KONG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 238 IU, Miss Sheila, Matron, The Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, HONG KONG. KINOSHITA, Mr. J. H. Palmer and Turner, OTB Building, 160 Gloucester Road, HONG KONG. KNIGHTLY, Mr. F J., 301 Valverde, May Road, HONG KONG. LOCAL LIFE MEMBERS KVAN, Rev. Erik, Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. LAI, MI. T. Ch Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shui Hing House, 12/F, 23-25 Nathan Road, KOWLOON. LAU, Mr. Michael Wai-Mai, Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. LAUFER, Mrs. B. M B4, Harbour View Mansions, 11 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG. LAUFER, Mr. E. M., B4, Harbour View Mansions, 11 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG. LAWRENCE, Mrs. B. M. I., 3 Ravenscourt. 24 Mount Austin Road, HONG KONG. LEE, Mr. J. S., 74 Kennedy Road, HONG KONG. LEE, Dr. R. C., C.B.E., J.P, 1 Hysan Avenue, 21st Floor, HONG KONG. LETHBRIDGE, Mr. J. H., Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. LEUNG, Mr. Pak-Kui, c/o Home Affairs Dept., 141 Des Voeux Road Central, International Building, 25/F, HONG KONG. LI, Mr. David K. P., D7 Grenville House. 1 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG. LISOWSKI, Prof. F. P., 28 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG. LISOWSKI, Mrs. W. Y, 28 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG. LIU, Mr. D. H., 305 Prince Edward Road, Flat 5-D, KOWLOON. LO, Mr. T. S., c/o Lo & Lo., Jardine House, 7th Floor, Pedder Street, HONG KONG. LOSERY, Miss Patricia, c/o Russ & Co., Room 1 Baskerville House G/F, 22 Ice House Street, HONG KONG. LUK, Mr. George Ping-Chuen, B-38 Po Shan Mansions, 10 Po Shan Road, HONG KONG. LUM, Miss Ada, 142 Boundary Street, KOWLOON. MACKENZIE, Mr. John, J.P., Management & Planning Services (Far East) Ltd.. G.P.O. Box 9981, HONG KONG. MACKEOWN, Dr. P. Kevin, Dept. of Physics, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. MARDEN, Mrs. J. L., 14 Sheko, HONG KONG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 LOCAL LIFE MEMBERS MCCRARY, Mr. Michael, Flat 6A United Mansions, 7 Shiu Fai Terrace, HONG KONG, MCKEIRNAN. Rev. Michael, MM Maryknoll Fathers, Bishop Ford Centre, Tung Tao Tsuen, KOWLOON. 8 Hereford Road, NORONHA, Mr. J. E., Kowloon Tong, KOWLOON. NICHOLS, The Hon. Mr. E. H., 11 Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, HONG KONG, OGDEN, Mr. B. J. N., c/o The Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, HONG KONG. OU, Miss G., c/o French Consulate General, P.O. Box 13, HONG KONG. PAIN, Mr. J. H., J.P. Hong Kong Tourist Association, Connaught Centre, 35/Fl., HONG KONG. PICCUS, Mr. R. P., Continental Can International Corp., Hutchison House, G.P.O. Box 10044, HONG KONG. RAWLINSON, Mr. M. C., c/o Personnel Registry, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, HONG KONG. RAYNER, Mrs. C. M., Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. RIDE, Lady, Al Repulse Bay Apartments, 101 Repulse Bay Road, HONG KONG. RITCHIE, Mr. D. J. 912 Hermitage, 75 Macdonnell Road, HONG KONG. RYDINGS, Mr. H. A., MBE, The Library, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. RUST, Mr. H. A., Palmer and Turner, OTB Building, 160 Gloucester Road, HONG KONG. SEED, Mr. Brian, 1A 92 Main Street, Stanley, HONG KONG. SELLETT, Mr. George, "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L., 3543 Tai Po Road, KOWLOON. SERSALE, Miss Sheila M., IIA Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG. SHAW, Dr. Brian C., 72 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG. SHAW, Mrs. Felicity, 72 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG. SMITH, Rev. Carl T., Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES. SMITH, Mr. Leslie C., c/o Robert M. Drummond, 37 Dina House, 5 Duddell Street, HONG KONG. SPOONER, Mr. Michael G., The Registry, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG STEVENS, Mr. Keith G., Apt. 4B, 26 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG. SU, Dr. Chung Jen, 155 Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1st Floor, HONG KONG. 239 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 240 TAN, Mr. Khek-Seng, A, 11th Floor, Elegant Garden, 11 Conduit Road, HONG KONG LOCAL LIFE MEMBERS TANG, Sir Shiu-Kin, CBE, The Kowloon Motor Bus Co. Ltd., Room 1701 Central Building, HONG KONG. TANG, Mrs. Madeleine, 8C Grenville House, 1 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG. THOMAS, Mr. Louis F., c/o Lowe, Bingham, & Mathews, Prince's Building, 22/Fl., HONG KONG. THOMPSON, Mr. P. J., c/o Johnson, Stokes & Master, 10th and 11th Floors Alexandra House, 16-20 Chater Road, HONG KONG THROWER, Prof. L. B., Flat 6B, University Residence No. 6, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES. THROWER, Dr. Stella, Flat 6B, Residence No. 6, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES. TON CHEN, Mrs. Chu-Ching, 3-D Chesterfield Mansion, Kingston Street, HONG KONG, TORRIBLE, Mr. Graham Robert, c/o Hong Kong Club, HONG KONG WATSON, Mr. K. A., c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, HONG KONG. WAUNG, Mr. William Sikying, 1903 Hang Chong Building, 5 Queen's Road C., HONG KONG. WEINREBE, Mr. Harry M., Fairfield Enterprises Ltd., 1404 Bank of Canton Building, 6 Des Voeux Road C., HONG KONG. WERLE, Ms. Helga, 3 Wood Road, 6/Fl., HONG KONG. WESLEY-SMITH, Mr. Peter, School of Law, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG, WILLIAMS, Mr. Roger, Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. WILLIAMS, Mr. B. V., Hong Kong Housing Authority, Housing Authority Headquarters, 101 Princess Margaret Road, KOWLOON. WILLIAMS, Mr. & Mrs. W.D F., 1 Riante Rive Apartments, 141 Milestone, Castle Peak Road, NEW TERRITORIES. WINKLER, Mrs. E., Flat 402, 12 May Road, HONG KONG WONG, Mr. Kwok Fong, 92A Pokfulam Road 1/Fl., HONG KONG. WONG, Mr. Peng-Cheong, Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, South China Building, 3rd Floor, 1 Wyndham Street, HONG KONG, YEUNG, Mr. Walter W. T., 60-B Conduit Road, G/F, HONG KONG. YOUNG Miss Pauline, The Peak School, Plunketts Road, The Peak, HONG KONG. I ¦ | ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 ORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS CHISM, Mr. Michael, South Kowloon Magistracy, KOWLOON. CHIU, Mrs. Carol C., Twin Brook 11B, 43 Repulse Bay Road, HONG KONG. CHU, Mr. Lee, 48 Haven Street, 4/F, Causeway Bay, HONG KONG. CHUA, MÀ Fi Lan, 1903 Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG. CLIMAS, Mrs. Jane, Flat D18 Pearl Gardens, 7 Conduit Road, HONG KONG. CLIMAS, Mr. D. John, Flat D18 Pearl Gardens, 7 Conduit Road, HONG KONG. COCHRANE, Mrs. Valerie, Apartment 9, 23 B Shouson Hill Road, HONG KONG. COLBOURNE, Prof. M. J., Dept. of Community Medicine, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. COLLINS, Mr. A. J., c/o Legal Aid Dept., 13th FL., Sincere Building, 173 Des Voeux Road, HONG KONG. CONNOLLY, Miss Moira, 5 Wylie Gardens, King's Park, KOWLOON. COOK, Mr. Ian R., Hong Kong Hilton, Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG. COOPER, Dr. Eugene, Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. COOPER, Mr. Roy, E & M Office, Caroline Hill Road, HONG KONG. CRABBS, Mr. P. I., Property Dept., Local Property Co. Ltd., Baskerville House, 13, Duddell Street, HONG KONG CRAIG, Mrs Peggy, 21 Bisney Road, Pokfulam, HONG KONG. CRISSWELL, Dr. Colin N., King George V School, KOWLOON. CROSBY, Mr. A. R., Flat B32, 10 Caldecott Road, Pipers Hill, KOWLOON. CUMINE, Mr. E., F.R.I.B.A., 28 Yun Ping Road, 2/F, HONG KONG. CUNNINGHAM, Miss Margaret, Flat 27, Block 43, Baguio Villas, Victoria Road, HONG KONG. DAIKO, Mr. Paul, P.O. Box 201, HONG KONG. DAVIES, Mrs. C. E. G., 1201 Luginsland, 18 Old Peak Road, HONG KONG. DAVIES, Mr. S. N. G., Dept. of Political Science, HONG KONG. DAVIES, Mrs. L. R., **The Gums** No. 4 Chuk Kok Village, Hiram's Highway, Sai Kung, NEW TERRITORIES. DAVIES, Mrs. Mona, "Sailing Look", 6 Lloyd Path, Barker Road, HONG KONG. DAWE, Mr. Jock, c/o Travelove Ltd., Suite 823 Star House, KOWLOON. DAWSON, Prof. John L. M., Dept. of Psychology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. 243 Page 270 Page 271 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 246 ORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS HODGKISS, Dr. I. John, 17 High West, 142 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG. HODGSON, Mr. A. F., Johnson Matthey Commodities H.K Ltd., 12A1 Far East Exchange Building, 8 Wyndham Street, HONG KONG. HODGSON, Mrs. Kirsty Hamilton, Flat E1, Marigold Court, 4 Marigold Road, Yau Yat Chuen, KOWLOON. HOLMES, Miss Jeanette E., 26 Kennedy Road, HONG KONG. HOTUNG, Mr. Eric, 10 Stanley Street, HONG KONG. HOWE, Prof. Geoffrey L., Division of Dental Studies, 1/F, Patrick Manson Building, 7 Sassoon Road, HONG KONG. HSIA, Mr. Tung Pei, P.O. Box 20027, Hennessy Road Post Office, HONG KONG. HUGALL, Miss E. Jane, David Trench Rehabilitation Centre, Occupational Therapy 3/F, 9 Bonham Road, HONG KONG. HUGHES, Ms. Anne, 5604 Cape Mansions, Mount Davis Road, HONG KONG. HULL-LEWIS, Mrs. J. M., 501 Tavistock, Tregunter Path, HONG KONG. HUYSMAN, Mr. J., Repulse Bay Apartments, A35. 101 Repulse Bay Road, HONG KONG. JARVIS, Mrs. Patricia Ann, Flat 8B, Vienna Court, 41 Conduit Road, HONG KONG. JEFFERY, Mr. M. J., New Territories Development Dept, 21st Floor Murray Building, Garden Road, HONG KONG. JOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. P. K., c/o A.I.A., P.O. Box 444, HONG KONG. JONES, Mr. Gordon, W. E., Flat 42 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, HONG KONG KHAN, Dr. Latiffa, Shau Kei Wan Govt. Technical School, 40 Chaiwan Road, Shaukiwan, HONG KONG. KHAN, Miss Sherifa, c/o Belilios Public School, 51 Tin Hau Temple Road, HONG KONG. KING, Miss Carol Anne, Language Centre, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. KIRKBRIDE, Mr. K. M. G., The Building Authority, Murray Building, 8/F, Garden Road, HONG KONG. KWAN, Mrs. Alice Wong Sau Ching, Flat 2A, 9th Floor, Beverley Heights, 67 Beacon Hill Road, KOWLOON. KWOK, Mr. Ping Leong, Kerry Trading Co. Ltd., 25/FI. American International Tower, 16-18 Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG. LACK, Mr. Alan J., Flat 1, Peak Pavilion, 12 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 248 ORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS LUTZ, Mr. Hans F., 9B, 14th Floor, Broadway, Mei Foo Sun Chuen, KOWLOON. MA, Prof. Ho-Kei, 47 High West, 142 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG. MA, Prof. Meng, M.B.E., Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. MACCABE, Mrs. S. J., Penthouse No. 2, Valverde, 11 May Road, HONG KONG. MACCALLUM, Mr. I., Jardine House, 12/F, HONG KONG. MACGREGOR, Mr. Keith, Cameraman, 4 Conduit Road, 3/F, HONG KONG. MACKENZIE, Mr. George S., Gibb Livingston & Co. Ltd., P.O. Box 55, HONG KONG. MAHLKE, Mr. William J., 23 South Bay Close, Apt. 13B, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG. MANN, Mr. H. D., 7A Paris Court, Realty Gardens, 41 Conduit Road, HONG KONG. MAO, Dr. Philip Wen-Chee, FRCS, 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, KOWLOON. MARKEY, Mr. J. C., c/o Estates Office, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. MARTIN, Miss Barbara, 8C Cambridge Villa, 8-10 Chancery Lane, HONG KONG. MASON, Mr. A. K., Security Branch, Government Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG. MATHEW, Mr. David, c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd, World Trade Centre, HONG KONG. MATHEWS, Mr. J. F., c/o The Legal Department, Central Government Offices, HONG KONG. MCCULLY, Mrs. Arthur M., I-A Branksome, 3 Tregunter Path, HONG KONG. MCELNEY, Mr. Brian S., c/o Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, HONG KONG. MCKINNON, Mr. J. W., New Zealand Commission, 34-14 Connaught Centre, HONG KONG. MCLEAN, Mrs. Robyn H., Public Records Office, 2 Murray Road, HONG KONG. MELTON, Mr. Michael W., c/o The International School, 6 South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG. MEANEY, Mr. E. Robert, 1901 Hutchison House, HONG KONG. MILLINGTON-BUCK, Mr. B. B., c/o Trident International Finance Ltd, 12th Floor, Connaught Centre, HONG KONG. MINERS, Dr. N. J., Dept. of Political Science, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. MINTER, Mr. C. J. W., Survey Research Hong Kong, 10/F Development House, 30/32 Queen's Road East, HONG KONG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 ORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS MORGAN, Ms. V. Elaine, The Library, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. MORITZ, Mr. Frederick A., 4B, Sea and Sky Court, 92 Stanley Main Street, Stanley, HONG KONG. MORTON, Mr. R. J. McK., Legal Aid Department, 19/F Sincere Building, 173 Des Voeux Road C., HONG KONG. MOYLE, Mr. G. C., 64 Mile Taipo Road, NEW TERRITORIES. MULLOY, Mr. G. N., Flat C, 1 Homestead Road, The Peak, HONG KONG. NEWBIGGING, Mr. D. K., 35 Mount Kellett Road, The Peak, HONG KONG NG, Dr. Margaret N., Arts Mansion 5/F, Flat C, 43 Wongneichong Road, Happy Valley, HONG KONG NG, Miss Tonia, H.K. Tourist Association, Connaught Centre, 35/F, HONG KONG. NGUYET, Mrs. Tuyet, c/o Arts of Asia, 1309 Kowloon Centre, 29-43 Ashley Road, KOWLOON. O'HARA, Mr. Randolph, c/o The City Hall Library, Edinburgh Place, HONG KONG. OJEDA, Mr. J. de, Spanish Consul General, 1403 Melbourne Plaza, 33 Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG. ONG, Dr. Guan Bee, Dept. of Surgery, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. ORR, Mr. I. C., Room 506 Central Govt. Offices, Main Wing, Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG. OUTCH, Mr. W. T., c/o Essex Asia Ltd., 118 Austin Road, Tsim Sha Tsui, KOWLOON. OXLEY, Mr. C. W. B., District Office, Sai Kung, Sai Po Kong Govt. Offices, 792 Prince Edward Road, KOWLOON. PALMER, Mrs. R. M., 2 Old Peak Road, 2/F Front, HONG KONG. PARR, Mr. M. J., c/o Wardley Ltd, G.P.O. Box 8983, HONG KONG. PARRINGTON, Miss June, Arts Faculty Office, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. PARRY, Mr. Roger H., c/o The Marine Department, 102 Connaught Road C., HONG KONG. PAUL, Mrs. Anne Carse, 9 Jade House, 47C Stubbs Road, HONG KONG. PEACOCK, Mr. I. R., 5A Manhattan Tower, 63 Repulse Bay Road, HONG KONG. PERESYPKIN, Mr. Oleg P., P.O. Box 1382, HONG KONG. PICKARD, Mrs. Jane, Flat A6, 14 Shouson Hill Road, HONG KONG. 249 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 252 ORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS THOMAS, Mr. Reginald, Rose Villa, Lot 369, 12 Miles Tai Po Road, Tai Po, NEW TERRITORIES. THOMAS, Mrs. S. E., Rose Villa, Lot 369, 12 Miles Tai Po Road, Tai Po, NEW TERRITORIES. THOMSON, Mr. J. Marsh, Spencer Stuart & Associates, St. George's Building, 2 Ice House Street, HONG KONG. TISDALL, Mr. Brian, 7 Stanley Mound Road, Stanley, HONG KONG. TOCHRANE, Miss Vera, 410 The Hermitage, 75 Macdonnell Road, HONG KONG. TOH, Miss Esther, 1903 Hang Chong Building, 5 Queen's Road C., HONG KONG. TOMLIN, Mrs. Sarah, 12A Broadwood Road, 1/F, HONG KONG. TRETIAK, Prof. Daniel, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. TSANG, Mr. Hin Sum, 11B Princess Margaret Road, 5/F, KOWLOON. TSO, Mrs. Priscilla, Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. TUCKER, Mrs. A., 21 Coombe Road, HONG KONG TURNER, Mr. H. David, Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. TWITCHETT, Miss Yvonne, c/o Island School, Bowen Road, HONG KONG TYLER, Mrs. M. R., P.O. Box 9423, HONG KONG. VEEVERS, Miss Kathleen Joyce. c/o Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, HONG KONG. VINE, Mr. P. A. L., Room 304, Chartered Bank Building, HONG KONG. VISICK, Mrs. Mary, Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. WALDEN, Mr. John, I The Homestead, The Peak, HONG KONG, WALKER, Mr. A. P., 4 Felix Villas, 61 Mount Davis Road, HONG KONG. WALKER, Ms. Prudence, 4 Felix Villas, 61 Mount Davis Road, HONG KONG. WALTERS, Dr. Richard P., 2C London Court, 41 Conduit Road, HONG KONG. WALTERS, Mrs. Sandra L., 2C London Court, 41 Conduit Road, HONG KONG. WARD, Miss Barbara E., New Asia College, Chinese University of H.K., Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES. WATERS, Mr. D. D., c/o Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, HONG KONG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 WATT, Mr. James, ORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES. WATT, Mr. Mo-Kei, Cheong K. Co., Cheong K. Building, 84 Des Voeux Road C., 2/Fl., HONG KONG. WEN, Dr. Ch'ing-Hsi, Rhenish Church College, 30 Hereford Road, KOWLOON. WHOLEY, Mr. J. W., Agriculture & Fisheries Dept., 393 Canton Road, KOWLOON. WILLIS, Mr. David Nye, H.K. Tourist Association, Connaught Centre, 35/F, HONG KONG. WILLOUGHBY, Prof. P. G., 59 High West, 142 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG. WILSON, Mr. Brian D., Flat 2D, 30 Plunketts Road, The Peak, HONG KONG. WILSON, Mr. D. C., 2 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG. WILSON, Mr. James K., Economic Services Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG. WIN, Mr. Oliver, Suite 1, 13th Floor. Imperial Building, 58-66 Canton Road, KOWLOON. WINKLER, Mrs. Rowena, C 62 Carolina Gardens, 30 Coombe Road, HONG KONG. WONG, Miss Marion, 8 Fung Fai Terrace, Happy Valley, HONG KONG. WONG, Mr. Siu Lun, Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. WOODS, Mrs. Rowena, c/o Flat 18, 9/F, Block I, Scenic Villas, Victoria Road, HONG KONG. WRIGHT, Mr. D. A. L., c/o The Hong Kong Club, HONG KONG. WRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R., Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. WYMAN, Mrs. Pamela, 23B Ventris Road, Happy Valley, HONG KONG. YEUNG, Mr. Michael Wing Chiu, 12D, 80 Gloucester Road, HONG KONG. YOUNG, Mr. Richard, The British Council, Easey Commercial Building, 255 Hennessy Road, HONG KONG. ZIGAL, Mrs. Irene, 12 Bowen Road, HONG KONG. 253 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 205 12 On this particular type of tenancy, see John Kamm, "Two essays on the Ch'ing economy of Hsin-an, Kwangtung Province”, JHKBRÁS 1977, pp. 55-84, and James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, 1850-1911, Folkestone, Kent, England, 1977, pp. 50-53. 13 Ints. Mr. Wong 22.6.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Cheung Kau 26.6.81, Mr. Cheung 26.6.81, Mr. Cheng Yung 10.7.81, and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81; Hugh D.R. Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, Guildford and London, 1968, p. 172. 14 Father Sergio Ticozzi, 12.5.81, quoting from Giovanni B. Tragella, Le Mission Estere di Milano, Nel Quadro Degli Avvenimenti Contemporanli, Milan 1950-1963, vol. 1, pp. 274-275, vol. 2, pp. 85, 89, and 314. Int. Father George Carusso, 20.5.81. 15 Ints. Mr. Lok Tak K'ei 17.7.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, and Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. 10 Int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. Mr. Yau's term for "moorage inlet" was "siu wan t'au". Cf. also the type of market James Hayes refers to as "coastal market centres" in his Hong Kong Region, p. 37. 17 Documents on this case are included in Kuan T'ien-p'ei, Ch'ou-hai ch'u-chi (1836, n.p., Taipei reprint, 1968) 2/26a-33a, 56a-74a, 80a-99b. Kuan was Naval Commander-in-Chief for Kwangtung from 1834 to 1841. C. Fred Blake, in Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, Hawaii, 1981, p. 46 note 8, states "Lung Shuen Wan was a traditional outpost for the Chinese imperial navy's regulation of eastern approaches to the Pearl River. I wonder if perhaps Lung Shuen Wan was the original 'coastal market centre' in this area?" Elsewhere (loc. cit. and p. 95) he points out that the Lung Shuen Wan Tin Hau Temple retained the patronage of the Pak Kong and Sha Kok Mei villagers, despite the greater convenience of the Tin Hau Temple within Sai Kung Market. 18 These are figures of shops as registered in the Block Crown Lease (DD215, DD224). It is more than likely that these were shop spaces rather than shops, and in the event that a shop might take up more than a shop space, there were fewer shops in Sai Kung and Hang Hau in the early 1900's than noted here. For comparison, in 1905, Yuen Long had only seventy-four shops and Tai Po Market twenty-three large and fifteen small ones. See James Hayes, Hong Kong Region, p. 36. 19 Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, Father George Carusso 20.5.81, Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81. 20 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81. 21 Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mrs. Foo, née Lei, 28.6.81. 22 Mrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81. Mr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81 of Taai Fung Nin (opened c. 1933) in Sai Kung Market remembered that the shop used to slaughter a pig each day to sell to the boat people. 23 Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shou 19.6.81. 24 Mr. Hoh King 6.5.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81. Mrs. Lei used to obtain piglets from Kam Lei Loi in Sai Kung Market. It took six to seven months to fatten them, and two dollars to have each pig carried back to Sai Kung Market. She also had rice and pig feed (chiefly rice husk) from Kam Lei Loi on credit. Kam Lei Loi was a butcher's cum general store, where her husband worked. 25 According to Mr. Yau T'aam Shang, 15.5.81, the interest rate in Sai Kung Market was 5 cents per dollar per month, i.e. 60 percent per annum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 207 36 1911 Census. 37 For a brief discussion of these ideas, see David Faure, "Hongkong and China in the village world", JHKBRAS 21 (1981). A noteworthy variation is the shrine for the Taai Shing Yan Kung Ma at Luk Mei Village, which is both an ancestral figure and a territorial god. See research notes on Ue Lan Festival at Luk Mei, 5-7.8.81. * Ints. Mr. Cheung T'o 29.5.81, 15.6.81, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Tse Ming 8.81, and notes on the ta tsiu at Ho Chung, 27.12.81 - 31.12.81. For the donations of the Uens towards the repair of the temple, see Ch'e Kung Temple tablet and ints. Mr. Uen Chi Ming 16.1.81, 13.2.81, 7.3.81. Our interviews did not discover if only villagers of Ho Chung contributed towards the annual Ch'e Kung Festival, or if other villagers in the villages that took part in the ta tsiu also did. 3 Int. Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81. 40 Ints. Mr. Cheng Ip 14.5.81, Mr. Lei Yiu T'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Kau 23.6.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, 21.7.81. 41 Ints. Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mr. Tsang 25.6.81, Mr. Tsang Yung 25.6.81, Mrs. Wai 27.6.81 42 Ints. Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Cheung Wing 1981; see also Mr. Sung Kw'an 23.6.81 for similar arrangements for raising pigs in Tit Kim Hang, and Mr. Shing Uen Wan 10.7.81 in Pik Uk. 43 Ints. Mr. Shing Ip On 14.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81. Every year, on the 28th of the First Month, all the five surnames of Mang Kung Uk joined in the worship of the earth god. A matshed was built in the village, on which lanterns were hung. See int. Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81. See also Patrick Hase, “Observations at a Village Funeral", presented at the Conference on Hong Kong Society and History at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, December 1981, (papers to be published shortly). 44 ** Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.8.81. * Ints. Mr. Sung 22.6.81, Mr. Tang Kei Faat 25.6.81, Mr. Hoh King 24.6.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mrs. Lau Lei Loi T'aai 28.6.81, store keeper at Wong Chuk Wan 28.6.81, Mrs. Hoh née Lau 29.6.81, Mr. Kuet Po Shing 2.7.81, and notes on the ruined temple at Wong Chuk Wan 28.6.81. The composition of the Shap Heung given by Mrs. Hoh née Lau and Mr. Kuet differs slightly from that in the text here. Other village groups in the Sai Kung area include one that consists of Tse Keng Tuk, Chiu Hang, Ta Ho Tun, and Ma Nam Wat (int. Mr. Chan Uet Shing 24.6.81), another that consists of the three villages at Man Yee Wan (int. Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81), yet another the seven villages that made use of the sugar press at Ko Tong (int. Mr. To 19.6.81). Apparently, Tai Long, Pak Tam Au, and Chek Keng, and then Sham Chung, Lai Chi Chong, and Pak Sha O were two groups of villages that had close social ties (int. Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81). 48 Ints. Mr. Tse Wing 20.6.81, Mr. Yau 28.7.81. Fung shui was involved in the dispute in Sha Kok Mei. The villagers considered that part of a hill nearby, known to them as the "tiger's land" (foo tei) was essential to the fung shui of the village. Sha Kok Mei would not permit burial, grass or tree cutting on the foo tei. "Mr. Chau T'in Shang 9.7.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Yau Taai Hin 8.81, Mr. Tse Ming 8.81. Major temple celebrations before World War II were held in at least the following places: Leung Shuen Wan, Sai Kung, Tai Miu, Hang Hau, Pan Long Wan, Tseung Kwan O, Kau Sai. Pak Kong and Ho Chung had a ta tsiu every ten years, and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 208 DAVID FAURE Tseng Lan Shue an on lung ceremony every thirty. Sha Kok Mei also had a regular ta tsiu. * Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 31.7.81, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 9.7.81. The ceremony, taken more as a game of fun, was known as "puk sha ngau tsai". 49 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Lei 9.7.81. 60 Before the War, puppet shows were performed at the earthgods' festivals at Sai Kung Market and Pak Tam Chung, and the ta tsiu at Pak Kong and Pak Sha Wan. With the exception of Pak Kong's ta tsiu, which was held once every ten years, these were annual celebrations. See ints. Mr. Kong Hei 21.6.81, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 7.5.81, 9.7.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mr. Lok Tsau On 21.6.81. "1 See, for instance, descriptions of the feasts in int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, feast at grave worship in int. Mr. Cheung T'o 15.6.81, at wedding ceremony in int. Mr. Tsang 25.6.81. 52 For general comments see Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mrs. Lau 21.6.81, Mrs. Tse 21.6.81, Mrs. Cheung née Wan 26.6.81, and for samples of these songs, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Ip Wan 2.7.81. 53 C. Fred Blake, "Death and abuse in marriage laments: the curse of Chinese brides", Studies in Asian Folklore 37, pp. 13-33 quotes extensively from a text of Hakka songs found in Sai Kung. The Oral History Project has found records of these songs in other villages, but not in Sai Kung itself. 5 Hong Kong Government Administrative Report 1913, p. N 16. 56 From the Hong Kong Government Administrative Report 1922, the Hong Kong Government Administrative Report 1923, and interview reports, schools were found in Sai Kung Market (Sung Chen and two others) and the following villages (names of schools in brackets): Mang Kung Uk (Ts'ung Kong), Pak Tam Chung, Wo Mei, Ho Chung (Tsik Shin), Tseung Kwan O (Lap Tak), Yim Tin Tsai, Tai Po Tsai, Sha Kok Mei (Yuk Yin), Tai Wan (Sui Ying), Tai No, Nam Wai, Pak Kong (Man Shang), Tai Long, Wong Chuk Yeung, Pan Long Wan, Sheung Yeung (Ling Wan), Ta Ho Tun, Pak Ngah, Kau Lau Wan, Kau Sai, Seung Sz Wan (Wai San), Hang Hau (Man Uen), Tseng Lan Shue (Lung T'ang), Tan Ka Wan (Shung Ming), Yung Shu O, Ko Tong, Tai Wan Tau, Wong Mo Ying, Ma Yau Tong, Man Yee Wan, Nam Shan, Che Keng Tuk, Pak Kong Au, Ma Nam Wat, Siu Hang Hau. 56 Ints. Mr. Lok Shang 21.5.81, Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Cheung To 29.5.81, Mr. Chan Shau 19.6.81, Mr. Uen Chan Wan 22.6.81, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81. 57 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Kong Hei 21.6.81 went to Sung Chen. Mr. Wong went from Sung Chen to the Roman Catholic School in Wai Chau and then Canton. Mr. Cheng Chung T'ing 21.5.81 went to the Yau Ma Tei Government School, Mr. Uen Chiu Ming 13.2.81 went to the Tai Po Teachers Training School, but did not graduate. The Chans of Ho Chung sent their sons to Nam Tau or Canton; see Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81. Mr. Chau T'in Shang's elder brother was educated in Canton, see int. 3.6.81. See also int. Father George Carusso 20.5.81. 58 Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Tsang Yau 23.6.81, Mrs. Tse née Lau 24.6.81, Mr. Lau Wan Hei 25.6.81, Mrs. Yung née Wan 2.7.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 18.7.81, Mrs. Yau née Tse 22.7.81, Mr. Chan T'aai ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 209 22.7.81, Mr. Yau Taai Hin 23.7.81, 8.81, Mr. Lau 24.7.81, Mrs. Yau née Lau 13.8.81, and Hong Kong Government Administrative Report, 1934 p. M101. 5. For the work of the village teacher, see ints. Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, and Mr. Cheng Yung 23.6.81. For naam yam in village, see Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 22.5.81, and Mr. Sung Kw'an 22.6.81. 60 Mr. Chau T'in Shang's father, for instance, owned one of the shipyards in Sai Kung Market, but his mother and his sister-in-law farmed (see int. 3.6.81), and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam entered his father's herbalist's store at eighteen, married at nineteen, and continued to work in the market while his wife farmed in the village at Man Yi Wan (see int. 8.5.81). For shortage of rice see Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Lok Shaang 21.5.81, Mr. Sung 22.6, Mrs. Lau 1.7.81. In the 1920's and 1930's, each load of firewood carried into Kowloon sold for 25 to 40 cents, pigs were sold in Sai Kung at approximately 18 dollars per picul, which was the weight of one pig, and rice for 3 to 4 dollars per picul. It was possible for a family to carry firewood into Kowloon quite a few times every month for about five months per year, and to sell two to three pigs. The cash income would have been 50 to 80 dollars per year, enough to buy 15 to 20 piculs of rice, enough for about five adults for the year. In addition, daily wages were 30 cents, and there was employment in the limekilns and in construction. Money was not short for daily necessities, but for weddings, in which the present to the bride's family alone would have been 200 to 300 dollars, many families would have had to resort to borrowing. See ints. Madam Laai Hung Tai 8.5.81, Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, Mr. Chan Tin Po 12.5.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, Mrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81, Mr. Kong Hei 21.6.81, Mrs. Cheung 24.6.81, Mr. Lau Hing Lung 16.6.81, Mr. Lei 29.6.81, Mr. K'uet Po Shing 2.7.81, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 22.5.81, Mr. Lok Foh Kau 20.6.81, Mrs. Tse 21.6.81, Mr. Tsang 25.6.81. For a descriptive account of village production, see Mr. Cheng Ip 4.5.81. 01 Ints. Mr. Yau Taam Shang 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81, Mr. Hoh Taai 10.6.81, Mr. Cheung T'o 15.6.81, Mr. Hoh Shang 20.6.81, Madam Wan née Lau 21.6.81. 02 Int. Mr. Sung 22.6.81. 03 Yield on good land was 3 piculs of grain per harvest, i.e. 6 piculs per year. In addition to this, there were several piculs of sweet potatoes. On poorer land, e.g. near Mang Kung Uk, it could be as low as 1 to 2 piculs per harvest. Rent was half the produce of grain, and somewhat less if the land was rented from the ancestral trust. See ints. Mr. Sung 22.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mrs. Tse née Lau 24.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81. 04 Madam Yau 10.7.81, and cf. Mrs. Tse 22.6.81. 05 65 Int. Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80. 00 ibid. 07 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80. 08 Mr. Wan Ts'eung 31.11.80, Mr. Cheung Wing 81, Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81. 60 6 Mr. Tse Ming 15.1.81, Mr. Yau Kei 8.7.81, Mr. Shing 20.7.81, Mr. Leung Chiu Man 25.7.81. 70 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Cheng Ip 14.5.81, Mrs. Tsui née Lei 20.5.81, Mr. Hoh King 5.6.81. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1980 President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. Hon. Secretary: B. C. J. Shaw, B.A., Ph.D. (Succeeded temporarily by Dr. Wright in July 1980) Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: A. I. Diamond, M.A. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. D. H. Liu Mrs. Lea Fung P. K. Cavaye, B.A., Dip.Ed. Hugh Gibb, M.A. B. A. V. Peacock, M.A. iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 EDITORIAL I have been sparing of editorials in the past, and so were my predecessors. In fact, editorials have appeared to date in only four Journals, 1961, 1965, 1968 and 1974, the first two of them by Professor Cranmer-Byng, the then Hon. Editor, and the others by myself. Looking back over fifteen years of part-time editorial work, I immediately think of the benefits conferred by being editor of the Journal. Whatever effort I have made has been rewarded in a number of ways. In the first place, I have made many new friends in the course of canvassing for suitable material and in meeting or corresponding with contributors in regard to their work. I have directly benefited from the knowledge that they have made through their contributions. One colourful instance may suffice. I think particularly of Keith Stevens with his interesting article “Altar Images from Hunan and Kiangsu" Vol. 18 (1978): 41-48, which introduced me to the paper slips inserted by persons who commissioned images of popular gods and presented them to temples. I have since learned that this was a common practice.* Secondly, the Journal gave me a chance to encourage other people in their efforts - a most satisfying and rewarding duty. It also emboldened me to seek (and receive) contributions from scholars of the first rank, such as L. Carrington Goodrich, C. Martin Wilbur, Jen Yu-wen, and others. The Journal also enabled me to include the notes provided for my local tours, so that those members who were unable to go at the time could visit thereafter. In this connection, I thank those members who, over the years, have taken the trouble to write some kind remarks after the visits. I must confess to having had ups and downs. At one stage, I got rather down-hearted because, despite my apparent best efforts, the delays to the Journal, and the number of misprints that escaped my attention in some volumes during my busy years in Tsuen Wan, passed the bounds of acceptability. I was grateful to Tony Rydings for compiling a list of errata to the 1978 volume, which turned out See L. Sickman and A. Soper, The Art and Architecture of China (Penguin Books Ltd., 1956), p. 99. See also L. Bachhofer, "Two Chinese Wooden Figures" in The Art Quarterly, Autumn 1938, for two examples dated 1282 and 1385. viii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 50 JIANN HSIEH * According to an imperial decree issued in 1645, a man could change his official domicile only if his grandfather had settled in a new place for more than twenty years, and if he could prove that in that place he had an estate and a clan graveyard (Ho, 1966:8). ? According to the informant, who is one of the directors of the Wai-yeung Merchants Association is a locality association in nature, but not a merchants' guild. * It is especially true that genealogical seniority played a very important role in the leadership of the Chinese traditional clan associations. This emphasis on seniority also prevailed in the leadership structure of other kinds of voluntary associations through pseudo-kinship relationships (Gamble, 1929). • The division of residence by dialect or original locality survives even in today's Chinese community of Singapore. For example, most of the Hainanese concentrate in Hsiao-p'o, while the Cantonese are dominant in the area of Niu-ch'e-shui. 10 Since all the Waichow schools are subsidized by the Hong Kong Government, it is an obligation for them to use Cantonese as the teaching medium. 11 The estimated size of the Waichow population in Hong Kong according to the association leaders ranges from 700,000 to 1,200,000. REFERENCES A. CHINESE Ho, P. T. 1966 Chung-kui hui-kuang shih lun (A Historical Survey of Landsmannschaften in China). Taipei: Students' Book Store. Huang, C. L. 1972 Ma-hua li-shih tiao-ch'a yen-chiu ch'u-lun (A Preliminary Study of Chinese History in Malaya). Singapore: Wan-li Press. Li, S. T. 1957 Yuan-lang Sao-kuan-hu Li-shih tsu-p'u (The Genealogy of Lis in So Kwun Wat, Yuen Long). MS. Li, Y. Y. 1970 Lo, H. L. 1933 Ih-ko i-chih ti shih-chên (An Immigrant Town). Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica. K'ê-chiao yen-chiu tao-lun (An Introduction to Hakka Studies). (1975) Taipei: Ku-t'ing Press. See, C. B. 1976 Fei-lu-pin hua-jên wen-hua ti chih-hsü (Persistence and Preservation of Chinese Culture in the Philippines). Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 42:119-206. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 64 LEWIS M. CHERE It is because these questions cannot be answered yet, and because they are so significant for a better understanding of the development of Chinese nationalism, and the history of the European presence on the China Coast, that this article has been written. In answering these questions I believe that scholars of Hong Kong's history will be performing a service for all scholars of Chinese History, as well as proving that events in Hong Kong really have been of much more significance than they have previously been given credit for. NOTES 1 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, 2nd ed. (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 208-9. 2 Geoffrey Robley Sayer, Hong Kong, 1862-1919: Years of Discretion ed., with additional notes by D. M. Emrys Evans (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1975). * * Endacott, p. 209. 4 James Hayes, "A Short History of Military Volunteers in Hong Kong," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 11 (1971): 151-71. * James William Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hongkong. 2 vols. (London: T. F. Unwin, 1898), 2:376-67. + + For the problems which Britain's involvement caused her, see my forthcoming "Great Britain and the Sino-French War: The Problems of an Involved Neutral, 1883-1885", Selected Papers, The Western Conference of the Association for Asian Studies, 1980. * See the Census of Hong Kong for 3rd April, 1881, published in the Hongkong Government Gazette, 11th June 1881. There were then 91,452 men out of a total Chinese population of 150,690. • Endacott, p. 209; Parkes to Granville, no. 226 October 15, 1884, Great Britain. Public Records Office. FO 227/2715, pp. 12-15. • For more complete information on the Sino-French War see: Lloyd E. Eastman, Throne and Mandarins: China's Search for a Policy During the Sino-French Controversy, 1880-1885 (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1967); Henry McAleavy, Black Flags in Vietnam: the Story of a Chinese Intervention (New York: Macmillan, 1968), Ella S. Laffey, "Relations Between Chinese Provincial Officials and the Black Flag Army, 1883-1885," (PhD dissertation, Cornell University, 1971); or my own "The Diplomacy of the Sino-French War (1883-1885): Finding a Way Out of an Unwanted, Undeclared War," (PhD dissertation, Washington State University, 1978). 10 A translated copy of the poison proclamation is in FO 227/2714, pp. 35-7; for Chang's defense of it see FO 227/2715, pp. 10-12. 11 North China Herald, October 8, 1884, reprints an account from the Straits Times. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 106 JULIAN F. PAS Therefore we next light a lamp in front of the Primordial Old One (Lao Tzu Heavenly Worthy) to clarify (signify) the proceeding and descent of the Third Ch'i from the Original August One,34 The parallelism between the Taoist and the Christian Triad or Trinity should be left out of the discussion here; what is significant in this context, however, is how the trinitarian formula in each case is used in the new-light ceremony. Another, minor, detail is the raising of the chanting tone in the two cases: the deacon chants “Lumen Christi” three times in successively higher intonations; the Taoist “deacon” or tu-chiang, repeats three times the phrase chanted by the high-priest, elevating his tone of voice. (iv) The liturgical procession. After the new light has been struck and carried into the temple, a procession takes place in which Taoist high-priest and all his assistants participate. The Christian version is a little different: the new light, struck outside the sanctuary, is carried into the darkened church during a procession in which all those present participate. Although the details differ, the main ritual event of a light-procession is strikingly similar. (v) The context of both rituals leaves considerable room for speculation. Although in the case of the Taoist fen-teng, the ritual context has become rather obscure, still, a careful analysis of this context may open up new avenues of interpretation. The context in question are two rituals which in the present chiao celebration, as witnessed in Taiwan, as well as in the older ritual texts derived from China, seem always to follow the fen-teng. These two rituals, already mentioned above (p.95) are: the "rolling up of the screen" and the “sounding of bell and chime”.35 It appears that the connection between these two and the fen-teng is rather uncertain and is probably not older than the Sung dynasty. As M. Saso mentions, not all Taoist priests perform the ritual at the same time or in the same ritual context.36 In other words, the phenomenological significance of these two rituals is not obvious and new speculations are possible. If again the Christian Easter rituals are called upon, it is possible to come up with a plausible interpretation of the three ritual acts as a whole: the Christian Easter celebrations contain indeed three similar rituals of which the relationship is clearly understandable. Although the historical links are still left out of the discussion here, the very structure of the Christian ritual may throw light on its Taoist counterpart and help us to understand the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT 109 In the Taoist liturgy, however, even if historical influences were at play, they are not so easily detected. But it is worthwhile to investigate concrete examples to illustrate how cultural borrowings work and eventually contribute to mutual enrichment. I believe that traditions which isolate themselves from all others, tend to petrify and become uninspiring, whereas those which are open to extraneous influences, remain living faiths and increase their vitality. In the concrete case-study at hand, the hypothesis of Christian influence on Taoism should not be seen as a purely academic exercise in fruitless speculation; even if a positive borrowing cannot be established, the analysis and comparison itself will lead to a deeper understanding of this archetypal religious phenomenon. Let us now investigate the hypothesis in detail. If Christian influences have been operative, the concrete Sitz-in-Leben is to be found in the Nestorian presence in T'ang China. The arrival and successes of this Ching-chiao (as Nestorianism is called in China) have been well established in several monographs.42 The best known studies were made by P. Y. Saeki who was aware of the probability of various influences at play during the T'ang dynasty. One shortcoming in Saeki's work, however, is that he is too eager to discover links of influence, esp. between Nestorianism and Buddhism. Still, his hypotheses should be taken seriously: Christian influence may well have been operative in the concrete forms of an originally Buddhist ritual; the Ullambana. The 7 times 7 days of celebration with the final ceremony on the 50th day reminds one too well of the Christian Pentecost. A simplified modern adaptation of this once grandiose liturgy still survives in the popular Chinese funeral rites: every 7th day after a person's death rituals are performed until the 7th week or 49th and 50th day. Saeki also discusses the probability of Nestorian influence on Taoism.43 His thesis has been more recently re-examined by a Chinese scholar Lo Hsiang-lin.44 The heart of the argument is as follows: in the biographies of Lü Tung-pin, a famous Taoist master of T'ang China (later on apotheosized as one of the Eight Immortals of Taoism), one finds a very strange text - 4 stanzas written in Chinese transliteration. Saeki's opinion is that these verses are either in Syriac or in Sanskrit. He states that the opinions of scholars are divided. Lo Hsiang-lin, on the other hand, does not mention the possibility of a Sanskrit origin, but opts for... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT 111 contacts between Taoists and Nestorians may reasonably be assumed. When Wieger further states that "Nestorian influence appears to be undeniable in Taoist texts", we have a better case. Much depends, however, on the validity of Wieger's evaluation of some Taoist texts, in which he finds clear indications of Christian influence.52 To establish a reasonably strong case we need a more thorough investigation in two directions: historical and literary. Historically, all the clues already pointed out by previous authors, have to be carefully checked, esp. all the information derived from official histories and Taoist biographies. Very likely not much more than known so far may be discovered in this area. Therefore the second direction, the literary traditions may prove to yield a more bountiful harvest. Both the Taoist and the Nestorian literature has to be carefully scrutinized. If positive influence may be reasonably assumed, pure assumptions are dangerous. On the one hand, all the Nestorian writings in Chinese have to be studied; and if important works are not any longer available in Chinese translation, the Syriac originals should be consulted, esp. with regard to the Nestorian liturgy. So far I have assumed that the Nestorian Easter liturgy contained the ritual of consecrating the new fire to light the Easter Candle. But an assumption here is not sufficient to relate the Christian liturgy with the Taoist fen-teng. If the Nestorians in China never had such a ritual, the whole question of influence collapses, and we can only compare two independent (archetypal) rituals. On the other hand, the Taoist liturgical writings have to be carefully examined, especially in their historical development. K. Schipper has listed a large number of Taoist writings referring to the fen-teng ritual.53 Their careful study and analysis may reveal some of the influences that were operative in the origin and growth of one ritual like the fen-teng, but will also throw the road open to further similar researches into other areas of Taoist liturgy as well as of Buddhist liturgy. END NOTES 1 M. Saso, The Teachings of Taoist Master Chuang (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1978), p. 209. * M. Saso Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (Washington State University, 1972), p. 73. See end-note 9. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 112 JULIAN F. PAS • M. Saso, Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (hereafter abbreviated: Cosmic Renewal). * K. Schipper, "The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies" in A.P. Wolf, Ed. Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford Univ. Press, 1974, * Liu Chih-wan, see end-note 9. This is the translation of J.J.M. de Groot's "Messe Taoïque". See his Les Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées à Emoui (Amoy). Paris, 1885 (Taipei reprint, 1977). This translation of chiao as well as de Groot's rendering of 'Buddhist Masses' for the Chinese Yu-lan-p'en are not satisfactory. * K. M Schipper. Le Fen-Teng. Rituel Taoïste (Publications de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, vol. 103). Paris: Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, 1975. Schipper's monograph on the Fen teng ritual is a product of great erudition. After a short introduction, pp. 1-13, (in which he briefly discusses the four manuscripts utilized to establish the text; and sketches the history and present day performance of the ritual), he describes the ritual itself with a detailed time schedule, pp. 15-32. Then follow references to sources in the Tao-tsang (pp. 33-38) and notes (pp. 39-43). The text itself (starting from the 'back') is given twice: first in fac simile, a beautiful reprint on high quality paper of a manuscript dated 1889, in 44 folios (or 88 pages); secondly a critical edition of the text based on the four above mentioned manuscripts with variant readings included, (pp. 1-36). Although this publication has its importance, it does not fully satisfy the wishes of the readers: no translation of the text is given (Schipper is certainly one of the few Taoist scholars capable of offering a translation!) and nowhere does one find an interpretation of the ritual. In the same year as Schipper's Fen-teng monograph "came to light”, (1975), M. Saso published his collection of Chuang-lin hsü-tao-tsang in 24 vols. In vol. 6, pp. 1629-1725 (a total of 96 pages), we find a reproduced manuscript of the Fen-teng ritual, dated 1883. The calligraphy is inferior to Schipper's manuscript, but at least Saso's manuscript is six years older. * Liu Chih-wan, Taipei-shih Sung-shan ch'i-an chien-chiao chi-tien (Great Propitiatory Rites of Petition for Beneficence at Sung chan, Taipei, Taiwan), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology, (monographs no. 14), 1967. Liu Chih-wan, Chung-kuo min-chien hsin-yang lan-chi (Essays on Chinese Folk Belief and Folk Cults), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology (monographs no. 22), 1974. 10 On the two occasion described by Liu Chih-wan (3-day festivals), the ritual likewise took place on the first evening. On other occasions, however, I have seen the ritual performed on the 2nd evening. The timing depends on the actual length of the festival, which may only last one day, but is more commonly a three or five-day event. One should, however, not confuse two things: first, the actual chiao is called san-ch'ao, wu-ch'ao or ch'i-ch'ao, etc., and refers to the number of days that the essential rituals are performed. However, the total event may last even longer; I have observed that the actual chiao was preceded by two days of preliminary rituals, such as the exorcisms of the water-spirit and fire-spirit. That brought the total duration of the chiao to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT 113 seven days, although the chiao was called wu-ch'ao (or five days). The fen-teng ritual took place in the evening of the 2nd day of the 5-day celebration, or on the 4th day if the two preliminary days are also counted. This distinction is not sufficiently made clear by K. Schipper in his fen-teng discussion, nor by M. Saso in his chiao monograph. 11 Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 73. 12 De Groot, Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées, p. 210. 13 Chou Li, Book 37: Officers in charge of keeping the fires; folio 27: "They are in charge of receiving, with the mirror fu-su the bright light from the sun; (and) of receiving with the simple mirror, the bright water from the moon." After E. Biot, Le Tcheou-li ou Rites des Tscheou (Paris, 1851, Taiwan Ch'eng-wen reprint, 1969), vol. 2, p. 381. 14 See W. Eberhard, Chinese Festivals (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, vol. 38). (Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1972), pp. 65-75. 1 De Groot, Fêtes, p. 219 (My trsl.). 18 To cite one example: the Taoist ritual garments, says de Groot (Fêtes, ch. 1, "Messe Taoïque", pp. 61-62) are often embroidered with motifs borrowed from the old imperial sacrificial garments, 17 'Sacramentally' here refers to the sacramental nature of these rituals: A sacramental act is a rite in which both words and deeds not only have a symbolical meaning, but moreover are understood to actually produce the signified effect: here the active pacification-and-expulsion (or control) of the potentially dangerous spirits. 18 The confusion of the various ritual acts of a chiao festival is increased by another rite of great importance in present-day renewal celebrations: the su-ch'i. Here again 'water' and 'fire' are present, but as parts of the total cycle of five agents (active powers). See M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal. pp. 75-77. 10 De Groot, Fêtes, pp. 215-6. 20 Abbot Guéranger, The Liturgical Year. Passiontide and Holy Week. London, 1880 and 1929), pp. 498-499. 21 Ibid., p. 499. 22 Ibid., p. 499. 23 The Easter liturgy has in several instances been changed: the text and rubrics of the modern Roman Missal are different from the old liturgy, used in Abbot Guéranger's text. The present prayer refers in the blessing of the newly lit Easter candle, whereas in Guéranger's text as in the older liturgy it is a prayer to consecrate the incense grains. 24 Ibid., p. 502. The Roman Missal, p. 180. 25 Abbot Guéranger, op. cit., p. 505. 26 Ibid., p. 507. 27 Already J. M. M. de Groot, Fêtes (p. 217), was struck by the similarity of the Taoist and Christian ritual: "It is beyond doubt that the ceremony of extinction and renewal of fire, which is a custom observed at the same time of the year in the Roman Catholic and Greek churches, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 114 JULIAN F. PAS traces its origin from one of those forms of sun worship.” As is clear from this quotation, de Groot only sees here a case of archetypal similarity, without speculating about the possibility of a more direct historical influence. 25 See K. Schipper, Fen-Teng, p. 33. 26 Guéranger, op. cit., p. 501: “dictum”. 30 Ibid., pp. 508-9. “sanctifica”; “sanctificatum et bene-”. 31 M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 73. K. Schipper does not tell us how the new flame is produced. 32 Guéranger, op. cit., p. 503, f. ** See text quoted on p. 11 and also end-note 20. 34 My transl. of the Chinese text. See Schipper, Fen-Teng and Saso, Cosmic Renewal, pp. 73-74. 35 See K. Schipper's detailed description of the rituals: (i) "Enroulement du Rideau": nos. (23)-37). This ritual lasts just over 35 minutes. (Le Fen-teng, pp. 25-27). (ii) "Tintement solennel de la Cloche et de la Pierre sonore": nos. (38)-(59): lasts ca. 33 minutes. (See pp. 27-32). 36 M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 74, f. 37 Actually they are not to be seen as three separate rituals but as three stages in one ongoing celebration. **M. Saso, (Cosmic Renewal, p. 74), says that a screen is only "imagined" and is "rolled up" by "symbolic gesture". This may be the custom in Northern Taiwan, but in the South a real screen is used which is actually rolled up during the ritual. 39 M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 74. 40 M. Saso, Cosmic Renewal, p. 75: First the metal bowl is struck 24 times: yang (Schipper: 24+1) then the wooden fish is struck 24 times; yin (Schipper: 29+1) then: both together are struck 36 times: yin and yang in harmonious union; then metal bowl again: 9 times; and finally wooden fish: 6 times. K. Schipper (Fen-Teng, p. 29) does not mention the striking of a wooden fish, but of the "musical stone", as indicated in the ritual text. 41 See for instance E. Zürcher. "Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism, A Survey of Scriptural Evidence:", unpublished paper presented at the Third International Conference of Taoist Studies, Uterageri, Switzerland, Sept. 1979. 42 Sources of information about Nestorianism in China are as follows: P. Y. Saeki, The Nestorian Monument in China (London, 1916); The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China (Tokyo, 1951); J. Foster, The Church of the Tang Dynasty (London, 1939); C. Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, III; S. Holth, "The Encounter between Christianity and Chinese Buddhism during the Nestorian Period", Ching-feng, XI (1968), 20-29; K. L. Reichelt, Truth and Tradition in Chinese Buddhism: T.-m. K’ung “Chugoku Keikyō niokeru Bukkyō teki Eikyo ni tsuite" (The ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 SOCIAL & CULTURAL HERITAGE IN N.T. 121 few places in the world where genuine social enquiry is nearly completely free and, second, that, exactly as Dr. Wang Sung-hsing has just told us, the traditional ways of South Chinese rural life have been retained longer here than elsewhere. A simple example about marriage customs will show you what this can mean: In 1950, when I arrived here first, all rural weddings included the bride being carried to her husband's home in a red sedan chair (fa k’iu ##). I well remember the astonishment of a Mainland Chinese anthropologist friend when he saw this "relic" of what to him was an ancient, extinct custom of the remote past that he had never seen in his life before, and he had travelled almost all over China. An interesting paper could be written about the paradox that the preservation of the traditional has been a direct result of colonialism. It happened in rather similar ways almost everywhere in the rural parts of the British colonial empire (and most parts were rural) but there is no time to discuss it this evening. Suffice it to say here that, contrary to popular opinion today, it was not usually the intention of the British colonial administrators (District Officers and the like) to impose alien ways and force change but to leave well alone (as long as in their eyes it was well) and interfere as little as possible. (The well-known book Myself a Mandarin by Austin Coates, once a District Officer in the New Territories, is a fairly representative account of common grass-roots administrative attitudes.) The result was that at least up to the time of the Second World War British colonialism almost everywhere tended to act in one sense rather like a refrigerator, "freezing" the local social and cultural systems at more or less the stage they had been when the British first arrived, and to a surprisingly large extent inhibiting changes that might otherwise have happened. That something like this was certainly the case in the New Territories is obvious. Here, though rice is no longer grown, largely traditional villages can still be found, lineage and clan organisation still exists, formal ancestor worship in ancestral halls (ch'i t'ong: **) is still observed, and people still have a strong sense of local as well as cultural identification which is expressed in temple festivals, with Cantonese opera performances and fa p’aau (JE#) and kam chue (✯*), as well as in the continuance of old local rivalries in new political and administrative forms. Here, too, we can still talk with old people who remember the still recent more ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 NOTES AND QUERIES 131 The Chinese are both adept at make-believe and at the same time very practical—in a way that confuses some Westerners. This flexibility also creates problems for the government of Teng Hsiao-p'ing. I have heard these problems talked about inside China and outside China. The most serious problem is that mid-level cadres report to Peking only what they think will please the orthocrats there. Therefore mid-level cadres conceal from their superiors the fact that a target has not been met. They do not want to be criticized for not meeting targets—and perhaps lose some of their perks. In Peking the perquisites of cadres struck me more than anywhere else. I did not myself see the special schools that their children attend; nor their superior places of residence. What I did see once was a procession of about fifty cars, each with its curtains drawn as if to shield the occupants from curious gazes. I was told that the wife of the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka was visiting Peking. The first of several of the cars in the cavalcade were flying national flags as they went past me on Ch'ang-an Boulevard. Ambassadors rode in them. Afterwards I was walking back to the Peking Hotel, where I lived not in the western part (built with Russian help), but in the eastern part built in 1975. I happened to look in a gateway on the south side of Ch'ang-an Boulevard. I could hardly believe my eyes. What I think I saw was a white marble statue of Stalin, about ten feet tall. I could not enter the courtyard and inspect the statue more closely because the sign at the gate informed me that this was the headquarters of the Ministry of Public Security. The Chinese government is now revealing that many of the statistics released in 1958-1976 were erroneous. It is issuing corrections when it can. But it faces limits. For example, how can it state with certainty the approximate population of the world's most populous country? Cadres in distant areas may be reluctant to report that they have failed to carry out the program to stop married couples from having more than three children. Many peasant families still believe that the best old-age insurance is a larger number of children. Where they feel this way and have four or more children, the village cadre may be reluctant to report the fact to the county cadre; and the ascending accumulation of errors may be concealed from Peking. If Peking does not know the population of an area, it cannot plan to take adequate measures in case of drought—like the one in Kansu, for example, in 1979. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 132 NOTES AND QUERIES Is this mismanagement? It can be called mismanagement by all who are dissatisfied: by ardent Maoists and by the proponents of greater liberalization. Teng Hsiao-p'ing must feel sometimes like a squeezed beancake. He will be criticized by some no matter what he does. The reader must be tired of articles that breathlessly give eye-witness accounts of the truth about China. There is no simple truth about China, which is too large and complicated a country. Articles about it often tell more about the observer than the observed; and about those on whom the observer depended for his information. This problem is not unique to China. England is complicated. The United States is more complicated. Russia and China are still more complicated. About Russia it is hard to learn because of the paranoid secrecy emanating from the Kremlin. About China it is hard to learn because of its long history of ups and downs, ins and outs, and the tendency of most Chinese to assume that "behind the curtain" much is going on that differs from what is going on in public view... During my whole trip in China I never heard any Chinese bring up Mao Tse-tung. His portrait was still everywhere—though I have heard that it is rarer in Canton. There was a very long line of people waiting to enter his mausoleum in Peking. But no guide—no one at all, in fact—brought up the name of Chairman Mao. I had an interesting experience in Nanking. The local head of the China Travel Service gave our tour-group a banquet in order to make amends for a mix-up about our arrival in his city. At the end of the banquet he proposed a toast to friendship between China and the United States, to future tourism, and so on. Then one of our tour group responded by proposing a toast to Mao Tse-tung. I was watching our host's face. He was at a loss. Then, after a moment's pause, he joined in the toast. If I had been he, I would have responded with a toast to George Washington. I had very good luck in visiting monasteries and meeting monks when I went to Sian, Loyang, Nanking, Soochow, Shanghai, and Peking. I have described some of what I learned in the Far Eastern Economic Review for August 15, 1980. Let me say here only that my good luck was because China is a free country today in a way that the Soviet Union is not. While my tour group went off in a bus to see the sights, I hired a taxi and visited a monastery. Only on ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 NOTES AND QUERIES 147 2 On the map, the location of Hong Kong Island should be that of Aberdeen today. There is another large island showing the names of Chung Hum春暟, Chik Chu赤柱, Tai Tam大潭 and Wong Nai Chung黄泥涌. * These two islands should be joined as one, since all these places are located on present day Hong Kong Island. It is probably so drawn because the author drew the map while he was standing on the mainland side, facing the water. * Chin Wan is today's Tsuen Wan. Island. The English name for Yeung Shun Chau is Stonecutters. * See, Map 72 of Volume 2 of Hong Kong Streets and Places published by The Lands and Survey Department of the Hong Kong Government. Also p. 154, Zone 30: Tsing Yi and Ma Wan Islands of A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, 1978 edition. 7 ? See Chapter 13 of the San On Yuen Chi, 1819 edition.✩✩✩✩縣志卷十三、 * See Kwangtung To Shuet✯✯✯x, 1889 edition, and Kwangtung Yu Ti Chuen To (ARж#'), 1909 edition. A TUN FU (£) CEREMONY IN TAI PO DISTRICT, 1981: RITUAL AS A DEMARCATOR OF COMMUNITY I recently had the opportunity to witness a tun fu ceremony in Fung Yuen, a small multilineage village in a coastal valley to the east of Tai Po. Since I found Notes on earlier ceremonies published in this journal by James Hayes to be very valuable as I prepared to observe the Fung Yuen ritual, it occurred to me that other field workers might similarly find my notes on this subject useful. The ceremony aims to protect villagers from the wrath of various spirits that might be disturbed when engineering or construction works affect local fung seui in some way. If indigenous villagers feel that the health and well-being of their community might thus be threatened by government works, they may request such a ceremony. The expenses incurred in the hiring of a specialist to conduct the rituals and the purchase of various items of ritual paraphernalia and sacrificial objects are covered by the district office. Given the pace of development in Hong Kong today, we can expect that such ceremonies will continue to be held frequently. Thus there is considerable value in examining the meanings they hold for the people in whose interests they are performed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 156 NOTES AND QUERIES removal to the housing estate, to ensure that a full scale excavation programme could begin in late 1980. Thereby, through uninterrupt-ed intensive work, we hoped to make up part of the lost time. In the interim one other incident which showed the strength of village feeling about the fung shui hill occurred in November 1979. In this case, a demolition contract had been let for the houses in the old Chung Mei and Lo Uk villages. The Rural Committee and the village elders had agreed, but unexpectedly there was opposition when the contractor began to move his bulldozer into position to start the work. This time, it came from the young men of the village, and we were informed by the Rural Committee Chairman that they could not be persuaded to agree. Upon investigation I found that it was not (in the main) the demolition which was being objected to, but rather the route by which the bulldozer was to obtain access to the old village sites. This was over the face of the same fung shui hill that had been causing the prolonged delay, and naturally it was being objected to. I greatly wished the contract to proceed, on the principle that, when you are dealing with villagers, it is bad to go back on a deci-sion reached with their leaders, besides having to explain to the Finance Branch of the Government Secretariat the claims from the thwarted contractor. However, when I saw how things were, and being mindful of the wisdom of not interfering with the hill, I instructed staff to take the bulldozer by an alternative route. This would still open bare earth on the hillside but it would be out of the sight of the villages, which was what mattered, and it would be on a route to be formed for roadworks at a later stage. In a meet-ing held in my office, the twelve or so young men who had insisted on accompanying the elders, were perfectly agreeable to this solution and the demolition continued. The end of the story is quickly told. The residents of the four villages moved into the new public housing accommodation when it was ready for occupation, the Project Manager (P.W.D.) was able to let his contract, and the successful contractor was at last able to carry out uninterrupted major excavation of soil from the hill-sides. There was trouble at the seashore where mariculturists had to be moved to enable a pier to be built and a channel dredged for the barges that would take away the soil to the Tsuen Wan Bay reclamation: but that is another story! Hong Kong, June 1981 JAMES HAYES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 NOTES AND QUERIES ANOTHER (MISSING?) LIBRARY 157 In 1935, after two years' travel and study in China, Gerald Yorke's book China Changes was published by Jonathan Cape of London. In Chapter Eight, entitled "In Search of a Hermitage", the following extract (p. 159) refers to a library at, it would appear from the final paragraph, "the temple of the Mountain Cave (Tung Yuan) above Lanchi." This is county in Chekiang Province. "In the meantime Li [Li Yuen-tzu, his companion, interpreter and friend, to whom the book is dedicated] had heard of a temple in the hills behind the town. It was not easy to find, and at first sight proved disappointing; for a family of peasants were in charge. But a draper's assistant, whose master had failed, was staying there to study. I had stumbled on a library presented by a scholar (Chao Ke-lao) in the first quarter of the sixteenth century. A tablet in his handwriting still bears witness to the gift. The books are in their original bindings and as fresh as if printed yesterday. Several appear to be of great age. This is hardly surprising, as the Tripitaka, the Bible of Chinese Buddhism in over one thousand volumes (the San Ts'ang), was first struck off wood blocks in the nine hundred and seventy-second year of Our Lord. The draper's assistant knew his way about and picked out for me volumes with exquisite woodcuts as frontispieces. Unfortunately, he never distinguished between the dynasty in which a book had been written or translated, and the century in which it had been printed. I longed for a bibliophile to enlighten me. Over two thousand books printed before the year 1500 survive in as clean a condition as anyone could wish. Before taking them from their cases, sticks of incense and candles are lit by the peasant in charge. It gave me a real thrill to find such a treasure so respected in the hills. The veneration in which learning is held in China has no counterpart in the West. There were too many people living at the temple of the Mountain Cave (Tung Yuan) above Lanchi. I decided to return to the Ch'ientang gorges, where the temple of the Master of the Water Rushes (Lu Su Chen Kung) had attracted me with its name." Does anyone know if this library still exists? Hong Kong. January, 1981. JAMES HAYES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 NOTES AND QUERIES 159 National Biography, but with the library mentioned by Angus Hamilton. What became of it? Hong Kong, May 1982 JAMES HAYES A MISSING CHINESE LIBRARY Our Hon. Librarian, Mr. Rydings, has been following up the question posed in my Note on this subject that appeared in the Journal in the 1976 issue (Vol. 16: 284). The papers reproduced below will be of interest, and may also result in the still missing library being restored to wider public knowledge and use. Hon. Editor 30 July 1980 (I) Letter to The Librarian, David Bishop Skillman Library, Lafayette College, Easton, Pa. 18042 Dear Librarian, William Edgar Geil Please see the enclosed extract* from Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 16, 1976, p. 284. As Dr. Geil was one of your distinguished alumni, I am interested to know whether you can throw any light on the mystery of the missing books. It seems extraordinary if they have disappeared without trace, yet I can find no mention of them other than in the source quoted. Any help which you can provide would be much appreciated. Yours sincerely, H. A. RYDINGS Librarian c.c.: Dr. J. W. Hayes * In order to compile his book Eighteen Capitals of China (Philadelphia and London; J.B. Lippincott Company, 1911) Dr. William Edgar Geil, the celebrated American traveller and author stated in his preface: (p.x) "With the aid of viceroys, governors, Hanlin scholars, librarians, booksellers, we have gathered a large collection, out of which selections by leading scholars have been translated, and a few specimens are given, to let the readers see the old style of book. Local proverbs in themselves have never been brought together on our scale; and to choose from a mass of new material which would fill three volumes has been a difficult task." ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 160 NOTES AND QUERIES It would appear from the introduction penned by the famous American sinologue missionary and teacher, Dr. W.A.P. Martin, that this literary material was collected on the spot, at each capital, comprising "their topographical treasures, a mass of literature destined to form the basis of a Chinese Library" (p. viii). Also that, as for one of Dr. Geil's former books on China, on his journeyings along the Great Wall, Martin had helped to put his materials in shape (p. viii). Does anyone know of the present whereabouts of this valuable collection which presumably was taken back by Dr. Geil to his home in Doylestown, Pennsylvania where, according to Who Was Who in America, he was born, lived and died (1925). Hong Kong, 1977, JAMES HAYES. Postscript (1981). I was in error as to place of death. Dr. Geil died at Venice on 11th April 1925. (II) Letter from The Mercer Museum & Fonthill, The Bucks County Historical Society Pine Street, The Spruance Library Doylestown, PA 18901 H. A. Rydings Librarian University of Hong Kong Pokfulam Road Hong Kong Dear Mr. Rydings: September 18, 1980 Your letter of July 30 was forwarded to us by Mr. Robert G. Gennett of the Lafayette College Library in the hope that we might know something of the present location of the Chinese library of William Edgar Geil. The enclosed copy of a 1910 article in our clipping file indicates that the material did come home with Mr. Geil. However, we do not own it and we do not know what has become of it. When Geil died in 1925, he left his manuscripts and collections in his will to his wife (as indicated in the second enclosed clipping). Mrs. Geil died on January 16, 1959. The newspaper account of her will makes no mention of the library. She did leave a daughter, Mrs. Constance Geil Laycock, who was then of Shaker Heights, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 NOTES AND QUERIES 163 and again in 1921, to share its territory with the Maryknollers. It was to do so yet again when, in 1931, a large part of scenic north central Kwangsi centered on the capital city, Kweilin, was transferred to them. The three books make fascinating reading, partly because these were not ordinary men, and because they worked in China at a time of change, but also because the scene is set in South China among the Hakka and Cantonese of the districts adjacent to Hong Kong where, too, the Order established its mission house and language school in 1934. Indeed, Monsignor Bernard F. Meyer was, with Father Theodore F. Wempe, the author of The Student's Cantonese-English Dictionary, first published in 1935 and still going strong. To end this note of appreciation, I shall quote from a letter sent by one of our members, Mr. W. J. Howard, following publication of the account of Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong, 1941-1946 in the last Journal. Hong Kong, May 1982 JAMES HAYES MR. W. J. HOWARD'S LETTER TO THE HON. LIBRARIAN, dated 18 January 1982 Dear Sir, JOURNAL OF THE HK BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY VOL. 19, 1979 (published 1981) Please send me five (5) copies of the above Journal addressed to me at Causeway Bay PO Box 30704. I will remit the total cost together with postal charge as soon as I receive your debit advice. I require so many extra copies of this particular Journal because I wish to send them to my friends. I consider the articles on the Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-1946 by Rev. James Smith and Rev. William Downs, M.M., shed about the most accurate and unbiased record of Hong Kong during the Japanese occupation. Some of my relatives were interned in Stanley during the war and I was interned in Shamshuipo P.O.W. camp and later in Japan. I Page 195 Page 196 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 164 NOTES AND QUERIES recall delivering some rations to the British army officers stationed in Maryknoll by army truck when I was a sergeant in the Field Company Engineers, H.K.V.D.C. These army officers were fine men and used to thank me politely. Many of the articles written by other people in this connection were high flights of the imagination. The articles by the Maryknoll priests, on the other hand, were devoid of either embellishment or rancour. In Nagoya (Japan) p.o.w. camp I was caught eating a stolen potato and for this I was slapped by 4 guards one after the other for 20 minutes, the last using his belt with metal clasp on my face. I fell to the ground repeatedly. From this you will gather I had no love for the Japanese army guards. Nevertheless I harboured no ill will. I recall the Japanese interpreter's words "Lucky you are a prisoner-of-war. If you were a civilian we would shoot you for stealing from poor Japanese farmer." High praise to your Journal for publishing the Maryknoll account which was like a breeze from the sea-shore as compared with the obnoxious effluvium which characterizes so many reports by other writers. Sincerely, W. J. Howard LIBRARY OF THE NORTH CHINA BRANCH, ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, SHANGHAI Our Hon. Librarian, Mr. H. A. Rydings, has sent in the following note which will be of great interest to readers of this Journal. The Shanghai Library (Shanghai tushuguan) The Shanghai Library, headed by Gu Tinglong, was established in 1952 through the combination of several theretofore separate local libraries, perhaps the most important among them being the Historical Materials Library (Lishi wenxian tushuguan), which previously had been formed from the private collections of several persons (including Zhang Yuanji and Ye Jingkui) and the Zikawei Repository (Xujiahui cangshulou), which now consists of the old Jesuit library of that name, the former collection of the North China ... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM 185 (A), object of worship by the Taoist priesthood. The common people consider Yü-huang Ta-ti, or the Jade Emperor as the supreme head of the divine hierarchy, whereas the Taoist priests worship as their highest creative powers the Three Pure Ones, the Celestial Worthy of the Original Beginning, the Celestial Worthy Ling-Pao and the Celestial Worthy Tao-Te. As a religious organization, Taoism is divided into several sects, each of which has its own emphasis or specialty, roughly corresponding with five major areas of Taoist concern: good conduct, study of classic literature, alchemy (in modern times rather "inner" alchemy, or the search for longevity by "nourishing one's vital energy"), magical and religious rites, and finally divinatory practices. The philosophical ideas of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu slowly permeated Chinese society. "In office a Confucian, in retirement a Taoist" became the tag of the scholar-official and even his Confucianism, after the thirteenth century, was to a large extent philosophical Taoism in disguise (H. Welch, The Parting of the Way. Boston, Beacon Press, 1957, p. 158). The Neo-Confucians borrowed the Taoist concept of an underlying unity, which "does" nothing (i.e., does not make any purposive effort) but accomplishes everything. They took the old Confucian concept of the Rites, li, and extended it to include the laws of nature as well as of man. They also adopted the Taoist goals of minimizing desires, returning to the purity of one's original nature, and identification of the individual with the universe. Through the centuries, the Taoist influence on Chan Buddhism, which appealed particularly to intellectuals, flourished in China from the T'ang through the Sung dynasties and in Japan from the time of the Sung until today. The Japanese call it Zen, which "rejects verbal teaching, disregards logic, discards morality, and regards Heaven and Earth as unkind. It sees no value in good deeds. The only way to be saved is to do nothing about it. Zen believes that salvation, in fact, is a return to our original nature, that no one else can do it for us, and that doing it makes us into the most ordinary and wonderful people" (H. Welch, The Parting of the Way, p. 159). Because the Chinese and Japanese cultures were considered in Japan to be essentially the same, due to the pan-Asian concept dobun doshu (same script, same race), Taoism spread from China... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 188 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Han-shan, 1546–1623. Kuan Lao-Chuang ying hsiang lun. Taipei, 1974. 憨山,觀老莊影响論.台北,廣文書局,1974.278 p. BC Hsi-hsin-tzu、Ming-tao yù lu. Taipei, 1970. 洗心子,明道語錄,再版,台北,真善美出版社,1970. 4, 5, 6, 159 p. LC Hsiao, Tien-shih, Tao-chia yang sheng hsiüeh kai yao. Taipei, 1963 蕭天石.道家養生學概要·儒釋合叁.台北,自由出版社,1963. 7, 3, 4, 450, 2, 6 p. LC Hu, Che-fu. Lao-chuang che-hsüeh. Shanghai, 1935. 胡哲敷,老莊哲學,上海,中華書局,1935.1 v. CA Kaibara, Ekiken, 1630-1714. Shinshiroku. Osaka.1815. 益軒貝,慎思錄, 大阪, 勝寫喜六郎,1815.6v. Kan ying lei ch'ao, Taipei, 1967. BC 感應類鈔,史潔珵纂輯,台北,自由出版社,1967. 158 p. LC. SA Kimura, Eiichi, 1906– Rō-shi no shinkenkyů. Tokyo, 1959. 木村英一,老子の新研究.東京,創文社,1959. 7, 2, 633, 9, 25 p. LC Ko, Hsüan. Ko-hsien-weng chih tao hsin ch'uan. Taipei, 1968. 葛玄,葛仙翁至道心傳,台北,自由出版社,1968.5, 34, 102 p. LC, SA Lao-Chuang ssit hsiang yi hsi fang che-hsieh. Taipei, 1968. 老莊思想與西方哲學,宋稚青譯,台北,三民書局,1968. 4, 170 p. LC Li, Shu-huan. Tao-chiao tien ku chi. Kao-hsiung, 1975. 李叔還,道教典故集,高雄,李叔還,1975. 6, 7, 104 p. BC, LC Li, Shu-huan. Tao-chiao yao i wen ta ta ch'üan. Kao-hsiung, 1972. 李叔還,道教要義問答大全,修訂本,高雄,李叔還,1972. 6, 25, 237 p. BC Li, Tao-shun. Chung-hochi. Taipei, 1957. 李道純,中和集,台北,自由出版社,1957. 4, 6, 178 p. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM Liang, Jung-mao. Pao-p'u-tzu yen chiu. Taipei, 1977. 梁榮茂,抱朴子研究,台北,牧童出版社, 1977. 189 LC 2, 2, 173 p. Ling-hsüeh shih i. Taipei, 1970. 靈學釋義,謝冠能編輯,台北,世界紅卍字台灣分會,1970. 28 p. LC Liu, Ming-jui, Chiao-ch'iao tung chang. Taipei, 1965. 劉名瑞.敲蹻洞章.台北,真善美出版社,1965. 9, 63, 4, 71 p. SA Liu, Tsun-jen. Ho-feng-tang tu shu chi. Hongkong, 1977. 柳存仁,和風堂讀書記.香港,龍門書店,1977. 2v. LC Lun tao lu. Chengtu, 1921. 論道錄.成都,聚昌公司,1921. 21 double leaves. CA Man-Mō hokushi no shūkyō bijutsu. Tokyo, 1943–44. 滿蒙北支の宗教美術,逸見梅榮編,東京,丸善,1943-44. 8 v. Mori, Mikisaburō, 1909– “Mu” no shisō. Tokyo, 1969. “無”の思想,森三樹三郎,東京,講談社,1969. 216 p. LC BC, LC Mou, Tsung-san. Ts'ai hsing yü hsüan li. Kowloon, 1962. 牟宗三,才性與玄理,九龍,人生出版社, 1962. 3, 5, 384 p. LC 205 p. Ohama, Akira, 1904– Chūgoku kodai no ronri. Tokyo, 1950. 大濱晧,中國古代の論理,東京,東京大學出版會,1950. LC Oyanagi, Shigeta, 1870-1940. Dōkyō gaisetsu. Taipei, 1966. 小柳司氣太,道教概說,台北,台灣商務,1966. 2, 92 p. BC, CA Oyanagi, Shigeta, 1870–1940. Dōkyō no ippan. Tokyo, 1935. 小柳司氣太.道教の一斑,東京,東方書院,1935. 1 v. CA Oyanagi, Shigeta, 1870-1940. Rō-Sō kenkyū no gendaiteki igi. Tokyo, 1939. 小柳司氣太,老莊研究の現代的意義.東京,啟明會, 1939. 47, 25 p. BC ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 190 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Oyanagi, Shigeta, 1870–1940. Rō-Sō no shiso to Dōkyō. Tokyo, 1943. 小柳司氣太,老莊の思想匕道教,東京,關書院,1943. 13, 392 p. CA, LC Pao sung pao ho chi. Hongkong, 1962. 寶松抱鶴記.覺慈編輯,香港,雲鶴山房,1962. 14, 492 p. LC Shan-yin-chu-shih. Tao ling fa man t'an. Kowloon, 1977. 山隱居士,導靈法漫談,九龍,青山出版社,1977. 186 p. LC Shimode, Sekiyo, 1918– Dōkyō. Tokyo, 1971. 下出積與,道教.東京,評論社,1971.254 p. CA, LC T'ai-wan tao shih ming chien. Hu-wei-chen, Yün-lin hsien. 1977. 台灣道士名鑑.主編廖和桐,雲林縣虎尾鎮,道德文化出版* *, 1977. 49, 6 leaves. LC Takeuchi, Yoshio, 1886– Rō-shi to Sō-shi. Tokyo, 1935. 武内義雄,老子莊子.東京,岩波書店,1935. 1 v. CA T'an, Ch'iao. T'an-tzu hua shu Chuang-Lieh shih lun ho k'an. Taipei, 1961. 譚峭,譚子化書,莊列十論合刊,台北,自由出版社.1961. 85 p. LC, SA T'ao, Hung-ching, 456–536. Chen kao. Taipei, 1965. 陶弘景撰,真誥.台北,台灣商務,1965. 2 v. (255 p.) CA, SA T'ao, Shih-yü, fl. 1690–1694. Chou-i ts'an-t'ung-ch'i mo wang. Taipei, 1962. 陶式玉,周易參同契脉望,台北,自由出版社,1962. 1 v. LC, SA Tao-chiao yen chiu tzu liao. Pan-ch'iao, 1974– 道教研究資料,嚴一萍編,台北縣板橋,藝文印書館, 1974- v. LC, SA Tao shu ch'üan chi chen pen. n.p., 16- 道書全集真本. n.p.,嵩秀堂藏版.16-32v. CA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM 191 Tao shu shih ĕrh chung. Shanghai, 1913. 道書十二種,上海,江東書局,1913. 16 v. CA Tao-tsang. Shanghai, 1924–26. 道藏,上海,商務,1924-26. 1200 v. in 128 cases. CA, SA Tao-tsang chi yao. Taipei, 1971. 道藏輯要,賀龍驤校勘,台北,考正出版社,1971. 25 v. (11308 p.) LC, SA Tao-tsang ching hua lu. Shanghai, 1922. 道藏精華錄,丁福保編纂,上海,醫學書局,1922. 12 v. CA Tao-t'ung ta ch'eng. Taipei, 1975. 道統大成,汪東亭輯,台北,新文豐出版公司,1975. 2 v. LC Ts'ao, Wen-i. Ling yüan ta tao ko pai hua chieh. Taipei, 1964. 曹文逸. 靈源大道歌白話解,台北,自由出版社,1964. 1 v. LC, SA Wan, Shang-fu (Ming dynasty). T'ing hsin chai k’o wen. Taipei, 1966. 萬尚父,聽心齋客問,台北,台灣商務,1966. 13 p. SA Wei, Po-yang. Ku pen Chou-i ts'an-tung-ch'i chi chu. Taipei, 1974. 魏伯陽,古本周易參同契集註,台北,自由出版社,1974. 398 p. SA Wu shang mi yao. Taipei, 1966. 無上秘要,撰人不詳,台北,台灣商務,1966. 8 p. SA Yen Ling-feng, 1903- Tao-chia ssu tzu hsin pien. Taipei, 1968. 嚴靈峯,道家四子新編,台北,台灣商務,1968. 2, 6, 2, 858 p. LC Yoshioka, Yoshitoyo, 1916– Eisei e no negai. Kyoto, 1970. 吉岡義豐, 永生への願、道教, 京都,淡交社,1970. 271 p. LC Yü-ch'iao-tzu. Hsüan-hsüeh mi lu. Taipei, 1975. 玉樵子,玄學秘錄,再版增訂本. 台北, 1975. [41] double leaves. LC ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 192 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Yüan, Chou-tsung. Lao-tzu shen shih chi ch'i ping hsieh ssu hsiang t'an tse. Taipei, 1977. 袁宙宗,老子身世及其兵學思想探賾,台北,台灣商務,1977. 280. [20] p. 2. BIBLIOGRAPHIES AND INDEXES 目錄與索引 Cheng-t'ung Tao-tsang mu lu so yin. Pan-ch'iao, 1977, LC 正統道藏目錄索引,原編者施博爾,改編者李殿魁,台北縣板橋,藝文印書館,1977 490. 64 p. LC Chuang-lin hsü Tao-tsang. Taipei, 1975. 莊林續道藏,莊陳登雲守傳,台北,成文出版社,1975. 25 v. (33,7496 p.) Chung wai Lao-tzu chu shu mu lu. Taipei, 1975. SA 中外老子著述目錄,嚴靈峯編纂,台北,中華叢書編審委員,1957. 12, 380, 6 p. LC Kyoto Joshi Daigaku. Toshokan. Min seitohon Dōzo shomei jikaku sakuin. Kyoto, 1965. 京都女子大學圖書館,明正統道藏書名宇畫索引,京都,該館,1965. 11, 64, 2, 5 p. CA Lieh chen yi lu chi yao. Taipei, 1958. 列真語錄輯要,孫誠德.李誡志編輯.台北,自由出版社,1958. 2. 122 p. Mi tien chu lin. n.p., 19– 秘殿珠林,n.p., 19- 8v. LC, SA, CA Tao-tsang mu lu hsiang chu. Taipei, 1975. 道藏目錄詳註,李杰註.台北,廣文書局,1975. 10, 4, 4, 326 p. Tao-tsang tzu mu yin te. Peking, 1935. CA, LC 道藏子目引得,翁獨健編,北平,哈佛燕京學社,1935. xxxvi. 216 p. Tonkō bunken bunrui mokuroku. Tokyo, 1969. SA 敦煌文獻分類目錄:道教之部,吉岡義豐編,東京,東洋文庫,1969. 83 p. LC ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 194 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Kuan, Hsi. Wen-shih-chen-ching. Taipei, 1960. 關喜,文始真經,台北,自由出版社,1960.1v. LC. SA Lu, Hsi-hsing. Nan-hua chen ching fu mo. Taipei, 1974. 陸西星,南華真經副墨,台北,自由出版社,1974. 20 LC, SA Nan-hua chen ching. n.p., 1530. 南華真經,郭象註,陸德明音義.n.p.,世德堂刊,1530. LC 6 v. Noja Todokkyong. Korea, 1976. 新鐸老子道德經,盧台俊譯解,什舍,弘新文化社,1976. 290 p. LC Ro-shi. Tokyo, 1973. 老子,小川環樹訳註,東京,中央公論社,1973. 157 p. LC Rō-shi, Resshi. Tokyo, 1965. 老子·列子.奥平卓,大村盆夫訊,東京,經營思潮研究會,1965. 286 p. LC Sha-chou chu tzu erh shih liu chung. Taipei, 1971. 沙州諸子二十六種,台北,廣文書局,1971.1v. LC Shima, Kunio, 1908– Rõ-shi kosei. Tokyo, 1973. 島邦男,老子校正,東京,汲古書院,1973. 226 p. LC So-shi. Tokyo, 1971- 莊子.金谷治譯註,東京,岩波書店,1971-v. LC So-shi. Tokyo, 1965. 莊子,岸陽子說,東京,經營思潮研究會,1965. 286 p. LC T'ai-i-chen-jen. T'ai-i pei-chi-tsun-ching Hun-yüan-i-ch'i miao-ching ho k'an. Taipei, 1971. 太乙真人,太乙北極尊經,混元一炁妙經合刊.台北,自由出版社,1971.1v. LC. SA T'ai-shang-hsin-ching. Taipei, 1960. 太上心經,玄元子輯,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA T ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM 195 T'ai-shang wu chi ta tao san-shih-liu pu chen ching. Taipei, 1971. 太上無極大道三十六部真經,蕭天石編刊,台北,自由出版,1971. 1 v. LC, SA Tao-te-ching chiang i. Taipei, 1970. 道德經講義,宋常星註解,台北,三民書局,1970. 3, 69, 68 leaves. LC Tao-te-ching chieh. Taipei, 1975. 道德經解,呂峦注,台北,廣文書局,1975. 4, 76 p. LC Wang, Fu-chih, 1619–1692. Chuang-tzu chieh. Taipei, 1974. 王夫之,莊子解,台北,河洛圖書出版社,1974. 4, 4, 2, 286 p. LC Wen-tzu. Sung pen T'ung-hsüan-chen-ching. Shanghai, 1928. 文子. 宋本通玄真經,徐靈府注,上海,涵芬楼,1928. 2 v. CA Wu, Chen-chien. Chuang-tzu p'ang chu. Taipei, 1975. 吳承漸,莊子旁注,台北,廣文書局,1975. 2 v. (692 p.) LC 4. HISTORY OF TAOISM Akizuki, Kan'ei, 1922– Chugoku kinsei Dōkyō no keiser. Tokyo, 1978. 秋月觀英,中國近世道教の形成,東京,創文社,1978. 264, 20, 17 p. LC Ch'en, Yüan, 1879– Nan-Sung ch'u Ho-pei hsin Tao-chiao k'ao. Peking, 1941. 陳垣,南宋初河北新道教考,北平,輔仁大學,1941. 112 p. CA, LC Fu, Chin-chia. Chung-kuo Tao-chiao shih. Shanghai, 1937. 傅勤家,中國道教史.上海,商務,1937. 5, 242 p. LC Kubo, Noritada. Chugoku no shukyo kaikaku. Kyoto, 1967. 窪德忠.中國の宗教改革,京都,法藏館,1967. 205, 6 p. CA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 198 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Chang, Yung-ch’eng. Wu-chen-pien chi chu. Taipei, 1962. 張用成,悟真篇集注,台北,自由出版社,1962. 1 v. LC, SA Chao, Liang-p'i. Hsüan wei hsin yin. Taipei, 1968. 趙兩弼,玄微心印,台北,自由出版社,1968. 2, 25, 15, 19 p. LC, SA Chao, Pi-chen, b. 1860. Hsing-ming fa chüeh ming chih. Taipei, 1963. 趙避塵,性命法訣明指,台北,真善美出版社,1963. 34, 514 p. LC Ch'en, Hsien-wei. Wen-shih-chen-ching yen wai ching chih. Taipei, 1965. 陳顯微,文始真經言外經旨,台北,自由出版社,1965. 114, 2 p. LC, SA Ch'en, Hsü-pai. Hsuan-tsung cheng chih. Taipei, 1966. 陳虛白,玄宗正旨,再版,台北,自由出版社,1966. 2, 6, 152 p. LC, SA Chiang, K’o-chih. Hsiu tao chuan chih. Taipei, 1964. 蔣克志,修道全指,台北,自由出版社,1964. 100, 22, 50 p. LC, SA Fang-nei-san-jen. Nan pei ho ts'an fa yao. Taipei, 1958. 方内散人,南北合法要,台北,自由出版社,1958. 4, 198 p. LC, SA Fu, Chin-ch’üan. Cheng tao i k'uan chen chi. Taipei, 1959, 傅金銓,證道一貫真機,台北,自由出版社,1959. 2 v. LC, SA Fu, Chin-ch'uan. Hsing t'ien cheng ku Wu-hsing ch'iung yüan ho k'an. Taipei, 1960. 傅金銓.性天正鵲、悟性窮源合刊、台北,自由出版社,1960. 25, 64 p. LC, SA Han-ku-tzu. Wu-hsing ch'iung yüan. n.p., 1852. 涵谷子,悟性窮原.n.p.,山陽縣大白洞存版,1852. 2, 2, 38 double leaves. CA Hsiao, T'ien-shih. Tao hai hsüan wei. Taipei, 1974. 蕭天石,道海玄徽、台北,自由出版社,1974. 15, 691 p. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM 199 Hsing ming kuei chih. Taipei, 1965. 性命圭旨,尹真人門人著,台北,自由出版社,1965. 1 v. LC, SA Hsing ming shuang hsiu yao chih ho pien. Taipei, 1958. 性命雙修要旨合编,台北,自由出版社,1958. 1 v. LC, SA Hsüan-tsung nei tien. Taipei, 1964. 玄宗内典,邵以止輯錄,台北,自由出版社,1964. 120, 34, 1, 25, 18 p. LC, SA Hsüan-yang-tzu. Liming pien. Taipei, 1955. 玄陽子,立命篇,台北,自由出版社,1955. 36 p. LC, SA Huang, Ta-pai. Huang-t'ing yao tao Hsüan-tsung cheng chih ho k'an. Taipei, 1961. 黃大白.黃庭要道玄宗正旨合刊.台北,自由出版社,1961. 30,29 p. LC, SA Hui-yang-tzu. Hsuan chi chih chih. Taipei, 1960. 回陽子,玄機直指.台北,自由出版社,1960. 34 p. LC, SA Ko, Hsuan. Ta tao chen ti. Taipei, 1966. 葛玄,大道真諦,台北,自由出版社,1966. 51, 54, 8, 34 p. LC, SA Li, Hsi-yüeh. Tao-ch'iao t'an San-ch'e-mi-chih ho k'an. Taipei, 1967. 李西月,道竅談,三車秘旨合刊,台北,自由出版社,1967. 12, 112 p. LC, SA Liu, Chih-t'ang. San chia hsiu tao mi chih. Taipei, 1971. 劉止唐,三家修道秘旨,台北,自由出版社,1971. 1 v. LC, SA Liu, I-ming. Hsiu tao mi yao. Taipei, 1965. 劉一明.修道秘要,台北,自由出版社,1965. 4, 1, 194 p. LC, SA Liu, I-ming. I tao hsin fa chen ch'uan. Taipei, 1962. 劉一明. 易道心法真傳,台北,自由出版社,1962. 1 v. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 200 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Liu, I-ming. Ta tao p'o i chih chih. Taipei, 1960. 劉一明,大道破疑直指,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1V LC, SA Liu, Ming-jui. Tao yüan ching wei ko. Taipei, 1965. 劉名瑞,道源精微歌,台北,真善美出版社,1965. 3, 70, 95 p. LC, SA Lu, Hsi-hsing. Fang-hu wai shih, Taipei, 1970. 陸西星,方壺外史,增訂再版.台北,自由出版社,1970. 2 v. (652 p.) LC, SA Lu, Tan-t'ing. Shang cheng hsiu tao mi chih ssu chung. Taipei, 1974. 盧丹亭,上乘修道秘旨四種,台北,自由出版社,1974. 1 v. LC, SA Lu, Tan-t'ing. Tan-t'ing chen jen ch'uan tao mi chi. Taipei, 1976. 盧丹亭, 丹亭真人傳道密集,台北,自由出版社,1976. 511 p. in various pagings. LC Lü, Yen, b. 798. Lü-tsu chih-hsüan-p'ien mi chu. Taipei, 1959. 呂燕,呂祖指玄篇秘註.台北, 財團法人恩修宮, 1959. 37 double leaves. CA Lü, Yen, b. 798. Lü-tsu hsin-fa wu-p'ien chu. Taipei, 1960, 呂嵓,呂祖心法五篇註,台北, 自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA P'eng, Shun-i. Ch'eng chih lu. Taipei. 1960. 彭純一,承志錄.台北,自由出版社,1960.1v. LC, SA Shang ch'eng hsiu chen ta ch'eng chi. Taipei, 1961. 上乘修真大成集,明老人等傳述,台北,自由出版社, 1961. 4, 127 p. LC, SA Tao miao tsao wan kung k'o ching i. Taipei, 1969. 道廟早晚功課經義,趙家焯編訂.台北, 道學雜誌社, 1969. 8, 18, 112 p. LC Yang, Chien-hsing. Chih-tao-chen-ch'uan Shou-shih-pao-yüan ho k'an, Taipei, 1966. 揚踐形,指真導詮,壽世保元合刊.台北,自由出版社, 1966. 4, 6, 138, [70] p. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM Yün-chi ch'i ch'ien. Taipei, 1975. 雲笈七籤,張君房輯,台北,台灣商務,1975. 852 p. 201 CA, LC, SA # 6. BIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM Chang, Ch'i-chün. Chih hui ti Lao-tzu. Taipei, 1976. 張起鈞,智慧的老子.台北,新天地書局,1976. 6, 2, 208 p. 6.2, LC Chang, Chih-ho. Hsüan-chen-tzu. Taipei, 1966. 張志和,玄真子,台北,台灣商務,1966. 55 p. SA Cheng, Ch'ang-shih. Hsien hsüeh cheng-chuan. Taipei, 1960. 鄭昌時,仙學正傳,台北,自由出版社,1960. 42, 33 p. LC, SA Chih-yu-tzu. Taipei, 1966 至游子,撰人不詳,台北,台灣商務,1966. 68 p. SA Chung-li, Ch'üan. Chung-Lü ch'uan tạo ch’üan chi. Taipei, 1965. 鍾離權,鍾呂傳道全集,台北,自由出版社,1965. 244 p. LC, SA Hai-ling san-hsien chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 海陵三仙傳,撰人不詳,上海,商務,1937. 9 p. SA Hsiang an tu. Shanghai, 1933. 香案牘,陳繼儒纂,上海,商務,1933. 1, 2, 13 p. CA Hsiao yao ti tzu yu jen: Chuang-tzu. Chung-ho hsiang, T'ai-pei hsien, 1967. 逍遙的自由人:莊子,林耀川編譯,台北縣中和鄉,常春樹,1976. 194 p. LC Hsien li chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 仙史傳,太上隱者輯,上海,商務,1937. 5 p. CA Huang, Lu-tseng, 1487-1561. Chung-Lü ĕrh hsien chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 黄魯曾,鍾呂二仙傳,上海,商務,1937. 2, 2 p. Huang, Yung-liang. Pei-p'ai ch'i chen hsiu tao shih chuan. Taipei, 1965, 黃永亮,北派七真修道史傳,台北,自由出版社,1965. 88 p. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 202 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Keng-sang, Ch'u. K’eng-tsang-tzu. Taipei, 1955. 庚桑楚,亢滄子,台北,台灣商務,1955. 48, 2 p. SA Ko, Ch'ang-keng. Pai-yü-ch'an ch'üan chi. Taipei, 1969. 葛長庚,白玉蟾全集,台北,自由出版社,1969. 3 v. (1472 p.) LC, SA Ko, Hung, ca. 350-330. Pao-p'u-tzu. Taipei, 1965. 葛洪.抱朴子,台北,中華書局,1965. 365 p. in various pagings. LC, SA Lao-tzu yen chiu tzu liao hui pien. Hongkong, 1974. 老子研究資料彙編,香港,陶齊書屋,1974. 2 v. Lieh-hsien ch'üan chuan. Peking, 1961. 列仙全傳,王世貞辑,北京,中華書局,1961. 3 v. LC CA Liu, Hsiang, 77?–6? B.C. Li tai chen hsien shih chuan. Taipei, 1960. 劉向,歷代真仙史傳,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA Lü, Yen, b. 798. Lü-tsu ch’üan shu. Taipei, 1967. 呂函,呂祖全書,台北,自由出版社,1967. 2 v. (806 p.) LC, SA Murakami, Yoshimi, 1906– Chugoku no sennin. Kyoto, 1967. 村上嘉實,中國の仙人,京都,平樂寺書店,1967. 3, 2, 248, 12 p. LC, SA Shen, Fen, 10th cent. Hsü shen-hsien chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 沈汾,續神仙傳,上海,商務,1937. 1, 1, 3 p. CA Shoji, Tatsusaburo. Shina sennin retsuden. Tokyo, 1911. 東海林辰三郎,支那仙人列傳,東京,聚精堂,1911. 3, 3, 15, 498 p. CA, LC Ssu-ma, Ch'eng-cheng. Tien-yin-tzu. Taipei, 1966. 司馬承禎,天隱子,台北,台灣商務,1966. 14 p. SA Tung yû t'u chih. Shanghai, 1936. 洞寓圖志,鄧牧編,上海,商務,1936. 2 v. in 1. CA Wang, Chien, Sung dynasty. I-hsien-chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 王簡,疑仙傳,上海,商務,1937. 2, 21 p. CA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM 203 Wu, Shou-yang. Ku pen Wu-liu hsien-tsung ch'üan chi. Taipei, 1962. 伍守陽, 古本伍柳仙宗全集, 台北, 真善美出版社, 1962. 716 p. LC, SA Wu-neng-tzu. Taipei, 1965. 無能子, 撰人不詳, 台北, 台灣商務, 1965. 52 p. SA 7. RELATIONSHIP WITH CONFUCIANISM AND BUDDHISM 與儒佛等之關係 Chang, Shang-te. Ju Tao sheng ming che-hsüeh. Taipei, 1976. 張尚德, 儒道生命哲學, 台北, 帕米爾書店, 1976. 5, 3, 143 p. LC Chao, Ling-ling, 1947- Hsien Ch'in Ju Tao liang chia hsing shang ssu hsiang ti yen chiu. Taipei, 1977. 趙玲玲. 先秦儒道兩家形上思想的研究. 台北, 嘉新水泥公司文化基金會, 1977. 2, 166 p. LC Chao, Yü-hsiu. San-chiao yüeh yen. Hongkong, 1971. 趙聿修. 三教約言. 香港, 圓玄學院, 1971. 40, 39 p. BC Chu, Ching-chou. Wu-cheng Fo fa yü Chung-kuo wen hua. Taipei, 1968. 朱鏡宙, 五乘佛法與中國文化. 台北, 樂清朱氏詠莪堂, 1968. 3, 4, 261 p. LC Huang, Shang. San-chiao ho tsung lo yü t’ang yü lu. Taipei, 1962. 黄裳. 三教合宗樂育堂語錄, 台北, 自由出版社, 1962. 1 v. LC, SA Hung, Tzu-ch'eng. Hung-shih hsien Fo ch'i tsung. Taipei, 1960. 洪自誠, 洪氏仙佛奇蹤, 台北, 自由出版社, 1960. 2 v. LC, SA Ju Dō shishi meigen ko. Tokyo, 1978. 儒道四子名言考, 五十嵐一郎, 東京, 空間書院, 1978. 225, 4 p. LC ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM Tu, Wang-chih. Ju Fo Tao chih hsin yang yen chiu. Taipei, 1968. 205 杜望之,儒佛道之信仰研究,台北,明書局,1968. vi, 4, 2, 178 p. BC, CA, LC Wei, Shou, 506–572. Gisho shakuroshi no kenkyū. Kyoto, 1961. 魏收,魏書釋老志の研究,京都,佛教文化研究所出版部,1961. 5, 7, 544 p. CA, LC Wu, I, 1939- Ch'an yü Lao-Chuang. Taipei, 1970. 吳怡,禪與老莊.台北,三民書局,1970. 4, 2, 185 p. LC Wu, Yao-yü. San-chiao li ts'e. Taipei, 1976. 吳耀玉,三教蠡測,台北,新文學出版公司,1976. 804, [34] p. LC Yamemuro, Saburo, 1905– Jukyō to Rō-Sō. Tokyo, 1966. 文室三良,儒教老莊,東京,明德出版社,1966. 210 p. BC, LC Yang-chen-tzu. Kuan t'ung san-chiao yang chen chi. Taipei, 1966. 養真子,贯通三教養真集,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA Yang, Fu. Ch'an hsüan hsien chiao pien. Shanghai, 1936. 楊溥. 禪玄顯教編.上海,商務,1936. 1 v. CA Yoshioka, Yoshitoyo, 1916– Dōkyō to Bukkyō. Tokyo, 1959. 吉岡義豐、道教佛教,東京,日本學術振興會,1959. v. CA, LC 8. ALCHEMY AND HYGIENE Chang, Sung-ku. Tan-ching chih nan. Taipei, 1959. 張松谷,丹經指南,台北,自由出版社,1959. 1 v. LC, SA Chang, T'ung. Chang San-feng t'ai chi lien tan mi chüeh. Taipei, 1976. 張通,張三丰太極鍊丹秘訣,台北,自由出版社,1976. 2, 268 p. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM Nei wai kung t'u shuo chi yao. Taipei, 1971. 207 内外功圖說輯要,莫釐席纂輯,再版,台北,自由出版社,1971. 20, 6, 444 p. LC. SA Nü-chin-tan fa yao. Taipei, 1960. 内金丹法要,傅金銓輯錄,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA Tao-chia yang sheng mi chih tao lun. Taipei, 1965. 道家養生秘旨導論,歷代古真傳,台北,自由出版社,1965. 3, 3, 22, 4, 6, 191 p. LC, SA Wai-chin-tan ta ch'eng chi. Taipei, 1970. 外金丹大成集,歷代外金丹祖師傳著,台北,自由出版社,1970. 1 v. LC, SA Wu, Shou-yang. Nei-chin-tan hsin fa mi chih. Taipei, 1960. 伍守陽,内金丹心法秘指,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1, 62 p. LC, SA Wu, Shou-yang. Wu Ch'ung-hsü tan-tao-ch'üan-shu Tan-tao-ju-men ho k'an. Taipei, 1965. 伍守陽,伍冲虚丹道全書,丹道入門合刊. 台北,自由出版社,1965. 1 v. LC, SA 9. IMMORTALS 神仙 Ch'ang sheng ch'i kung chieh fa chi ch'eng. Taipei, 1969. 長生氣功捷法集成,台北,自由出版社,1969. 5, 88, 89 p. LC, SA Chou, Shao-hsien. Tao-chia yi shen hsien. Taipei, 1970. 周紹賢,道家與神仙,台北,台灣中華,1970. 4, 4, 276 p. Hsien hsieh chen ch'üan, Taipei, 1960. 仙學真詮葆真子元同子傳述,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA Hsien hsieh chi chin. Taipei, 1963. 仙學集錦,龔松仙編著,台北,真善美出版社,1963. 3, 4, 12, 7, 318, 4 p. LC. SA Hsien hsieh miao hsüan, Taipei, 1967. 仙學妙選,李帶俅編,台北,真善美出版社,1967. 11, 9, 472 p. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 208 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Hsien hsüeh tz'u tien. Taipei, 1962. 仙學辭典,戴源長編著.台北,台灣台北監獄印刷工場, 1962. 2, 2, 15, 175 p. LC Hsien-yüan-pien-chu, Chih-yen tsung ho k'an. Taipei, 1976. 佛苑編珠, 至言總合刊.蕭天石主編.台北,自由出版社, 1976. 3, 2, 244 p. LC, SA Li shih chen hsien t'i tao t’ung chien. Taipei, 1968. 歷世真仙體道通鑑,趙全陽纂輯,台北,自由出版社, 1968. 3 v. (1356 p.) LC, SA Lü, Yen. b. 798. Ching-tso-fa chi yao. Taipei, 1976, 呂峦.靜坐法輯要.三版增訂本.台北,自由出版社, 1976. 4, 8, 320 p. LC, SA Shih, Chien-wu. Hsi-shan-ch'ün-hsien-hui-chen-chi, Chin-lien- cheng-tsung-chi ho k'an. Taipei, 1965. 施肩吾,西山潭仙會真記,金蓮正宗記合刊.台北,自由出 版, 1965. 230 p. LC, SA Shimode, Sekiyo, 1918– Shinsen shiso. Tokyo, 1968. 下出積與,神仙思想,東京,訓弘文館,1968. 3, 5, 249, 8 p. CA, LC Wang, Chien-chang. Hsien shu mi k'u. Taipei, 1960. 王建章,仙術秘庫,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA ## 10. PERIODICALS Dōkyō kenkyu. Tokyo, 1965- 道教研究第1——册.東京,豐島書店,1965- CA, LC Tao-chiao wen hua. (Journal of Taoist culture) Taipei, 1977- 道教文化.台北,道教文化雜誌社,1977- SA Tõhō shukyō. Kyoto, 19– 東方宗教,京都,19- CA, LC : ! Page 240 Page 241 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 p.61 last line p.62 line 17 + p.63 line 16 For "contrtdiction” read “contradiction" "resistence" read "resistance' ** "late" P.64 line 7 ** "Histoy" p.65 ** line t p.65 line 3 P.65 line 10 p.72 sixteenth line from foot For p.77 line 11 p.79 footnote 14 p.83 line 1 ** p.86 line 16 Hong Kong Daily Press in italics Delete second note 13 Insert Daily after Hong Kong "ae" read Delete the second “any” "are" For "centur" read "century" "Kai" supersitious" read "later" "History" "Kat" p.88 third line from foot ++ **beieve" read "believe" p.88 "superstitious" second line from foot "weis" p.89 ** line 14 ** “wais” ** “determinded” read “determined" 44 p.90 “determined" line 10 ** p.91 footnotes 2 and 3 p.93 ‘scienfitic” read "scientific* "Rubos" "Dubos" line 3 14 p.94 line 3 Delete "to" "anthropilogical" read “anthropological” p.101 fourteenth line from foot Delete second comma after p.107 line 1 p.107 line 3 p.112 note 10 line 1 p.113 note 20 line 2 p.114 note 41 line 3 p.116 eighth line from foot p.117 fourteenth line from foot p.118 third line from foot p.119 line 2 "changed" For "he" read “Exsultet” to be in italics "the" For "occasion" read "occasions" Insert bracket before "London" For "Uterageri” read “Unter Ageri" "granduate" "graduate" "crucial" "curcial" ++ Insert "on" after “study” Insert "study" after “careful” For "Territiries" read p.119 line 7 "Territories" p.119 line 10 p.119 line 13 "if" "and" "of" "and" ** ++ p.120 line 20 ** "Vitually" + p.120 fifth line from foot ** "palced" 17 "Virtually" "placed" p.121 line 10 p.122 line 5 p.166 line 7 p.212 line 1 ++ ++ "extint custom” read “extinct custom of" "new" read “now” "publir" ** "public" "in" "is" ** 1+ I regret these errors which I am bound to ascribe to defective eyesight and looking at the text too often, or both, and wish to thank Mr. H. A. Rydings for his help.-J.W.H. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 210 DAVID FAURE 71 Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Wan Yau 14.7.81, Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80. 72 Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80. 73 Mr. Lau Shang 24.8.81, Mr. Ng Tso 24.8.81, Mr. Chung Tin Fuk 24.8.81, Mr. Chan Shui Yung 25.8.81. 74 Mr. Kong Cheung 28.8.81, Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81. 75 Mr. Chung Tin Fuk 24.8.81, Mr. Loh Kai Faat 22.8.81. 77 Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 also mentioned Mr. Koo T'in Lam as a key member of the Wai Ch'i Wooi. 78 Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81. The composition of the administrative districts may be found in "Special issue on regulations promulgated by the Governor of the occupied territory of Hong Kong", Ya-chou shang-pao, supplement (n.d., n.p.) pp. 25-29. A copy is in the holdings of the library of the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. See also Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81. 70 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Uen Chiu Ming 16.1.81, 13.2.81, 7.3.81, Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81. 80 Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80. 81 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shui Yung 25.8.81. 82 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81. 83 ibid. ** It would seem that these three subjects left a stronger impression than disruption to education and the ritual life. Many villagers inter-viewed reported that they stopped going to school when the War broke out. The annual celebration at the T'in Hau Temple in Sai Kung Market stopped until the last year of the War (see int. Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80). 85 Madam Wan 20.7.81. 86 Mr. Uen Chun Wan 22.6.81. 87 Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81. 88 Mr. Chan Uet Shing 24.6.81. 89 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80. 90 Mr. Lau Wan 28.8.81. 91 Mr. Shing Uen On 21.8.81, Mr. Shek Kwong Lin 16.11.80, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Wing 8.1.81. 92 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81. 93 There were also several reports that 1 catty of rice per day in addition to a money wage was given to construction workers. See Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81. 94 Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81, 5.6.81, Mrs. Tsui née Lei 20.5.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. 95 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.81. 96 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mrs. Uen 18.1.81, 24.1.81, 7.3.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80. 97 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 211 Elsewhere, "smuggling" between Nationalist-held areas and Japanese-held areas was just as prevalent as that conducted across Mirs Bay, and it was not necessarily carried out without the knowledge or consent of the Japanese. See the political context of this particular form of trade discussed in Lloyd E. Eastman, "Facets of an ambivalent relationship: smuggling, puppets, and atrocities during the War, 1937-1945", in Akira Iriye ed., The Chinese and the Japanese, Essays in Political and Cultural Interactions (Princeton, 1980). Mr. Shing 10.7.81. 100 Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81. 101 Mr. Ip Wan 2.7.81. 102 Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80. 103 Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81. 104 Other members of the East River Guerrillas included Wong Koon Fong, Kong Shui, and Lo Fung; see ints. Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80, Mr. Chiu Lin Shing 11.5.81, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81. For the background history of the East River Guerrillas see Feng Pai-chu, Tseng Sheng, et. al. Kuang-tung jen-min k'ang-Jih chan-cheng hui-i (Canton, 1951), and "The general conditions of the liberated areas behind enemy lines in South China (East River and Hainan Island)”, in K’ang-Jih chan-cheng shih-chi chieh-fang-ch'ü kai-k'uang (Peking, 1st ed. 1953, rep. 1981) pp. 123-132. Dr. (later Sir) Lindsay Ride contacted Ts'oi Kwok Leung immediately upon his escape from Hong Kong and after the British Army Aid Group was formed, Ts'oi co-operated with the B.A.A.G. to assist prisoners-of-war escaping from Hong Kong. See Edwin Ride, BAAG, Hong Kong Resistance, 1942-1945 (Hong Kong, 1981). 105 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80. 100 Mr. Hoh Shang 24.6.81, Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81. 107 Mr. Lau 17.7.81, Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80. 108 Mr. Lau Wan Hei 25.6.81, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81. 100 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80, Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81. 110 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80. 111 Mr. Chiu Lin Shing 11.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80. 119 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Yau Koon K'au 27.7.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. 113 Mr. K.M.A. Barnett 13.2.82, Mr. Wan Yau 14.7.81. 114 Father Lau Wing Yiu 18.5.81. 115 Mr. Chung Poon 13.11.80, Mr. Sham Kin K’eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81. 116 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. See also "The story of the American pilot Kerr's escape", in the Wen-hui pao 7.1.80, and Edwin Ride, op. cit. pp. 219-220. 117 Mr. Wan Ts'eung 31.11.80. 118 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. 110 Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Lau Wan Hei and Mr. Kong Sai P'ing 25.6.81. 120 J. Barrow, "Annual Report of the D.C.N.T. 1947-48”, p. 2. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 212 DAVID FAURE Dates Name (and village) Mr. Chung P'oon (Wong Chuk Shan) interviewed INTERVIEW RECORD Name (and village) Dates interviewed 13.11.80 Madam Chiu I Mooi (Chek Keng) 7.5.81, 18.7.81 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Lau Shaang 8.5.81 (Sai Kung Market) 18.5.81, (Sai Kung Market) 3.6.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, 9.7.81 (Wong Keng Tei) 15.5.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, 22.5.81, (Tso Woh Hang) 28.6.81 26.5.81, 31.7.81 Mr. Lee Yun Shau, J.P. 14.11.80 (Man Yee Wan) Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 8.5.81, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80 (Wong Yi Chau) 20.5.81 (Tan Ka Wan) Madam Laai Hung Tai 8.5.81 Mr. Shek Kwong Lin 16.11.80 (Sai Kung Market) (Kau Lau Wan) Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81 Mr. Shek Fuk Fung 16.11.80 (Man Yee Wan) (Kau Lau Wan) Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81 Mr. Chan Shing (Sai Kung Market) 21.11.80 (Tai Long) Mr. Chiu Lin Shing (Chek Keng) 11.5.81 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80 (Tai Long) Mrs. Chiu née Cheung 11.5.81 (presently of Tai Po) Mr. Wan Ts'eung 31.11.80 (Tai Po Tsai) Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, (Shuen Wan) 19.5.81 Mr. Paul Tsui 1.12.80 Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81 Mr. Wan Yat Ngo 15.1.81 (Ho Chung) Mr. T'ong (headmaster, 12.5.81 Yim Tin Tsai) Mr. Tse Ming 15.1.81 (Ho Chung) Mr. Cheng Yip 14.5.81 (Pak Kong) Mr. Uen Chiu Ming 16.1.81, (Mok Tse Che) 13.2.81, Fr. Lau Wing Yiu 18.5.81 7.3.81 Mr. Cheung 19.5.81 Mrs. Uen 17.1.81 (Sai Kung Market) (Mok Tse Che) Miss Fung Ping I 19.5.81 Mrs. Uen 18.1.81, Mrs. Ts'ui, née Lei 20.5.81 (Mr. Uen Tak 24.1.81, (Pak Kong) Ming's mother, 7.3.81 Mrs. Liu 20.5.81 Mok Tse Che) (Sai Kung Market) Madam Yung 18.1.81 Mr. Cheng Chung T'ing 21.5.81 (Mok Tse Che) (Pak Kong) Madam Chan 22.1.81 Mr. Lok Shaang 21.5.81 (Ho Chung) (Pak Kong) Madam Lok 22.1.81 Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81 (Ho Chung) (Nam Shan) 5.6.81 Mr. Chiu Sz 7.5.81 Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 (Chek Keng) Madam Yung A Lin 7.5.81 (Chek Keng) (Sai Kung Market) Mr. Chan Kei Shang (Yim Tin Tsai) 28.5.81 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1981: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J.W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. Hon. Secretary: Margaret O'Hara Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Hon. Editor: David Faure, B.A., Ph.D. Hon. Librarian: H.A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: Alan Birch, M.A., Ph.D., F.R.Hist.Soc. A.I.Diamond, M.A. Hugh Gibb, M.A. Michael Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D. D.H. Liu B.A.V. Peacock, M.A. Oliver Siddle, B.A.(Oxon.), F.R.S.A. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 56 HUBERT SEIWART and modern Chinese culture. They present, to a certain degree, a religious interpretation of modernization in Taiwan. But if we examine the above mentioned elements, we find that virtually none of them is really new. They are all patterns which are well known from Chinese intellectual history. I shall just give a few examples: The devaluation of the present time as a period of moral decline can be traced back as far as Confucius. In the earliest Confucian writings we can also find the theme of the return of the Golden Age of Yao and Shun. The concept of the Great Harmony, Ta T'ung, also originated in antiquity, it is elaborated in the Li Chi. Probably somewhat later, during the Han dynasty, the idea was formulated that the emergence of the new ideal world would be preceded by a period of destruction, as can be seen in the T'ai-p'ing Ching. Finally Buddhism added to these elements the theory of the declining dharma and the expectation of the future Buddha Maitreya. Maitreya is still of utmost importance in the eschatological teachings of I-kuan Tao. The rejection of foreign influence is also a familiar topic. As we know, Buddhism has long been the target of anti-foreign propaganda. During the Six Dynasties Buddhism was held responsible for all the deficiencies of the time. Finally, we should observe that I-kuan Tao as well as most of the other popular cults combine elements of Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism, and promote the idea of san chiao he i, "the three teachings form a unity". This explicit syncretism goes back at least to the Sung dynasty. These remarks suffice to show that the reactions of these popular religious movements to the social changes resulting from modernization are by no means new. The symbolization of the tensions caused by cultural contact and modernization draws heavily upon the traditional symbol repository. Not only are the traditional symbols relied on, but also their content: The values by which modern society is measured derive mainly from the traditional moral teachings. It would therefore not be untrue to say that the religious responses to modernization as we have analyzed them so far can be characterized as traditionalism and conservatism. Nevertheless, it would be misleading to regard movements like I-kuan Tao as mere survivals of a past historical period. For, as we shall see presently, besides the traditional elements there are also ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m RELIGIOUS RESPONSE TO MODERNIZATION IN TAIWAN THE CASE OF I-KUAN TAO 67 changed reality than were the old religious symbol systems. The adoption of Western science and philosophy and Western religion can be interpreted as a means of finding legitimation systems which are compatible with the new conditions created by modernization. They have the advantage of reconciling the consciousness to the reality of modern society, at least they do it better than the traditional legitimation systems. But they have one crucial shortcoming: they are not able to symbolize the Chinese cultural identity. At this point we come back to the role of traditional religions. In so far as they are traditional they express continuity and identity. But, on the other side, in so far as they are traditional they contain many elements which do not harmonize with the changed reality. However, only dead traditions are unchangeable. There are many signs that religions in Taiwan today are changing. This is obviously true of Buddhism. In the case of Taoism it is more difficult to demonstrate since recent research has put the emphasis on the revival of the Taoist tradition and not on changes in this tradition. As to popular religions, I have tried to give some hints as to what is going on. The tendency towards universalism is just one element. There are others which could not be dealt with here, and many which await further research. In any case we should be aware that traditional religions in present-day Taiwan may not just be survivals of a bygone age doomed to extinction, but living traditions which could even gain importance in the future. NOTES 1 Cf. C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967) pp 294–340 2 Cf. Chin Yao-chi, Ts'ung Ch'uan-t'ung tao hsien-tai (Taipei, 1979, third edition). 3 Of course, in the People's Republic there were other factors which made a great impact on the religious life, esp. the official anti-religious propaganda and the suppression of religious activities. Yang, op. cit., pp 363–377 • "As a result of industrial development, farm population has gradually moved to urban areas. The share of employment in agriculture decreased from 59.3 per cent in 1952 to 27.3 per cent in 1977, while that in industry increased from 14.5 per cent to 37.6 per cent in the same period." (China Yearbook 1978, p 165) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 68 1968).   HUBERT SEIWART Cf. Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China. (Cambridge, Mass. Cf. Y. Raguin, "Buddhismus auf Taiwan", in Buddhismus der Gegenwart, ed. by H. Dumoulin (Freiburg 1970) pp 113 – 116. a "Taoism' (by A. K. Seidel), in The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Macropaedia, p 1042. For example, the Taoist Association of the Republic of China is run mostly by laymen who try to get rid of many of the more "vulgar" practices of religious Taoism and to restore the intellectual tradition of former times. These efforts seem not to be supported by many of the Taoist priests, possibly since they make their living by performing these practices. 10   See for example G. G. H. Dunstheimer, “Religion et magie dans le mouvement des Boxeurs”, in T’oung Pao, 47 (1959) pp 323 - 367; G. Miles, "Vegetarian Sects", in The Chinese Recorder, 33 (1902) pp 110; D. H. Porter, "Secret Sects in Shantung", in The Chinese Recorder, 17 (1886) pp 1 – 10, 64 – 73; M. Topley, "Chinese Religion and Rural Cohesion in the Nineteenth Century", in JHKBRAS 8 (1968), pp 9 - 43. 11 Cf. Wing-tsit Chan, Religioses Leben im heutigen China, (München, 1955) pp 109-156. T'ai-pei-shih 12 Such a healing-cult is treated by Wang Chih-ming Chi-lung-lu ti i-ko min-su i-sheng he t'a-ti hsin-t'u-men (unpublished B.A. thesis, National Taiwan University, Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, 1971) 13 An example of this is the Sheng-hsien-t’ang community in Taichung. The publications of the revelations of the mediums of this temple are distributed and read everywhere in Taiwan. 14 Some sects (e.g. Li-chiao), however, are copying Buddhist or Taoist ceremonies and dress so that it is difficult to decide whether the performers are priests or laymen. 16 Some of the "new religions” are treated in Hsiao Ching-fen, “The current situation of new religions in Taiwan", Theology and the Church, 10:2 – 3 (Tainan, 1971) pp 1 -- 28; 10 I-kuan is actually derived from a passage in the Confucian Analects (IV, 15). 17 The popular name is Ya-tan chiao. Other names are Tien Tao chiao, K'ung-tzu chiao, Ta Tao chiao, Lao-mu chiao 4. Cf. Tung Fang-yüan, Tai-wan min-chien tsung-chiao hsin-yang (Taipei 1976) p 123. 18 Tung, op. cit., p 123f. According to Su Ming-tung, T'ien-tao kai-lun (Kaohsiung, 1979) p 197, there are more than 300,000 followers of I-kuan Tao in Taiwan today. Li Shih-yü, Hsien-tsai Hua-pei mi-mi-tsung-chiao (Chengtu, 1948, repr. Taipei, 1975) p 32. 20 It seems certain, however, that the I-kuan Tao has followers outside Taiwan, esp. in Hong Kong, Japan and Singapore. In contrast to Taiwan, in these places the sect is not forbidden by the government and can operate openly (cf. Su Ming-tung, op. cit., p 198f). For the propaganda of the Communist government ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m RELIGIOUS RESPONSE TO MODERNIZATION IN TAIWAN THE CASE OF 1-KUAN TAO 69 against I-kuan Tao see L. Deliusin, “The I-kuan Tao Society", in Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China 1840 – 1950, ed. by J. Chesneaux, (Stanford, 1971) pp 225-233. 21 In orthodox Buddhism San Pao stands for Triratna, i.e. Buddha, Dharma and Sangha (W. E. Soothill and L. Hodous: A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, Reprint Taipei 1970, p 63) 22 Cf. for example Ching-fen Hsiao, loc.cit., p 17. 23 Cf. Shih Wen-tu *, "Wo tsen-yang t'uo-li I-kuan Tao” #, in Chuch Shih #(Kao-hsiung, Sept. 1977) pp 20 -- 32. 24 Since these accusations can neither be proved nor refuted by the observer it is very difficult to give a fair description of the sect. 25 Cf. Chao Wei-pang, "The Origin and Growth of the Fu-chi", in Folklore Studies, 1 (1942) pp 9 — 27; Hai Ti-shan #, Fu-chi mi-hsin ti yen-chiu *****(Taipei 1966). 26 Cf. G. Seaman, Temple Organization in a Chinese Village, (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, No. 101 Taipei 1978) pp 20 – 35. 27 Cf. Halao, loc. cit., pp 12 – 16. For a case-study ref. Seaman, op. cit. The members trace the origin of the sect back to Fu Hsi and have an elaborated list of the transmission of the Tao through the centuries. The historical evidence for the existence of I-kuan Tao as a separate tradition does not reach beyond the last century, however. 29 The ordinary fu-luan cults have sessions much more often, in general eight or twelve times every lunar month. 30 Obviously many teachings of the fu-luan cults have their origin in the popular "Buddhist” tradition which is also a main source of the I-kuan Tao teachings. It is difficult, however, to assess to which degree there is a direct influence of I-kuan Tao on these cults in Taiwan today. Probably there is a mutual influence since many followers of I-kuan Tao participate also in ordinary fu-luan cults. Actually, some fu-luan cults seem to be reservoirs of potential I-kuan Tao proselytes. 31 Tian-jan *, 2 (Hsinchu Febr. 1980) pp 2 - 3. 32 Cf. K. Ch'en: "Anti-Buddhist Propaganda During the Nan-Ch'ao", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 15 (1952) pp 166 - 192. 33 For examples see J. Chesneaux ed. Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China 1840-1950, (Stanford 1972). 34 Of course, Mohammed is not regarded as a god in Islam. The knowledge of Islam in China, however, is rather poor and Mohammed is thought to be a divine person much like the Chinese "historical" gods or for that matter – Jesus. 36 The medium belonged to the Sheng-hsien t'ang in Taichung. 36 W. Grootaers, "Une société secrète moderne, I Kuan Tao: Bibliographie annotée", in Folklore Studies 5 (1946) p 332f. 37 Tian Tao Kai Lun (1979 2nd printing), p 61. 38 ibid., pp 61 – 62. by Su Ming-tung (Kaohsiung, 1978) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 70 HUBERT SEIWART 39 ibid., p 20. 40 A practical consequence of this universalism can be seen in the effort of I-kuan Tao to spread beyond the borders of China proper. Of course, most followers outside Taiwan are overseas Chinese, but it also tried to gain followers among foreigners. Up till now, these efforts have not been very successful, not least because of the language barrier. 41 "Differentiation" is the key-concept in many neo-evolutionary theories. Bellah makes use of it in his theory of religious evolution which has implications also for the "secularization" of traditional forms of religion. Cf. R. Bellah: "Religious Evolution”, in American Sociological Review, 29 (1964) pp 358–374. 42 The decline of institutional Christianity does not necessarily imply a decline of religion generally. Cf. for example the considerations by Th. Luckmann, The Invisible Religion, New York 1967. 43 Cf. similar considerations in the case of a 19th century Korean religious movement by Chai Sik Chung, "Religion and Cultural Identity - The Case of 'Eastern Learning'", in Internationales Jahrbuch fur Religionssoziologie 5 (1969) PP 118 - 132. ** For other examples see Paul de Witt Twinem, "Modern Syncretic Religious Societies in China”, in The Journal of Religion 5 (1925) pp 463–482, 595 – 606 and Hsiao, loc. cit. 46 Whether it is possible to substitute for the traditional symbol system Western science and philosophy depends on several parameters. Social and intellectual stratification is just one. Another important one is the degree of internalisation of the traditional symbol system. Older people - even intellectuals who acquired their primary and secondary socialisation in terms of the traditional symbol system are less likely to be able or willing to substitute for it a new symbol system than are younger people (cf. Paul de Witt Twinem, loc. cit. p 163). It is noteworthy that the attitude toward traditional and foreign religions may change during the life of a person in the sense that he is willing to join a foreign religion during his youth but later on turns back to traditional religions. In a paper entitled "How I Happened to Join a Japanese New Religion': One Life History and its Significance for Interpreting Japanese New Religions” H. R. Earhart has analyzed an interesting example of such change. The paper was read at the XIVth Congress of the I.A.H.R., August 1980 at Winnipeg, Manitoba. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m THE PUBLIC RECORDS OFFICE OF HONG KONG A. I. DIAMOND* Establishment and Functions The Public Records Office was established in July, 1972. Its functions are those common to most modern government archive institutions viz. the conservation of permanently valuable records for official reference and private research and the storage, management and ultimate disposal of intermediate records.† For administrative purposes the P.R.O. operates at present as a unit of the Government Secretariat, the Archivist being responsible in the first instance to the Director of Administration and Management Services. Accommodation The head office of the P.R.O. is located at 2 Murray Road, Central District, with a records storage capacity of 14,500 linear feet. In addition, the P.R.O. maintains a sub-office at Leader Industrial Building, 37 Wong Chuk Hang Road, Aberdeen, with accommodation for 12,280 linear feet of records. The Aberdeen office is equipped with a specially air-conditioned film repository with capacity for the storage of 64,000 rolls of microfilm and 1.1 million aperture cards. Facilities The head office has reading-room accommodation for up to twelve persons and the sub-office, accommodation for six. A reference library has been developed for staff and public use, with emphasis on the achievement of a strong collection of Hong Kong * Mr. Diamond is Archivist, Public Records Office of Hong Kong. † Records which, though no longer in current use, and having no permanent value, are nevertheless required, for legal or administrative reasons, to be kept for specified periods of time or until the completion of certain actions or events. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m THE CHINESE CHURCH, LABOUR AND ELITES AND THE MUI TSAI QUESTION IN THE 1920's 105 Chamber of Commerce, Secretary of Chamber for many years. Managing Director of Kwong Man Loong Firecracker Co. Tse Ka-po, also known as Simon Tse Yan ( — 1966), son of compradore of Banco Ultramarino, Macao. Established Po Kee Shipping Co. Compradore for Nippon Yusen Kaisha. A Roman Catholic. Son-in-law of Mr. Ho Kom-tong, a brother of Sir Robert Ho Tung. Wong Ping-suen (1873 - 1942), member of a wealthy land-owning, merchant-compradore Hong Kong family. Compradore of Mackintosh, Mackenzie and Co., and P. & O. Steamship Co. Tong Shau Shan, manager of the San Tak Hing Lok firm on Des Voeux Road. After much hedging for a number of years, the Colonial Office determined to push the Hong Kong Government into drafting a bill for the abolition of the mui tsai system. The concerted efforts of concerned groups in England and the Anti Mui Tsai Society in Hong Kong were producing results. The Secretary of State minuted a despatch on March 21, 1922 instructing his under secretary that in writing to the Governor of Hong Kong, “A fairly full answer should be drafted explaining the difficulties, but making it clear that the abolition is going to be carried into effect. There is to be no nonsense about it and no sham. One year would be a reasonable time to allow”. 10 The Governor was not happy with these instructions, particularly after the Chinese he depended on for advice raised strong objections to passage of the Bill. He felt himself threatened. The Colonial Office had not been altogether satisfied with his handling of the Seamen's strike earlier in the year, and now it appeared they were repudiating the position he had promoted that it was not wise to radically change the mui tsai system. The best policy, in his opinion, was to advocate the correction of certain abuses and this could well be left in the hands of the elite Chinese establishment in Hong Kong. Governor Stubbs took a very serious view of the implications of the opposition to the Ordinance. In a letter to a Colonial Office official in September 1922, while on leave, he said: It means that the Chinese for the first time are setting themselves against the Government. That is the beginning of the end. I told you the other day I believed we should hold Hong Kong for another fifty. I put it now at twenty at the most. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 112 CARL T SMITH system must be abolished. On this there can be no compromise. At the third reading of the Bill the Hon. Mr. P. H. Holyoak, elected representative of the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce on the Legislative Council, also deplored the image of Hong Kong created by the discussion of the mui tsai question. He referred to the "gross misrepresentations of fact made throughout the press at Home". He described it as "a malicious campaign that should not remain unchallenged in defence of the fair name of the Colony and the good Government which it represents." The Hon. Mr. E. V. D. Parr referred to the united action of Christians and the labour unions: The support of the Bill came from a most extraordinary combination of bodies. Anyone who knows anything of the inside history of the Colony could say perfectly well that support of the Bill is — I hesitate to describe it — perhaps it is best to describe it as a fake. There can be nothing in common or in sympathy between the labour unions and the YMCA and they join together on this occasion for reasons far different from any consideration for the welfare of the mui tsai. What these reasons were he did not state. The Daily Press viewed these remarks in the Legislative Council as attempts to defend the Council and the Hong Kong Government for allowing the system to prevail so many years without taking any action either to ameliorate the practice or to abolish it. The speeches also clearly showed the real position of the Government to the Bill: If we had ever entertained any doubts of the Government's real attitude toward the Bill which it has been obliged to father, it would certainly have been dissipated by the wonderful unanimity shown by Unofficial Members in attacking the measure and scoffing at its sponsors. The speakers imputed unworthy motives — including a desire for cheap advertisement, political intrigue and even malice to those who, without any hope of reward, sacrificed time, energy, money and even position, in order to help those who could not help themselves."7 The editor concluded that the views expressed by Chinese Christians and union members, rather than those of the elite establishment, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m EDUCATION AS A BY-PRODUCT OF FISH MARKETING 141 NOTES 1 Inside front cover, programme of the F.M.O. schools Joint Graduation Ceremony, 1979. It is to be sung to the tune "Walk, for the Night is coming". This translation was by the writer and Mrs. Belinda Chiu-Bing Acton. 2 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p. 7 3 F.M.O. Schools Summer Camp Programme, 1980 4 T. Acton, Gypsy Politics and Social Change, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1974) pp. 170-1 6 T. Acton 'Educating the children of herdsmen and fishermen' in China Now No. 89, April 1980 p. 28 8 A.J.S. Lack, "The Yaumatei Typhoon Shelter" in the JHKBRAS (1973) 7 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p.3 • Ibid. Barbara E. Ward. "Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong: Their post-peasant economy" in M. Freedman ed. Social Organisation: Essays presented to Raymond Firth, (London, 1967) pp. 271-2. 10 Wu Yuey Len "Life and Culture of the Shanam Boat People" in the Nankai Social and Economic Quarterly, 9:4 (1937) pp. 837-46. 12 11 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p. 12 and Appendix 1. Dick Worrall Gypsy Education Van Leer/Walsall Council for Community Relations (Walsall, 1979) ch 5,9. 13 West Midlands Education Authorities Education Service for Travelling Children Gypsy Education in the West Midlands, (Wolverhampton, 1976) p. 25. 14 F.M.O. Schools Joint Graduation Ceremony programme, 1979, p. 3. 16 Romani, i.e. descended from a group that left India at the end of the first millennium AD, and has since spread over much of the world, retaining a sanskritic language, Romanes, often in a form creolised with the language of the host country. 16 T. Acton, Gypsy Politics and Social Change, ch. 7,8,15,16,17. 18 17 T. Acton, "The Ethnic Composition of British Romani Populations" in Roma, Journal of the Indian Institute of Romani Studies, 4:4 (1979) p. 48. 18 S.F. Balfour "Hong Kong before the British" in the JHKBRAS 10 (1970) reprinted from the Tien Hsia Monthly, (Shanghai), vols. 11 & 12. 19 Wu Yeuy Len, op.cit. and also "The Boat people of Shanam" in the Nankai Social and Economic Quarterly 9:3 (1936) 20 Ho Ke-en, "A Study of the Boat People" in the Journal of Oriental Studies (1965) pp. 1-41. 21 T. Acton "The Dissolution of the Tanka image”, to be published in China ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 142 TA ACTON 22 of J. Hayes "The Hong Kong Region" in JHKBRAS 14(1974) p. 111 and D. Akers-Jones, "Boat People's Ceremonies observed at Island House" in the JHKBRAS 15 (1975) pp. 300-303. This paper does not make overt ethnic judgments, but does have an odd ethnographic style: for example "In the middle of all this there was a wedding ceremony, and I think the preceding activities were connected with it. But I was particularly struck by the frenzied, almost ecstatic and unseemly behaviour of the women." 23 Barbara E. Ward, "A Hong Kong Fishing Village", in the Journal of Oriental Studies 1 (1955) p. 195 24 Barbara E. Ward "Varieties of the Conscious Model" in M. Banton ed. The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. (Association of Social Anthropologists Monograph No. 1, London, 1965). p. 113, and "Sociological Self-Awareness: Some uses of the Conscious Models” in Man, (1966) p. 201. 26 H. Kani A General Survey of the Boat People in Hong Kong, (New Asia Research Institute, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1967) p. 67, E. Anderson, "The Boat People of South China" in Anthropos 65 (1970) and “The Floating World of Castle Peak Bay", University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1978. 26 E. Anderson "The Ethnoichthyology of the Hong Kong Boat People” in his Essays on South China's Boat People", Orient Cultural Service, Taipei, 1972, p. 39. 27 J. McCoy, "The Dialects of the Hong Kong Boat People: Kau Sai" in the JHKBRAS 5 (1965) pp. 46-64. But note that this paper is based on work in only one village, does not take account of the well-known habit of respondents with both “high” and "low" versions of their own language to use the "high" version when speaking to outsiders. Note also the contradictory evidence in this paper at page 18. 28 T. Acton, "II ruolo della cultura tradizionale romani come contributo allo sviluppo dell'educazione moderna" in Lacio Drom, Rivista Bimestrale di Studi Zingari 15:3 (1979) p. 20 29 J. Gibbon ed. Viewpoint Hong Kong (Longman, Hong Kong, 1977) ch. 3 For example, on p. 19 of this book of English Language development exercises, we are asked "Some people look down on the boat people. Why is this unfair?” 30 F.M.O. document "Duties and Responsibilities of Liaison Officers", Para. 11 (3) iv. 31 Ibid. Para III (6) 32 W. Hahn Aberdeen Catching the Last Rays (Perennial Press, Hong Kong, 1974) pp. 193-4. 33 D. Wood ed. Hong Kong 1980 (Government Information Services, Hong Kong. 1980) p. 59 34 SOCO, A Survey of Boat People in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 1978, in Chinese), p.3 35 V. Wong "Among the Sewage and Sampans of Yaumatei” in the South China Morning Post, 13 October 1979. pp. 10, 14. R. Daryanani "Home for 5,000 is most polluted” in the South China Morning Post, 8 September, 1980, p. 19 36 E. Elliott "Ordinance not in public interest" (Letter) in the South China Morning Post 11 August, 1980, p. 20. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 164 WEI PEH-T'I Governor-General of Yunnan and Kweichow. By this time he was over sixty, a venerated official who had served three reigns. He was an author and scholar of distinction. He had a solid reputation abroad as a pragmatic and honest official. His family was large and despite the loss of a young daughter under tragic circumstances in 1823, by his own assessment he was pleased with his Canton years. The grain storage was full. Fortifications and new examination facilities were constructed. Other public buildings and historical sites were restored, and, of course, the famous Hsueh-hai-t'ang Academy was a reality. The seas were free of foreign war vessels, and at least on the surface, and for the time being, foreign traders and hong merchants were under control. It was not until more than a dozen years later that British commercial interests were able to garner support from their government to challenge the Canton system by force. 1 NOTES J. K. Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast, (Cambridge, Mass., 1953), p. 55. 2 The Chia-ch'ing Emperor's accusations were communicated to Juan Yuan through court letters. See, for instance, Kung-chung-tang – CC 019639 (Palace Memorials, hereafter referred to as KCT). Similar charges were levied against Juan Yuan by the Tao-kuang Emperor in KCT – TK 000013. Both emperors were angry at Juan Yüan because they felt that he was not doing enough to suppress secret society activities in the provinces under his jurisdiction. J. K. Fairbank, op. cit. p. 20; on the other hand, cited Juan Yüan as an example of the "intellectual unpreparedness for Western contact" on the part of Chinese officials of the early nineteenth century. May, 1818. H. B. Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635–1834, (Taipei reprint edition), III, 316. Select Committee Reports on the East India Company and Trade with China 1821-321, Parliamentary Papers, (Irish University Press edition), 36:540. 5 Chinese Repository, II: 71–72 (June, 1835). 7 Draft Biography, Palace Museum No. 1266(1) Lei-t'ang an-chu ti-tzu chi, 5:106-11 (Chronological account of Juan Yuan's life by his students) hereafter referred as Ti-tzu chi. 8 Hsin-hui hsien-chih (Local gazetteer of Hsin-hui district) 12:16. This is a rather liberal translation. 10 9 Yen-ching shih-chi, (1820) compiled by Juan Yüan, II:7:24-25b. I am grateful to Father Benjamin Videira Pires of Macau, who took me to visit the fort in December 1979, just as the fort was being converted into a tourist hotel. Father Videira is the author of “As Fortalezas de Cidada, em 1741”, in Comunidade, a newspaper published in Macau. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 11 Ti-tzu chi, 5:11. 165 12 Four men were known by the name (or title) of Howqua. They were Wu Tung-yüan (Puiqua or Howqua II), his father Wu Kuo-yung (Howqua I) before him, his two sons, Wu Shou-ch'ang (Howqua III) and Wu Chung-yao (Howqua IV). 13 Wai-chi-tang, (hereafter cited as WCT), n.p. Copy of memorial from Juan Yüan, Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, dated TK 1/11/19 (1821/2/21). 14 +6 16 Morse, Chronicles, III, 334. Liang-kuang yen-chik, chuan on Chia-ch'ing. Ibid. 17 Morse, Chronicles, IV, 57. 18 Copy of memorials from Juan Yüan, Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, in Shih-liao Hsun-k'an 4:126a-b. 19 W. C. Hunter, The "Fan Kwae" at Canton Before Treaty Days, 1825-1844, (Shanghai, 1911), p. 40. 20 H. F. McNair, Modern Chinese History: Selected Readings, (Shanghai, 1913), 1:42. 21 Chinese Repository, V:2:422 (January, 1834). 22 Morse, Chronicles, III, 377. 23 Extract of letter from the Select Committee to the Court of Directors, East India Company, as reprinted in Parliamentary Papers, 21:104. 24 Morse, Chronicles, III, 318. 26 Ibid., 320. 26 Wai-chiao shih-liao, Chia-ch'ing 6:57. 27 28 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers 21:537. Wai-chiao shih-liao, Chia-ch'ing 6:57b. 20 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers, 21:537. 30 Morse, Chronicles, III, 381. In the listing of Company ships at Canton 1805-20, however, the security merchant for the London is given as Kinqua, Ibid. 31 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers 21:537. 32 Ibid. After the crisis was over, it was revealed that Pigott had been hiding on a British warship, the HMS Liverpool, then moored at Lintin. He could not return to the London when it left China because of bad weather, but managed to return to England at a later date, Morse, Chronicles, III, 382. 33 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers 21:539; Morse, Chronicles, III, 380. 34 Morse, Chronicles, p. 380. 35 Eliot to Palmerston, as cited in Chinese Repository IX:406 (August, 1842). **WCT-TK1/11, Chinese Repository, V:5:223. 37 *7 WCT-TK 1/11. 38 Morse, Chronicles, IV, 23. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 166 39 40 Ibid., IV, 26. WEI PEH-T'I Hsin-pao Chang, Commissioner Lin and the Opium War, (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), p. 16. 41 WCT - TK 1/11. Copy of memorial from Juan Yuan, Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, dated TK 1/11/19 (1821/12/31). 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid. **Ti-tzu chi, 5:23b. 46 Ibid. Imperial rescript to memorial from Juan Yuan. Figures compiled at Canton, November, 1828. "Report from Committee on China Trade, East India Company", Parliamentary Papers. 30:173. 47 Ibid. 48 Appendix to report from the Select Committee on China Trade, VII, Paragraph 5174. 49 Testimony of William Jardine to Committee on China Trade, Parliamentary Papers 30:514. 60 Gerald S. Graham, The China Station: War and Diplomacy, 1830–1860. (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1978). The quotations are taken from p. 17 and n.28. 51 Morse, Chronicles, IV, 44 and 93. There is no indication whether opium had been clandestinely removed from these ships. 52 This date was given in Juan Yuan's memorial in Wai-chiao shih-liao, Tao-kuang 1:39. The villagers were killed on the next day, 15 December. English sources did not indicate that the incident took place on two successive days, Morse, Chronicles, IV, 28. 53 Morse, Chronicles, IV, 28. 54 Ibid., IV, 29. 55 A brother of the victim, Huang I-ming, went to Peking to petition the Emperor charging inaction on the part of the local officials. He also claimed that the British had stolen tens of thousands of taels of silver from the house of the deceased. The Emperor referred the case to Juan Yuan, who decided against the petitioner, asking, "How could a peasant who made his living by growing potatoes on Lintin Island accumulate so much wealth?" Wai-chiao shih-liao, Tao-kuang 1:39b. 56 Wai-chiao shih-liao, Tao-kuang, 1:11b. 57 Ibid., 1:19. 59 Ibid., 1:19b. 60 Ti-tzu chi, 5:10b-11. 61 Ti-tzu chi 5:26. 62 Wai-chiao shih-liao, Tao-kuang 1:15 a-b. 63 1 2 46 Ibid., 1:32, memorial from Juan Yuan, TK 2/9/20 (1822/11/3). Ibid., 1:36 a-b. Court letter to Juan Yuan, TK 2/11/3 (1822/12/25). Ibid., 1:37. Imperial edict, TK 2/12/12 (1823/1/23). Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 60 JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 167 Ibid., 1:22b-23. Court letter to Juan Yuan et al., TK 2/5/25 (1822/7/13). 07 After Juan Yuan left Canton, his successor as Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, Li Hung-pin, established a system of patrol boats to check on opium smuggling. Each boat received a monthly bribe to permit the illicit trade. Liang, Kuang-chou shih-san hang k'ao, p. 299. Chang Shun-ts'un # Tao-Kuang ch'ao Ch'en 陳 Ch'en-Li shih ★BA chin f chüan-na ‡Ã1⁄4 fen 分 Hsiang-shan J Hsin-hui hsien-chih Hsi Nai-chi 許乃濟 Hsüeh-hai t'ang*** Hu-Kuang Hu-pu 户部 Huang I-ming *** I-li-pu 伊里布 Juan Yuan 阮元 Kuang-tung shih-san hang k'ao Kuang tung tung chi là ki Kung-chung-tang kung-hong 2Ấ Kuo-Liang shih Li Hung-pin 李鴻賓 Liang Chia-pin 梁嘉彬 Liang-Kuang✯ Liang-Kuang yen-chih ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo tao-t'ai Ti-tzu chi, for (Lei-t'ang-an-chuɃ‡ƒ‡ ti-tzu chi) Ts'an-chan ta-ch'en ★★★E ts'un += 1/10 Chinese foot) Wai-chi-tang >-*# Wai-chiao shih-liao ££* Wu Kuo-yung Wu-lung-a Wu Shou-ch'ang ££ 3 Wu Ts'ung-yao 14 Wu Tun-yuan {£✶ ̃ yang-hang *{1 yang-shang 洋商 Yeh Huan-shu #£# Yeh Hsia 葉及 Yen-ching shih-chi &*£✯ Yun-Kuei + Nei-wu-fu Pan-yü 番禺 pao-chia 保甲 Ta-Ku # ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 176 NG LUN NGAIHA the Chinese population. This was to make Sun different from Ho Kai and other intellectual or bourgeois reformists whose interest in economic reform was centred more on industry and commerce. He maintained that improving agricultural productivity was the most urgent and important reform in China. He found it deeply regrettable that in the recent westernization movement undertaken by the Government, agricultural affairs had been neglected as no one was sent abroad or into agricultural college to learn Western techniques. It was perhaps for these reasons that he offered to serve the state, to promote agricultural reforms. He did not claim to have specialized training in this field. But "for many generations my family had been engaged in farming, and I was able to gain some experience in it", and "when I was educated abroad, I often read books concerning Western farming methods, geology and other science subjects". He admitted that practical knowledge was essential and he was ready to go abroad to study sericulture and other Western agricultural methods. Dr. Sun Yat-sen's years in Hong Kong being an essential part of his formative age, had a significant influence on his intellectual development. He mentioned more than once in his recollections that his revolutionary ideas germinated in Hong Kong, and in his few early essays that can be found, it is evident that he also shared some reform notions of the time. Much of this thinking then, as expressed in his presentation to Li Hung-chang in 1894, was also nurtured by his experience and observations in Hong Kong. NOTES 1 According to Wang Teh-chao, this was published in the September and October (1894) issues of the Wan-kuo kung-pao. It was then republished in issue No. 19 of Yu-shih. See Wang Teh-chao, “Tungmeng hui shih chi Sun Chung-shan hsien-sheng k'o-ming szu-hsiang ti fen-hsi yen-chiu”, Chung-kuo hsien-tai shih ts'ung-k'an, vol. 1 (Taipei, 1960), p. 66, note 3. 2 ibid. note 4. 3 Feng Tzu-yu, “K'o-ming i-shih” (Taipei reprint, 1957), and K'ai-kuo chien k'o-ming shih (Taipei reprint, 1954); Ch'en Shao-pei, Hsing-Chung hui k'o-ming shih-yao (Canton, 1934). See also Chou Hung-jan, "Kuo-fu 'shang Li Hung-chang shu' chih shih-tai pei-ching”, Ta-lu tsa-chih 23.5, pp. 157–161. 4 The pamphlet, Kidnapped in London, was published in England in 1897. In this, Sun recalled that a Ch'ing official in the Chinese legation said to him, "You have previously sent in a petition for reform to the Tsung-li yamen in Peking asking that it be presented to the Emperor." See Kuo-fu ch'uan-chi vol. 5 (Taipei, 1973), p. 16. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 177 Translation from op. cit., vol. 3, p. 1. # The school was set up in 1870 and was originally named the Diocesan School and Orphanage for Boys and known in its short form as the Diocesan Home. The orphanage was closed in 1896, but the school has continued as the Diocesan Boys' School. Its early history is given in W.T. Featherstone, The Diocesan Boys' School and Orphanage, Hong Kong, 1869 to 1919 (Hong Kong, 1930).* The Central School was set up by the Hong Kong Government in 1862 as a result of a proposal from the famous sinologue James Legge. It was the first government school put directly under the supervision of a government officer recruited from Britain. The school was meant to be a model school for the promotion of teaching of English and Western learning. For its history, see Gevenneth Stokes, Queen's College, 1862–1962 (Hong Kong, 1962). 7 The article was written in 1937, when the early school register was still in the possession of Queen's College. The Yellow Dragon, vol. 37, p. 94. It is still not clear when Sun entered the college. It is generally known that Sun was transferred to Hong Kong in early 1887, but the college was not opened until October of the same year. It is possible that Sun had been transferred to work at the Alice Memorial Hospital as a student before the college was officially opened. For Sun's student life in the college, see Lo Hsiang-lin, Kuo-fu chih ta-hsüeh shih-tai (Chungking, 1945). 10 A brief survey of the significant role of the Central School in this respect is given in Ng Lun Ngai-ha, “Role of Hong Kong Educated Chinese in the Shaping of Modern China”, paper presented to the 8th IAHA Conference, 1980. 11 “For more information on these and other early Hong Kong newspapers, see Ng Lun Ngai-ha, “A Survey of Source Materials in Hong Kong Related to Late Ch'ing China”, Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i, 4, (December 1979), 145–146, appendix A. 12 The China coast newspapers are valuable sources for the study of modern Chinese history. For a brief survey of these materials, see Frank H. H. King and P. Clarke (eds.), A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911 (Camb. Mass., 1965). 13 It was said that Sun might have contributed articles to the local newspapers and also to the Wan-kuo kung-pao, of which Cheng Kuan-ying was a patron. See Sun Chung-shan nien-p'u (Peking, 1980), p. 24 and Lo Hsiang-lin, "Kuo-fu yü Ho Chi chüeh-shih ti kuan-hsi", Kuo-fu ti kao-ming kuang-ta (Taipei, 1965), p. 129. 14 The Hao T'ou yueh-k'an 14 and 15 (1947), a magazine published by a secondary school in Chung-shan county, noted that it was first published in the Macao Daily in 1892. Its full text can now be found in Sun Chung-shan Shih Jiao chuan chi (Kuang tung wen shih tzu-liao, Canton, 1891), pp. 271–273. 16 For a brief comparative study of the two letters, see Huang-yen, “Chi-shao Sun Chung-shan 'chih Cheng Tsao-ju shu'”, Li-shih yen-chiu (1980:6), pp. 184–189. 10 For a short description of Ho's life and career in Hong Kong, see Wu Hsing-lin, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 1936), II, pp. 1–2. Ho's contributions to the reform movements in China have been studied in a number of works. The more recent ones are Chiu Ling-yeong, The Life and Thought of Sir Kai Ho Kai (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Sydney, 1968) and Tsai Jung-fang, “Comprador Ideologists in Modern China: Ho Kai and Hu ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m NOTES AND QUERIES 197 · crop. Yield for 1 tau of good average land (Assuming all food requirements plus all Crown Rent met from harvest, with no cash sales or casual labour): Tai Wai yield in rice 2.5 piculs x 2 harvests = 5 piculs grain less .2 piculs for seeds = 4.8 piculs less 40% (by volume) in hulling and pounding = 3.75 piculs rice (figures given by Wai H.L. The standard volume loss is 50%, but villagers would probably not demand absolutely pure rice. Further, as informed by Mr. Yu Look-yau, J.P., New Territories rice had to be resifted and cleaned before it could be sold to fastidious city dwellers, implying that village hulling had not removed as much as would now be standard. A 50% volume loss in hulling = 28% weight loss now. Assuming the losses are pro rata, a 40% volume loss = 22% loss in weight. This is equal to 3.75 piculs approx.) 3.75 piculs less 19% Crown Rent = 3.03 piculs (see section on Crown Rent below) 3.03 piculs less wastage, say 5% = 2.88 piculs. (Note: both informants claimed waste was minimal, but there must have been some. Tai Foo considered losses when stored in barns higher than when stored in cock-lofts. Wai H.L. acknowledged some loss in hulling and when drying on the wo t'ong but considered rats, insects, and rot a minimal problem - cats were kept to deal with rats. Wai H.L. considered 5% the absolute maximum, but felt it was usually less, Tai Foo felt it was certainly less.) — 2.88 piculs a year = 11.5 taels a day (Note: this assumes extra provision set aside for New Year, Birthday, wedding festivities etc. For Tai Wai I have assumed 35 days equivalent for such festivities i.e. a 400 day year which Wai H.L. considered fair and reasonable) = 1.44 adults daily requirement. - Plus sweet potatoes yield 10 piculs by weight - less wastage 20% (Wai H.L.'s figure many tubers rotted in store): 8 piculs or 2 catties a day or 0.50 adults daily requirement. = Thus 1 tau of good average land in Tai Wai could feed 1.94 adults with- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 208 BOOK REVIEWS These and other difficulties in realizing this project seem to have deterred the present compilers. The result, I am afraid, is far from satisfactory. Although the book is set out in several sensible sections, focusing on the harbour, China Town (Western), the strategic areas of Central, the Peak, Mid-levels, several suburbs such as Happy Valley, the vast area of change in Kowloon and the New Territories is condensed into one chapter. However, there are chapters devoted to People (a few random pictures of groups of Chinese people), Buildings of Note, Early Hotels and the Beaches (Repulse Bay). But in design and execution scrappy unrelated text set to grey, dull pictures (even a couple of crudely coloured pictures advertised as the highlights of this collection stand out like sore thumbs) — this book will not satisfy anyone coming to consult it to see how Hong Kong has changed. Eric Cumine, Hong Kong: Ways & Byways: A Miscellany of Trivia. (Hong Kong, 1981). Given the rich varied cornucopia so generously offered to the reader by a man who is so evidently in love with Hong Kong, it seems the best idea is to adopt his own menu arrangement to give some idea of this book. There is some significance in the letters and entries chosen here as examples of 'Cuminology.' Records A measured sense of pride informs this book; so it is no surprise that Eric Cumine says "we have a few records to gloat over". Some, we might agree with e.g. "Hong Kong is the noisiest place in the world, according to a H.K.U. lecturer" (Reviewer's note: not me!) I do not agree that we have the best lawn bowls players in the world. Architecture This is a category not included here: but it should be. In fact, there is a goodly sprinkling of drawings by Eric and his P.W.D. friends. Reflecting the author's modesty, he does not include any mention of his own architectural contributions to Hong Kong's Ways & Byways. Of course, Hong Kong's architecture (apart from the house where the author lives) is a mediocre mass of box-like uniformity. Glamorous City Cumine quotes Fodor to the effect that Hong Kong is the fifth most glamorous city in the world. A captivating but elusive concept. It would ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 211 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH MEMBERSHIP LIST (As at 31st December, 1982) Patron H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., HONORARY MEMBERS The Aide-de-Camp, Government House LAM, Mr. Yung-fai LAWRY, Mr. R.E. MACLEHOSE, Sir Murray, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O. O'HARA, Mrs. Margaret, TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie, LOCAL LIFE MEMBERS ALLEYNE, Mrs. E.L. BOARD, Mr. D.B.M. BONSALL, Mr. G.W. BUTT, Dr. N.S.G. CALCINA, Mr. P.G. CHAMBERS, Mr. J.W. CHAN, Mr. Alfred T. CHENG, Mr. Tuck CHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong, CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHUN, Miss Oy-ling COMBER, Mr. Leon CRAMER, Mr. B.L.C. CRONE, Dr. D.L. DJOU, Mr. G.G. DUNCAN, Mrs. Josephine EMERSON, Mr. Geoffrey C. EVANS, Mr. Paul J. EVANS, Mrs. P.J. FABER, Mrs. Audrey FAULKNER, Mr. Raymond J. FOK, Miss Nora FREMANTLE, Mr. Adam FRY, Mr. R.A. FUNG, Mrs. Beatrice, GAFF, Mrs. Jennifer A. GORDON, The Hon. Sir S.S. GREEN, Mrs. Judith HASE, Dr. Patrick H. HAYES, Dr. James W. HAYIM, Mr. E.J. HO, Mr. Tick-on HONEY, Dr. N.R. HOPKINSON, Mrs. I. HOWARD, Mr. William James HOWNAM-MEEK, Mrs. R.S. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HU, Dr. Shih Chang HUI, Miss Wai Haan HUNG, Mr. Chiu-sing IU, Miss Sheila KINOSHITA, Mr. James H. KVAN, Rev. Erik LAI, Mr. T.C LAU, Dr. Michael Wai-Mai LAWRENCE, Mrs. B.M.I. LEE, Mr. J.S. LEE, Dr. R.C. LETHBRIDGE, Mr. H.J. LEUNG, Mr. Pak-Kui LI, Mr. David K.P. FUNG, Sir Kenneth Ping-Fan, O.B.E., J.P. LISOWSKI, Prof. F.P. LISOWSKI, Mrs. W.Y. GILKES, Mr. David GORDON, Mr. K.H.A. LIU, Mr. D.H. LO, Mr. T.S. Page 225 Page 226 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m CHAN, Mrs Amy CHAN, Mr Sui-Jeung CHAN, Mrs Teresa CHAPMAN, Mr V.F.D. CHAU, Mr David H.S. CHEETHAM, Mrs J.A. CHEN, Mr S.H. CHERN, Dr K.S. CHEUNG, Mr Oswald CHIAO, Dr Chien CHILVERS, Mrs Anna E.S. CHISM, Mr Michael CHIU, Mrs Carol C. CHRISTOFIS, Mr P. CHRISTOFIS, Mrs L.E.R. CHU, Mr Lee CHUA, Miss Fi Lan CLARKE, Mrs Judith CLIMAS, Mr D. John COCHRANE, Mrs Valerie COLLINS, Mr Alan J. COOPER, Mr Roy COURTAULD, Mrs Caroline CRABBE, Mr Peter I. CRAIG, Mrs Peggy CRISSWELL, Dr Coline N. CROSS, Mr Niels T. CUMINE, Mr E. CUNNINGHAM, Miss Margaret DAVIES, Mrs L.R. DAVIES, Mrs Mona DAVIES, Mr S.N.G. DAVIS, Mr Donald V. DAWE, Mr Jock DAWSON, Prof. John L.M. DE BURE, Mrs Ursula DEPTFORD, Mr David DER, The Rev. E.B. DIAMOND, Mr A.I. DOLFIN, Mr John III DRAKEFORD, Mr Louis S. DYER, Mrs C.E. ECCLES, Mr Jeremy R. ELSOM, Mr Graham J.B. EVANS, Mr Clive Joseph EVANS, Prof. Daffydd M.E. FABRY, Mr R.G. FABRY, Mrs R.G. FAN, Mr Jack F.S. FAURE, Dr David FERGUSON, Mrs Carolynn L. FITZPATRICK, Mr J. FORBES, Miss Janet E. FORSYTH, Mr A.H. FORSYTH, James J. GAILEY, Mr H.G. GAILEY, Mrs Norah GAMLEN, Mr Richard GARCIA, The Hon. Mr Justice GARRETT Mrs Valery M. GATELY, Major Charles GHOSE, Mrs Rajeshwari GIBB, Mr Hugh GIBBONS, Mr John P. GOLDSTEIN, Mr A.L. GRANT, Prof. Charles J. GRAY, Mr Peter H. GRIFFITH, Mr Rodney O. GROVES, Prof. Murray C. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HAFFNER, Mr Christopher HAHN, Mr Werner HAIGH, Mr D.F. HALL, Mr Christopher H. HALLIDAY, Mr Peter E. HALPERIN, Mr David R. HAMER-HUNT, Mr & Mrs H.D. HAMILTON, Mr Alexander HAMMOND, Mrs Jennifer Ho, Dr & Mrs Hung Chiu HOCHSTADTER, Dr Walter HODGE, Prof. Peter HODGES, Mr Ronald HODGES, Mrs Sylvia HODGKISS, Dr. I. John HOLLEDGE, Mr Simon HOLMES, Miss Jeanette E. HORSTMANN, Mrs Charlotte HOTUNG, Mr Eric E. HUGHES, Ms. Anne HUNT, Mrs Jillian M.C. HYSLOP, Mr John S. JEFFERY, Mr Malcolm J. JOHNSON, Mr & Mrs P.K. JONES, Mr Gordon W.E. KEMP, Dr Derek R. KHAN, Dr Latiffa KHAN, Miss Sherifa 213 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 214 KING, Miss Carol A. KIRKBRIDE, Mr K.M.G. KROPATSCHECK, Mrs Hannemarie KWAN, Mrs Alice W.S.C. KWOK, Mr Ping Leong LACK, Mr Alan J. LAI, Miss Merlin S.C. LANG, Mr Frederick G. LAWRENCE, Mr Anthony LAWTON, Mr David LEE, Mr Peter E.I. LEE, Mr Peter J. LEE, Mrs R.M. LEE, Miss Sandra Suk Yee LEE, Mrs S. Jane LERNER, Mr Bernard LEVIN, Mr David A. LEVIN, Ms. Stephanie S. LI, Mr Edwin Lao LI, Mr Shi-Yi LIARDET, Mr A.J. LIN, Mr Tien-Wai LIU, Miss Dimon LLOYD, Mrs Aileen S. LLOYD, Mrs Waltraud E. LO, Miss Alexandra Dak Wai LO, Mr Shu-wing LOCKING, Mr J.R. LOFTS, Prof. Brian LOK, Dr Leonora Shin U. LOK, Miss Wai Kwan LOVELL, Mrs Hin-Cheung LUNNEY, Mr Raymond LUTZ, Mr Hans F. MA, Prof. Ho-Kei MA, Mrs Jackie MA, Prof. Meng, MBE MACCABE, Mrs S.J. MACCALLUM, Mr. I. MACCALLUM, Mrs Wendy M. MACGREGOR, Mr Keith MAHLKE, Mr William J. MANSON, Mr James B. MAO, Dr Philip Wen-chee MARKEY, Mr J.C. MARTIN, Dr Michael R. MASON, Mr A.K. MATHEW, Mr David MATHEWS, Mr J.F. MAYERS, Mr Walter MCLEAN, Mrs Robyn H. MCCULLY, Mrs Arthur M. MCDONALD, Mrs John R. MCELNEY, Mr Brian S. MINERS, Dr N.J. MINTER, Mr C.J.W. MITCHELL, Mr Eion A. MITCHELL, Mrs Ruth M. MORGAN, Ms V. Elaine MOSER, Mr Michael J. MOYLE, Mr G.C. MULLOY, Mr G.N. MURPHY, Mr Francis S. NEWBIGGING, Mr D.K. NEWBIGGING, Mrs Carolyn NG, Dr Margaret N. NG, Miss Tonia NGUYET, Mrs Tuyet O'HARA, Mr Randolph ONG, Prof. Guan Bee OUTCH, Mr William T. ORR, Mr Iain Campbell OXLEY, Mr C.W.B. PARRINGTON, Miss June PARRY, Mr Roger H. PERESYPKIN, Mr Oleg P. PICKARD, Mrs Jane PICKFORD, Mr John B. PRESCOTT, Mr Jon A. PRYOR, Dr E.G. QUESTED, Mrs Rosemary RAM, Mrs Jane REDDING, Dr S.G. REYNOLDS, Prof. W.A. REYNOLDS, Mrs Johanne RHODES, Mr Peter F. RIBEIRO, Mrs Susan RICHARDS, Dr S.F. RICHARDS, Mrs J.K. RICK, Mr D.R. RIGG, Mrs Jillian R. ROBERTSON, Mrs A.G. ROBERTSON, Mrs W.G. ROHRS, Mr Kenneth R. ROPER, Mr G.W. ROSS, Mr David M. ROWARK, Mrs Sally ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m SALMON, Mrs P.A. SAPSTEAD, Mr Gordon A.G. SCOTT, Dr. Ian SEARLS, Mr M.W., Jr. SHAM, Mr Francis SHANNON, Major J.M. SIDDLE Mr Oliver R. SIEGFRIED, Mrs Stephanie S. SIU, Mr Anthony Kwok-Kin SMITH, Mr Reginald C. SMITH, Mr Stewart P. SMITH-ROBERTS, Miss Karen A. SO, Dr Chak Lam STEAD, Miss S.M. STEINER, Mr Henry STEWART, Miss Jessie STRICKLAND, Mr John E. STUMF, Mr Karl L., O.B.E. SU, Mr Samson SURECK, Mr Joseph SURECK, Mrs Joseph TAM, Miss Adelaide Chiu-hor TANG, Mr David TANG, Mr Hai Chiu TANG, Mr Stephen Wing-hung TAYLOR, Mrs V.V. THATCHER, Mr Melvin Paul THOMAS, Mr Reginald THOMAS, Mrs S.E. THOMPSON, Mr F. John TING, Mr Joseph Sun Pao TING, Mr Thomas Kam-Shu TISDALL, Mr Brian TOCHRANE, Miss Vera TOH, Miss Esther TOOGOOD, Mr C.W. TRETIAK, Professor Daniel TSANG, Mr Augustin Chung-Kong TSANG, Mr Hin Sum TSO, Miss Priscilla TURNER, Mr H. David TWITCHETT, Miss Yvonne VINE, Mr P.A.K. WALKER, Mr A.P. WALKER, Mrs Prudence WALTERS, Mrs Sandra L. WATERS, Mr D.D. WATT, Mr James WATT, Mr Mo-Kei WEBB, Mrs Susan M. WEI, Miss Peh T'i WHITTAM, Mr Anthony R. WHOLEY, Mr. J.W. WILLIAMS, Miss Stephanie WILLIS, Mr David Nye WILLOUGHBY, Prof. P.G. WILSON, Mr Brian D. WILSON, Miss Elinor WIN, Mr Oliver 215 WINKLER, Mrs Rowena WONG, Miss Marion WONG, Mr Siu-Lun WOODS, Mrs Rowena WORKMAN, Dr Gillian WRIGHT, Mr D.A.L. WRIGHT, Dr Leigh R, WRIGHT, Miss V. Moya YANG, The Hon. Mr Justice YEUNG, Mr Michael Wing Chiu YOUNG, Dr John D. YOUNG, Mr Richard YUNG, Mr David C.W. ZIGAL, Mrs Irene OVERSEAS LIFE MEMBERS ARMERDING, Mr Ludwig E. BAKER, Dr Hugh David R. BAKER, Mr William Ernest BALL, Mr John M. BARNETT, Mr K.M.A. BENNISON, Mr Larry L. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr Giuliano BLACKMORE, Mr Michael BLACK, Sir Robert BLAKER, Mr D.J.R. CAPLAN, Mr Malcolm CARLSON, Miss R.E. CATER, Sir Jack CLARKE, Rev. Cyril S. COCKELL, Miss Juve V. COLLIN, Mr P.H. COSBY, Mr Ivan P.S.G. COSTANTINI, Dr Giulio COSTANTINI, Mrs G. CRANMER-BYNG, Prof. J.L. CUMMING, Mrs Dorothy M. DUNCANSON, Mr J.D. EWING, Miss E. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p ADDRESS BY DR. JAMES HAYES, AT THE ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING, 17TH FEBRUARY 1983 Dr. Topley, ladies and gentlemen, According to p. 4 of Vol. 1 (1961) of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society: "THE HONG KONG BRANCH was resuscitated as the outcome of a meeting attended by some thirty interested persons, held at the British Council Centre on December 28, 1959. The meeting adopted a constitution approved by the parent Society in London, and formed an interim Council to hold office until a General Meeting should be held. The following were elected to the Council:- President: Dr. J. R. Jones; Vice-Presidents: the Hon. Sir Tsun-nin Chau and Dr. L. T. Ride; Hon. Secretary: Mr. J. D. Duncanson; Hon. Treasurer: Mr. T. J. Lindsay; Hon. Editor of the Journal: Mr. J. L. Cranmer-Byng; other Councillors: Dr. Marjorie Topley and Messrs. James Liu, Holmes Welch, and G. B. Endacott. The Inaugural Meeting of the revived Branch was held on April 7, 1960, in the Loke Yew Hall of Hong Kong University. It was to have been presided over by H. E. the Governor, Sir Robert Black, K.C.M.G., O.B.E., had illness not prevented it. The Inaugural Address was delivered by Professor F. S. Drake, Professor of Chinese at Hong Kong University, on "The Study of Asia: a Heritage and a Task". On January 23, 1961, Sir Robert Black presided over a meeting of the Branch in his capacity as Patron, and thus restored a tradition after a lapse of a hundred years.' ** As incoming President, it is my honour on this occasion, twenty-three years later, to make a presentation to Dr. Topley on your behalf, in recognition of her work as President of the Society from 1972 onwards. But first I wish to speak about her own contribution to the formation of our Society and its work over nearly a quarter of a century. xiv ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 30 Ikels, Charlotte JANET LEE SCOTT 1983 Personal Communication. Jones, John F., K. F. Ho, B. Lo Chau, M. C. Lam, and B. H. Mok 1978 Neighborhood Associations in a New Town: The Mutual Aid Committees in Shatin. Social Research Centre, Occasional Paper No. 76. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong. Scott, Janet Lee 1980 "Action and Meaning: Women's Participation in the Mutual Aid Committees, Kowloon." Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University, 1980. South China Morning Post (Hong Kong) "A Horrifying Crime Wave." 6 January 1977, p. 2. "Little Mutual Aid in Kim Shin Lane." 7 January 1977, p. 1. "Mutual Aid Committees to Disband." 8 May 1977, p. 10. "Grandpa Ready to Fight." 7 August 1977, p. 6. "Ding Blasts CDO 'Sham'." 17 April 1978, p. 1. "MAC Officials Frustrated, Worker Claims." 22 April 1978, p. 6. "Why Residents Are Unhappy about MACs." 23 April 1978, p. 7. Wong, Aline K. 1972 The Kaifong Associations and the Society of Hong Kong. Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, Vol. 43. Taipei: Orient Cultural Service. Yu, Jeffrey, Pui-man 1976 "The Keep Hong Kong Clean Campaign. An Evaluation." M.A. thesis, Stanford University, 1967. I ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 38 J. H. HAAN Public Meetings and the voters I have already quoted some of the articles from the 1845 Land Regulations which dealt with the meetings of landrenters. These provisions were still rather crude, but in the 1854 Land Regulations they were refined in the tenth article, and in those of 1869 in articles IX, X, XV, XVIII and XIX. Moreover to the 1869 Land Regulations were added "Rules of Procedure to be observed at Meetings of Ratepayers". In article IX it was laid down that "it being expedient and necessary for the better order and good government of the Settlement that some provision should be made for the appointment of an executive Committee or Council, and for the construction of public works and keeping the same in repair the Foreign Treaty Consuls, L 1 P or a majority of them, shall, during the month of February or March in each year, and so early in the same as possible, fix the date for the election of the Executive Committee or Council and shall also during the said months give notice of a public meeting to be held within twenty-one days of such notice, to devise ways and means of raising the requisite funds for these purposes"; and article XV provided that "it shall be competent for the Foreign Consuls, collectively or singly, when it may appear to them needful, or for the electors, provided not less that twenty-five agree in writing so to do, to call a public meeting at any time, for the consideration of any matter or thing connected with the Municipality”. Most Public Meetings up to 1896 were probably held at the British Consulate, although a small number were convened elsewhere. The very first one was in Richard's Hotel on December 22, 1846; later some were held at the Shanghai Library (on April 8, 1861 and August 18, 1864). In 1896 a Town Hall was completed (a new one being opened in 1922) and from that date most meetings took place there. Most of the time the British consul was in the chair. Earlier we saw that foreign residents thought that municipal government ought to be based on mutual agreement and consensus; but, it might well be asked, whose agreement? In other words: who were allowed to participate in the elections and discussions at Public Meetings? Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 60 J. H. HAAN 11 NCH 17.3.1866, 24.3.1866. 12 Final LR 1869 in e.g. Feetham, I, p. 68-83. 1* NOH 29.5.1852, 5.6.1852. ** NCH 13.4.1861. 16 NCH 29.6.1861, 18 10 NCH 5.4.1862; cf also NCH 5.12.1863 and 25.6.1864. 17 In Hertslet: "Treaties between Great Britain and China and Foreign Powers", 1908, Volume II, p. 686-687. 19 Cf. NCH 13.4.1861. 10 Cf R. Bendix: "The extension of citizenship to the lower classes" in R. Bendix (Ed.): “State and Society", 1973, p. 251; also Guido de Ruggiero: "The history of European Liberalism", 1967 (Repr). 20 NCH 11.11.1854. 21 Ibid. ** NCH 9.12.1854. ** Cf. NCH 23.12.1865, 30.12.1865; Kotenev, p. 18-19. * NCH 22.4.1865. * NCH 17.3.1866; for the discussion about this affair cf. also Haan "Shanghai" p. 95-100. 24 NCH 17.3.1866. * NCH 5.7.1851. 28 NCH 29.3.1852. **NCH 22.6.1861. 30 NCH 27.8.1864, * Cf. J.H. Haan: "De buitenlandse concessies en settlements in the 19e en 20e eeuwse China" ("Foreign concessions and settlements in 19th and 20th century China"); unpublished manuscript, University of Amsterdam, 1972, Volume I, p. 47. ** NCH 5.12.1863. 34 NCH 28.11.1863. ** NOH 24.3.1863. * Shanghai Almanac 1855. 56 Johnstone, p. 56. 27 NCH 5.7.1851. 宫 ** NCH 29.6.1861. 30 NCH 5.4.1862. * For a detailed account of membership of the MC 1849-1866 see Haan, "Shanghai", appendix II, reprinted as the appendix to this article. 41 Cf Johnstone, p. 243-247. * For this and the following scheme of Feetham, Volume I, p. 112-130; Johnstone p. 227-242. ** NCH 22.4.1865. ** Cf NCH 10.3.1866. 45 People's Tribune (Shanghai), 16.3.1935, p. 358. ** China Weekly Review 24.3.1934, p 119. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 61 "J.W. Norton Kyshe: "The history of the laws and courts of Hong Kong" (2 vols. H.K., 1898), I, p. 658; cf also NCH 3.7.1858, 24.11.1860. PT 1.8.1933, 1.9.1934. 10 NCH 11.5.1861. 60 NCH 5.4.1862. G.A.M. Anderson: "Humanity and Labour in China" (London, 1928), ch. VI, IX; E.M. Hinder: "Life and Labour in Shanghai" (New York 1944), p. 2, 115-116. See Hinder, "Life", passim. For tax rates see Feetham, "Report", I, p. 147-148. For critical comments on the sectional, non-representative background of Municipal Council members, see China Weekly Review, Shanghai, 24.3.1934, p. 119. Cf NCH 10.7.1852, 17.7.1852, 24.7.1852. Cf NCH 14.10.1854, 21.10.1854 and following issues. NCH 23.4.1864. China Weekly Review 9.1.1937, p. 179. NCH 20.10.1860. * China Weekly Review 9.1.1937, p. 179. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 92 ELIZABETH SINN portantly, what was not of value in their own. If Chinese nationalism, as Joseph Levenson defines it, could be truly established only when "nation" has overtaken "culture" as the focus of loyalty, then Hong Kong was understandably a fertile ground for the germination of modern Chinese nationalism. And through this, we can see the role Hong Kong has played in the history of modern China. The 1884 episode is only one of many interesting episodes in Hong Kong history which have been overlooked in spite of their significance. If more of them could be studied in depth, our understanding of Hong Kong history would be enhanced. NOTES Abbreviations Used CO129— Colonial Office, Original Correspondence series 129. FO228 Foreign Office, Embassy and Consular Archives, Correspondence series 228. JHKBRAS― Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Shu Pao I—Shu Pao, (Taipei reprint, 1964). See note 10. Shu Pao II—Shu Pao, extracts in Chin-tai-shih tzu-liao (Sources on Modern History) 57:6 (1957.12) 20-30 see note 10. (notes on Hu Ch'uan-ch'ao— Tun-mo lui-fen the [Sino-French] War) (Taipei, 1973 reprint, original preface 1898), 2 Volumes, 8 chüan. See note 2. + Daily Press, 4th September, 1884, * Hu Chuan-ch’ao Tun-mo lul-fen (notes on the [Sino-French] War) (Taipei, 1973 reprint; original preface 1898), 2 volumes, 8 chüan; chüan 2:34a. Hu had followed P'eng Yu-lin into Kwangtung and was attached to the Kwangtung military headquarters. He kept a close watch on the war and his notes are an important source on the subject. A translated version of the proclamation is found in Marsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: Colonial Office Original Correspondence, Series 129 (hereafter CO129)/127. The lunar date was given as 16th day of the 7th moon which was 5th September, but was wrongly converted in the translation to 15th September. The Chinese original is in Hu Ch'uan-ch'ao, chüan 2:28b-29b. The original is in ibid., chüan 2:28a-28b. The translated version is in the Daily Press, 1st October, 1884. For correspondence on this proclamation between Parkes, the British Minister in Peking, Hance, Acting British Consul at Canton and the Tsungli Yamen, see Parkes to Granville, 26th September, 1884, Despatch No. 190: Foreign Office, Embassy and Consular Archives, Correspondence Series 228 (hereafter FO228)/375, Parkes to Granville, 30th September, 1884, Despatch No. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 97 * For Fang Han-ch'i, see Note 10. Li Ming-jen "I-pa-ssu nien Hsiang-kang pa-kung yün-tung" ("The Strike in Hong Kong in 1884), Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical Studies), 1958:3 (March, 1958) 89-90. Lloyd E. Eastman, "The Kwangtung anti-foreign disturbances during the Sino-French War", Papers on China, 13 (1959) 1-31, Lewis M. Chere, "The Hong Kong Riots of October 1884: Evidence for Chinese Nationalism", JHKBRAS, Vol. 20 (1980), p. 54. * Chinese Prisoners, Papers respecting the confinement and trial of Chinese prisoners in Hong Kong 1857 (155, Sess. 2) XLIII, Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers (Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1971) Vol. 24: China, pp. 151-188. For a narration of the event see James Pope-Hennessy, Half Crown Colony: A Hong Kong Note Book (London: Jonathan Cape, 1969), pp. 55-58. Marsh to Parkes, 4th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 2nd February, 1885: CO129/224. Marsh to Parkes, 6th October, 1884, Telegram enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 9th December, 1884: CO129/219. Tsungli Yamen to Parkes, 10th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 13th December, 1884; ibid. **For Paou-chong, see Ordinance No. 13 of 1844; for Tepo, see Ordinance No. 3 of 1853; for the Registrar-General, see Ordinance No. 7 of 1846. The Registrar-General's duties were redefined by Ordinance No. 6 of 1857, and again by Ordinance No. 8 of 1858. For the Chinese elite, see Carl Smith's works cited in Note No. 59. See also his "An Early Hong Kong Success Story: Wei Akwong, the Beggar Boy", Chung Chi Bulletin No. 45 (December 1968), pp. 9-14; "English-educated Chinese Elites in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong", Symposium Paper, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, (November 1972), pp. 65-96; and H.J. Lethbridge, "A Chinese Association in Hong Kong: the Tung Wah", "The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Association in Hong Kong: The Po Leung Kuk" and "The District Watch Committee: The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong?" in his Hong Kong: Stability and Change. **Marianne Bastid, "The Social Context of Reform” in Paul A. Cohen and John E. Schrecker, ed., Reform in Nineteenth Century China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), pp. 117-127; 118. Li Tak Cheong was a director in 1872, chairman in 1883, and a hip-li in 1873 and 1884. Ho Amei was chairman in 1882 and a hip-li in 1883. Leong On was a founding chairman, and chairman again in 1877 and 1887, and was a hip-li in 1872, 1878 and 1888. **Ho Kai's father, Ho Fuk Tong and his brother-in-law Wu T'ing-fang were both founding chi-shi. See Note No. 34. Marsh to Derby, 24th March, 1886, Despatch No. 91: CO129/225. **This refers to a meeting called by Europeans in Hong Kong to discuss the rise of crime which they believed resulted from the leniency of the new Governor Hennessy. Some of the Chinese leaders however supported him and the meeting developed into a confrontation between Europeans and Chinese residents in Hong Kong. See James Pope-Hennessy, Verandah (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.), pp. 203-205. This was also fully reported in the Daily Press and China Mail throughout October 1878. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 98 04 ELIZABETH SINN Stanley Lane-Poole, (ed.), op. cit (vide note 57) Vol. 2, p. 350. "s For Wang T'ao, see Paul Cohen, "Wang T'ao and Incipient Chinese Nationalism", Journal of Asian Studies, 26: 4 (1967) 559-574. For Ho Kai's nationalist ideas, see Dr. Chiu Ling-yeong, and Ts'ai Jung-fang, op. cit (vide note 45) Dr. Sun's nationalism is treated in too many works to be cited here. * Reported by Wu Hsiang-hsiang in the preface to the Photographic Edition of Shu-pao I. This theme is developed throughout Joseph Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970; 1st published 1953). Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p H. J. LETHBRIDGE she opened a shop in Hong Kong, selling curios and objets-d'art. In 1927 she took a consignment of Chinese antiques, many from her late father's collection, to New York to sell. On October 10, 1927, she met her future husband in that city. Sir Travers Humphreys avers she was not, to English eyes, good-looking; others claimed she was attractive.20 But all agree she was charming and good-natured, much involved in charitable work. Less is known about Dr. Miao. Wai-sheung's relatives and friends never met him. He was a year younger than his wife. He was born in Chekiang (Chiang Kai-shek's native province) and, at the time of his trial, had a mother and sister living in Shanghai in the Chinese city. He claimed his father was a member of the Chinese Legislative Council (sic) and a Justice of the Peace. Miao studied law in China and later at Loyola University, Chicago. He was described as being extremely tall and slim, fluent in inaccurate English. His wife, a Cantonese, was petite, under five feet tall; so they were a noticeable couple together. They were married according to the rites of the American Episcopal Church. Siu was a devout Christian. Miao was probably a Christian, for Christianity was a sign of modernism in the early 1920s among the westernised, educated elite in Shanghai (later Marxism or Nationalism was to largely supplant all forms of religion and YMCA fraternalism among Chinese students and intellectuals). A newspaper report stated, in any case, that Miao 'professed Christianity before he died' (i.e., was hanged).91 After marrying in New York, they honeymooned in Buffalo, then Albany where the bride had a minor operation to facilitate sexual relations (probably dilation of the hymen). About four or five weeks after their wedding, they left for a two-months' vacation in Europe before returning to China. They landed at Glasgow, stayed in Edinburgh a day or two, and on June 17, 1928, stopped at Grange-in-Borrowdale, a Cumberland village, close to Derwentwater. On the next day, January 18, they went for a walk in the morning, returned for lunch, and left for another walk, hand-in-hand, at two o'clock. Miao returned home at about 4 p.m. and said his wife had gone to Keswick, about four miles away, to buy some warmer underwear. She did not return Page 150 Page 151 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p PHONOLOGY OF A CANTONESE DIALECT OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAT HING WAI LAURENT SAGART* The walled village of Kat Hing Wai (hereafter KHW) near Kam Tin in the New Territories of Hong Kong is inhabited by a lineage of the Tang clan, whose founding ancestor is believed to have settled there in the 10th or 11th century, coming from Jishui in Jiangxi1. Their dialect, which they refer to as way2 t'aw2 wa4 or 'dialect of the (walled) villages', differs from Standard Cantonese (SC) in a number of respects, and some of its speakers have formed the notion that it is really a transplanted Jiangxi dialect. It is not, however, only in use among members of the Tang clan, or in the village of KHW: I have heard a very similar dialect spoken in the Lau Fau Shan peninsula. Furthermore, Dr. P. H. Hase informs me that most, if not all indigenous Cantonese speakers of the New Territories call their dialect 'dialect of the (walled) villages' or 斗話. While there seem to exist differences between the different branches of this dialect, especially between the varieties spoken in the N.W. plains around Yuen Long and in the Eastern N.T. around Tai Po and Kowloon, the nature and extent of such differences are not known. Consequently, the scope of the present paper is limited to the phonology of way2 t'au2 wa4 as spoken in KHW. Sha Tin I undertook a survey of the phonology of this dialect, which I believe has not so far been described, in October and November 19822. The informant, Mr. Tang Sau-man XXX, a 66-year-old native speaker of the 'dialect of the walled villages', was born and had always lived in KHW. He went to school in Kam Tin until the age of 18. The school was in the traditional Chinese style, and the courses were given in the local dialect by a teacher, himself a 'person of the walled villages' from 圍頭人. * Dr. Sagart (Doctorat de 3o cycle Paris 7, 1977) is a full-time researcher with the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 147 a (a) aay By (aai) aaw (au) (ai) aw (au) aam am (aam) aeng (ang) aap (aap) ack ang (ang) ap (ap) ak (ak) e (e) eng (eng) ek (ek) ¡ (e) iw (iu) imm (im) ing (ing) ip (ip) ik (ik) a (oh) oy (oi) ong ok u (oo) uy ung (ung) uk (uk) ö (oeng) ű (ue) öng (eung) ök (euk) ung ük In the above chart, KHW finals -uy, -aeng/k, -ong/k and -üng/k have no SC homophones. KHW -uy resembles SC -ooi, but has a short vowel instead of the long /oo/ of SC. The vowel in KHW -aeng/k is similar to the vowel in (Received Pronunciation) English man. The transcriptions -aeng/k, rather than -aang/k were chosen to illustrate this point. The vowel in KHW -ong/k is noticeably more fronted than that of SC -ong/k, with the result that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between KHW -ong/k and -ông/k. Finally, KHW -üng/k are finals similar to SC -uen/t but have a short, instead of a long, vowel and a velar, instead of a dental, final consonant. Examples of these finals are: 'fear' 'big' 'satiated' /-a/ 伯 p'al /-aay/ * taay4 /-aaw/ I paaw3 /-aam/ saam1 'three' /-aeng/ 生 saeng1 'raw' /-aap/ # tyaap4 'diverse' /-aek/ 辣 laek4 'pepper-hot' /-ay/ 米 may1 'rice' /-aw/ 好 haw3 'good' /-am/ 心 sam1 'heart' /-ang/ 新 sang1 'new' /-ap/ 入 yap4 'enter' /-ak/ ☐ yak4 'day' /-e/ 蛇 se2 /-eng/ 病 peng4 'snake' 'sick' /-ek/ 吃 hek3 'eat' ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 148 /-i/ #k'iw2 'earth' /-iw/ 橋 kiw4 'bridge' /-im/ 染 yim1 'dye' /-ing/ king1 'see' /-ip/ 劫 kip4 'robbery' /-ik/ 舌 sik4 'tongue' /-0/ 過 kwol 'pass' /-oy/ 菜 ts'oy3 'vegetables' /-ong/ 床 ts'ong2 'bed' /-ok/ 國 kwok3 'country' /-u/ 古 ku3 'ancient' /-uy/ 妹 muy4 'younger sister' /-ung/ p mung2 /-uk/ 竹 tyuk3 'bamboo' /-0/ 靴 höl 'boots' /ông/ 傷 söngl 'wound' /-ök/ 脚 kök3 'foot' LAURENT SAGART #ti4 'door' #ty'oy1 #ty'ong2 /-ü/ 去 hül 'go' /-üng/ sông2 'lack' /-ük/ #k'ük3 'boat' The vowel system of KHW consists of 4 lax vowels /a, i, ü, u/ and their 4 tense counterparts /aa, e, ö, o/ respectively. /ü/ and /ö/ are similar to the vowels in French pu and peu. When the vowels occur alone without a final (that is, not followed by any final consonant), they are distinguished only by their timbre, and the contrast between /a/ and /aa/ is neutralized. When combining with a final consonant to form a final, the lax vowels emerge as short vowels, while the tense vowels emerge as long vowels. Simultaneously, all vowels except /a/ and /aa/ become diphthongs: the tense vowels /e, ö, o/ are realized as opening diphthongs, starting mid-high and ending mid-low, while the lax vowels /i, ü, u/ are realized as closing diphthongs, starting mid-high and ending high. Similar diphthongs of lesser amplitude are sometimes heard when the vowels occur alone. When combining with a final consonant, /a/ and /aa/ exhibit simultaneous contrasts in length, frontness (the tense vowel /aa/ being always more fronted than the lax vowel /a/, even emerging ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 149 as -ae, when the following consonant is -ng or -k), as well as a contrast in voice quality: the lax finals are accompanied by lax voice, while the tense finals are accompanied by tense voice. This contrast in phonation type is particularly noticeable with the tense/lax pairs of finals -aeng/-ang and -aek/-ak, in which the tense vowel is always accompanied by a very sharp, metallic voice. In this way, all tense finals are easily distinguished from their lax counterparts using a set of cumulative cues such as length, timbre, direction of diphthong, and voice quality. Only three finals ending in a final consonant are not part of a tense/lax pair: /-im, -ip, -iw/. Although optionally realized as a closing diphthong, their vowel is long and its aperture at onset can stand anywhere between that of a mid-high i and a fairly low e, the vowel sounds in English bid and bed. Admittedly, these finals could be interpreted as /-em, -ep, -ew/ with equal plausibility. The restrictions to the combination of vowels and consonants within finals may be stated as follows: (1): rounded vowels /u, ö, u, o/ are not permitted to combine with labial consonants /-m, -p, -w/; (2): front vowels /i, e, ü, ö/ are not permitted to combine with the palatal consonant /-y/. All other combinations, except /-em, -ep, -ew/, are permitted and actually occur as finals. 4. Finals, comparisons with SC. From a comparative standpoint, there exist important differences between SC and KHW finals: KHW finals */-i, -ue, -oo/ of Old Cantonese were diphthongized to SC /-ei, -ui, -o/ when preceded by certain types of initials, while /-i, -ue, -oo/ were retained after other types of initials. This split did not occur in KHW. SC: -ei; SC: -i: KHW: -i: Thus we find: ti4 'earth'; l 'flag' but also tyi3 'paper' sil 'four'; #k'i2 sil 'poem' and # ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 152 LAURENT SAGART In the above chart, an OC final is reconstructed as the corresponding SC final if it is homophonous with the corresponding KHW final, or one of the corresponding KHW finals. In case SC and KHW disagree totally on the pronunciation of a given class of words, no reconstruction is attempted although a separate final must have existed for this class of words in OC. The main characteristic of the KHW system of final nasal and stop consonants is the merger of the -n/t finals into the ng/k finals. All SC words ending in -n or -t correspond to KHW words ending in -ng or -k. In general, an -n/t final merged into the -ng/k final of the same vowel, resulting in widespread homophony: *-n/t finals *ng/k finals kaengl 'interval' is homophonous with: kaeng 'the 7th celestial stem' sangl 'new' is homophonous with: #sangl 'sound' paek3 'eight' is homophonous with: paek3 'hundred' sak3 'lose' is homophonous with: sak3 'know' fung3 'style' is homophonous with: fung 'wind' However, in certain cases, there did not exist a -ng/k final of the same vowel. This led to the creation of new -ng/k finals, which resulted in overcrowding and phonetic realignment: thus the */-in, -it/ finals were changed to /-ing, -ik/, but instead of merging with the original finals /-ing, -ik/ which possibly had a slightly lower /i/, as is the case in SC, pushed them away towards /-ang, -ak/ (lax) with which they eventually merged: SC: -ing/k; KHW: -ang/k: kangla 'classic'; sangl 'star'; p'ang2 'level'; sak3 'know'; nak3 'history' The *-uen/t finals were changed to -üng/k, an innovation in the system of finals which could not result in homophony. The -on/t finals of SC correspond to KHW -ung/k, as already mentioned. However, the raising of /o/ to /u/ in */-oi, -on, -ot/ is unrelated to the movements of final stops and nasals. It is possible that */-on, -ot/ first merged with */-un, -ut/ before the merger of final dentals and velars took place. A similar situation... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 153 tion prevails in Kau Sai where all /-oi/ have been raised to /-ui/, while -ng/k and -n/t are kept distinct: McCoy gives füf lui 'long time', lui 'to come', hui 'sea', ui 'to love'. Unfortunately, he gives no examples of words with SC -on/t finals. Note that Kau Sai /-ui/, as KHW /-oy/, includes words with SC finals /-oi/ and /-ui/. K.M.A. Barnett mentions that SC kon 'dry' is 'almost always tabooed in (Hongkong) place names, being replaced by kwun ( or )'. I suspect that sound change, rather than superstition, accounts for this pronunciation. *-un/t did not merge with -öng/k, but with -ang/k: SC: -un/t: KHW: -ang/k: *ty'ang1 'spring'; ty'ak3 'to go out'; sak4 'technique'. In Kau Sai, SC -un/t merges with -en/t, the Kau Sai homologue of SC -an/t (lax). It may then be the case that in KHW, the *-ön/t finals first merged with -an/t, to be later converted into -ang/k. /-ang/ and /-ak/ are probably the largest of KHW finals in terms of their word membership: they include all words having the SC finals -ang/k; -an/t; -un/t; -ing/k. rhyme- It is worth mentioning that a number of Lower Entering-tone words with labial initials, mostly in the Shan group, have a tense vowel /ae/ in KHW corresponding to a lax vowel /a/ in SC: SC KHW # 'uproot' pât paek4 襪 'stocking' mât maek4 'to fine' fât faek4 *'wheat' mâk maek4 KHW appears to be the conservative dialect in this correspondence since lax vowels are irregular in the concerned rhyme-groups in SC. The correspondences between SC and KHW finals are summarized in the following chart: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 158 LAURENT SAGART I believe the 'dialect of the walled villages' is the same language that K.M.A. Barnett calls 'Namtau A a sub-dialect of Tung Kwun'. He writes: 'In the most prevalent Punti dialect, the Namtau dialect spoken in the N.W. plains by the oldest-established clans, there is confusion between final -n and -ng; e.g. the surname Man is pronounced Mang, Chan is pronounced Chang, while Ching is pronounced Chan, and so on' (p. 156). With reference to the place name Tai To Yan ‘Razor cliff', he writes (p. 137): 'The Nam Tau dialect pronounces this Tai Tau Yang'. These pronunciations correspond very well to KHW, except that 'Ching is pronounced Chan': one would expect a 'Chang'; but this is a very minor difference. Another sub-dialect of Tung Kwun, Sheklung, was described in two articles by J. D. Ball and C. J. Saunders, and shares many features with KHW. A comparison of the phonologies of the 'dialect of the walled villages' and the dialect of the boat people of Kau Sai shows that, although they do not stand particularly close to one another, these two Cantonese dialects of the NT have features in common which are not shared by SC: the merger of SC -ui and -vi, the merger of SC -un/t and -an/t, and the raising of /o/ to /u/ in certain environments. This is hardly surprising, since Kau Sai and KHW, two long-established dialects in the New Territories area, have been in contact for centuries. In contrast, nothing in the phonology of KHW suggests a link with Jiangxi or indeed with any other group of dialects. Scholars have taken the view that way t'au wa represents a ‘mixed Hakka-Punti language”. Yet from the point of view of phonology it is difficult to think of positive developments that would link up KHW (but not SC) and Hakka. On the lexical level, there are idioms that KHW shares with Hakka, but not with SC. For instance, the words for 'ear' and 'calf of leg' are cognates in KHW and Sung Him Tong, a Hakka village near Fanling 粉嶺10: KHW Sung Him Tong Hakka 'ear' ji1 kak3 ngi3 kit5 'calf of leg' kök3 nong2 tu3 kiok5 lang2 tu3 Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p Smashed up the matsheds over at Kowloon; And here, perhaps, I may be allowed to say Apropos of nothing in the play, These Kowloon matsheds are a perfect bane; They're hot and stuffy and let in the rain; And oh! those musical and parched mosquitoes When they are hungry, don't they fairly us. The British soldiers should have bricks and mortar. Our Ayrun* brother has them, then we oughter. 235 Then there were the opinions of life at the lower end of the military hierarchy. Giacomo and Beppo treat sarcastically the soldiers' life — they have just been encouraged to "go and enlist — you'll have extensive pay". Giacomo replies: And get boiled beef for dinner every day. A soldier's life ain't quite all beer and skittles, There's too much guard and not enough o' vittles. And as for Beppo: Me be a soldier not much. I couldn't stick it What price the slow march in defaulter's piquet, Instruction drill and then fatigues, although We don't mind working for the good old P. and O.** I rather fancy we should greatly like To see the coolies go again on strike. A dollar a day, more beer than we can carry Is better than parade in Happy Valley If that were all they did I would enlist. The long delayed unveiling of the Queen Victoria Jubilee statue† in Statue Square drew comment when Fra Diavolo, being pounced upon by villagers, expresses surprise: Well, landlord, may I beg an explanation Of this great rising of the population? Perhaps another statue has been found * Native Indian troops also stationed at Kowloon, ** During a coolie strike in 1895 soldiers were used to load and unload cargoes. †The statue was commissioned in 1890. It was not unveiled until May 1896. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 242 CARL T. SMITH 1 Dec. 1852 - first performance of amateurs under new management. 12 Feb. 1853 — Victoria Amateurs. "Twice Killed" farce (John Oxenham, 1837) "Slasher and Crasher" farce (J. M. Morton, 1848) 19 Mar. 1853 meeting at Victoria Theatre for purpose of forming a Corps Dramatique to arrange for another performance at an early date. 20 Apr. 1853 "Animal Magnetism" farce (Mrs. E. Inchbald, 1758) "A Kiss in the Dark" farce 19 May 1853 last night of season of Victoria Amateurs. "Time Tries All" dramatic drama (J. Courtney, 1848) "Toothache, or The Prince and the Chimney Sweep" farce 1853/54 27 Oct. 1853 Meeting at Victoria Theatre of those interested in theatricals to make arrangements for the coming season. (I found no notice of any performance for this season). 1860/61 3 Jan. 1861 "Still Waters Run Deep" (T. Taylor, 1855) 1861/62 1862/1863 29 Jan. 1861 new theatre, Hong Kong Amateur Theatre, performance by officers and gentlemen who have organized this establishment: "A Bachelor of Arts" (P. Hardwicke, 1853) "A Nice Firm" (T. Taylor, 1853) 25 Feb. 1861 performance of Gentlemen Amateurs Mon. last. 28 Mar. 1861 theatrical season drawing to close. Appreciation to the Committee. Difficult to see how the Amateur Theatrical Company could have managed without aid from the garrison. Dec. 1861 - first performance of season: "Cool as a Cucumber" (M. W. B. Jerrold, 1851) "The State Secret" (A. Snodgrass, 1821, or T. E. Wilks, 1836) in same commodious erection as served so well for last year's performances, 23 Jan. 1862 second public performance of Hong Kong Amateur Theatre: "Not a Bad Judge" comic drama (J. R. Planche, 1848) "The Critics" facetious tragedy (Sheridan, 1779) 1862 season "Cramond Brig" (W. H. Murray, 1826) Dec. 1862 The theatre a reproduction of last year's design. "Uncle Zachary" comic drama (John Oxenford, 1860) "Fearful Tragedy in Seven Dials" (Charles Selby, 1857) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 244 1870/71 P 1871/72 1872/73 1873/74 — 1874/75 — CARL T. SMITH 25 Nov. 1867 first performance of season at Club Lusitano Theatre: "All that Glitters is not Gold" comedy (J. M. Morton, 1851) "Cox and Box, married and settled" farce (F. C. Burnard and J. M. Morton, 1867) 19 Dec. 1867 Hong Kong Amateur Theatrical Society second performance: "Romeo and Juliet" burlesque "Little Toddlekins" farce (J. Mathews, 1852) 4 Nov. 1870 Amateur Dramatic Club first performance of season at Theatre Royal, City Hall. "Diamond Cut Diamond" farce (W. H. Murray, 1838) "Orpheus and Eurydice" burlesque (H. J. Bryon, 1863) 20 Apr. 1871 "I've Written to Brown" farce (T. J. Williams, 1859) burlesque by Francis Talfourd. 28 Apr. 1871 "Ici, en Parlais Francais" (T. J. Williams, 1859) "Shylock, or the Merchant of Venice Preserved" burlesque (F. Talfourd, 1853) also given in 1867. - 26 Jan. 1872 - "The Two Bonnycastles" farce (J. M. Morton, 1851) "Masanielle" burlesque (R. B. Brough, 1857) 21 Feb. 1872 - "The Rifle and how to use it" farce (J. V. Bridgeman, 1859) 11 Apr. 1872 "Castles in the Air" comedy (T. W. Robertson, 1854) Instead of "Castles", the production may have been "Caste" by T. W. Robertson (1867) 3 Jan. 1873 - "Locked In" farce (J. P. Wooler, 1870) "The Cricket on the Hearth" 13 Feb. 1873 "Kenilworth, or Ye Queen, Ye Earl and Ye Maiden", burlesque 13 Apr. 1873 "The Blighted Being" farce (T. Taylor, 1854) "Checkmate" comedy (Andrew Halliday, 1869) 30 Oct. 1873 1853) "Plot and Passion" (T. Taylor and J. Lang, 1853) 15 Nov. 1873 "The Spitalfield Hospital" farcical comedy "Not such a Fool as she Looks" (H. J. Bryon, 1868) 2 Mar. 1874 —— "A Romantic Idea" (J. R. Planche, 1849) "The Steeple Chase" (J. M. Morton, 1865) 5 Apr. 1875 - "Ticket of Leave Man" (T. Taylor, 1863) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 250 CARL T. SMITH 1921/22 - no production. 1922/23 1923/24 12, 13, 18, 21 Oct. 1922 - "I'll Leave it to You" (N. Coward, 1920) 26, 27, 28, 30 Dec. 1922, 1, 2 Jan. 1923 - "The Tempest" (Shakespeare) 8, 10, 12, 15 Dec. 1923 "R.U.R." (Rossum's Universal Robots) (Karel Capek, transl. by P. P. Silver, adapted by N. Playfair, 1922) 1924/25 25, 26, 27, 28 Feb. 1925 - "French Leave" (Reginald Berkely) farcial comedy 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, 22 Jan. 1925 - "St. Joan" (G. B. Shaw, 1923) 1925/26 2, 3, 4, 5 Dec. 1925 - "A Little Bit of Fluff" farce 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 Mar. 1926 — “If” (Lord Dunsany, 1921) 1926/27 13, 15, 17, 18, 19 Nov. 1926 Dramatic Medley "A Matter of Time" (Ronald Jeans) "The First and the Last" (John Galsworthy, 1921) "The Burglar and the Girl" (Mathew Boulton, 1913) "The Man in the Bowler Hat” (A. A. Milne, 1925) 19, 22 Mar. 1927 "The Last of Mrs. Cheyney" - Frederick Lonsdale, 1925) 1927/28 19, 21, 22, 23 Nov. 1927 - "Bulldog Drummond" (H. C. McNeile and Gerald du Maurier, 1921) 1928/29 16, 20, 24 Nov. 1928 "The Sport of Kings" (Ian Hay, 1924) performed at Star Theatre, Kowloon. 19, 21, 22, 23, 26 Feb. 1929 - "On Approval" (Frederick Lonsdale, 1926) 1929/30 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 Mar. 1930 - "And So to Bed" 1930/31 12 Nov. 1930 — performance at Helena May Institute "Snobs" "Half an Hour" 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 Nov. 1930 "The Middle Watch" a romance of the Royal Navy (Stephen King-Hall and Ian Hay, 1929) 7, 10, 11, 13, 14 Mar. 1931 - "Art and Mrs. Bottle" (Benn W. Levy, 1929) "Dear Brutus" (James Barrie, 1917) last A.D.C. performance at the Theatre Royal, City Hall. 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21 Nov. 1931 1931/32 ― ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p NOTES AND QUERIES 285 NOTES CO129/381 pp. 550-63 and 'Public Record Office, London CO129/402 pp. 269f. 23 Statistics of violent crime showed a decrease compared with 1910, see Administrative Reports for 1911, J1. * CO129/381 pp. 343-8 and CO129/388 pp. 219-23. Proceedings of the Legislative Council, 30 Nov. 1911, pp. 243-5. * CO129/388 pp. 51-9 and CO129/389 pp. 110-5 & 146. South China Morning Post, 8 July, 1912. South China Morning Post, 3, 5, 9 July, 1912. * South China Morning Post, 19 July, 1912. * CO129/391 pp. 150-3. The suggestion that Li intended to complain about events in South Africa is not mentioned in any of the press reports. His statement was repeated and interpreted at the second trial and appears to refer unambiguously to May's actions as governor of Fiji. However, May's version of the criminal's motive is given in the official Administrative Report for 1912 p. 31. 10 China Mail, 18 July 1912. South China Morning Post, 8 July 1912. Hua Tzu Jih Pao, Hong Kong. (I am grateful to Miss Jane Lee Ching Yee for checking the files of this newspaper for me). 11 CO129/402 p. 283. Hong Kong Daily Press, 8 July 1912 p. 3 col. 2. 712f. **CO129/394 pp. 3-6, 81-7. CO129/43 pp. 272-85. CO131/43 pp. ** CO131/54 p. 298. PROBLEMS OF THE CHINA TRADE A CENTURY AGO: TWO LETTERS ON TRANSIT PASSES A chance reference to the China Maritime Customs Trade reports for 1879 brought to light two original manuscript letters of the same year, addressed to Mr. W. Keswick of Hong Kong, and which may be of sufficient interest to be reproduced here. Both are dated 12th March, and are on the subject of transit passes, a matter with which Mr. Keswick was evidently concerned at that time. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p Notes and QUERIES 287 It is possible to trace the history of Mr. Herton's unhappy experience in the matter of transit passes in the consular correspondence from Kiungchow (H) or Hoihow (now Hai-k’ou), the port of Hainan Island facing the mainland. Briefly, the facts appear to be as follows. On 7th June 1877 the British firm of Herton, Ebell & Co. applied for transit passes to bring sugar from the interior. The reply from the Chinese customs authorities was that regulations for issue of transit passes had not yet been drawn up, so none could be issued. Edward Herton decided nevertheless to go and buy sugar and galangal (or galingale), for which he paid duty at Hai-Ant customs house. Further purchases were made in July and November 1877, on each occasion transit passes being applied for and refused, and duties at a higher rate than would have been due under the transit scheme were paid. On 8th May 1878, Messrs. Herton, Ebell & Co. made a formal complaint to H.M. Consul at Kiungchow, claiming $20,000 against the Chinese Government for excess duty paid and losses incurred due to the non-issue of transit passes. The acting consul, James Scott, forwarded this to Hugh Fraser, H.M. Chargé d'Affaires in Peking on 30th May (F.O.228, v.612, p.273-4), with his comment that there was insufficient supporting evidence for such a large claim. Scott had previously submitted to Fraser on 8th May (F.O.228, v.612, p.267-71) a claim on behalf of Messrs. Herton, Ebell for excess duty amounting to $909.57, for which there was supporting documentation. What happened to this earlier claim is not clear, but Fraser forwarded the larger claim, which was in the form of a petition to the Secretary of State with supporting documents, to the Foreign Office on September 25 (F.O.228, v.603, p.262-3) with the comment: “British traders may perhaps not unjustly ask to be reimbursed the amount actually paid by them as Transit duty over and above that which they would have had to pay had passes been allowed them; but I am not prepared to support any such demand for an additional ‘indemnity’ as that which is made in Mr. Herton's letter to acting Vice Consul Scott of the 8th August last.” ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 288 NOTES AND QUERIES The reply from the Secretary of State, Lord Salisbury, was, “I approve your proceedings" (F.O.228, v.605, p.237, dated Dec. 9, 1878). The letter from the Foreign Office to Mr. Herton which he referred to in his letter to Mr. Keswick has not been traced in F.O.228. Perhaps he would have been less pleased with Foreign Office action if he had been aware of the above exchange. Nothing further appears to have happened until 24th July 1879, when Sir Thomas Wade, who as H.M. Minister in Peking had meanwhile taken over from Chargé d'Affaires Fraser, wrote to Mr. Scott enclosing a memorandum on the Herton claim (F.O.228, v.630, p.101-2), and instructing him to inform the Superintendent of Customs at Kiungchow that the firm's claim for $909.57 was supported, and that the attention of the Chinese authorities in Canton had been directed to the case. It is not entirely clear whether this was before or after Scott's letter of 3rd July, enclosing one from Herton of 2nd July to Sir Thomas Wade (F.O.228, v.630, p.134-6), had reached Peking, though the latter are filed later. Herton claimed that, because of his "unfair treatment at the hands of the Authorities" his business had been "entirely crippled", and he was "now in most pressing need of the money," In accordance with Sir Thomas Wade's instructions, Scott wrote on 22nd August 1879 to the Customs, claiming $909.57, and rehearsing the whole affair on the lines of Wade's memorandum (F.O.228, v.630, p.165-7). No reply of substance was received until November, when, on the instructions of the Governor General of the two Kwangs, the old argument was reiterated, that no instructions for issue of transit passes were drawn up until January 1879 and as Herton had made his journeys in 1877 the duties paid were legally charged (F.O.228, v.630, p.174-5). In reply, Scott referred Acting Taotai Liu to the Treaty of Tientsin, art. XXVIII (see note 3 below), and pointed out that transit passes had been obtainable at Shanghai and other open ports for many years. He continued, "Are the Canton Authorities then alone to be free to carry out their individual opinions under pretext of drawing up rules, refuse to issue passes and levy any dues they please in opposition to Treaty rights?" In ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p NOTES AND QUERIES 289 The conclusion of the matter is shown in F.O.228, v.654, p.146-152. In a letter to Sir Thomas Wade, written from Hong Kong on 28th Aug. 1880, Byron Brenan describes how he went to Canton "in obedience to your instructions", and finding the Governor General would not be available for two weeks owing to a death in the family, argued the case with the Superintendent of Customs. This did not go straightforwardly, and involved Brenan in a trip to Hoihow to obtain the receipts required as evidence that the sums had been paid as claimed. Eventually, however, he was able to obtain payment of $787.12 as the amount of tax in excess of what would have been due under the transit pass system, plus interest of $118.06, being 5% for three years, $905.18 in all. The last paper on the matter is a receipt for the refund, signed by Louis Jüdell, who is mentioned in Mr. Herton's letter to Mr. Keswick, in the capacity of his duly authorized attorney. It also appears from the covering letter of Acting Consul Scott that Mr. Ebell had severed his connection with the firm in August 1879. The other letter to Mr. Keswick is less interesting, as it does not lead one into such a long paper chase (albeit on microfilm) through Foreign Office records. Nevertheless, it adds to the picture of problems faced by foreign merchants in China at that time. It reads as follows: Hong Kong 12th March 1879 Dear Mr. Keswick, In compliance with your request that I should give you a statement of the position of the Transit Pass Question at Pakhoi when I was at that port a month ago I beg to submit the following remarks. I was informed that a proclamation was to be issued on the day I left the 21st Feb. authorizing the issue of passes for cloth, specifying linen and camlets, but the Commissioner stated that the word cloth would be construed liberally as to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p NOTES AND QUERIES 291 $45 whilst Annisced Oil pays $5 duty and the value is about $145 altho' last year it was about $115. I am Yours very sincerely David Welsh It has not been possible from the China trade directories available in Hong Kong to find out anything about David Welsh. The first quarterly intelligence report from the British Consul at Pakhoi, dated 5th February 1878, states "There are only two foreign mercantile residents, both British" (F.O.228, v.616, p.411), and it is probable that Welsh was one of them, report continues that one of these was a general merchant and commission agent, while the other had formerly been a hotel keeper in Canton, now describing himself as an auctioneer, but who had come to Pakhoi without any clear idea of his intentions. The A further report by Acting Consul T. L. Bullock stated that duties had to be paid at both Licuchow and Chiu Chow on Pakhoi goods, and that transit passes were not issued because of the lack of instructions from the Superintendent of Customs at Canton, exactly the same situation as has been described at Kiungchow (F.O.228, v.616, p.432-6). A little later in the file is a copy of a letter from David Welsh to Bullock dated 13 March 1878 (p.443-5), in which he reminded the Consul that he had written three months before (letter not traced), pointing out the desirability of being able to obtain transit passes. In support of this he quotes the rates of Lekin payable at Nanning (南寧) in Kwangsi. "The result of the issue of Transit passes would of necessity be the opening of Pakhoi to foreigners practically as hitherto it has only been theoretically open." He concludes with statistics of the trade, mainly in yarn, piece-goods and cotton, from Macao to Pakhoi. On May 14, 1878 there is a despatch from the Chargé d'Affaires in Peking, Hugh Fraser, to J. G. Stronach, H.B.M. Consul in Pakhoi, referring to previous correspondence from Bullock, and saying that the Acting Consul in Canton had been asked to persuade the provincial authorities "of the inexpediency of withholding a treaty right" (F.O.228, v.616, p.469). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 292 NOTES AND QUERIES The difficulty dragged on into the following year, as we know from the two letters dated 12th March 1879 which prompted this study. In his intelligence report dated 2nd July 1879, Consul Stronach stated, "I have already reported the refusal of Transit Passes by the Governor of Kwangsi: a rumour has reached this that he has been superseded" (F.O.228, v.631, p.131). In his next quarterly report, however, he was able to say "The difficulties in the issue of Transit Passes made by the Governor of Kwangsi have been surmounted, and the actual issue of one has taken place to cover the Cassia Lignea contracted for by Mr. Welsh. The bark is expected shortly." He goes on, "An opening has at last been made of trade with Hongkong, by a small Steamer, the 'Hainan', under the American flag, and Mr. Herton, of Herton, Ebell & Co., a part owner, proposes to settle here and push the venture." (F.O.228, v.631, p.158). The main owners of the Hainan were Russell & Co. This, however, is not quite the end of the matter. In his Trade Report for 1879, Thomas Piry, Customs Assistant-in-Charge at Pakhoi, reports as follows: "The attention of merchants was a little excited in the beginning of the year by the information they received of the issue of Transit Passes. Some determined to try them for the conveyance of Cassia Lignea to this port, an article hitherto prohibited on its market. A contract was in consequence passed with a Foreign merchant. On further consideration, however, the Foreigner backed out, somewhat disgracefully, and left the port. This regrettable affair, enough by itself to ruin the Foreign name in the new place, was fortunately remedied by the kind agency of a Foreign firm, to which not a little credit is due for the action. The contract was confirmed by them, a Pass immediately taken, and the Cassia Lignea was satisfactorily brought down from Kwangsi to Pakhoi. Hence, firstly, the coming of the Hainan to fetch this Cassia." It seems that Welsh lived up to his name, and perhaps he was the former hotel keeper in Canton who had come to Pakhoi without any definite plans: this would also account for the omission of his name from the 1884 China coast directory. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p NOTES AND QUERIES 299 examples from field work, I began to look in books on China for examples from other places. It then became obvious that the use of firecrackers in the settlement of disputes was widespread. Some examples from my reading may be of interest to readers, and I shall briefly refer to them here. E. T. Williams mentioned their place in the settlement of disputes in his general work on China China Yesterday and Today (New York, Thomas Y. Crowell 1923), 128: The village elders use their good offices to reconcile the disputants and earn for themselves the reward of the peace-makers. They hear the complaint and the defense, the rejoinder and the sur-rejoinder. They find a middle ground on which the parties to the quarrel may meet, The law-suit is avoided: the ill-feeling is removed, the principals and their relatives are reconciled, and the whole village participates in the feast with which the event is celebrated. Of the complainant is decorated with red hangings, and the neighbor against whom complaint was made brings great bunches of fire-crackers attached to a pole and sets them off in the gateway. Thus full atonement is made for the alleged injury or affront and everybody is happy. The house except, as I have said above, the losing party! And forty years before Williams' book was published, the prefect of Canton, intervening in a three-cornered dispute between merchants, scholars and his subordinate officials, playing the role of mediator, "soothed the anger of the scholars with fireworks, i.e. shooting firecrackers, a customary way of giving loud apology to a party whose sentiments or honor were wronged". This is taken from Kung-chuan Hsiao Compromise in Imperial China, Occasional Papers on China No. 6 (Seattle, School of International Studies, University of Washington, 1979), p. 45, citing the account given by Herbert A. Giles, China and the Chinese (New York, 1902). Chang Fu-liang, a member of a rural reconstruction programme in Kiangsi province in the 1930s, found that the settlement of disputes was sometimes necessary before a start could be made to the work. He describes one situation as follows:- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 310 BOOK REVIEWS "Behind Barbed Wire" is a very self-centred account. With Leiper, one senses a greater compassion and a more generous nature. He is unstinting in his praise of the junior bank staff for their courage and determination, right down to the Number One Coolie's ability at organising refugee accommodation. There is the extraordinary loyalty of his domestic servants, one of whom died of starvation, and there is the unhappiness of the Japanese bankers with the brutal treatment meted out by the military. Not all is black or white. Also, where Jean Gittens merely notes the internees' ability to laugh at themselves, Leiper leavens the whole of his account with delightfully humorous anecdotes, which bring the story vividly alive. Above all, it is in Leiper's account that the plight of the local population is given due recognition. Perhaps it is because of the greater variety of his experiences and the period spent outside the camp, but the broader impression of conditions in the rest of the colony and the sufferings of the ordinary people of Hong Kong lend to the book a greater balance and perspective: "Even more distressing than these scenes of brutality was the unforgettable sight which we witnessed daily, of Chinese men, women and children lying on the pavement or huddled in doorways dying gradually of starvation, and looking at passers-by, who were powerless to assist, out of eyes from which all expression had already gone." Of the 2,300 interned at Stanley, 130 did not survive, but of Leiper's one hundred Chinese bank staff, fully one fifth could not be accounted for after the war. In the absence of a first-hand account from Chinese sources, Leiper has done much to improve our perspective. J. A. MILLER Pan Ling, In Search of Old Shanghai, Joint Publishing Company, Hong Kong, 1982, n.p. I wish I had known about this admirable historical guide to Shanghai when I made a research trip there last year. (In fact, I am led to believe that the present issue is an English translation of an earlier Chinese edition, although clearly, the author, whilst having the familiarity with the city which can only come through having lived there, is now a British resident.) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p BOOK REVIEWS 319 despite provision of a conversion table printed in very small characters. Despite these shortcomings, however, this is a useful handbook which will be of value in its field. P. H. HASE A Cadre School Life: Six Chapters Yang Jiang, trans. G. Barmé Joint Publishing Co. Hong Kong 1982, 91 pp. Madam Yang Jiang's "Six Chapters on a Cadre School Life", a book well received and translated into English, French, Japanese and other languages, is an epitome of life in the 'May 7 cadre schools' that could be found all over the country during the Cultural Revolution. This book provides food for thought for those free from any bias or prejudice, who will surely be enlightened after reading it. Like Madam Yang, I was an ordinary "fighter" of one of these schools. That experience should have made a greater impact on me as I had spent more time in a cadre school than she did. But for lack of literary talent and eloquence, I cannot vividly record this noteworthy episode of history in any way as well as she did. In the Foreword he wrote for the book, Mr. Qian Zhongshu said he thought there might well have been a seventh chapter called "Politics Chapter on Shame". I, too, have the feeling that there is still so much more worth narrating. We, of course, cannot expect everyone to feel exactly the same because different people have different experiences and also because cadre schools were not entirely identical although they had much in common. So different people will have different things to narrate and appraisals will not be quite the same from the readers. So far as I can remember, what struck me most was the damaging effect this period of history had on people of talent. If I were to add a chapter to this book, I would call it "Transformation Chapter on Fei". The word 'fei' is used mainly to denote 'waste' as in the term langfei'. It also has the meaning of 'tuition fee' as in 'xuefei'. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p BOOK REVIEWS 329 Augustus K. K. Siu and Anthony K. K. Siu, Studies on Chinese Genealogies and the History of the Hong Kong Region, Fung Chin Institute, Hong Kong, 1982. This book consists of eleven essays on the Hong Kong region (Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, the New Territories, and neighbouring areas). Four of them deal with genealogies, six principally with the history of the New Territories, and the last with boat people's songs. The central theme is that genealogies are valuable source materials for writing the history of this area, and this theme is illustrated with numerous examples. There should be no dispute on the central theme: the question is how to put it into practice. The essay on migration into the Hong Kong region (chapter 5), despite the misleading reference in the title to all immigrant lineages as "guest lineages", is a useful example. In this essay, the authors list the time periods during which fifty-three surname groups first settled here from evidence recorded in their genealogies. The Tangs of Kam Tin, Lung Yeuk Tau, etc., and the P'aangs of Fan Ling came at the end of the Sung dynasty, the Lams of Shek Po Tsuen, and the Lius of Wu Kai Sha came in the Ming, and so on. The list is a useful first approximation, but obviously much more needs to be done. Another interesting essay (chapter 4) describes ten historical “events” recorded in the genealogies. They include the marriage of the Sung princess to the ancestor of the Tangs, several famines and piratical attacks, the coastal evacuation from 1662 to 1668, the establishment of Tai Po New Market, the burial of a Chinese Christian at a Protestant cemetery on Hong Kong Island in 1854, the establishment of charity schools by philanthropist Fung Ping Shan, and flooding in Tsuen Wan in 1954. Similar "events" are discussed in greater detail in four other chapters (6, 8, 9 and 10), i.e., the establishment of the "five great clans" of the New Territories, the legend often referred to as "letting go of the wooden goose", the experience of the Southern Sung court in Kowloon, and the Tsuen Wan village feud of 1862 to 1864. Quite a few of these events have been discussed by other authors, notably Lo Hsiang-lin and James Hayes. These later chapters make use of stone tablets and oral ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 336 BOOK REVIEWS (No. 92) are equally successful in giving new perspectives on the human life of Hong Kong. All in all, this volume is recommended to anyone wishing to own a superbly produced volume of intelligently conceived and masterfully produced photographs of Hong Kong. P. H. HASE Chukoku Saiki Yengeki Kenkyu (Ritual Theatres in China). By Issei Tanaka, Institute of Oriental Culture, The University of Tokyo, 1981, xvi + 926 pp, Index. This impressive book contains the results of the author's researches during the period of ten years since he joined the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, in 1972. Trained as a sinologist, Prof. Tanaka started his study on ritual theatre in China from a historical viewpoint. Later his research focus shifted to field studies, particularly in Hong Kong. Between 1978 to 1981 he visited Hong Kong eight times and stayed here in total for eleven months. Most of the data presented in this volume are his field reports collected during his time in Hong Kong, and these form a mine of fascinating material which will prove to be of great value to many scholars. In addition to presenting the field reports, however, the book analyses three aspects of ritual theatre in China. One of these is the origin of ritual theatre. Based on historical data, the author traces the process of transformation of ritual theatre from ancient times to the present. Through these studies, he points out that the original form of ritual theatre was aimed at exorcising or controlling evil forces or at celebrating beneficial forces and seeking their assistance. Theatre of this kind can still be found in Hong Kong. The ritual theatre of Hoklo and Ch'ao-chou people in Hong Kong are mostly performed for exorcising, i.e., these theatrical performances are mainly aimed at freeing orphan souls and wandering spirits. Cantonese ritual theatre, on the other hand, is of the latter type, celebrating the deities' birthdays and beseeching their blessing. The second aspect is concerned with the social organization of ritual theatre. The author classifies Chinese local theatre, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 346 BOOK REVIEWS anything else known to me. This book is a real mine of information for all interested in traditional China. The second value of Things Chinese is the short bibliography attached to each major article: this makes the book an indispensable index to all other early European books on China a feature of great value. The Hong Kong Guide 1893 and Kwang Tung, or Five Years in South China are much slighter, although both contain a wealth of comment on Hong Kong and its surrounding countryside at the turn of the century. The most interesting point from these books to me is not the “quaintness" of the picture given of Hong Kong a century ago, but its pride in itself, in its commercial drive and success, and in its modern and metropolitan facilities. It is obvious that much of modern Hong Kong's self-image is very deep-rooted in the city! The only criticism of these volumes (with the exception of The Hong Kong Guide 1893 and Kwang Tung, or Five Years in South China) is their unwieldy and bulky format. The works are all long anyway, but become impossibly thick when printed on heavy paper and bound in boards. Things Chinese in this reprint is a good 3 inches thick - a full half inch thicker than the Concise Oxford Dictionary and awkward and cumbersome to use in consequence. Thinner paper and a less bulky book would surely be more desirable, even if this would result in a somewhat less "turn-of-the-century" feel. - These volumes are strongly recommended to all students of traditional China, they are still today of very great practical value, as well as being of unfailing interest. I for one await the next volumes in the series with eager anticipation. P. H. HASE Peter Y. L. Ng and Hugh D. R. Baker, New Peace Country: A Chinese Gazetteer of The Hong Kong Region, Hong Kong University Press, 1983 It has taken a long time to produce a work on the historical background to Hong Kong. Nearly 90 years ago, E. J. Eitel published his Europe in China. This was in fact a detailed history of British Hong Kong which gave scant notice to the ! i ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p BOOK REVIEWS 347 Chinese period. Perhaps because of this, the historian H. B. Morse commented in his International Relations of the Chinese Empire (3 volume, 1910) (Vol. I, p. 694) that it was "history written to support the utmost pretentions of the Hongkong residents" meaning its western inhabitants and especially the British. Saving Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's book on pre-1842 Hong Kong (1959) much of it done by his students and only part of it available in the English version (1963), we have had to wait all this time for someone to provide a clear and comprehensive account of the Chinese history of the region. It is fitting that it should have been written by China's scholar gentry, rescued from obscurity by a contemporary Chinese scholar businessman, aided and embellished by a British scholar long familiar with Hong Kong, and supported and published by the Hong Kong University Press. The book is the result of collaboration between Peter Ng, who wrote a master's thesis for the University of Hong Kong on this subject in 1961 and Dr. Hugh Baker who revised and edited it for publication. I have used Peter Ng's thesis in connection with my own work for many years, and was consulted by the Hong Kong University Press when it was considering who might edit it for publication. I suggested that Dr. Baker, if available, would be the best person, but hinted that this would be a difficult task not because of any shortcomings in Mr. Ng's work but because a good deal of extra work would be necessary to make it suitable for the English-speaking public. It is therefore not surprising that, in the preface, the joint authors agree that the task was greater than they had anticipated. The work could have gone on and on, and it says much for Dr. Baker's will power that he was able to bring his complementary labours to a close so that we could all benefit. Chinese gazetteers were never conceived for foreigners, as the Hong Kong University Press now intends. They were meant to provide a useful handbook of information on local subjects, for the benefit of senior officers in the district administration, particularly for the district magistrates and prefects who by the "law of avoidance" practised by the civil administration in imperial times, were required to be natives of other provinces of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 354 BOOK REVIEWS sources. For such purposes we could use dozens of studies like Sagart's in all the Chinese dialects. Of course there is much more that one can do with materials such as these. The synchronic description of this particular subdialect at this particular time is useful in many ways. For example, Sagart's lexicon leads us into the interesting area of borrowed words in Hakka, loans from both Cantonese and English. We might hope for a future study of the phonology and semantics of loans in this subdialect along the lines of Samuel Cheung's chapter on loan words in Cantonese (Zhang Hóngnián 香港粵語語法的研究, Hong Kong 1972). The few references in Sagart's study to syntactic details are intriguing and suggest the possibility of a fruitful expansion in that area. Although syntax and phrase construction are treated only cursorily in a section entitled Grammaire in the lexicon, we see some interesting details of usage that call for elaboration, hopefully at an early date. Page 20, entry 475 has a locative coverb phrase after the main verb in a construction that would require special explanation in other dialects. (cf. Cantonese phak gà chè hài nī douh 泊喺呢度 and also hài nī douh pāak chè, ‘park here' with a difference of nuance that needs fuller explanation). Also, I am fascinated by a dialect that uses throughout (Mandarin zhī) as the classifier for humans, monsters, deer, and other creatures. In some parts of China the use of this classifier is an insult when applied to people, but in this subdialect it seems to be the standard form for human beings. Divergent usages of this kind could constitute the base for an interesting study in its own right. We also find Sagart's teu: kjius ‘les chiens', suggesting a plural form alternating with ais kjius 'le chien'; one wonders if teu, is equivalent to the Cantonese form dī in post-verbal position. It is just in these areas of syntax and semantic shifts that one would like to see an expansion of Sagart's work. For too long we have taken it for granted that syntactic features are so similar among Chinese dialects that they are seldom worth separate study. In detailed studies of the kind Sagart has done we begin to see ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p BOOK REVIEWS 357 Officially dominant Chinese philosophy was organistically idealistic before 1949, while, at the same time, philosophies concerning science and technology are almost by definition materialistic. Thus, Needham's remark would seem to be nothing more than superfluous tautology. On this question of comparative philosophy, Steve Odin, Process Metaphysics and Hua-yen Buddhism, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1982 can be read with profit. Regarding the discussion of the Hua-yen (華嚴) (changer or magician) on p. 72, Needham ignores Prof. Chi Hsien-lin's "Lieh Tzu and Buddhist Classics" (revised in his Essays in the History of Sino-Indian Cultural Relations, Peking: San Lien, 1982). On the Yin-yang problem, it would have been preferable had Needham compared Chinese medicine with the Pythagorean Croton School. (See Edwin L. Minar, Jr., Early Pythagorean Politics in Practice and Theory, New York: Arno Press, 1979.) The medical classic Lei Ching (類經) said, “The heart and the pulse are not themselves either ch'i or blood” 氣血. Needham fails to indicate this text as the probable origin of Lao Tzu's simile "bellows". In 1982 three books have been published which should be used to supplement Needham's works: 1. Liu Ch'ang-lin Philosophy of Lei Ching and Methodology of Chinese Medicine, Peking: Science Press; 2. Collected Papers on History of Science and Technology, Series No. 9, Shanghai: Science and Technology Press, esp. p. 34 on "bellows", and the last paper: Shen Kang-shen, "Comparisons and Influences between Archaic Chinese and Foreign Bridges"; 3. Draft for History of Chinese Science and Technology, Peking: Science Press. However, Ho Ping-yu and Ho Kwan-piao's Outline of History of Chinese Science and Technology (Hong Kong: Chung Hua, 1981) is too brief to be supplemental. 1|1 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 358 BOOK REVIEWS Due to the author's lack of training in philosophy proper, the last chapter "attitude towards Time and Change" is not adequately intensive and critical. About Persian culture, he pays no attention to Prof. S. H. Nasr's prolific writings. He does not know that both (space) and (time) were etymologically derived from the technology of weaving. Quotations from the German philosopher Paul Tillich require exact citation and rigorous critical comment, particularly his words: "In Chinese literature there are fine records of the past but no expectations of the future. I am afraid that Chinese thinkers are inclined to be excessively optimistic towards human nature and romantically idealistic towards human future." As As to to printing errors, "ephemenies" on p. 116 should be "ephemeries". WONG YUK The Magic Wok, Philip Paxton, South China Morning Post Ltd, Hong Kong, 1982, 220 pages + 70 pages of illustration. To complete the fine series of photograph books relating to Hong Kong issued by the South China Morning Post Ltd this year comes this superb Chinese cookbook; the book of the TV show. Like all South China Morning Post photograph books the reproduction, colour separation, and razor-sharp definition of the 70 full page and 30 half-page illustrations is of the highest quality. Equally good is the real Hong Kong character of the dishes shown, neither "adapted" for gwai-lo taste, nor forming an uneasy Cantonese-northern amalgam. To be recommended. P. H. HASE China of the Beaten Track: How to do it on your own, B. Schwartz, South China Morning Post Ltd, Hong Kong 1982, 247p, inc Bibliography The cover of this book announces: You don't need to join a group to go to China. Backpackers can roam the country for $5 a day, and those willing to pay more can travel first-class without a guide. China Off the Beaten Track tells how. This is to claim more for this guide than it can produce. It was prepared following a six month tour of China, and the rather ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p Page 363 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH MEMBERSHIP LIST AS AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1982* PATRON: H.E. SIR EDWARD YOUDE, G.C.M.G., M.B.E., GOVERNOR OF HONG KONG. HONORARY MEMBERS THE AIDE-DE-CAMP LAM, Mr. Y. F. LAWRY, Mr. R.E. MACLEHOSE, Baron O'HARA, Mrs. M. TOPLEY, Dr. M. YOUDE, Sir Edward ALLEYNE, Mrs. E.L. BOARD, Mr. D.B.M. BONSALL, Mr. G.W. BUTT, Dr. N.S.G. LOCAL LIFE MEMBERS CALCINA, Mr. P.G. CHAMBERS, Mr. J.W. CHAN, Mr. A.T. CHENG, Mr. T.C. CHIU, Dr. L.Y. CHOA, Dr. G.H. CHUN, Miss O.L. COMBER, Mr. L. CRAMER, Mr. B.L.C. CRONE, Dr. D.L. DJOU, Mr. G.G. DUNCAN, Mrs. J. EMERSON, Mr. G.C. EVANS, Mr. P.J. EVANS, Mrs. P.J. FAULKNER, Mr. R.J. FOK, Miss N. FREMANTLE, Mr. A. FRY, Mr. R.A. FUNG, Mrs. L. FUNG, Sir Kenneth P.F. GAFF, Mrs. J.A. GILKES, Mr. D. GORDON, The Hon. Sir S.S. GREEN, Mrs. J. HASE, Dr. P.H. HAYES, Dr. J.W. HAYIM, Mr. E.J. HO, Mr. T. HONEY, Dr. N.R. HOPKINSON, Mrs. I. HOTUNG, Mr. J.E. HOWARD, Mr. W.J. HOWNAM-MEEK, Mr. R.S. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron T. von HU, Dr. S.H. HUI, Miss W.H. HUNG, Mr. C.S. IU, Miss S. KINOSHITA, Mr. J.H. KVAN, Rev. E. LAI, Mr. T.Y. LAU, Mr. M.W.M. LAWRENCE, Mrs. B.M.L. LEE, Mr. J.S. LEE, Dr. R.C. LEE, Mrs. S.J. LETHBRIDGE, Mr. H.J. LEUNG, Mr. P.K. LI, Mr. D.K.P. LIU, Mr. D.H. LO, Mr. T.S. LOSEBY, Miss P. LUK, Mr. G.P.C. LUM, Miss A. MACKENZIE, Mr. J. MACKEOWN, Dr. P.K. MARDEN, Mrs. J.L. McCRARY, Mr. M. MCKEIRNAN, Rev. M. MCINTYRE, Mr. W.M. NORONHA, Mr. J.E. OGDEN, Mr. B.J.N. OU, Miss G. PAIN, Mr. J.H. PICCUS, Mr. R.P. RAE, Mr. J.A. RAWLINSON, Mr. M.C. RAYNER, Mrs. C.M. RIDE, Lady May RUST, Mr. H.A. RYDINGS, Mr. H.A. SEED, Mr. B. *Honours and Decorations of Members are not noted in this list. Page 363 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 365 CHUA, Miss F.L. CLARKE, Ms. J. LOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS CLIMAS, Mr. D.J. COCHRANE, Mrs. V. COLLINS, Mr. A.J. COOPER, Mr. R. COURTAULD, Mrs. C. CRABBE, Mr. P.I. CRAIG, Mrs. P. CRISP, Mr. J.A. CRISSWELL, Dr. C.N. CROSS, Mr. N.T. CROSS, Mrs. C.E. CUMINE, Mr. E. CUNNINGHAM, Miss M. DAVIES, Mrs. L.R. DAVIES, Mrs. M. DAVIES, Mr. S.N.G. DAVIS, Mr. D.V. DAWE, Mr. J. DAWSON, Prof. J.L.M. DEACON, Mr. D.A. DEPTFORD, Mr. D. DER, The Rev. E.B. DIAMOND, Mr. A.L. DOLFIN, Mr. J. DOWELL, Mr. S.M. DOWNER, Mrs. R.W.Y. DRAKEFORD, Mr. L.S. DRESEL, Mrs. H. DYER, Mrs. C.E. ELSOM, Mr. G.J.B. EVANS, Mr. C.J. EVANS, Prof. D.M.E. FABRY, Mr. R.G. FABRY, Mrs. R.G. FAN, Mr. J.F.S. FAURE, Dr. D. FERGUSON, Mrs. C.L. FITZPATRICK, Mr. J. FITZWILLIAM-LAY, Mr. D.H. FORBES, Miss J.E. FORSYTH, Mr. A.H. FORSYTH, Mr. J.J. GAILEY, Mr. H.G. GAILEY, Mrs. N. GAMLEN, Mr. R. GARCIA, The Hon. Mr. Justice A. GARRETT, Mrs. V.M. GATELY, Mr. C. GERARD-PEARSE, Mrs. J.R.S. GHOSE, Mrs. R. GIBB, Mr. H. GODOLPHIN, Mr. P.J. GOLDSTEIN, Mr. A.L. GORER, Mr. P. GRANT, Prof. C.J. GRAY, Mr. P.H. GRIFFITH, Mr. R.O. GROVES, Prof. M.C. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HAFFNER, Mr. C. HAHN, Mr. W. HAIGH, Mr. D.F. HALL, Mr. C.H. HALLIDAY, Mr. P.E. HALPERIN, Mr. D.R. HAMER-HUNT, Mr. H.D. HAMILTON, Mr. A. HAMMOND, Mrs. J. HIGHAM, Mrs. J.E. HIGHAM, Mr. R.D. HO, Dr. H.C. HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W. HODGE, Prof. P. HODGES, Mr. R. HODGES, Mrs. S. HODGKISS, Dr. I.J. HOLLEDGE, Mr. S. HOLMES, Miss J.E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Mr. E.E. HUGHES, Ms. A. HUNT, Mrs. J.M.C. HYSLOP, Mr. J.S. JACOBSEN, Miss S.M. JEFFERY, Mr. M.J. JOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. P.K. JONES, Mr. G.W.E. JORDAN, Mr. D.J. KEMP, Dr. D.R. KERSHAW, Mr. C.J. KHAN, Dr. L. KHAN, Miss S. KING, Miss C.A. KIRKBRIDE, Mr. K.M.G. KWAN, Mrs. A.W.S.C. KWAN, Dr. L.H. KWOK, Mr. P.L. LAI, Miss M.S.C. LACK, Mr. A.J. LACK, Mrs. R. LANG, Mr. F.G. LAWRENCE, Mr. A. LEE, Mr. P.E.I. LEE, Mr. P.J. LEE, Mrs. R.M. LEE, Miss S.S.Y. LEEDS, Mrs. M.L. LERNER, Mr. B. LEVIN, Mr. D.A. LEVIN, Mrs. S.S. LI, Mr. E.L. LI, Mr. S.Y. LIARDET, Mr. A.J. LIH, Mr. S.H. LIU, Miss D. LLOYD, Mrs. W.E. LO, Miss A.D.W. LO, Mr. S.W. LOCK, Mr. K.B. LOCKING, Mr. J.R. LOFTS, Prof. B. LOK, Dr. L.S.U. LOK, Miss W.K. LOVELL, Mrs. H.C. LUK, Dr. H.K. LUNNEY, Mr. R. LUTZ, Mr. H.F. MA, Prof. H.K. MA, Mrs. J. MA, Prof. M. MacCABE, Mrs. S.J. MACCALLUM, Mr. I. MACCALLUM, Mrs. W.M. MACFARLANE, Mrs. H.D. MACGREGOR, Mr. K. MANSON, Mr. J.B. MAO, Dr. P.W.C. MARKEY, Mr. J.C. MARTIN, Dr. M.R. MASON, Mr. A.K. MATHEW, Mr. D. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 366 LOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS MATHEWS, Mr. J.F. MAYERS, Mr. W. McCULLY, Mis. A.M. McDONALD, Mrs. J.R. McELNEY, Mr. B.S. McLEAN, Ms. R.H. MINERS, Dr. N.J. MINTER, Mr. C.J.W. MITCHELL, Mr. E.A. MITCHELL, Mrs. R.M. MOBIUS, Dr. M. MORGAN, Ms. V.E. MORGANS, Mr. & Mrs. J.M. MOYLE, Mr. G.C. MULLOY, Mr. G.N. MURPHY, Mr. F.S. NESHEIM, Mrs. D.H. NEWBIGGING, Mr. D.K. NEWBIGGING, Mrs. C. NG, Dr. ANH. NG, Dr. MN. NG, Miss T. NGUYET, Mrs. T. O'HARA, Miss. L.S. O'HARA, Mr. R. ONG, Tan Sri Dr. G.B. ORR, Mr. L.C. OUTCH, Mr. W.T. OXLEY, Mr. C.W.B. PARRINGTON, Miss J. PARRY, Mr. R.H. PHILLIPS, Mr. R.J. PHILLIPS, Mrs. J.D. PICKARD, Mrs. J. PICKFORD, Mr. J.B. POPE, Mr. J.L. PRESCOTT, Mr. J.A. PRYOR, Dr. E.G. QUESTED, Mrs. R. RAM, Mrs. J. REDDING, Dr. S.G. REID, Mr. A.J.H. RHODES, Mr. P.F. RIBEIRO, Mrs. S. RICHARDS, Dr. S.F. RICHARDS, Mrs. J.K. RICK, Mr. D.R. RIGG, Mrs. J.R. ROBERTSON, Mrs. A.G. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W.G. ROGERS, Mrs. P.R. ROHRS, Mr. K.R. ROPER, Mr. G.W. ROSS, Mr. C.S. ROSS, Mr. D.M. SALMON, Mrs. P.A. SAPSTEAD, Mr. G.A.G. SCOTT, Dr. I. SHAM, Mr. F. SHANNON, Mr. J.M. SIDDLE, Mr. O.R. SIEGFRIED, Mrs. S.S. SIU, Mr. A.K.K. SLATTERY, Mrs. H.D. SMITH, Mr. R.C. SMITH, Mr. S.P. SO, Dr. C.L. SOLLY, Mr. P.J. STEAD, Miss S.M. STEINER, Mr. H. STEWART, Miss J.J.M.C. STRICKLAND, Mr. J.E. STUMPF, Mr. K.L. SU, Mr. S. SURECK, Mr. J. SURECK, Mrs. J. TAM, Miss A.C.H. TANG, Mr. D. TANG, Mr. H.C. TANG, Mr. S.W.H. TAYLOR, Mrs. V.V. THOMAS, Mr. R. THOMAS, Mrs. S.E. THOMPSON, Mr. F.J. TING, Mr. J.S.P. TISDALL, Mr. B. TOCHRANE, Miss V. TOH, Miss E. TOOGOOD, Mr. C.W. TRETIAK, Prof. D. TSANG, Mr. A.C.K. TSANG, Mr. H.S. TSO, Mrs. P. TURNER, Mr. H.D. TWITCHETT, Miss Y VINE, Mr. P.A.L. WALKER, Mr. A.P. WALKER, Mrs. B.P. WALKER, Mrs. P. WALKER-HAWORTH, Mr. J.L. WALTERS, Mr. R.G. WALTERS, Mrs. S.L. WATERS, Mr. D.D. WATERS, Dr. G. WATT, Mr. M.K. WEBB, Mrs. S.M. WEI, Miss P.T. WHITTAM, Mr. A.R. WHOLEY, Mr. J.W. WILLIS, Mr. D.N. WILLOUGHBY, Prof. P.G. WILSON, Mr. B.D. WIN, Mr. O. WINKLER, Mrs. R. WONG, Miss M. WONG, Mr. S.L. WORKMAN, Dr. G. WRANGHAM, Mr. & Mrs. C. WRIGHT, Mr. D.A.L. WRIGHT, Dr. L.R. WRIGHT, Miss V.M. YANG, The Hon. Mr. Justice YEUNG, Mr. M.W.C. YOUNG, Dr. J.D. YOUNG, Mr. R. YUNG, Mr. D.C.W. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Edward Youde G.C.M.G., M.B.E., Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1983 President: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.DIV. A. I. Diamond, M.A. Hon. Secretary: R. H. McLean Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Hon. Editor: P. H. Hase, B.A., Ph.D. Hon. Librarian: V. E. Morgan, B.A., A.L.A. Councillors: M. Topley B.Sc., Ph.D. Alan Birch, M.A., Ph.D., F.R.Hist. Soc. H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Hugh Gibb, M.A. Michael Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D. J. Young, M.A., Ph.D. Oliver Siddle, B.A.(Oxon.), F.R.S.A. Elizabeth Sinn B.A. iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v In fact a pair of monkeys liked the place and seemed to want to join up. They would scamper all around the house as if they owned it. However, as they were not housebroken they were a nuisance. One day a very religious monkey was found in the chapel. He ran into the sacristy and the door was slammed on him. Then the tennis net was brought up to capture him. The door was flung open, and in charged the priests with the net flying. The monkey was so frightened that he smashed right through the window and disappeared in the woods. Apparently he had decided he didn't want to be a monk after all. There were no great incidents at the house till the war came in 1941. Incidentally, I was ordained in 1941 and arrived in Hong Kong the night before Pearl Harbor on the last of the Pan Am Flying Clippers. And today happens to be the anniversary of the starting of the war! It was dusk on that Dec. 7th as we drove from the airfield out to Stanley, so we didn't see much of the city. Next morning when I was saying Mass in the lower chapel, there were big explosions and the altar jumping around. I thought this is probably the way they start every day in the East. Then when I came down to breakfast, the news had been received on the radio that the Japanese were attacking Hong Kong. We also got the first uncensored reports on Pearl Harbor. As the Japanese army gradually conquered Hong Kong Island, many refugees came to take shelter in the house. The Salesian Fathers had brought out a group of orphans and taken over a part of the house. Some military were also quartered in the house. With us nine new arrivals, the staff etc. there were some thirty people. The war started on Monday, so on Tuesday we as aliens had to go downtown to register. The bus went through Aberdeen, right past Mt. Davis, a big British military installation. The Japanese were bombing this all day, and so we spent practically all day jumping on and off buses, diving into the gutters along the roadside or darting into air raid shelters. We arrived in town just in time to catch the last bus home. However, after dark, the bus only went as far as Repulse Bay and we had to walk the rest of the way. With us were two Carmelite Sisters who had been to town to buy provisions for the siege. As we came down the road into Stanley ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v The Memorial is mentioned in the Report of the Antiquities Advisory Board, 1983 (published by the Antiquities and Monuments Office, Urban Services Department) as "having been restored with a generous contribution from the Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club and the agreement of the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals" (p. 11 and plate 10 of the Report). exemplifies two major There is the Buddhist suffering, and the long- (d) The Tung Wah Eastern Hospital another institution built with private funds which motivating forces in local life. concern to relieve poverty and established Chinese tradition that the rich should participate in good works to assist the community and be seen to be doing so through a proliferation of photographs of donors, memorials, subscription lists and the like. This is evident (I think) to a far greater degree than in the West, where published subscription lists and a memorial stone or two are usually enough to record charitable contributions. (e) The Sir Ellis Kadoorie Government School-established in another location in the 1890s through the generosity of one of the Kadoorie family. These merchant princes of Hong Kong and Shanghai originated from Baghdad. Their zeal for community projects, and their conviction that wealth generated from the community should be ploughed back into it, came over strongly in the interesting film on the Kadoorie Agricultural Association's work here and in Nepal which we showed to our members at the British Council recently. The school was originally planned to be used mainly by Indian and Pakistani children, but it is now attended by Chinese also. (f) The Hong Kong Buddhist Association School this is one of a large number of schools operated by the Association, and also by individual Buddhist organisations. The Association was founded in 1932, revived in 1945 it was inactive during the Japanese ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v THE SELF-PERCEPTION OF BUDDHIST MONKS I. IN HONG KONG TODAY BARTHOLOMEW P. M. TSUI Chinese University Of Hong Kong Introduction The title of this article may be ambiguous. One can imagine that in answer to the question of his self-perception a monk may say that there is no self according to Buddhist teaching and that therefore there cannot be such a thing as self-perception. To a student of religion the term 'self-perception' can be used to imply the value of the monk's activities in the context of the society he lives in. 'Self-perception' means the subjective awareness by the monk of the state of monkhood in relation to the reality around it. As the monk's perception of the world changes so must the state of monkhood be altered in order that its attractiveness be maintained. But does the monk's perception of the world change? Has it not been philosophically determined once for all by earlier writers? The truth is that changes in the secular sphere such as in the economic condition of society, customs, and trends of thought, did, and still do, affect life in the sangha. For example, Ch'an monks made it a point that they ought to cultivate land for their own livelihood. This is in direct contrast to the monks in India where begging is the accepted norm of the ascetical life. It is an integral part of the scheme of things. However, in China, nothing positive can be said of begging. The Chinese monks could not change the cultural opinion around them. In order to make themselves acceptable, they abolished their rule of begging. This is a case where the secular definition of reality has affected life in the sangha. But 'self-perception' deals with problems larger than what has been described as "the value of the monk's activities in the context of the society he lives in." A change in self-perception ultimately calls for a change in the conception of the religious quest, or at least a different configuration of it. However, a clear perception that such a necessity exists would demand an immense Page 45 Page 46 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 39 need for a solid education, both in secular subjects and in Buddhism. The new education proposed would also support the monks in new professional works, which would fulfill the Mahayana ideal of benefiting all beings. Thus, the monks would have an honourable means of livelihood which would externally win respect from all corners of the society, and internally, would give a new sense of purpose in life. A new orientation towards the world is also seen in the recent institution of a Buddhist marriage ceremony at which the monk acts as the chief witness. Recent responses of Buddhist monks to the changing social situation have lent themselves easily to a psychological analysis. This is precisely what has been done in the above article. The reason for the shift of self-perception has largely been psychological. That is to say: the changes have not been precipitated by convictions of a doctrinal nature and this fact sets limits of change. From what the Buddhists write about science, it is clear that the sangha does not yet have a clear notion of the implications of science for Buddhism. When such a clear notion arises, the effect would be very serious for the sons of the Buddha. But they may yet emerge chastened, but with the founder's vision essentially intact. NOTES Holmes Welch, "Buddhist Organizations in Hong Kong," Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, I (1960-61), 99. *火頭僧,「偕實延續問題」,香港佛教 (abbreviated to 香), V. 208 (1977), p. 4 :「近二十年來,香港佛教界一部份,是適應的,最明顯一點是各道場佛事興隆, 財政延,做到經濟掛帥。佛事一語,指出家人替人誦經禮懺,超度亡靈,或過生日消災延壽。正因誼種佛事興隆,利之所在,不少投機人士崛起,也替人大做佛事,一樣收得」 *編者(速道),「本月二十週年紀念縱橫談」,香, V. 241 (1980), p. 17 : 「二十年來的香港僧團由聚而散,大有一人一樓的傾向,所謂制度,幾乎成了自治區。」 *高永得,「香港佛教各宗派弦做概況」,香, V.241 (1980), p.4. 7 *ibid., p. 8. 「鑑於香港各佛教團體多數是各自為政,尚未收團結一致之效。」 *白聖「致華附大德法師一封公開信」,香, V.206 (1977), p. 5. That monks received 250 precepts at their ordination at an early time can be seen in a Han document Mo-tzu li huo lun, T2102, 2a, line 2. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 40 On the point of the monks' helplessness to alter anything themselves one can call to mind a monk's cynical remark that with respect to the reformation of the sangha, nothing would come of it unless it is passed into law by the government. 法輪,「華僧大會七大提案之剖親」香·V. 209 (1977), p. 20: 「如何改革僧伽制度, 這一點, 我覺得沒有通過政府立法程序, 是辦不通的。」Is this lack of a Buddhist central authority one of the contributing reasons why the government exerted control over the sangha by its institutions of monk-officials, ordination certificates and examinations? 5. * op. cit., p. 19 大頭儈, 「但寶延續問題, 十四」, 香, V.221 (1978), p. 5. 11 白聖, 「我對佛制改革的意見」香, V. 209 (1977), pp. 11-15. 1* 覺光, 「華僧革新勢在必行」, 香, V. 209 (1977), pp. 8-9, 21. 1 火頭會「惟實延續問題, 十四」, 香, V. 221 (1978), p. 5. 34 永惺・「佛教的延續問題」, V. 209 (1977), p. 16. * 源慧, 「有關華僧問題的討論」, V. 209 (1977), pp. 25-28. 14 王聯章, 「培養後繼的我見」, V. 209 (1977)、pp. 36-37. ** op. cit., p. 9. ** See 廣義法師, 「慶祝衛塞節聲中勿忘(尼)的出路」, 香, V.164 (1974)、p. 6. and "#98#, · 6 · V. 170 (1974) p. 8. See also the report of the activities of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association in 'SMWUA& IR ̧ · Ñ · V. 227 (1979), p. 36, and the Hong Kong Buddhist Journal, Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Buddhist Association, 1978. Although the Hong Kong Buddhist Association includes a significant contribution from laymen, monks also take active part in its work. * For example, see, ##4#RTIí, · ✯ · V. 225, p. 14, and★ · BEANS, · · V. 233 (1979) · pp. 3-6. 30 1 正安, 「佛學的新認識」, 香, V. 230 (1979), p. 4, section on 「鬼神思想的混合」. 1 金明, 「佛教在太空時代扮演的角色」, 香, V. 230 (1979)・p. 12. 22 Ibid. p. 13. 18 Ibid. E op. cit., p. 4. 26 op. cit., p. 4. 20 歸耕盛, 「淨土宗的哲學觀和科學觀」, 否, V, 230 (1979), pp. 6-11 and 張通文, 「佛陀的正確宇宙觀」, 香, V. 232 (1979), pp. 6-8. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v NOTES ON SOME CHINESE CUSTOMS IN THE NEW TERRITORIES B. D. WILSON* CONTENTS 1. Introduction 2. Succession 3. Adoption 4. Ching sheung and sheung tin land 5. Land held by clans 6. Family disputes 7. Marriage by proxy 8. Sam p'o tsai 9. Customary agricultural leases 10. Graves 11. Housing-building 12. Some fung shui problems 13. Oaths 14. Money loan associations 15. Names Introduction I compiled these notes partly in 1949-51 whilst District Officer, Tai Po, and partly in 1953-55 whilst District Officer, Yuen Long. The object of the notes was to provide basic information for myself and other District Officers so as to achieve some uniformity in our approach and in the handling of common problems that arose in our day-to-day work. The notes represent what I found customary in Tai Po and Yuen Long. I made no * Mr. Brian Wilson was an Administrative Officer of the Hong Kong Government 1948-1983. He retired as Director of Urban Services in 1983. Mr. Wilson was District Officer, Tai Po 1949-1951, and District Officer, Yuen Long 1953-1955. He was awarded the CBE in 1977. Mr. Wilson was a Founder Member of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 47 (a) Kit fat (*) marriage. This is the traditional form of marriage and assumes that the parties were single and unmarried beforehand. Essential features are exchanges of horoscopes etc. beforehand by the respective families, negotiations by a go-between, signing of the red paper of betrothal, bridal chair (or taxi) from the bride's home to her groom's, feast at groom's house to announce the fact of marriage. It is not usual to omit any of these details, of which the red paper is perhaps the most important. However, there are occasional cases where the red paper is replaced by a certificate signed by both parties and by witnesses to the ceremony. (b) Tin Fong (**) marriage. Where one of the parties to a kit fat marriage dies or is formally divorced, the surviving spouse may subsequently contract another formal marriage which is quite distinct from concubinage. It carries all the force of a kit fat marriage. (c) Concubine. A concubine has a recognised legal status under Chinese custom and should not be regarded as an immoral plaything. Although a rich man, apart from his kit fat wife, may take more than one concubine in a fashion that leaves little doubt as to his uxorious mettle, one of the commoner purposes of taking a concubine is to provide the sons that the kit fat wife has perhaps failed to produce. The introduction of a concubine into a household is normally a formal process involving due recognition by the family and friends. It is an open matter, like marriage, and implies nothing indiscreet. As far as possible, husbands try to provide separate households for a wife and a concubine in case they do not get on well with each other. Attempts to claim status as a second wife, a level wife (p'eng tsai) or any other variation, should be discounted. Some experts state that by custom a Chinese is monogamous. As a rule he has only one customarily recognised wife or principal spouse, any other women with whom he co-habits being either a concubine (in the Chinese customary sense) or a kept woman. (d) Kept women, i.e. women who regularly live with a man without being kit fat (*) or tin fong (**) wives or a concubine, are most frequently met amongst refugees from China. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 50 usually takes place at midnight or in the early hours of the morning in the temple or in the house, with the object of informing the ancestors. Being ancestor worship, which can be performed only by males, the girl remains at home out of the way and no members of her family may be present. A large sieve, usually of bamboo, is placed on the ground. In the centre of it, the bridegroom stands on a rice measure (tau), with red cloths draped over his left and right shoulders. He wears a felt hat with silver flowers round it or a feather. In olden times, a Chinese tall hat was worn but, when this fell out of fashion, the felt hat was adopted as the most respectable of modern headgear. The feather represented the old Imperial custom of presenting a feather to the best scholars. (d) Shortly after this ceremony, and on the same day, comes the actual wedding, which is known as the crowning, when relatives and friends of both families are invited. Relations are given cups of tea by the bridal couple. The important feature is that the marriage dates from this ceremony, not from the time of entry of the sam p'o tsai into her new family, although a girl will sometimes say that she was married, for instance, at the age of 6. (e) There is no traditional requirement for the sam p'o tsai to marry the son. I dealt with several cases where the girl declined marriage and the parties agreed to separate. Brought up in a brother and sister relationship, the boy and girl may lack the right approach to marriage. 9. Customary Agricultural Leases (a) In the absence of a written agreement to the contrary, leases of agricultural land are normally on an annual basis, starting in the early part of the year. Payment of rent may be in cash or in 'kuk' (*) either in one lump sum or after each of the two rice harvests. Most leases are verbal. (b) It is common practice for members of the lessee's family to take over his lease in the event of his death. Acceptance of rent by the lessor in these cases implies recognition of the new lessee. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 60 (f) Finally, in entering business or commerce, a man will frequently assume yet another name, “pit tsz” (筆子), for purposes of business only. (g) Apart from the milk name, proper name and school name, a girl will at marriage assume her husband's clan name in front of her own, e.g. HO Fung Ling (何鳳玲), on marrying TANG Man Lin (鄧文連), becomes TANG HO Fung Ling (鄧何鳳玲). (h) The reluctance of married women to reveal their full maiden name often leads them to leave off their final name and instead to add the suffix "shi” (氏). NOTES 1 The notes were later amended and in this amended form were put on a file (Ref1/477/54) which is now in the Public Records Office. The notes as given here represent the original form, with footnotes, introduction and minor amendments by the author (Hon. Ed.). * Wills, of whatever sort, were, whatever the legal position, very rare among New Territories villagers. I remember only one, of a wealthy Cantonese landowner. * I met such a case in Tai Po where the wife, fortunately, did not contest the husband's claim that she was not a virgin. * I must have come across up to half a dozen cases of sam p'o tsai, including two or three disputes where the girl refused to marry her intended groom. The groom's family did not attempt to force marriage, but were concerned about a formal separation. The groom's family had of course for some time received the free use of the girl's services as a household worker, and so could not validly demand compensation from the girl's natural parents. A sam p'o tsai is quite different to a mui tsai who was to all intents and purposes a slave girl. (Mui tsai were banned in Hong Kong before World War II.) * Up till the 1950's, huet chong graves were normally left untouched for 5 years, this being the period needed for bodies to decompose completely. But, from the 1950's onwards, bodies took longer to decompose, and 7 years is now the standard time. I know this, because from 1958-60 I was in the Urban Services Department in charge of disposal of the dead. I was also in the Urban Services Department from 1968-71, when again I was connected with this aspect. In those days, the coffin section at Wo Hop Shek cemetery used to be cleared every 5 years, but there were so many unfit graves that this period was extended to 7 years. The need for the longer period arose apparently from the wider use of antibiotics and other drugs which seem to have the effect of preserving bodies and which were then coming into much greater use. See in general on Burial Customs the author's Chinese Burial Customs in Hong Kong, journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 1, 1960, pp 115-124. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 80 words of Chinese origin are almost always anglicized in pronunciation. There may be doubt concerning how the word should be pronounced, but rarely is the Chinese pronunciation retained. For example, take the word cheongsam. The affricate /ts/ is replaced by the English /ch/ and the rounded vowel similar to that in the English "bird", but with lip-rounding, is replaced by a vowel identical to that in the English 'long'. Similarly in fung shui the Cantonese diphthong /oey/ (similar to that in the French 'lui') is substituted by the /u/ + /i/ sequence as in the English 'ruin'. On the graphological level, there is no question of the loans being written in Chinese characters. The letters of English alphabet may however occur in rather unfamiliar combinations, as in the case of e-o-n-g occurring in cheongsam, and u-e-y in chopsuey. Another requirement for full assimilation is related to the grammatical status of the word. Grammatically, it is assigned to a word class, or may have multiple-class membership. It behaves like other members of the class, so that if it is a countable noun it is inflected for number, and if it is a verb, it can take a past tense ending, and so on. Thus typhoon is inflected for number and kowtow for person and tense. It obeys the syntactical rules of the language in combining with other words to form grammatical sentences. For example, the headline 'Running water for lamas' occurs in The South China Morning Post, (7/82) also in the same paper, someone is described as 'mingling with the rich tai tais'. The word is not restricted in occurrence to limited contexts, but may be found to combine freely with other words to form bigger constructions, so that one can speak of Bruce Li as a 'kung fu superstar' The South China Morning Post (26/4/82), while in Noble House the writer mentions ‘a flood of amah Cantonese' (p. 1017). Cheongsam, in its past participle form, functions as an adjective in ‘cheongsamed girl', as used by Richard Hughes (p. 98) and James Clavell (N.H., p. 9). Derivational affixes may be added, as when ‘ism' or ‘ist' is added to the loans tao, lama, Mao, giving taoist, taoism, lamaism, Maoist and so on. It does not matter that Confucius originally derives from a surname plus a title; now that it has been established in the English language, one can derive Confucian and Confucianism from it. Again, it is of no significance that the model for Shanghai ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 81 is the name of a city, or that kowtow comes from a verb plus noun construction in another language, or that chin chin derives from a Chinese salutation or greeting. As English verbs they behave like verbs in English, so that one can say 'He loves to kowtow to people in high places', or 'A lot of unfortunate people were shanghaied against their will', or 'They were chin-chinning each other'. There is the tendency for English speakers to borrow whole units from Chinese, rather than individual morphemes, without regard to the grammatical classes to which the borrowed morphemes belong. For example as I have said kowtow is a combination of verb + noun, but not only does neither kow nor tow appear in any other combinations or singly, the verbal infliction for tense comes at the end of what was the noun part of the borrowed term, hence kowtowed, not kowed the tow when the word is used in the past tense form. In the process of assimilation into the borrowing language, a loan word may undergo semantic change: it may become more general or narrower in meaning. For example, kung fu from is the term for Chinese martial arts but now it often collocates with shoes, and kung fu shoes refers to flat cloth shoes not necessarily used in doing kung fu. Thus kung fu as premodifier for shoes has been generalized in meaning. A very interesting case of a word broadening its meaning through insufficient information about the lending language is gweilo , which among all but the most knowing expatriates, is taken to be a generic term for foreign 'devils', both male and female. In Clavell's Noble House we find ‘any quai loh woman' (p. 712). We often hear Western women referred to as 'gweilo lady'. In fact, the second morpheme of 'gweilo' is masculine, a coarse term for 'man'. The feminine equivalent is, and the Chinese term for an expatriate woman would be, the transliterated form of which gwei por is gaining some currency at least in the spoken language of expatriates. In becoming more like a word of the borrowing language, the loan word may become less and less like the 'model' in the lending language, in pronunciation, in written form, in grammatical function and in a few cases in meaning. Perhaps we can take it that a word has become an integral part of the language ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 85 Loan Word Chinese Characters *Choy sum 蔡心 Confucius 孔夫子 Congou 工夫 Cumshaw 感謝 *Chung Young 重陽 *Dimsum 點心 *Ding how 真好 *Fanqui, 番鬼 fankwei 番鬼 Fan-tan 番攤 Fen 分 Feng shui, fung shui 風水 Fo 佛 *Foki 伙計 Foo yong, fu yung 芙蓉 Galingale 高良薑 Ginseng 人蔘 Meaning A species of leafy Chinese vegetable, with yellow flowers. K'ung Fu-tse n. the Chinese name of Confucius. A kind of black tea imported from China. In the Chinese ports: A gratuity. A Chinese festival falling on the ninth day of the ninth moon on which according to traditional belief people have to go up to high places to avoid calamity. Also a day for sweeping ancestral graves. Tidbits eaten at a Cantonese repast taken either in the early morning or at lunch time known as yum cha or 'drinking tea'. Literally meaning 'the most excellent best'. Literally 'barbarian ghost', used to refer to westerners in the early days of contact between China and the west. A Chinese gambling game in which a random number of counters are placed under a bowl and wagers laid on how many will remain after they have been divided by four. A monetary unit of the People's Republic of China worth one hundredth of a yuan. In Chinese mythology, a system of spirit influences, good and evil, which inhabit the natural features of landscapes; hence, a kind of geomancy for dealing with these influences in determining sites for houses and graves. Chinese Buddha. A term used to refer to waiters in restaurants, but sometimes also used in the wider sense of people who work in the same organization, i.e., 'colleagues'. Fu yung, lit. hibiscus: a Chinese omelet made with bean sprouts, green pepper, and onion and fried in deep fat. Lit. 'mild ginger from Ko'. Either of two arallaceous plants, Panax Ginseng (Schinseng), of China, Korea, etc., or P. quinquefolium, of North America, having an aromatic root used in medicine by the Chinese. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 136 Sources on population are given in Marjorie Topley and James Hayes, "Notes on Temples and Shrines of Tai Ping Shan Street Area" in Topley (ed), op cit, pp. 123-141, at p. 124. 20 Topley, op cit, p. 139. These and other details are given in Topley, op cit, pp. 123-125 and 136-139. * See note 5 above. Whilst the Kung sor is still in existence a school building (R) on the other side of the temple has been pulled down. See the photograph p. 72, 58 in the Urban Council's 1982 publication, The Hong Kong Album. For a historical account of this area see Revd. Carl T. Smith's note on "The Five Terraces" with Li Po Lung Path, in "Programme Notes for Visits to Older Parts of Hong Kong Island (Urban Areas)," in JHKBRAS 14(1974) pp. 197-199. + + There is a possible confusion here. If the three powers of nature are intended it would be, without A. If truly 三聖公 it could refer to Yao, Shun and Yû or Yü, Chou Kung and Confucius (W.F. Mayers, The Chinese Reader's Manual, (Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1874) pp. 301-302.) I am grateful to liaison staff of the City District Office, Western, who obtained the information on this shrine for me in 1974. The 1841 estimate comes from the first Hong Kong census of May 1841. The remaining figures, taken from later census returns and other sources, can conveniently be found in Hayes 1983, p. 253 note 21. 10 Tung Tai Kai and its eastern adjunct Ah Kung Ngam together had four temples. There were large Tin Hau and Tam Kung temples in the Street. To its front, built on rocks in the sea and therefore known as the Hoi Sum Temple (or temple in the sea), was another smaller, older Tin Hau temple which for long has been completely hemmed in by squatter boats. On the east was the fourth of these temples, dedicated to Yuk Kung (Jade King). Tablets and other dated material inside the temples, together with other information, show that they date as far back as the 1860s, 1905, the 1890s and the 1840s respectively, at the least. See my note "Visit to Old Shau Kei Wan --- 24th May 1969" in JHKBRAS 10(1970), pp. 183-88. * Sessional Papers 1901, No. 39/1901, p. 18, Table XII. Like most of the Shau Kei Wan villages, the residents were mainly stonecutters. For the quarries see JHKBRAS 10(1970) p. 186 in the Note cited above (note 36). * Information from Mr. Walter Schofield, Hong Kong Civil Service 1911-38. * Sessional Papers 1901, No. 39/1901, p. 18, Table XII. * See Endacott's History of Hong Kong. p. 293 and Edward Szczepanik The Economic Growth of Hong Kong (London, Oxford University Press, 1958) p. 114. It will be obvious that this article could not have been written without the assistance of many people. I gratefully acknowledge their assistance here. I also wish to thank Dr. Patrick Hase, editor of this Journal, for much encouragement and good advice in its presentation. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v NOTES AND QUERIES DOG DIVINATION FROM A DUNHUANG MANUSCRIPT CAROLE MORGAN Archaeology has revealed a large number of canine bones in the foundations of numerous Shang (16th to 11th centuries B.C.) and early Zhou (11th to 9th centuries B.C.) buildings. According to Cheng Te-K'un, dog sacrifices were part of the consecration ceremonies of tombs, palaces and private dwellings. In another early ceremony, the ning, a dog was dismembered and its remains buried in each of the four quarters either to placate the directional deities or to stop the four winds'. It is also well known that dog meat has been consumed throughout Chinese history for ritual, nutritional and even medicinal2 purposes. Given this background, it is surprising that dogs play a relatively minor role in Chinese divination. Section 8 of the largest Chinese encyclopaedia, the Gujin Tushu Jicheng 古今圖***, which deals with omen lore and supernatural phenomena, devotes far less space to dogs than to birds, reptiles and other domestic animals. Nor does dog divination appear to have survived into the present day. To my knowledge it is never mentioned in the almanac nor have I found modern divination manuals dealing with the subject. Thus, a manuscript from the Dunhuang3 collection* (P.3106) entirely devoted to omens drawn from various aspects of canine behaviour, becomes a valuable source of additional information. Unfortunately, only 27 lines from what must once have been a long treatise have survived. Moreover, the lower half of the middle section of our fragment has been lost. Nonetheless, despite its damaged state the remaining text is sufficiently interesting to warrant further study. P.3106 also appears to be the only manuscript on this subject among the Dunhuang material. * See plates 9-10. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 186 collection and thus little hope of understanding some of its more obscure passages. From the dynastic histories we know that State auspices were drawn from almost any creature in the animal kingdom. If any abnormality in size, shape, colour, number, behaviour, etc. was observed in animals, birds or insects, it was reported to the capital for analysis by official soothsayers. Inevitably, their interpretation of unusual phenomena concerned affairs of state; a change of dynasty; the advent of a wise ruler; the possibility of victory or defeat in war or the imminence of natural catastrophes and subsequent famine. But while state oracles are well documented we know almost nothing about popular omen lores. This is why P. 3106 with its emphasis on private affairs deaths in the family, litigation over property and portents about personal prosperity and misfortune is such an interesting subject for study. Moreover, as I shall attempt to show, it may also include some non-Chinese material. A look at the translation of the treatise on dog divination will confirm that from columns 1 to 18 the text is fairly straightforward. With the notable exception of the beginning of column 9 (Chapter 26), the omens in P. 3106 resemble and in one or two instance are identical with omens quoted in the Gujin Tushu Jicheng, from such sources as the Guangkui** and the works of Jingfang10. The only real difference between P. 3106 and portents quoted in the Gujin Tushu Jicheng, is that in the former omens are combined with cyclical characters while in the latter they are not. Far more important, however, is the beginning of column 9 which advocates lopping off a dog's head and hanging it over the main entrance, a practice not normally associated with Chinese divination11. Obviously, what we have here is a form of exorcism of unknown origin, but unless other manuscripts of the same kind come to light the source of these practices cannot be determined. One can only accept the fact that many peoples passed through Dunhuang, and left tantalising traces of their customs in the fragile pages of Dunhuang manuscripts. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 187 But this is not the only vexing problem in Chapter 26. Column 16 introduces a new divination system into which omens from the previous section keep intruding; while from column 18 to column 22 the text becomes increasingly obscure. This points to some confusion, either in the scribe's mind or in the material he was copying. What is clear is that this passage deals with offerings which, as a rule, do not form part of Chinese divination. In this connection, an analogy with another divination system also found among the Dunhuang manuscripts, may serve to illustrate the point. Both Tibetan and Chinese versions of a divination method based on the cawing of crows have been found. In the Tibetan version, the crow serves as the messenger of a powerful deity; in cases of unfavourable omens attempts are made to placate the god with appropriate offerings. Since the Chinese do not share that belief no offerings are mentioned in the Chinese texts; yet in our manuscript the passage from columns 18 to 22 appears to suggest offerings to deflect misfortune and another type of offering is alluded to in column 27. (column Had it been possible to identify the Shuozhou 19), some light might have been shed on the matter; as the text now stands it defies translation. One can only note some Buddhist overtones such as the plea (column 19) to abstain from dog meat because dogs too are part of the cycle of deaths and rebirths; and the recommendation (column 22) to release something living in order to gain merit. The last chapter in P. 3106 is entitled: "Portents from sounds"; column 23 explains that these sounds are all produced by the ghosts of dead soldiers. Since both chapters 26 and 27 deal with omens drawn from canine behaviour there is a tendency to assume that chapter 27 follows suit: in other words that these ghosts express themselves through howling dogs, which is my understanding of the text. But I am aware that this reading is based on circumstantial evidence and that other interpretations are possible. With these ghosts, at least, we are on familiar ground. The Chinese belief that those who died far from home were doomed ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 191 N° of Column Omens 19. Offering made to each of the four quarters will be auspicious. 20, 21. The Shuozhou says: "Dogs die and are repeatedly reborn; to eat dogs is unlucky. + + inauspicious. Once (it) possesses supernatural powers (it) can cause misfortune. death and destroy one's links (with the living???). difficult to catch in order to kill it; if wounded it becomes even fiercer(?). If you reflect on how best to worship (it) again in order to grow rich (then) release something living(?), it will bring great good fortune to all of us. Afterward, all things will rapidly be successful as promised in the rules. (?) Make an amulet and put a dog at the top. 22. 23. Chapter 27: Omens from sounds. All these sounds are (produced) by the ghosts of dead soldiers. If a sound is heard on a zi day, it bodes ill; there will be illness 24. (and misfortune?). Write an astronomical charm and hang it over the door and all will be well. If a sound is heard on a zhou day, there will be damage to wealth and property and misfortune for small children. Offer a peach tree branch, 6 inches seven cun long. 25. Write an astronomical charm and place it in the branch and it will bring good fortune. If sounds are heard on a yin day, it bodes ill. There will be illness, calamities and loss of wealth. Offer a peach tree branch 6 inches 7 cun long. 26. Write an astronomical charm in order to produce good fortune. If a sound is heard on a mao day, disasters will affect young children. Offer a branch of the tong tree three inches nine cun long. I made the following corrections: - "muži" to "cun" (assuming it's a unit of measurement, and "cun" is a common Chinese unit) - "US" to "us" - "zi F day" to "zi day" (removed the extra character) - "zhou # day" to "zhou day" (removed the extra character) - "mao p day" to "mao day" (removed the extra character) - Added or corrected punctuation for better readability - Corrected some spacing issues - "seven muži" and "7 mu" to "seven cun" (consistency in unit of measurement) Note that some parts of the text still appear to be unclear or contain uncertain characters (e.g., "(with the living???)" and "(?)"). These were left as is, as per the instruction to not rephrase or rewrite the text. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 193 * Shi Boxuan (Yuan dynasty) is the compiler of two books: the Sishu Kuanku 190 and the Guankui Waipian 7 lumped together as Kuankui in the Gujin Tushu Jicheng. See Bu Liao Jin Yuan Yishu Wenzhi WIGxARK ed. Shangwu, Taipei, 1966, pp. 28, 56. 1차 * Jing Fang (77 to 37 B.C.) was a famous Han philosopher and presumed author of a number of oracular works. Most of these are still listed in the Jingji Zhi, Chapter, part 3, section zi of the Suishu. "The Liji refers to the ritual dismembering of a dog in connection with the annual Nuo exorcism. The animal's remains were then buried in front of the main gate of the capital. See S. Couvreur, Le Liji, Imprimerie de la mission catholique, Ho Kien Fu (1913), vol. I, p. 352. 12 The charm, faintly visible near the end of column 22, may represent a model of an "astronomical" charm. "Peach wood was thought to possess magical properties as early as 544 B.C. (D. Bodde, op.cit. pp. 128 ff.) while the wood of the tong tree was associated with the miraculous birth of the hero Yiying. See M. Granet, Danses et légendes de la Chine antique, Presses universitaires de France, reprint edition 1959, vol. II, p. 428. B. Laufer "Bird divination among the Tibetans", in Toung Pao, vol. XV (1914) p. 4, note 1. "The Study of Tibetan divination is as wide as it is ungrateful and unpleasant for research”. * The same omen is found in the Gujin tushu jicheng, vol. 26, j.174, p. 1b, column 7. "The prohibition against leaving the house for three years is mentioned three times in the Gujin tushu jicheng. It applies: when a pack of dogs howl in neighbourhood streets; when such a pack howls in city markets and, unless obeyed, portends death for a man who has (accidentally) been spattered with dog urine. Op.cit. pp. 1a,b. * The contradictory omens in brackets show that other dog divination systems were known at the time. 18 The Gujin tushu jicheng has "against a palace door" op.cit. p. 11b, column 11. ** "Dreadful disasters" instead of "of the inhabitants will be harmed” Ibid. "The last four characters of this column make no sense. "Mu is probably an error for the numerator mei. AN ODE ON HONG KONG COMPOSED BY THE MAYOR OF CANTON IN 1845 P. BRUCE A charming ode was published on December 13, 1845 by the Friend of China newspaper. It gives a rare Chinese view of the development of the young colony of Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 196 the vessel appointed to receive us, in the 10th month of the year Yeh-sze. Like Kong-heang my renown is small; like Lea-heang I have taught the classics, but profited little by the examples found in them. My attainments are slender, and I can only be compared to a ragged colt that has no real substance." In view of Cree's mention of Charles Gutzlaff being on board the Vixen, and of the dearth of translators in Hong Kong at that time, it may be that the translation of the poem was made by Gutzlaff himself. NOTE This is probably Liu Kai-yü (M), a native of Shun-Tien, Prefect of Canton (AHA) from 1843, or Liu Hsin (2), a native of Hsiang Fu, Honan, who succeeded him as Prefect of Canton in 1845 c.£. ƒƒƒ± (+M/2## Vol. 1), p. 405 (Note from Rev. C.T. Smith). RELICS OF HONG KONG AND CHINA IN BRITISH ARMY AND REGIMENTAL MUSEUMS P. BRUCE While in the United Kingdom in 1983 I visited a number of army museums in search of items related to China. There is, in fact, quite a lot to see, though the museums are scattered the length and breadth of the country and considerable travelling is involved. However, members of the society may like a brief note on what I was able to find and it would be interesting to hear of anything additional which is known of. I started at the Royal Marines Museum, at Southsea, Hampshire, which is, in effect, a part of Portsmouth. There is an interesting collection of China items here. The oldest items are several assorted rifles and swords and an impressive Chinese cannon which looks as if it would have fired a shot about the size of a tennis ball. It is crafted to include a ferocious dragon's head at the muzzle from which the ball would roar forth. These were picked up in 1842. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 209 CHUE MO PENG (#Ł), A FEVER REPORTED FROM VILLAGES IN THE HONG KONG REGION, AND ITS CURE, TOGETHER WITH OTHER VILLAGE REMEDIES FOR EXCESS HEAT JAMES HAYES This note deals with chue mō pêng (Meyer-Wempe Cantonese but variously romanized below) the subject of a disease often complained of by local villagers, in my experience. Eitel's Dictionary* mentions it under mo; ‘Chu mo ping or chut chu teng, a common disease in South China. It begins with high fever and after vigourously rubbing the chest, bristles an inch long appear through the skin, after their removal the fever goes down' (vol. 1, p. 619). A similar account, under "Chu Mo Teng", appears at pp. 171-2 of S.H. Peplow's Hong Kong Around and About, published in 1930 by the Commercial Press, Hong Kong. The author was a Land Bailiff with the District Office South, New Territories of Hong Kong and would have been well acquainted with village life. "A common disease in South China. The translation is: chu—a pig. Mo—hair. Teng—nail. A disease where hairs, like pig's bristles or nails issue forth. It is purely a native fever." By chance, I came across a dramatic instance of this disease in my early years as a government officer when engaged in compensating and rehousing villagers who were to be displaced for the Shek Pik reservoir on Lantau Island, 1957-60. The village people attributed a major epidemic that caused many deaths about the year 1936 to this disease (100 persons were said to have died, though this is probably an exaggeration). * A Chinese-English Dictionary in the Cantonese Dialect by Dr. Ernest John Eitel, revised and enlarged by Immanuel Gottlieb Genähr of the Rhenish Missionary Society (Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 2 vols., 1911 and 1912). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 210 village representative recalled it very clearly when I spoke with him on the subject, because his second son died and his seventh son was born in the same year. The disease was, for him, Chue mō pêng characterized by a dry feeling, sore throat and, to quote his exact words "pig bristles and fish scales were found growing on the body". There was no vomiting or excretion of blood and it was not cholera or malaria which were known to, and otherwise described by the villagers. According to Peplow, the usual remedy was as described in his account: "The patient has a high temperature and certain medicines are taken such as honeysuckle and honey. In addition a kind of paste is prepared from rice, boiled. With this the patient's chest is vigorously rubbed, and during this operation thick bristles about an inch long appear through the skin. After these have been plucked out, the fever subsides”. In old Ngau Tau Kok village of East Kowloon, a settlement of Hakka quarry men, where I spoke with old villagers on the subject in the mid 1960s, the local treatment for this disease was quite different. It was to kill a chicken, take off its feathers, wrap them in a newly bought white cloth not previously washed, place it in hot water and then rub over the body excluding the chest. Two reasons for not rubbing the chest were given: that the heart was centred there, and that women should not be rubbed there anyway. If the complaint did turn out to be chu mỏ pêng, pig-like bristles would stick to the cloth. They believed that chu mō pêng was a kind of poison inside the body, resulting in too much heat (r'aaì ít hei) that could lead to death or to mental disorder. At Ngau Tau Kok, several remedies were given for excess heat. The first was to buy a wông lo kat (E) for 50 cents, and boil it for two hours. The water had to be carefully measured at the start as no more should be added to it during the boiling, the intention being to reduce six bowls down to two. The remaining liquid was drunk. Another method was to take a turnip (löh paûk)蘿蔔, and slice and dry it. It should then be soaked for two hours in water ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 221 bungalow, its library and its visitors' books. I wonder if by some miracle, it and they are still in existence? ANCESTRAL IMAGES: A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE HUGH D. R. Baker* In Vol. 20 of the journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Dr. James Hayes published a very kind review of my Ancestral Images books (S.C.M.P., Hong Kong, 1979, 1980, 1981). Quite rightly he regretted the omission of page references from the passages of quotation in the books. It is unnecessary to detail the process by which I contrived to leave out this important information, but by way of penance I have prepared a complete list of the quotation references and I append it to this note. Leafing through all the books again, I was struck by the age of the sources which I used - well over half of them were written before 1949, and 16 of the 17 authors quoted more than twice each were writing before 1940. This is not, I hasten to say, an apology for conservatism, for there is no doubt in my mind that in much of the older material there is greater understanding of the Chinese and their culture than is to be found in the sometimes arid sociological analysis of later scholars. Certainly it is easier to find lively and illuminating passages for quotation in works written by experienced, jaundiced "China-livers" rather than in those of dispassionate "China-watchers". In any case I was trying to shed light on the "Chineseness" of Chinese and Hong Kong society, and "Chineseness" is an accumulation of three or four * Hugh D. R. Baker is Reader in Modern Chinese in the University of London and Head of the Contemporary China Institute, School of Oriental & African Studies. He has also written A Chinese Lineage Village: Sheung Shui and Chinese Family & Kinship as well as many other articles and contributions to books. He has conducted extensive research in Hong Kong, which he visits frequently, and was Chinese Language Training Adviser to the Hong Kong Government from 1974-75 on secondment from London. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 226 QUOTATION REFERENCES Ancestral Images p. p. p. p. v. De Groot, J. J. M., The Religious System of China, Leyden, 1892-1910, Vol VI, pp. 945-951. 2. Werner, E. T. C., A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, Shanghai, 1932, pp. 96 and 528. 5. Lamb, Charles, The Essays of Elia, London, 1823. 8. Osgood, Cornelius, Village Life in Old China: a Community Study of Kao Yao, Yünnan, New York, 1963, p. 101. p. 21. Douglas, R. K., Society in China, London, 1901, p. 139. p. 22. Macgowan, Rev. J., Sidelights on Chinese Life, London, 1907, p. 309. p. 26. Williams, C. A. S., Outlines of Chinese Symbolism and Art Motives, Shanghai, 1941, p. 128. p. 33. Doré, Henry, (translated by M. Kennelly), Researches into Chinese Superstitions, Vol. X, Shanghai, 1914, p. 24. p. 37. Ball, J. Dyer, Things Chinese: or Notes Connected with China, London, rev. ed. 1904, p. 462. p. 37. Waley, Arthur, The Analects of Confucius, London, 1938, p. 68. p. 49. Werner, Dictionary, p. 518. p. 50. Cormack, Mrs. J. G., Chinese Birthday, Wedding, Funeral, and Other Customs, Peking, 1927, pp. 107-108. p. 52. Geddes, W. R., Peasant Life in Communist China, New York, 1963, p. 49. p. 53. Ball, Things, pp. 264-265. p. 68. 7, Book IV, Part 1.26. p. 70. Ibid, Book IV, Part 1.19. p. 73. Creel, H. G., The Birth of China: a study of the Formative Period of Chinese Civilization, New York, 1936, p. 175. p. 74. 7, Book I, Part 1.4. p. 76. Watson, William, Early Civilization in China, London, 1966, p. 48. p. 82. Werner, Dictionary p. 483. p. 93. Smith, Arthur H., Village Life in China, New York, 1899, p. 21. p. 94. Ibid, p. 22. p. 94. Botero, Giovanni, Relationi Universali, Venice, 1593. p. 97. Jones P. H. M., Golden Guide to Hongkong and Macao, Hong Kong, 1969, p. 284. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 227 p. 98. Granet, Marcel, (translated by Maurice Freedman), The Religion of the Chinese People, Oxford, 1975, pp. 144-145. p. 98. Smith, D. Howard, Chinese Religions, London, 1968, p. 121. p. 104. De Groot, Religious System, Vol III, p. 1061. p. 106. Gray, J. H., China: A History of the Laws, Manners and Customs of the People, London, 1878, Vol I, pp. 150-156. p. 108. Doolittle, Rev. Justus, Social Life of the Chinese, New York, 1865, Vol. I, p. 197. p. 112. MAR·DISUHDALATAJAH•MM› Vol I, No. i, 15 Sept. 1936, pp. 88-89. p. 114. Mayers, W. F., The Chinese Reader's Manual, Shanghai, 1874, p. 223 and pp. 95-96. p. 118. Peplow, S. H. and Barker, M., Hongkong, Around and About, Hong Kong, 1931, pp. 17-18. p. 120. Couling, Samuel, The Encyclopaedia Sinica, Shanghai, 1917, pp. 483-484. p. 121. Doré, Researches, Vol VII, p. 281. p. 126. WIC›Ief, pp. 84-85. p. 130. Day, C. B., Chinese Peasant Cults: Being a Study of the Formative Period of Chinese Civilization, New York, 1937, p. 41. p. 130. Gray, China, Vol II, p. 41. p. 134. Ashmore, Rev. Wm., "A Clan Feud near Swatow", The Chinese Recorder, May 1897, p. 216. p. 136. Sung Hok-pang, "Legends and stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol XIV, 1974, p. 169. p. 138. Lin Yueh-hwa, The Golden Wing: a Sociological Study of Chinese Familism, London, 1948, p. 66. p. 148. De Groot, Religious System, Vol. VI, p. 945. p. 149. Leong Y. K. and Tao L. K., Village and Town Life in China, London, 1915, pp. 83-84. p. 154. De Groot, Religious System, Vol V, p. 525. p. 156. Ibid, Vol V, pp. 715-716. p. 160. Grant, C. J., The Soils and Agriculture of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1960, p. 122. More Ancestral Images 5. Addison, J. T., Chinese Ancestor Worship, Shanghai, 1925, pp. 34-35. 10. Couling, Encyclopaedia, p. 137. 9. Ball, Things, pp. 359-360. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 228 p. 10. Kani, Hiroaki, A General Survey of the Boat People in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1967, p. 22. p. 12. Leland, Charles G., Pidgin-English Sing-song, or Songs and Stories in the China-English Dialect, London, 1876, p. 4. p. 14. Lin Yutang, My Country and My People, London, 1936, p. 120. 16. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol I, pp. 253-254. p. 16. Lin Yutang, My Country, p. 121. p. 17. Percell, Victor, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, 2nd edn., London, 1965, pp. 17-18. p. 18. Staunton, Sir George T., Ta Tsing Leu Lee: Being the Fundamental Laws, and a Selection from the Supplementary Statutes, of the Penal Code of China, London, 1810, pp. 543-544. p. 22. 'Notes and Queries', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol XI, 1971, pp. 204-209. p. 22. Annual Departmental Report by the District Commissioner, New Territories for the Financial Year 1959-60, Hong Kong, 1960, p. 33. p. 24. Annual Departmental Report by the District Commissioner, New Territories for the Financial Year 1951-2, Hong Kong, 1952, pp. 5-6. p. 25. Sayer, G. R., Hong Kong 1862-1919. Years of Discretion, Hong Kong, 1975, p. 97. p. 26. Teng Ssu-yü 'Chinese influence on the Western Examination System', Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol VII, 1943, p. 305. p. 33. #AŢ✶ Shanghai, 1947, p. 1086. p. 34. Yang, C. K., Religion in Chinese Society, California, 1961, p. 155. p. 38. Backhouse, E. And Bland, J. O. P., Annals and Memoirs of the Court of Peking, London, 1914, p. 325. p. 40. Williams, S. Wells, The Middle Kingdom, New York, 1913, Vol II, P. 435. p. 41. Smith, Arthur H., Chinese Characteristics, London, 1900, pp. 234-235. p. 42. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol II, p. 451. p. 44. McAleavy, Henry, The Modern History of China, London, 1968, p. 87. p. 44. Chow, Carl, Foreign Devils in the Flowery Kingdom, London, 1941, p. 116. p. 45. Werner, B. T. C., Myths and Legends of China, London, 1922, p. 162. p. 46. De Groot, Religious System, Vol V, p. 532. p. 58. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol I, pp. 268-269. p. 58. Stevens, K. G., Chief Marshal T'ien', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol XV, 1975, p. 305, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 229 p. 60. Day, Peasant Cults, pp. 107-108. p. 60. Burgess, J. S., The Guilds of Peking, New York, 1928, p. 179. p. 69. A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, Hong Kong, 1960, p. 138. p. 69, Maugham, W. Somerset, On a Chinese Screen, London, 1922, p. 138. p. 70. Broomhall, Marshall (ed.), Martyred Missionaries of the China Inland Mission, with a Record of the Perils and Sufferings of Some Who Escaped, London, 1901, p. 8. p. 74. Burkhardt, V. R., Chinese Creeds and Customs, Hong Kong, 1953-58, Vol I, p. 106. p. 81. Ball, Things, p. 75. p. 86. Ibid. p. 668. p. 90. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol I, p. 340. p. 92. Ibid. p. 93. Doré, Researches, Vol V, p. 533. p. 94. Ibid, p. 535. p. 97. Ball, Things, pp. 499-500. p. 101. Barnett, K. M. A., The Peoples of the New Territories' in Braga, J. M. (ed.) The Hong Kong Business Symposium, Hong Kong, 1957, p. 265. p. 102. Hashimoto, Mantaro J., The Hakka Dialect, London, 1973, pp. 1-2, p. 109. Obraztsov, Sergei, (translated by MacDermott, J. T.) The Chinese Puppet Theatre, London, 1961, pp. 27-28, p. 110. Dolby, William, 'The Origins of Chinese Puppetry'. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 1978. Vol XLI. Part 1, pp. 109-110. p. 112. Spencer, Cornelia, Made in China: the Story of China's Expression, London, 1947, p. 122. p. 114. Burkhardt, Creeds and Customs, Vol I, p. 13. p. 114. Clemens, John, Discovering Macau: a Visitor's Guide, Hong Kong, 1972, p. 121. p. 114. Werner, Dictionary, p. 503. p. 117. Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842: the History of Hong Kong Prior to British Arrival, Hong Kong, 1963, p. 83. p. 118. Peplow and Barker, Around and About, pp. 4-5. p. 122. Ride, Lindsay, "The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong, Vol III, 1963, p. 14. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 230 p. 130. Ho Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, New York, 1962, p. 208. p. 134. Bredon, Juliet and Mitrophanow, Igor, The Moon Year: a Record of Chinese Customs and Festivals, Shanghai, 1927, p. 341. p. 141. Ball, Things, p. 316. p. 142. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol I. p. 122. p. 145. Ho Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953, Cambridge, Mass., 1959, p. 187. p. 148. Anderson, E. N., Jr and Anderson, Marja L., 'Modern China: South', in Chang K. C. (ed.), Food in Chinese Culture, New Haven, 1977, p. 339. p. 154. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol II, p. 293. p. 156., p. 180. Ancestral Images Again P. 3. De Groot, Religious System, Vol I, p. 30. P. 4. Johnston, R. F., Lion and Dragon in Northern China, London, 1910, p. 140. 5. Cormack, Birthday etc. Customs, p. 18. p. 9. Freedman, Maurice, Lineage Organization in Southeastern China, London, 1958, p. 64. p. 11. Chen Han-seng, Landlord and Peasant in China, New York, 1936, pp. 37-38. p. 16. Johnston, Lion and Dragon, p. 383. p. 21. Werner, Dictionary, p. 557. p. 22. Watters, T, A Guide to the Tablets in a Temple of Confucius, Shanghai, 1879, p. xv. p. 22. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol I, pp. 525-526. p. 26. Liu Y. C., Fifty Chinese Stories, London, 1967, pp. 36-39, p. 28. Ibid, pp. 56-59. p. 30. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol I, p. 30. p. 33. Gray, China, Vol I, p. 391. p. 36. Macgowan, Sidelights, p. 326. p. 36. Hunter, William C., Bits of Old China, London, 1855, p. 194. p. 38. De Groot, Religious System, Vol I, p. 43. 40. 齊東野, 風水靈籤怪談 p. 40. F·AKAKEK Hong Kong, 1963, pp. 12-13. p. 47. Sun Yat-sen, Memoirs of a Chinese Revolutionary, London, 1918, p. 5. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v p. 49. Drage, Charles, Two-gun Cohen, London, 1954, p. 135. p. 53. Addison, Ancestor Worship, p. 54. p. 54. Mayers, Reader's Manual, p. 157. p. 55. Buss, Kato, Studies in the Chinese Drama, Boston, 1922, pp. 75-76. p. 57. Ibid, p. 62. p. 57. Couling, Encyclopaedia, p. 148. p. 60. Smith, D. Howard, Religions, p. 163. p. 60. Teichman, Eric, Travels of a Consular Officer in North-West China, Cambridge, 1921, p. 148. p. 62. Milne, Rev. William C., Life in China, London, 1857, p. 97. p. 64. Cockrill, W. Ross, The Buffaloes of China, Rome, 1976, p. 32. p. 65. Ball, Things, p. 125. p. 65. Arlington, L. C., Through The Dragon's Eyes, London, 1931, p. 132. p. 67. Johnston, Lion and Dragon, pp. 181-182. p. 70. Teng Ssu-yu and Fairbank, John K., China's Response to the West, Harvard, 1954, pp. 24-25. p. 72. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, London, 1958, p. 109. p. 75. Krone, Rev. Mr., 'A Notice of the Sanon District', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol VII, 1967, pp. 124-125. p. 75. Wesley-Smith, Peter, Unequal Treaty, 1898-1997, Hong Kong, 1980, p. 191. p. 78. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol II, p. 169. p. 78. Lin Yutang, My Country, p. 98. p. 82. Mayers, Reader's Manual, pp. 359-360. p. 86. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol I, pp. 207-208. p. 90. Bredon and Mitrophanow, Moon Year, p. 395. p. 90. Williams, C. A. S., Outlines, p. 254. p. 92. Broomhall, Martyred Missionaries, p. xii. p. 98. Couling, Encyclopaedia, p. 328. p. 98. Arlington, Dragon's Eyes, p. 125. p. 100. Ibid, p. 100. p. 101. De Groot, Religious System, Vol I, p. 14. p. 106. Hong Kong Weekly Press and China Overland Trade Report, Hong Kong, June 1903. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 232 p. 109. Yang, C. K., Religion, pp. 16-17. p. 110. Tawney, R. H., Land and Labour in China, London, 1932, p. 77. p. 114. Levy, Howard, S., Chinese Footbinding: the History of a Curious Erotic Custom, Tokyo, 1966, p. 56. p. 116. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol II, p. 198. p. 116. Little, Mrs. Archibald, In the Land of the Blue Gown, London, 1912, p. 209. p. 121. Yang, Martin C., A Chinese Village: Taitou, Shantung Province, London, 1948, pp. 239-240. p. 130. Smith, Arthur H., Characteristics, p. 254. p. 130. Huc, M., The Chinese Empire, London, 1859, pp. 298-299. p. 136. De Groot, Religious System, Vol II, p. 793. p. 137. Arlington, Dragon's Eyes, p. 158. p. 140. Smith, Arthur H., Characteristics, p. 275. p. 141. Graham, David Crockett, Folk Religion in Southwest China, Washington, 1961, p. 123. p. 146. Forster, L., Echoes of Hong Kong and Beyond, Hong Kong, 1933, p. 52. p. 147. Peplow and Barker, Around and About, pp. 176-177. p. 150. Smith, D. Howard, Religions, p. 102. p. 152. De Groot, Religious System, Vol I, p. 271. p. 152. Welch, Holmes, The Practice of Chinese Buddhism, 1900-1950, Harvard, 1967, p. 343. p. 152. Ng Shing Kup, The Great Events of the Ten Thousand Buddhas Temple, Hong Kong, 1973, pp. 40-41. p. 156. Cormack, Birthday etc. Customs, p. 26. p. 158. Bredon and Mitrophanow, Moon Year, pp. 427-428. p. 158. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol II, p. 70. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v I understand the instructions for OCR proofreading of historical records related to Hong Kong. I will follow the rules provided to correct the text while preserving the original content and format as much as possible. The rules include: Transforming the text into standard Markdown format. Correcting spelling errors without adding or removing words. Fixing spacing issues, including extra spaces, missing spaces, and hyphenation or line-break artifacts. Rejoining broken sentences and restoring paragraph breaks. Indicating missing words with "...". Formatting file references without spaces inside parentheses. Preserving page numbering information. Reordering newspaper texts if necessary. Reconstructing tables. Adjusting Chinese writing direction if necessary. I will output the corrected text in HTML format using

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only when necessary. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Edward Youde G.C.M.G., M.B.E., Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1984 President: J.W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.DIV. A.I. Diamond, M.B.E., M.A. (until February 1985) D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Hon. Secretary: R.H. McLean, B.A. Hon. Treasurer: D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Hon. Editors: P.H. Hase, B.A., Ph.D. David Faure, B.A., Ph.D. (Co-editor) Hon. Librarian: V.E. Morgan, B.A., A.L.A. Councillors: Allan Birch, M.A., Ph.D., F.R. Hist. Soc. Hugh Gibb, M.A. Michael W.M. Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D. D.H. Liu O.R. Siddle, O.B.E., B.A., F.R.S.A. Elizabeth Sinn, B.A., M.Phil. iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 xvi H.K. Currency $29,402.00 1982 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH INCOME AND EXPENDITURE ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDED 31ST DECEMBER 1983 $34,300 Journal and Other Publications.... 1982 H.K. Currency Activity Expenses (Annual General 4,218 Meeting, Dinner, Symposium and Outings). 10,045.50 $ 3,920 Life Memberships. 20,547 Annual Memberships 14,384 Sales of Publications $ 383.20 35,246.21 9,210.32 8,400 Secretarial Assistance 8,603.30 2,308 Purchase of Books. 1 5,542.70 3,980 Receipts from Members for Activities 21,384 Bank Interest Received. 7,010.00 Г P 16,570.83 4,038 Dividends Received 4,037.57 I P 10,036 Stationery, Postage, etc.) 8,707.70 Annual Subscription to Hong Kong 200 Donation Received. 117 Sundry Receipts 200.00 28.50 4,200 Arts Centre.. 4,200.00 2,412 Rent for Library in Hong Kong Arts Centre.. 2,987 Balance being Deficit of Expenditure over Income transferred to Accumulated Funds 3,000.00 5,792 Purchase of Equipment. 1 I г 1,300.00 $71,666 Balance being surplus of Income over Expenditure transferred to Accumulated Funds 885.43 $71,686.63 $71,666 $71,686.63 However, to follow the exact instructions given and to improve readability, the text should be formatted into a proper table and Markdown headers. Here is the corrected version in HTML as requested: xvi ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH INCOME AND EXPENDITURE ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDED 31ST DECEMBER 1983 $34,300 Journal and Other Publications.... $29,402.00 1982 H.K. Currency 1982 H.K. Currency Activity Expenses (Annual General Meeting, Dinner, Symposium and Outings). 10,045.50 4,218 $ 3,920 Life Memberships. 20,547 Annual Memberships 14,384 Sales of Publications $ 383.20 35,246.21 9,210.32 8,400 Secretarial Assistance 8,603.30 2,308 Purchase of Books. 1 5,542.70 3,980 Receipts from Members for Activities 21,384 Bank Interest Received. 7,010.00 16,570.83 4,038 Dividends Received 4,037.57 I P 10,036 Sundry Expenses (Printing, Stationery, Postage, etc.) 8,707.70 Annual Subscription to Hong Kong Arts Centre.. 4,200.00 200 Donation Received. 117 Sundry Receipts 200.00 28.50 4,200 Arts Centre.. 4,200.00 2,412 Rent for Library in Hong Kong Arts Centre.. 2,987 Balance being Deficit of Expenditure over Income transferred to Accumulated Funds 3,000.00 5,792 Purchase of Equipment. 1 I г 1,300.00 $71,666 Balance being surplus of Income over Expenditure transferred to Accumulated Funds 885.43 $71,686.63 $71,666 $71,686.63 However, the exact HTML output as per the original request without any table formatting is maintained as the first response. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 24 JULIAN PAS 46, and 54) or in two temples (B-12, 38 and 55). In a few older cities or towns one finds the richest variety: Tainan: Taipei: Lukang: 5 different sets (cp. Banck, who has 9) 8 different sets (cp. Banck: 12) 3 different sets (cp. Banck 6) In Banck's collection are also included the Pescadores (P'eng-hu) islands: he has 6 sets from there, whereas I did not collect there at all. The great variety in older centres of immigrant settlements indicates that those sets were very likely brought to Taiwan from different "mother-temples” (tsung-miao) in the mainland; whereas in later times newly constructed temples took over the more popular sets available in Taiwan itself. In Taiwan, the more popular a cult, the larger the number of “daughter-temples” (fen-miao) it produced: that would explain the popularity of B-1 and B-2. To summarize my findings, I'd like to combine the data shown in tables 3 and 4 and then conclude with some final considerations: Table 5: Joint Survey of Temple Oracles in Taiwan B-I 2 3 4 6 7 8 9 Other B Not in B Not Avail. Total Confucian 1 Taoist 1 1 Buddhist 2 6 2 158 71 8 2 1 3 6 4 22 28.10 5 11 291 1 2 18 18 18 186 81 8 2 7 3 6 4 24 6 30 357 One important remark concerns the representative value of this survey: in my view, the sample taken cannot be considered to have general validity, except with regard to table 1 (and perhaps tables 2 and 3). A more detailed and carefully prepared research would produce a more accurate knowledge of the spread of the oracles. Taiwan nowadays counts between 4,000 to 5,000 registered temples, and a large number of non-registered shrines. Among the latter group are literally thousands of T’u-ti-kung shrines, sometimes small roadside chapels or altar-like structures, which have no oracle sets available. Page 45 Page 46 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 JULIAN PAS APPENDIX II: CHINESE DIVINATION TERMINOLOGY The terminology used in the context of ancient Chinese divination practices is often conflicting and confusing. It is therefore appropriate to define the terms, both in English and in Chinese. A. English Terminology The two basic types relate to bone divination and to plant (stalk) divination. 1. OSTEOMANCY, general term for Bone Divination Dates from the Shang period or even from earlier times, and includes divination types using a variety of animal bones, especially bovines, sheep or pigs, later also tortoises. Subdivisions, using specific kinds of animal bones: (a) SCAPULIMANCY or SCAPULOMANCY: using the shoulder blades of sheep, oxen, etc. This term is often inaccurately used for bone divinations in general, (b) CHELONIOMANCY: using the carapace of tortoise or turtle; (c) PLASTROMANCY: using the 'plastron' (lower bone) of tortoise. 2. ACHILLEOMANCY: divination of Chou origin (probably) using a number of stalks derived from the milfoil plant, also called yarrow. One of the methods using stalks is the ICHING consultation, which is perhaps an early ancestor of the popularized temple oracles. B. Chinese Terminology 卜 pu (Karlgren or K. no. 757) to divine by tortoise shell; to divine (shows fissures in heated shell). 兆 (K. no. 1182; Mathews or M. 247) prognostic, omen (cracks in burnt tortoise shell, read as prognostics) a sign, omen. 爻 (K. no. 217; M. 2583) Yao— intertwine; change; lines in the hexagrams of I-ching. Miyazaki (p. 162); this character yao "is nothing else but the figure of two of those crosses", obtained by counting divination sticks, to see whether their number was odd or even. 夬 (K. 161) (accident), calamitous, unfortunate, sad; of bad omen; cruel [a man falling with legs upwards into a pit] Miyazaki: (p. 162); two sticks remaining in a box or container: means "bad omen, unlucky”, since representing an even number. 吉 (K. 325) auspicious, lucky, good, (an affair: which may be spoken of, not taboo). Miyazaki: three sticks (odd number) remaining in divination: therefore 'good omen, lucky'. For unknown reason, "container' replaced by 'mouth'; perhaps pronounced aloud. 卦 (K. 433): 8 trigrams, basis of I ching (from 2 x three yao plus 'divination') 占 (K. 1162; M. 125) to discern omens, inquire into prognostics, prognosticate, to divine; a lot (to interpret prognostics); to divine by casting lots; to observe signs, to foretell ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 41 etym, (variant); } = cracks; 1= || scapula !) (K. 1192) enquire by divination; auspicious, good, virtuous; firm, solid; and !! diviner's fee?) { Kui (K. 462) tortoise, divination by aid of the cracks in heated tortoise shell to draw lots; a lot [this character is a strange mixture; enclosure or “border prairie” with possibly 2 sets of stalks on top of a tortoise: 2 types of divination mixed together] * (K. 894; M. 5763) to divine by stalks of milfoil; (from K magic and " bamboo-stalks) * shih (M. 5801) milfoil (“achillée”) [the character suggests a plant, and elder person, and a mouth: oracle of old sage?] Characters derived from 4: A hands manipulating divining sticks on a table to perceive name of king, Kao, a diviner to learn to teach (to learn + whipping) NOTES 1 The Chinese text of this oracle is found in Sheng-ch'ien chu-chieh (see bibliography) 2 While this article was already in press, I obtained new information stating that there is a still older example of Chinese oracles, dating from the 5th century A.D: “The earliest example of a Buddhist oracle-sequence can be dated to the middle of the fifth century, and is found in the printed Buddhist Canon. It forms the tenth book in a work entitled The Book of Consecration (Kuan-ting ching, T. 1331).” Although this text is not necessarily a temple oracle, yet it is so far the earliest book containing 100 oracle stanzas in a style similar to the later temple oracles. (Michel Strickmann, “Chinese Oracles in Buddhist Vestments”, p. 27 of an unpublished paper delivered at the Berkeley Conference on Chinese Divination and Portent-lore, June 20-July 2, 1983). 3 See for example L. Vandermeersch, "De la Tortue à l'Achillée", p. 46. Fung Yu-lan, in his History of Chinese Philosophy, vol. 1 (1952), pp. 27-28: quotes the Ch'ien Han Shu, which in its turn refers to the Shuching. “The divina-tion plant (shih ) and the tortoise shell (kuei #k) are used by the Sages. The Shu says: "when you have doubts about any great matter, consult the tortoise shell and divination stalks'. . . . ** See also J. Needham, Science & Civilization in China, vol. 2 (1956), pp. 347-349. On page 348 there is a reproduction of a drawing dating from the late Ch'ing dynasty, which shows the legendary emperor Shun and his ministers consulting the oracles of the tortoise-shell and the milfoil. 7 & Miyazaki Ichisada (1966), p. 161. 8 Miyazaki (1966), p. 162. 9 Webster's New 20th century Dictionary of the English Language (1979), p. 765. 10 Andree Richard (1906). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 42 JULIAN PAS Webster's Dictionary (1979), p. 1733. 10 Webster's Dictionary (1979), p. 170. Lenormant (1875), p. 18. 12 Lenormant (1875), p. 19. 13 Lenormant (1875), p. 30. 14 Needham (1956), p. 349. Banck (1976). 16 CHENG, Chen-tuo, Editor, T'ien-chu ling-ch'ien (Reproduction of the Earliest Preserved Set of Temple Oracles) Folklore & Folk Literature Series of National Peking University. (reprint), Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1958. 17 19 I have used the cheng-t'ong or Ming edition, as reprinted in Taipei. Eberhard (1970), p. 193. Huang-ti shen-kung Ħ☎1⁄2, Banck (1976), #17. 20 Eberhard (1970), p. 191-192. 21 Jordan (1982). 11 W. Eberhard (1970), p. 195. The Chinese text: 1+X8 23 24 The Chinese text: 高達五十得名 St. Augustine's Confessions, translated by William Benham (New York: Collies & Son, 1909), pp. 141-142. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. Sources (i) Taiwan (& Hong Kong) Oracles, published in booklets B-I B-I B-I B-2 B-2 B-2 Sheng-ch'ien chu-chieh E, Kuan Yin Fo-tsu, T'ien-shang Sheng-mu &Ħ, X_L, Taichung, Jui-ch'eng Bookstore AĦĦ , 1972, (1st ed. date, unknown). K'ai-t'ai Ma-tsu chien-chieh, published by the Feng-t'ien Temple in Hsin-kang, Chia-yi *, ****8. (n.d. circa 1978). The oracle texts are on pp. 1-30. + Ling-ch'ien chich-shuo, with commentaries by Yeh Shan #ll, Taichung: Ch'uang-shih Publishing House, & FURN 1979. + Pai-shou ch'ien-chieh, Published by the Hsing-sheng Temple in Taichung 台中市行聖宮,1977. Ling-ch'ien chieh-shuo *, with commentaries by Yeh Shan #. Taichung: Ch'uang-shih Publishing House, ÷ÞOKRE 1975 (1st ed.: 1966) Kuan-sheng Ti-chún ch'ien-shih chich MESE the Shui-hsien Temple in Nan-kang, Chia-yi, 1 Published by *, 1964, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 110 JAMES HAYES that every spot in the varied surface of the isle is either reduced beneath the government of industry, or made tributary to the beauty of the landscape. Turning to the inhabitants of the villages I will say something about the boat people below; they were, it seems, both Cantonese and Hakkas. The former occupied the larger, longer settled villages like Little Hong Kong and Wong Nei Chung. The latter were to be found in the smaller villages and hamlets such as the Chai Wan villages and Tai Tam Tuk. The Cantonese are the older and more numerous inhabitants of the Kwangtung province, but the Hakka constituted a numerous and distinct secondary body, speaking their own dialect; some would say language, which is quite different from Cantonese. The two groups appear to have occupied separate settlements in the island of Hong Kong, though the population of the larger coastal fishing and market villages was mixed. 18 The village people of that time were generally members of either a single or a few clans, descended from founding ancestors who had come to the area in the preceding century or even before. For instance, the ancestor of the Chow clan of Little Hong Kong—in 1841 it shared the settlement with at least two or three others—came into the area in the mid-17th century. According to a letter I received from Mr. Y.K. Chow, J.P., in 1967, the founding ancestor's son Yuc-tsun (†Œ) was born in Hong Kong in 1667. By 1841 their descendants had been settled for seven to eight generations and were clearly well rooted in the local soil. In Pokfulam, the Chan clan had been there since the eighteenth century. At a hearing on 6 July 1893 of the Squatters Board, set up to examine the claims of villagers in 1890, a man of 71 stated that he had been born and lived there ever since. "I claim 15 and 4/10th mows of fields. They are all together in one place. This land was left to my ancestors. My father and ancestors have been there 100 years." The Wong Nei Chung families, which belonged to several clans, were probably longer settled still. A woman, Ip Chan Shi, giving evidence before the Squatter Board in 1891 about various properties belonging to her late husband, who had died the previous year aged 55, said that he had four houses in the village altogether and that his family had been in the village for "many generations". +19 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 134 JAMES HAYES equally there is no reason to doubt that arrangements similar to those at Stanley and Shau Kei Wan were to be found there. This account does not claim to be a comprehensive account of Hong Kong before 1841, but aims to stimulate an interest. If it reaches members of old Hong Kong village families by one reason or another, I hope it will encourage them to dig into their family chests to see if anything remains that will fill out the story. 89 NOTES The material for this essay is varied. I am in considerable debt to several good friends; Ian Diamond, Tom Poon, Anthony Siu Kwok-kin, Patrick Hase, and Carl Smith among others. Nineteenth-century writers, including officials, especially those who saw Hong Kong in its early colonial years, are also valued contributors to the story. Correspondence in the possession of the Tang family of Kam Tin figures prominently. I have also been fortunate to have spoken with old persons in their 'seventies' and 'eighties' back in the 1960s. They were able to give valuable information about life in their youth, when the lifestyle and appearance of the Hong Kong villages and boat people's anchorages had changed relatively little since the 1840s, compared with the total obliteration and change all too frequently experienced in the past fifteen years. These interviews took place in a variety of places; in an old tenement in Shaukeiwan, in one of the old hillside villages there, in a resettlement estate, in a Housing Society estate for fishermen's families, on a friend's pleasure craft manned by a boatman whose family had been living on boats in Deep Bay for generations, on a working cargo boat in a typhoon shelter, in a converted stake-net fisherman's hut, in a village house overwhelmed by squatter huts, and so on. Each of these locations testified to how modern Hong Kong was dealing cards to the persons concerned and their families, swept along or thrust to one side in the maelstrom of intensive postwar development and redevelopment. To all the above contributors, I tender thanks and appreciation. 1 C.J.C. in Revd G.N. Wright and Thomas Allom, China Illustrated in a Series of Views (London and Paris, Fisher and Co., 1843), Vol. 1, p. 17 in my set, "Harbour of Hong Kong”. 2 Harley Farnsworth MacNair, Modern Chinese History Selected Readings (Shanghai, Commercial Press, Second edition, 1927), p. 169. 3 W.L. Bales, Tso Tsungtang, Soldier and Statesman of Old China, (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1937), p. 69. 4 The Letters of Queen Victoria, A Selection from Her Majesty's Correspondence between the Years 1837 and 1861, ed A.C. Benson and Viscount Esher, (London, John Murray, 1908), Vol. 1, p. 262. 5 Following G.B. Endacott's History of Hong Kong (Oxford, University Press, 1958), p. 18. 6 Sessional Papers (Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong) 1884-85, p. 2. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 136 JAMES HAYES p. 78. There was a custom-made school building on the edge of Wong Nei Chung village which is shown on maps from Collinson's survey onwards. 13 By "town", Collinson means village. 14 The Last Year in China by a Field Officer actually employed in that Country (London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 2nd edition 1843) p. 75. 15 Cited from the Canton Press for January 1842 by G.R. Sayer op. cit., p. 121. For information on present day So Kon Po, see the Notes by Revd Carl T. Smith and myself in JHKBRAS, Vol. 23 (1983) p. 7-77. 16 Wright and Allom, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 17 and again at p. 33, "Bamboo Aqueduct at Hong Kong". For a fuller account see J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911, Land and Leadership in Town and Countryside. (Hamden, Conn., Anchor Books, 1977) pp. 25-32. E A copy of this letter from Mr. Chow Yat-kwong, JP, dated 30 March 1967, is now in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong, 19 This statement can be found in the manuscript volume Summary Report of the Squatters Commission 1891-1906 in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong, under the date of hearing 6 July 1893. By "100 years" is meant "from before anyone now alive can remember," as normally in local village usage. 20 21 Ibid, hearing of 26 January 1891 of claims at Wong Nei Chung. Report of the Hong Kong Mission, Vol. 23, June 1843, November 6, p. 157, in American Baptist Board of Foreign Missions Archives, Valley Forge, Pa., by courtesy of Revd Carl T. Smith. 22 American Baptist Mission Archives, folder of Revd I.J. Roberts, No. 1 — China, also by courtesy of Revd Smith. 23 Captain A.A.T. Cunynghame, quoted in Sayer, op. cit., p. 104. 24 Stanley and Aberdeen in 1841 would seem to have been very similar in size and composition to the New Territories Market Towns in 1898 and earlier. Thus, Sai Kung had 50 shops and 150 houses in 1898 with a population of 512 (cf. C. Fred Blake Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town. (Hawaii, 1981 p. 27-28), Tai Po New Market had 38 shops within eight years of its foundation (J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region, op. cit. p. 36 and n. 78), and Yuen Long Old Market had about 160 buildings of which at least 100 were shops (see unpublished Report 24 (Yuen Long Kau Hui) produced by Antiquities and Monuments Section, Hong Kong Government). 100 shops specifically noted as being from the Yuen Long Old Market donated to the restoration of the Tai Wong Temple there in 1837. At the Yuen Long Old Market many of the families working in the Market lived in the adjacent villages of Nam Pin Wai and Sai Pin Wai. As well as the 100 shops donating in 1837, 7 residents in the Market, 52 in Nam Pin Wai, and 22 in Sai Pin Wai donated, suggesting a total community of about 200 families, about half of which had shops. Tai O must have had more than 100 shops: 119 shops donated to the restoration of the Tin Hau temple there in 1838, 98 to the restoration of the Hung Shing temple there in 1841, and between 105 and 126 to the restoration of the Man Mo temple there in 1852 (in each case counting "workshops" and "ferries" as shops). 科大衛,陳總集,吳倫電位,合術 香港碑靠藥衚 MOMSKOM * (D. Faure, B. Luk, A. Ng The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong) (Hong Kong Urban Council 1986), pp. 86-90, 90-93, 95-97, 103-107, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 137 Revd Justus Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese, (New York, Harper and Brothers, 1865), Vol. II, p. 55; Robert K. Douglas, China (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 2nd Edition, 1887) pp. 280-1; Juliet Bredon and Igor Metrophanow, The Moon Year, A Record of Chinese Customs and Festivals (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh Ltd, 1927) pp. 314-5. 26 J. W. Hayes, The Hong Kong Region op. cit., p. 210 note 87. A full account of the stakenet fishing is given in my forthcoming article on the coastal and inshore fisheries of Hong Kong Island and adjacent places in the 19th century and earlier, to appear in Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium on Asian Studies, 1986, Vol. I, China, Asian Research Service, GPO Box 2232 Hong Kong. 27 China Mail No. 212, 8 March 1849, Witness No. 23 at the recorded Coroner's Inquest. Possibly also nos. 19 and 22. 20 A large scale map of Little Hong Kong at 80' to 1, in five sheets, showing the Old and New Villages and their fields (1892) is in the PRO of Hong Kong. In 1844 it was stated that the Wong Nai Chung fields measured 75.1 acres (CSO129/9807, p. 277). 1 Illustrated London News, 16 January 1858. 10 Hong Kong Government Gazette, Government Notification 41 of 1860, dated 24 March 1860. Robert Fortune, Three Years Wanderings in the Northern Provinces of China (London, John Murray, 2nd edition 1847) p.17. He qualifies his remarks slightly, but the substance is as stated. See also his general very favourable verdict on the Chinese people at p. xv. 32 K.S. McKenzie, Narrative of the Second Campaign in China (London, R. Bentley, 1842) p. 160. 33 Captain G.G. Loch, Closing Events of the Campaign in China (London, John Murray, 1843) p. 21. 14 35 McKenzie, op. cit., p. 163. Dalrymple's Observations on the Southern Coasts of China and the Island of Hainan (London, 1806). After p. 20 in the text. This willingness to trade with strangers continued into the period of hostilities between Britain and China when the local people appear to have been very ready to supply the British forces and the civilian population with food and other necessities. Indeed this extended to such a degree that led Captain Elliott to state in one of his despatches to Lord Ellenborough, Governor-General of India, that the retention of Hong Kong would be "an act of justice and protection to the Native population upon which we have been so long dependent for assistance and supply. Indescribably dreadful instances of the hostility between these people and the Government are within our certain knowledge; and they cannot be abandoned without the most fatal consequences.” Hosea Ballou Morse, The International Relations of the Chinese Empire, 3 vols, reprinted by Book World Company, Taipei, Appendix I to Vol. 1, pp. 650-1. See also pp. 241-2 for local provisioning. 34 John Francis Davis. Sketches of China, Partly during an Inland Journey of Four Months between Peking, Nanking and Canton, bound in with Volume III of his A General Description of China and its Inhabitants (London, Charles Knight, New Edition, 1845), p. 12. See also Wright and Allom, op. cit., "The Harbour of Hong Kong" which speaks of the "innate gentleness, and disinterested hospitality, of the farmers and the fishermen of Hong Kong". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 138 JAMES HAYES 37 CO 129/99, Despatch No. 115 of 28 July 1864. 38 Ibid. The report, by Lieutenant Adams, R.N., dated ‘Woodcock’, Hong Kong, 28 June 1864, is at pp. 37-45. 39 Reports on the Past and Present State of Her Majesty's Colonial Possessions (hereafter Blue Book) 1845, No. 38 Hong Kong, p. 149. 40 Blue Book for 1847, No. 36 Hong Kong, p. 308. 41 e.g. W.F. Mayers, N.B. Dennys and C. King, The Treaty Ports of China and Japan. (London, Trubner and Co., 1867), p. 108, for two very bad piracies there. 42 Harbour Master's Report for 1887 in Sessional Papers (Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong) September 1887-December 1888, p. 258. 43 Blue Book for 1845, No. 38 Hong Kong, p. 151. 44 **科大蘭,陳鴻基,吳倫霓霞, 合品 香港碑銘彙編 p. 98 (D. Faure, B. Luk, A. Ng The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong (Hong Kong Urban Council 1986) p. 98-101, 75-78. 45 Public Record Office, London: CO129/12/9757, para 12. 46 E.J. Eitel Europe in China op. cit. p. 132. 47 J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op. cit. p.62, (and see also p. 27, n. 11). 48 Unpublished Temple Directory, The Temples Unit, Home Affairs Dept. H.K. Government, 1980, p. 17. 49 Mayers, Dennys and King, op cit, p. 2. Sin Ngan (#) variously romanized herein as San-on, Sun-on and Hsin-an was the county to which Hong Kong Island belonged in 1841. Tungkwan ( ) otherwise Tung-Kwun was the older, larger county from which it was created in 1573. For Hsin-an see Peter Y.L. Ng, prepared for press and with additional material by Hugh D.R. Baker, New Peace County, A Chinese Gazetteer of the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press, 1983). 50 Mayers, Dennys and King, op. cit. p.3 51 52 53 Friend of China, 24 July 1858 (courtesy of Revd. Carl T. Smith), Ibid. See J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op. cit. pp. 46-53. See also J.W. Hayes, The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, Studies and Themes (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1983) pp 9-10. 54 Petition dated 8th day of 4th lunar month, Tao Kuang, 21st year, i.e. 28th May 1841, to the District Magistrate of Hsin-an. This and other quoted papers belong to the Tang family of Kam Tin, New Territories. I am grateful to the District Officer, Yuen Long and Mr. J.T. Kamm for the translations that appear here. They have been checked against the originals by my friend Dr. Anthony K.K. Siu. Kwan Tai Lo was a village near the foot of the present Leighton Hill. 55 Copy of an undated instruction to a presumably subordinate office following the above. 56 Petition dated 28th day of 5th lunar month, Tao Kuang 23rd year i.e. 25th June 1843. 57 Undated reply to the petitioners, presumably from the District Magistrate, following receipt of the foregoing petition. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 139 58 Petition dated 23rd day of 4th lunar month, Tao Kuang 24th year i.e. 8th June 1844. 59 60 See notes 19-20 above and relevant text. Response or comment, presumably again by the District Magistrate, following the petition of 8th June 1844. 61 Instruction dated sometime in Tao Kuang 24th year, but date and originator not clear to me. 62 Communication dated 15th day of 11th month, Tao Kuang 24th Year, i.e. 24th December 1844 (from Series CO129/7/9807, p. 326). See also Mayers, Dennys and King, op cit., p. 57. 64 Public Records Series CO129 and FO233. Copies of this deed, together with a few other papers from Chai Wan, belonging to Mr Law Wan-yeung(c) of Chai Wan, are available in the Public Records Office of Hong Kong. 65 See note 26 for the Wong holdings. The Tangs leased out similar properties on Tsing Yi Island in the present New Territories, where they apparently did hold the sole rights to the sub-soil up to 1899. 66 See the account given in J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op cit, p 32 and in J.W. Hayes The Rural Communities of Hong Kong op. cit., pp. 34-37 and 244-246. 67 For accounts of these places see chapters 2 and 3 of J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region, op. cit. 6. See J.W. Hayes The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, op. cit., pp 68-9 and relevant notes on p. 254. 69 See the information on settlement in north-west Kowloon and Tsuen Wan in J.W. Hayes The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, op. cit., chapters 5 and 7. 70 Kuo Fei(部) Yueh Ta Chi 與天記三十三政事類渗防廣東沿潮閣 71 This is perhaps misleading and more information is required. The list of places where land was claimed to be in the private ownership of the Tangs, with dates of purchases and names of sellers is given in a petition to the Hsin-an District Magistrate dated 18th day of the 10th moon in Tao Kuang 24th year, i.e. 25 November 1844. This shows that part of those Hong Kong lands registered in the Tung-kwun district yamen, presumably before 1573, had been purchased by the Tangs from another family in the Ch'ien-lung reign, and therefore cannot be used to show Tang ownership in or before the Ming dynasty, although they do suggest that the lands were cultivated and of value in the Ming. Nor do we know whether land registered in what later became Hsin-an had earlier been registered in the Tung-kwun yamen but with the relevant registers transferred to the new district yamen in 1573. 72 For the dates of these temples, and especially for the items mentioned in the Table, see 陸鴻基, 吳偏霞霞, 合编, “香港伸銘彝術 op. cit. (D. Faure, B. Luk, A. Ng, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong), passim. I 71 See J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op. cit. chapter 7. 74 ** A.R. Johnston “Note on the Island of Hong Kong” in London Geographical Journal, XIV, reprinted in the Hong Kong Almanack and Directory, 1846, 75 Endacott, op cit., p. 59 76 E.J. Eitel, Europe in China op. cit. p. 215. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 202 Y.H. CHEUNG, K.Y. TAI, S.W. TSAO AND L.B. THROWER References Anon (1979). Hong Kong 1979—a review of 1978. (Hong Kong: Government Information Services). Bowen, S.H. (1980). Detrital non-protein amino acids are the key to rapid growth of tilapia in Lake Valencia, Venezuela. Science 207, 1216-1218. Fogg, G.E. (1980). Phytoplanktonic primary production. In Barnes, R.S.K. & Mann, K.H. (edit) Fundamentals of Aquatic Ecosystems. (Blackwell: Oxford). Hulscher, J.B. (1975). Het wad een overvloedodig of schaars gedekte tafel voor vogels? Symposium Waddenonderzoek Uitagave van Oecologisch Onderzoek, Arnhem. King, J.R. and Farmer, D.S. (1961). Energy metabolism, thermoregulation and body temperature. In Marshall, A.J. (edit.) Biology and Comparative Physiology of Birds, Vol. II (Academic Press: London). Melville, D.S. (1978). Notes on food requirements of some birds at Mai Po. Notes privately circulated. Odum, E.P. (1971). Fundamentals of Ecology, 3rd Ed. (Saunders: Philadelphia) Odum, W.E. (1971). Pathways of energy flow in a south Florida estuary. Sea Grant Tech. Bull. No. 7, Univ. of Miami, Odum, W.E. & Heald, E.J. (1975). The detritus-based food web of an estuarine mangrove community. Estuarine Research I, 265-286. Park, D. (1975). A cellulolytic, pythiaceous fungus. Trans. Brit. mycol. Soc. 65, 249-257. Park, D. & McKee, W. (1978). Cellulolytic Pythium as a component of the river mycoflora. Trans. Brit. mycol. Soc. 77, 251-259. Stewart, W.D.P. (1972). Estuarine and brackish waters an introduction. In Barnes, R.S.K. & Green, J. (ed.) The Estuarine Environment (Applied Science Publishers: London). Vrijmoed, L.L.P. (1975). A study of lignicolous marine fungi in the coastal waters of Hong Kong. Univ. of Hong Kong: M.Phil. Thesis. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 207 THE SHANGHAI MUNICIPAL COUNCIL, 1850-1865: SOME BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Introductory remarks J.H. HAAN In a former article* I gave an analysis of the administrative structure that developed in the International Settlement of Shanghai during the nineteenth century. Appended to that article was a list of Municipal Council members for the period 1850-1865. Here I intend to give some biographical details about those members, not only with regard to their commercial positions, but still more to show in which other organisations they were active. This may serve as an indication of the social ambitions of the Council members. From the data I have been able to assemble it will appear that in this respect some were far more active than others, but that most in some way or another devoted themselves to public tasks other than the purely political one for which they had been chosen by the landrenters. The organisations, committees, etc., in which they participated may broadly be divided into two categories: those that were of a political nature and those that were of a more social nature. 1. Political Committees As from 1862 a number of committees were appointed by Public Meetings of Landrenters, mostly in order to devise methods to improve the effectiveness of Municipal Council rule. * JHKBRAS, Vol. 22 (1982) p. 31 “Origin and Development of the Political System in the Shanghai International Settlement” ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 224 J.H. HAAN 32 13 Letter of Cordier in JNCBRAS, Vol. XXXV (1902), p. xi. Arts of Asia (Hong Kong), May-June 1976, p. 65 (illustration) and p. 72. 14 Portraits in "Boston and the China Trade” (1970), no. 23; and Liu, o.c., between pp. 78 and 79. 35 36 Liu, o.c. p. 179, n. 9; BS. IV 2520. Adv. NCH 11.8.1860. 37 NCH 21.11.1863, 31.12.1864, 8.7.1865. 38 Maybon & Fredet: "Histoire de la Concession française de Changhai” (1929), p. 318, 445. NCH 13.6.1863. 39 40 BS III, 2274. 41 NCH 4.2.1865. 42 43 JNCBRAS, Vol. I (1865); Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xiii. CR Jan. 1837, 44 CR Jan. 1847. 45 CR Jan. 1845 (in Macau). 46 See e.g. NCH 3.8.1850; SA 1853-1856. 41 NCH 16.8.1856; cf. also S.C. Lockwood: “Aug. Heard & Co. 1858-1862” (1971), p. 19. 41 Griffin, o.c., p. 306-307, n. 6; S. Couling: "Encyclopedia Sinica" (1917), p. 187; "Guide to the microfilm edition of the Forbes Papers" (1969), p. 15, 18. Adv. NCH 3.1.1863. 50 NCH 24.9.1864. 51 Maybon & Fredet, o.c., p. 445-446. 52 BS III, 2274. 53 JNCBRAS, Vol. X (1876), Vol. XVII (1882), p. x. 34 JNCBRAS, Vol. VII (1873), p. i. 55 JNCBRAS, Vol. VIII (1874), p. i; Vol. IX (1875), p. i. 56 JNCBRAS, Vol. V (1869), p. v-vii, 57 Ibid. p. ix-x. 58 Portrait in "Boston and the China Trade", no. 24; Liu, o.c., between pp. 78 and 79. 59 Couling, o.c., p. 187; Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xviii; BS I, 480; “Guide to microfilm edition of the Forbes Papers", p. 18. 60 Adv. NCH 14.4.1855. 61 SA 1856. 62 NCH 9.1.1858. 63 G.B. Endacott: "Government and People in Hong Kong 1841-1962" (1964), p. 251. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 135 NCH 31.3.1855. 136 137 CR Jan. 1848, Jan. 1849, Jan. 1850. Adv. NCH 1.4.1854. 134 Adv. NCH 11.8.1855. 119 Adv. NCH 17.5.1862. 140 227 NCH 31.3.1855, 14.3.1857. 141 Polt, o.c., fac. p. 81. 1414 "Dictionary of National Biography” (1900), Vol. XIII, p. 202-203; A. Wylie: "Memorials of Protestant Missionaries” (1867), p. 25ff; NCH 11.4.1857; Couling, o.c., p. 344. 143 See: J.H. Haan: “De opkomst van de Internationale Settlement te Shanghai 1845-1865" (The Rise of the International Settlement at Shanghai) Unpublished manuscript, University of Amsterdam, 1977, p. 167-169. 144 NCH 13.9.1851; SA 1855. 145 146 J.C. Harris: “Couriers of Christ" (1931), fac. p. 112. Wylie, o.c., p. 25ff; BS I, 74; III 1596-1597. Obituary by Henri Cordier in T'oung Pao, Vol. III (1902), p. 338. 147 148 SA 1855, 1856. 149 Adv. NCH 19.1.1861. 150 China Directory 1874. 151 See: Edward LeFevour "Western Enterprise in Late Ch'ing China" (1970), passim. 152 King & Clarke, o.c., p. 98; see also p. 137 (year of death should be 1902 instead of 1891). 153 JNCBRAS, Vol. VI (1871), p. ix. 154 JNCBRAS, Vol. VIII (1874), p. i. 155 BS III, 2365; IV, 2557. 156 CR Jan. 1847. 157 Adv. NCH 27.8.1853. 158 NCH 12.4.1856, 14.3.1857, 9.1.1858, 15.1.1859. Replaced by Whittal (NCH 13.6.1863). 159 NCH 26.9.1857; Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xii. 160 Death reported in Report 1863 Trustees Trinity Church (NCH 10.12.1864). 161 CR Jan. 1842, 1843, 1848 (Macau), 1847 (Canton), 1848 (ibid), 1849 (ibid), 1850 (ibid). 162 Elliston. o.c., p. 25. SA 1854, 1855, 1856; adv. NCH 3.1.1857. 163 164 CR Jan. 1851. 165 Notification in NCH 17.8.1861. 166 NCH 10.6.1865. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 228 J.H. HAAN 107 BS III, 2274. 160 JNCBRAS, Vol. VI (1871), p. xv. 169 NCH 5.12.1864; see also Elliston, p. 26. 170 Adv. NCH 26.5.1855, 15.1.1859. 171 NCH 9.1.1858. 172 NCH 23.1.1858; already elected 24.9.1857 but on Oct. 16 he refused this post (Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xii; NCH 26.9.1857). 173 Pott, o.c., fac. p. 81 (here he is wrongly called Rankin). 174 175 Adv. NCH 31.1.1863. 176 JNCBRAS, Vol. XIII (1879), p. v. 177 BS III, 2274. 178 SA 1862. 179 NCH 23.1.1858. 180 CR Jan. 1847 till Jan. 1850. 181 NCH 3.8.1850; SA 1853. 182 Adv. NCH 13.5.1854. 183 NCH 31.1.1852. 184 NCH 25.9.1852. 185 Adv. NCH 2.4.1864. 186 CR Jan. 1841. 187 CR Jan. 1848 (Shanghai), Jan. 1850, Jan. 1851 (Canton). Adv. NCH 24.1.1857. 188 189 CR Jan. 1847. 190 NCH 3.8.1850; SA 1853, 1854. 191 NCH 10.9.1853. 192 193 194 CR Jan. 1841; King & Clarke, o.c., p. 153. CR Jan. 1849. Adv. NCH 10.1.1852. 195 Adv. NCH 19.4.1851. 196 Adv. NCH 31.5.1862. 197 Adv. NCH 7.1.1854. 198 King & Clarke, o.c., p. 77, 153. 199 200 NCH 24.4.1852. China Directory 1874, Hong Kong p. A38. 201 JNCBRAS, Vol. I (1865), p. 146. 202 NCH 2.4.1864. 203 Adv. NCH 24.4.1858. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 Table 2. Income of the Festival Title (Yuan Shau) #T A B Contribution (yen) Total (yen) Special 150,000 150,000 Principal 1 110,000 110,000 Vice 12 100,000 1,200,000 Tu 151 16 50,000 800,000 26 30,000 780,000 37 20,000 740,000 92 10,000 920,000 112 5,000 560,000 40 3,000 120,000 1 2,500 2,500 108 2,000 216,000 1,500 1,500 96 1,000 96,000 Total 165 543 5,696,000 * A: number of names listed in the Yellow-book * B: number of names listed on a red paper pasted on the wall A B F * note: Informants said that A was the P'ang (†) and B was Kifu ( Japanese term means donation) = Jap- 1 # The A class Ming-che was 470,000 yen, B class was 350,000, and C class was 200,000. In addition, each of the Gold, silver, cloth, and coin hills ( · Mil ki - l) was 25,000 yen. In the case of Kyoto, the prices were: a) gold or silver hills (full): 5,000 yen, b) rice (16): 3,000 yen, c) 10 kinds of vegetarian food (FM): 3,000 yen, d) Gold or silver (paper money) ( IN ): 3,000 yen, e) paper-made gold bar ( CW ): 700 yen, f) Japanese type incense sticks (#); 800 yen, g) paper money ( 24 ); 200 yen, small candle (one) (--); 200 yen, h) Chinese incense sticks ( f ); 500 yen. @ Moreover there were 266 paper tablets presented in the 'Ancestral Hall', each tablet costing 3,500 yen. Thus, the total income from the tablets was 931,000 yen. = Second World War, he and three of his brothers married and live separately but they have only one Cho-sin-pai-lau (i ★m in Cantonese altar of the ancestor) in his mother's house. And in the festival the family presented only one paper tablet. One committee member told me that all Chinese ethnic groups living in Kobe came to the festival but those who came from other Prefectures were mostly Hokkienese. There were three groups of non-Kobe worshippers: i) They were Hokkienese or they had affinal relationship with the Hokkienese in Kobe. For example the man from ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 37. Ten Zo: a. Nu Rai Fo Chu b. 6 paths and 4 species Kit c. The Heaven Honorific of origin 元始天線 d. Dragon kings of the 4 seas 14. e. Male and female orphan spirits 男女孤魂 f. The great Jade Emperor LAWS 38. the City God WP! 39. The Earthgod 40. Chi-zo k 41. T'ien Hau APE 42-43. Generals Han and Ha 44-45. T'ien Hau 46. Kwan T'I IPEXY 47-48. Kwan Ping and Chau Chan PPT-MAT 49. Kwan T'I MÝ 50-51. Kwan Yin (Kannon) 19:* 52-54. The Earthgod sitt laY 55-57. Tzi Nan Kung W E 58. The Lord of the Heaven A^ L 6 paper-made tablets were hung on a paper-made 5 colours lantern. It was a Japanese term (see Soo, 1981: 59-60). Most of the informants 247 did not know what it was and no one talked about it, and no offering was made to it, either. H Decoration, except the roof, was the same as the Ming-che. H RJapanese Earthgod RT'ien Hau's Guardmen, RThe substitutes of T'ien Hau. RThe main God of the Temple. RThe guardmen of Kwan T'i. RSubstitute of Kwan T'i RThe Goddess of Mercy and her substitute. RThe god and his substitutes. QThe name was a Temple's name. The god of the temple was Lu Tzu ( ) 56 and 57 were his substitutes. In addition there was 4 paper-made messenger-and-horses (f†). One of them was burnt after every 'Reporting' ritual and the 'Thanking' ritual of the last day. Notes: Q = Incense bowl(s) and offerings only R = Porcelain Statue T = paper-tablet H = paper-made house F = paper-made figure P = painting L = paper-made lantern ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 268 P.H. HASE, J.W. HAYES AND K.C. IU family will produce enough tea from one stripping to last that family a year. Before the War, villager families would put in more time, stripping the trees up to four times in a year, to produce in addition a few baskets of tea for sale in the market towns, to supply those villages, mostly the large, lowland villages, who had no tea trees of their own. The villagers have no recollection of their tea ever being traded more widely than in the local market town." As well as at Mau Tso Ngam, several other hill villages in Shatin still prepare tea in this way (including Wong Chuk Yeung, and Kwun Yam Shan) and several others did until recently. Probably most hill villages of the New Territories used to prepare tea in this way. Traditionally, villagers drank tea out of their rice bowls at the end of the meal after the rice was finished. Special tea bowls were used in ritual contexts (e.g., when offering tea to gods or spirits or during weddings when tea is offered by the bride to her husband's mother) or when tea was offered to important visitors. The rice bowls were kept very carefully, and the owners would often scratch their names into the glaze inside the bowl to guard against loss." A set of rice bowls used for tea drinking in Mau Tso Ngam from about 1920 is now preserved in the Hong Kong Museum of Teaware, together with tealeaves produced at Mau Tso Ngam, and a full photographic record of the preparation processes. (2) Traditional Tea Growing in the Southern New Territories (JWH) My recollections of local tea go back to 1957-58 when, newly appointed as District Officer, South, I visited all villages and hamlets in the district within a six months' period and much of it on foot! My recollection was that I drank hill tea in a number of places as well as ordinary tea or hot water in others. Referral to my notebooks has provided some information on tea growing in the villages of the Southern District but not as much as I had either thought or hoped. Hill tea came to my attention when I was offered it to drink, and this was conspicuously the case in the Clear Water Bay villages. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 272 P.H. HASE, J.W. HAYES AND K.C. IU Ngam village is situated and that tea growing there had come to the attention of the Botanical Department soon after the lease of the New Territories in 1898. It is, however, of interest to note that contemporary villagers in the areas of these terraces state that their ancestors, as far as they know, had no interest in these terraces, and no-one claims any ownership of them today. Tea was also being cultivated in some localities in San On County in the 1850s. Writing on the county in 1858, Revd. R. Krone stated "Tea is also cultivated in several places and is generally called "Shan-cha” (mountain tea). It has a rather strong astringent taste, but is much liked by the natives, and particularly by those who are of advanced age, who consider that it promotes digestion and cools the system. Many drink only this indigenous tea" 16 To summarize, it is possible that tea cultivation was at one time flourishing in the region. If the terraces I have mentioned were truly tea terraces, it must have been a commercial venture on a large scale. However, since no memory of commercial tea cultivation remains in village tradition, at least in those places where I have made enquiry, final proof is unlikely to be available. On the other hand, the cultivation of tea for local consumption appears to have been practised in many villages in the 19th century and after, and perhaps earlier. The Mau Tso Ngam experience is simply one of many, though it is one of the few in which the practice is still carried out. Finally, may I enter a plea for research on another aspect of village activity, the collection and preparation of medical herbs? Coincidentally, my information also comes mainly from Mau Tso Ngam. When interviewing an old village lady born there in 1884, but married to Hok Tsui village at Cape D'Aguilar on Hong Kong island, I was told about the tea bushes but did not follow it up and, instead, heard more about medicinal herbs. Her information was that her family and those of the main clan in the village, the Chengs, collected and prepared herbs on the hillside for sale in Kowloon City market. They did this all year round when they were not busy in the fields. The herbs had to be washed, dried and chopped or sliced. They were taken for sale four or five times a year. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 285 who can wear a colourful ribbon), and for his father and grandfather he applied for 2nd grade titles to be conferred on them." His filial piety was difficult to surpass. He died in Vietnam at the age of 73. When his sons and grandsons carried the coffin back to his native village, thousands of Chinese and foreigners, officials and commoners, accompanied it until they reached the ship. There were people crying for him, drawing pictures of him, and writing essays about him. Cities far away, such as Singapore, also had his life-story written in the newspapers with the headline ‘Death of a Philanthropic Gentry' (*). He was really a great man. I am his old colleague, thus, I know all about his personality and activities. Here I cannot give the details, but can only give a general account of him. “Written in 1904 by Chen chao-ch'ang (陈兆昌), a Tsun Sz (遵司), appointed by Imperial Command an official of the Han Lin Academy, and humbly offered while the writer was in charge of the Shan Hai Kuan area (山海关). NOTES Eitel, E.J., Europe in China: History of Hong Kong, 1895. p. 311 ff. Ah-lum's wife and children were poisoned, and Eitel clearly had doubts as to his involvement in the crime. The defence of Ah-lum was conducted in a lynch law atmosphere and his arrest and deportation, even though he had been found innocent had, according to Eitel "reduced (him) from affluence to beggary.” 2 Hsiang-shan T'ieh-ch'eng Chang Shih Tsu-pu (AKA) (Clan Record of the Chang clan of Heung Shan and Fat Shan) (1934). Chi-ching Pu (2) section, Hang Chuang (孝庄) sub-section, pp. 8-9a. 1 According to the Clan record, ancestor Chung-te (忠德) immigrated to Shih-t’ou village (石頭村), eight miles to the southwest of T'ieh-ch'eng (铁城) Fatshan (Foshan) during the latter part of the Southern Sung dynasty. The lineage then segmented into 3 sub-lineages in the 7th generation. The 1st remained in the original settlement, the 2nd moved to Nan-Ping (南屏), and the 3rd to Long-Mei (龙美) in Hsiang-shan (Heung Shan) county. 3 generations later, in the 10th generation, 3 descendants of the 1st sub-lineage emigrated to Ping-Lan (坪兰), Ya-Kang (雅岗) and Wai-chieh-yung (外借涌) in Heung Shan, respectively. Ancestor Ch'un-chen (纯真) of the 10th generation was the first to move to Ya-kang, but the family was not regarded as native to Ya-kang until ancestor Miu-hsien (妙贤) of the 14th generation registered and started a new segment of the lineage (开户立户). Thus, an Ancestral Hall was built in the middle of the Chia Ching (嘉靖) period in memory of him. Ah-lum was of the 18th generation of the Cheung lineage, and the 9th of the Ya-kang segment. He was born in 1828, and died in 1900. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 286 CHOI CHI CHEUNG The Cheung lineage was not prosperous until the Tao Kuang (*) period. Ancestor Yao-chih (2) of the 2nd sub-lineage became a successful merchant, and through his generous donation, an Ancestral Hall for the whole lineage was built. The Ancestral Hall of the Ya-kang segment was built in the middle of the Chia Ching period by the effort of ancestor I-pi ( ), brother of Ah-lum's grandfather (see clan record, Tz'u yu pu (3) section, Tz'u T'ang Chi (2) sub-section pp. 1-4). Though the lineage had several National School students (B), no one succeeded in the official examinations until the end of the Ch'ing dynasty when they had three chüren (A). Two of them were Ah-lum's sons. Ah-lum's father was also a National School Student who earned his living by teaching in the villages nearby (see the biography of Ah-lum's father in the Clan record, Chi-ching pu (it) section, Hang Chuang ((HA) sub-section p. 5). This man is not otherwise mentioned in the Clan record. According to Ah-lum's statement as given in court, "he first came to the colony at only 18 years of age. He was first employed by Mr. Bigham, who went to California; after that by Mr. Franklyn; then by Murrow, Stephenson & Co.; then by Mr. De Silver, for whom he made biscuits, as well as did other business see: British Parliamentary Papers, China, no. 24: Hong Kong, P. 183. (= BPP 24:183). The Russell was owned by Russell & Co., and the Shamrock by Mr. Xavier, c.f. BPP 24:170 and 173. See BPP 24:164–184. The bakery had three machines making bread to supply most of the foreigners in Hong Kong. See BPP 24:155-184, and Eitel op.cit. p. 311-313. 10 The Arrow War. The anti-foreigner movement was supported by Yeh Ming-shen (), the Imperial Commissioner for Kwangtung, in Canton. See Wakeman, F. Jr. Strangers at the Gate. 1966, pp. 109ff. Also Eitel op.cit. p. 305. 11 Eitel: op.cit. p. 312-313. 12 According to Chen Kuan-ying (###), Ah-lum was chief of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Co. (TERA) in Vietnam. He owned a shop Hung Tai Ch'ang() in Saigon, and his son Ti-fu (#) was chief manager (*) of the Cambodia Opium Co. (12). Chen Kuan-ying (E), Nan-yu Jih-chi (12), (Diary of a Journey to the South), reprinted 1967, Taiwan, p. 19ff, 81-89. According to the Clan Record Tsa Chi-pu() section, Pa-yu (if) sub-section, p. 1, Ah-lum had businesses in Saigon, Haiphong, Comuponton, and in Nha Trang in Kwangnam (ÂM NHIỀU). 13 According to the clan record, we know that one of Ah-lum's sons was buried in the free cemetery of Haiphong (), and another was buried in the free cemetery of the Canton City Association in Vung Tau, Vietnam (#). 14 In 1884, when Chen passed through Vietnam, Ah-lum was chief manager (*) of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Co. in Vietnam. See Chen: p. 19. 15 Chen: ibid. 16 Clan record, Chi-ching pu (###) section, Ch'i-shou (##) sub-section, pp. 1-4; has two essays presented on this occasion by the gentry of Heung Shan, and by the merchants of the Canton City Association in Vung Tau, Saigon (F#城會館). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 287 17 The name of the Governor is given as Li (†), and the name of the award is transliterated in the next as Bai-Li-hsi-tien-te (X) which may represent the Légion d'honneur). 1 Ah-lum had 7 wives, 4 of them being considered concubines, 3 daughters and 10 sons, including 3 who died early, 1 given away to his 1st younger brother, and 1 adopted from another line of the clan. 2 of his sons became chüren, 2 more of them were National School Students. 1 had a military title. The one adopted out was also a National School Student. At least 3 of his sons died and were buried in Vietnam. Of his 2 brothers 1 died at the age of 21; he had a military title. He had 1 son who died early, thus Ah-lum gave one of his sons to him. Ah-lum's other brother was a I-wu-sheng (county military student). This brother held a military title; he had 5 sons and 4 of them were National School Students. See the clan record, 19 See the biography of Ah-lum's father Wei-kang in Clan record Chi-ching pu (A) section, Hang-chuang sub-section, p. 5. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 319 Saiyingpun for the 11 a.m. Matins service. St Peter's at that time was situated at the site where the Western Police Station now stands. The site also contained a Seamen's Home. In days of old many ships berthed at West Point and the sailors attended the services there. I have but to close my eyes now and I can see the words GOD SO LOVED THE WORLD THAT HE GAVE HIS ONLY BEGOTTEN SON painted in brilliant letters on the wall behind the altar. The school supplied two rows of choir boys. Henry Sykes, the assistant headmaster, often filled the role of organist. Between 2.00 and 4.00 p.m. on Sundays, the boys had to learn the Collect of the day and a portion of the Gospel by heart for repetition to the Master on duty. The Gospel was easier to learn than the Collect which, although shorter, was more difficult to master. There followed a short rest after which the boys, with the exception of the very young ones, had to proceed to St John's for the 6.30 p.m. Evening Service. On returning to school after Evensong, after the long walk, the boys had to attend a final service held in the School Hall by the Master on duty. They were then permitted to retire to their dormitory at 8.00 p.m. Meals were frugal. Sir Claud Severn, who was then the Colonial Secretary and, for brief periods, the Officer Administering the Government, took a keen interest in the Diocesan Boys' School. He would send the Governor's car, with its Crown, when he was O.A.G., to the school to fetch some of the choir boys to join the Cathedral choir. Sir Claud himself sang with the Cathedral choir. He had a strong bass voice which he employed to perfection in his rendering of Good King Wenceslas and the First Nowell in Christmas services. His singing always thrilled the boys who sang treble. According to one of our school masters Sir Claud nearly married Miss Goggin, our school matron. Unfortunately the romance ended when Miss Goggin died in January 1920. She had a brother who was shipping manager of Dodwell & Co. Ltd., at the time. The organist at St John's in my time was Denman Fuller. In those days the Cathedral had a grand pipe organ which to my ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 320 W.J. HOWARD mind was very much superior to the electric organ which we have at present. I would go so far as to say that the volume of the ancient pipe organ's music could be likened to a Niagara as compared with the new electric organ's trickling stream. I believe the humid weather conditions in Hong Kong forced the change over to the less pretentious electric model. Denman Fuller was a great favourite with the boys, particularly when the congregation was dispersing after the service. He would improvise his music as the boys were trooping out. One of our senior prefects, waxing poetical at the time, compared Denman's efforts to a dragon lurking in the uttermost depths of the ocean before soaring to the heights of the empyrean. His fortissimo notes would completely drown out all the jabberings of the boys. Abruptly he would come to a halt and the boys would find their feeble voices again before commencing their long walk from the Cathedral back to school. There was a European gentleman who attended St John's Evensong every Sunday without fail. He was fond of seating himself close to the boys. This gentleman knew practically all the hymns, psalms and prayers by heart. He never opened the Book of Common Prayer or the Hymns Ancient and Modern. As soon as the choir started he would join in the singing without the aid of any book. In those days the psalms were sung according to the day of the month. It so happened that one particular Sunday was the 15th day of the month and psalm 78, with 73 verses, had to be sung in full. The learned gentleman sang verse after verse as usual by heart but unfortunately he was always one verse ahead of the choir. A mischievous boy by the name of Edward Charrington tried in vain to draw the gentleman's attention to his error. After he had sung his last verse he sat down and was shocked when the choir thundered "So he fed them with a faithful and true heart; and ruled them prudently with all his power", this being the last verse. He probably thought that the choir had repeated verse 73. Nevertheless his memory was prodigious and aroused the admiration of all the boys. The Diocesan Boys' School produced at least four ministers of religion. Aside from Rev. George Zimmern, mentioned earlier, we ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 321 had the Rev. Basil Moraes, who was also headmaster of St. Mark's School in Shaukiwan. He died in England in 1982. Serving his church in England at present is the Rev. Guy Shea who for a time also assisted at St John's here. We also have here in Hong Kong the Rev. Denman Crary, who is in charge of the Church of the Ascension in Mongkok, Kowloon. Denman served in the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps in 1941-1945 and was a prisoner-of-war in Shamshuipo and later in Nagoya and Toyama camps in Japan. If my memory does not serve me ill, I believe the school produced another minister, viz., Rev. Dick Dodd. However I remember this but vaguely and would appreciate confirmation or correction from my superiors. In addition we had a “near” minister, the late Edward S. Cunningham, who was invariably known as the "Padre”. He was always helping at Christ Church but never took orders. He worked all his life in Government at the former Colonial Secretariat. A former Governor of Hong Kong, the late Sir Alexander Grantham, quoted Edward Cunningham twice in his book Via Ports. Earlier I mentioned that the Diocesan Boys' School was a puritanical school. In my 8 years there I received two canings. The first was when I was not yet 10 years of age. We had to be in bed by 8 p.m. One hot night in July 1913, at about 8.15 p.m., I ventured into a Master's bathroom to get a drink of water from the tap. I was caught by the Master on duty coming out of the bathroom and was given a number of cuts on the palm. The second caning I received was shortly after I had won 2nd class honours in the Oxford Preliminary examination. This was in Class 3, equivalent approximately to today's Form 3. We were allowed out on a Wednesday afternoon but had to be back by 5.15 p.m. I was late by 15 minutes. One of the Masters, a Mr. Larard, caught me and gave me a number of cuts with the cane. The same Mr. Larard gave another boy over 20 cuts for making a noise during the evening prep. I believe this type of corporal punishment is no longer countenanced these days. George Piercy, the headmaster before Rev. Featherstone, kept a cane on his desk always ready for administering punishment. Advent was the time when the boys most enjoyed their -------- - II ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 322 W.J. HOWARD Wednesday and Saturday afternoon long walks up the hillside. We were allowed to go up to the Peak by way of Hatton and Harlech and Lugard Road gathering wild flowers and shrubs for decorating St Peter's Church for the Christmas festival. The Rev. Vyvian H. Copley-Moyle, who was Cathedral Chaplain from 1912 to 1927, found time to teach Scripture to our matriculation class. He was a historian as well as theologian. He tempered his religious teaching with excerpts from Roman history and the boys listened with awe to his account of the Roman legions under Titus laying siege to Jerusalem in 70 A.D., about 37 years after the death of Jesus. Our class teacher, Henry Sykes, who ruled his class under a rod of iron, proved docile whenever Rev Copley-Moyle appeared in the school. His stern appearance changed to a full smile. At the Cathedral, Copley-Moyle's sermons were always refined as he was fully prepared with copious notes. One evening in the Prefects' Room before bedtime Rev. Featherstone found me banging away at an old dilapidated typewriter. Thereafter he gave me some typing work, usually on a Sunday afternoon, at the same time relieving me of the 2.00 to 4.00 p.m. Collect and Gospel ordeal. That ancient typewriter of 1919 vintage served me in good stead, for even now in 1985, after 66 years and at age 82 I find myself still using a typewriter to produce this report. Featherstone was a man of vision. He was responsible for the removal of the school from its cramped surroundings in Bonham Road to its present magnificent site in Kowloon, establishing a "brick fund" to pay for the move. Unfortunately, I believe, he lost his job because of this as the School Committee in those days thought he had committed the school to finances beyond its limit. When we passed our matriculation examination in 1919, one of our classmates, by the name of Ngan Chun On, went to the United States. He applied for admission to the University of Pennsylvania, producing his Hong Kong University Matriculation Certificate. The learned professors looked askance at the certificate saying they had never heard of the Hong Kong University. Finally one of them said: “We cannot admit you on the strength of your ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 330 Shayuchung: just as it took the Northern pundits half a century to recognize that the Cantonese (ex-Yao) word "I" was to be rendered "zhun" and not "ch'uan", so they will not yet be told that in Cantonese usage "東" and "北" are not, as they are in North China, the same word, but different words of which the latter is pronounced like "dung4)". Likewise, to write Blacksmiths' Street (p. 80) "Ta T'ich Chich" is, pardon me, sheer barbarism, and a mixture of two systems like "Po Kat in ... Paoan" (p. 40, for either "Po Kat in Po On" or, if we must have this wretched Northern jargon, "Buji in Baoan") is ridiculous. And if there be any who will take up the challenge for Sha Tau Kok, & c., they cannot do better than emulate Dr. Hayes's Chapter 2 (Peng Chau) and Chapter 4 (Tai Tam Tuk — even though he does mistranslate the second word of the name). Both chapters are models of how this kind of study should be written up. And the same applies to nearly every part of the book. I wish I had written it! The quotation with which I opened is, by the way, in one local variety of Naam T'au dialect, and means One shagoo (small humped cattle) is worth 20 piculs of unhusked rice; One water buffalo is worth a house, Such mnemonic jingles used to be common in the rural areas. Can anybody be found to collect them, while they are still remembered? I read recently that the Hakka "shan-ko" had been rediscovered in N.E. Kwangtung. Is anybody collecting them? And how about itinerant story-tellers? All right, all right, I was only asking. There is so much to be done. K.M.A. BARNETT i ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 333 China's Island Frontiers Studies in the Historical Geography of Taiwan. Edited by Ronald G. Knapp. The University Press of Hawaii and The Research Corporation of the University of Hawaii, Honolulu, 1980. xv. 296 p. 41 figures. As the cover jacket to this book states "This collection of essays is not a comprehensive treatment but a multifaceted look at the patterns and processes of Taiwan's historical geography." The range of the eleven essays is quite broad. The editor, however, has grouped them under two headings: the first includes essays on migration and rural settlement, and the second on urbanization and economic integration. The first article by Wen-hsiung Hsu traces the development of Taiwan from an island inhabited solely by Malayo-Polynesian speaking aboriginal groups to a Han-Chinese primary settlement frontier by 1683. This study uses mainly Chinese sources and a Dutch source, plus some archeological information on pre-historic Taiwan. No Spanish or Portuguese documents are consulted. Hsu's viewpoint of early Taiwan's political history is summed up in the conclusion: “Taiwan is the only Chinese area that has been colonized by three foreign powers: the Dutch (1624-1662), the Spanish (1626-1642), and the Japanese (1895-1945)” (p. 28, italics mine). In my opinion, the Chinese were one of many foreign groups encroaching upon the island during the early colonization of Taiwan and only the Japanese can be said to have colonized a truly "Chinese area”. The second chapter by I-shou Wang, “Cultural Contact and the Migration of Taiwan's Aborigines: A Historical Perspective" describes the problems the aborigines have encountered under each period of political control and colonization starting from the Dutch period and ending with the current Chinese period (1945 to present). Wang is objective in his view of Taiwan's settlement history, but he does not draw any comparative conclusions concerning aboriginal treatment during the various periods mentioned. In the third chapter, Ronald G. Knapp focuses on a case study of settlement and land tenure on the Taoyuan plain concentrating on the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Knapp describes in detail the tenancy rights found during the early eighteenth century. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 334 which were divided into cultivation rights, surface rights, and sub-soil rights. Knapp's article on Taoyuan is followed by Cho-yun Hsu's description of settlement in the Yilan (I-lan) plain where such tenancy practices were not found. Hsu's main argument is that it was "entrepreneurial leadership that guided pioneering activities and affected subsequent development" (pp. 85-86) on the Yilan plain in contrast to "foreign initiatives, military colonization, and patent-derived efforts” common in other areas of Taiwan. Wen-hsiung Hsu's second essay concentrates on discovering the role voluntary organizations played in instigating social disorder during the Qing (Ch'ing) period in Taiwan (1683–1895). The author divides the Han-Chinese settlers of Taiwan into three large groups: Zhangzhou (Chang-Chou) people, Quanzhou (Ch'uan-chou) people, and the Hakka. Uprisings usually only received support from the group to which the leader belonged whereas the other two groups would oppose the uprising out of hatred of the third group rather than out of love for the Qing. Hsu concludes that the voluntary organizations, often based on the above-mentioned groupings, increased the frequency and raised the scale of social disorder prior to the mid-nineteenth century but their proliferation after that date facilitated social integration (p. 105). Why the three groups began to cooperate with each other at that time is not explained which leaves the topic somewhat unfinished. The final chapter in Part One is a brief discussion by Chiao-min Hsieh of names given to places in Taiwan by the island's various ruling groups. Part Two, "Urbanization and Economic Integration," begins with a chapter written by Tao-chang Chiang on the walled cities and towns in Taiwan. The discussion deals both with the form of individual walled towns and their distribution throughout the island. Chiang briefly describes how the walls often limited urban growth and how they affected the street patterns when growth beyond the walls did occur since main roads all began at the gates. The Japanese removed many of the walls and in their place built broad encircling boulevards. Next Donald R. DeGlopper traces the development and decline of the port of Lugang (Lu-kang) on Taiwan's west coast and the trading "systems" or hinterlands ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x TAN TSE TAO: A CONTEMPORARY CHINESE FAITH-HEALING SECT IN HONG KONG* I. Introduction BARTHOLOMEW P. M. TSUI It should not be surprising, given the laissez-faire attitudes of Hong Kong, to find a frequent occurrence of religious sects which can only be described as out of the ordinary. There are, for example, societies for women who live together and perform Buddhist chants and are bound by rules which make them neither laywomen nor nuns, or Taoist groups which centre their activities around fu-chi (planchette), groups which centre on morning and evening devotions in which the Buddhist prajñā-pāramitā hrđaya sūtra (the hsin ching) and the Confucian canon of filial piety (hsiao ching) are chanted, and groups interested in the primary worship of Lü Tsu, or, again, sects whose beliefs and practices show individualistic combinations of the traditional Three Teachings (san-chiao) and worship of deities of popular religion. Yet, Tan Tse Tao, a contemporary Chinese faith-healing sect which I am about to describe, is extraordinary even among this unusual group. Its origin is attributed entirely to the unusual events surrounding its founder, originally a thoroughly Western-educated Protestant. The foundation of the sect is based entirely on a fresh revelation given to the founder by a god (God, for there is only one God according to Tan Tse Tao) whose personal name has never been used in earlier history. And yet the adherents of Tan Tse Tao claim that its teachings correspond to many traditional concepts in Chinese philosophy, concepts vital to philosophic Taoism. Its faith-healing activity is surprisingly similar to the early Taoist religion of the Heavenly Master's sect of the Han Dynasty, and yet there is little evidence that the founder was aware of the resemblance until well after the establishment of the sect. The sect is noted for its worship of only one god and for the avoidance of crude symbolism in worship. These characteristics lift Tan Tse Tao out of the ordinary. *Plates 1 and 2. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 2 BARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI ordinary run of religious sects in Hong Kong and render it worthy of attention. II. History of a Faith-healer Perhaps the best introduction to Tan Tse Tao is to tell the story of its founder, Patriarch Lo Ka Ping.2 Born into a well-to-do family in the District of Hsiang-shan in Kwangtung Province in the year 1894, the Patriarch received a thoroughly Western education from Protestant missionaries.1 He studied in Lingnan University, again a Christian institution, and graduated with a B.A. degree at its first convocation in 1918. He became a tutor in English at the Chung-shan University (中山大學) and later became the headmaster of a number of middle schools.* It is no longer possible totrace the exact route of the Patriarch's religious development in his early years. Suffice it to say that he became a fervent Christian and married the daughter of a Protestant minister by the name of Tan (譚). Apparently, he did not show any interest in Chinese philosophy or religion. He adopted a Western style of life and became a keen player of tennis, joining tournaments including at least one in Hong Kong. In his spare moments he also took up traditional physical exercises, to be precise, the set of exercises called I-ken-ching.5 6 It was during one of these exercises that Patriarch Lo felt God's presence, an experience which radically changed his life. Recounting the event he said: "The Supreme Spirit's manifestation occurred on the 18th day of the eighth month of the year yi-hai (乙亥). The location was at my residence Man Lu in Canton.6 While I was exercising in the twelfth position of the I-ken-ching, suddenly I felt that all my limbs moved of their own accord. It was as if my ten fingers were charged with spiritual energy and light. The execution of the exercises was not only effortless and skilful, but I was also absolutely tireless. The same thing happened to me a second time, and again a third time. At first, I thought this was an effect of my subconscious mind, but later it dawned on me that it must have been a gift from God. Then I burned incense and bowed in veneration.7 Not knowing how to communicate with God, I simply asked with my mouth 8 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 6 BARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI Supreme Deity is most emphatically affirmed, and the basis of affirmation is the Patriarch's personal experience and communication with Him. One can experience the Supreme Deity because He has "signs" (hsiang). Yet, being transcendent, He is without form. That is why Lo says, "God is formless but manifests himself in signs."19 Patriarch Lo is very much aware of the transcendent nature of the Supreme Deity. Words applicable to limited beings like existence, form, name, nature, desire, activity, like or dislike, speech, quantity are all inapplicable to Him.20 In this respect, Lo's struggle with a theological language is not unlike Lao Tzu's pithy pronouncements on the Being and Non-Being (yu, wu), or Medieval scholars' formulation of analogy or the Mutazilites' discussion of the names of Allah. In spite of the inadequacy of language when talking about the Supreme Deity, He is worthy of veneration and praise and the worshipper's sentiment overrules philosophical difficulties. A hymn of praise forms the very first passage of Lo's most important book, the T'ai-hsüan's Discourse on the Truth. "(Oh Thou art) the most great and most venerable! Thou art the God above all gods, the origin of myriad beings. Thou art timeless, beginningless, endless. In Thee there is no mark of destination, no quantity, no form, or name. Thou art present everywhere and there is nothing Thou canst not do. With Thy assistance the heavens become pure, the earth obtains peace, the sun and moon become bright, gods and men become spiritual, the great way is born, the Universe becomes established. Oh, Thou art great and holy, the most great and most venerable! Thy honour is supreme. Thou art so great that no name is adequate.”21 Patriarch Lo contrasts the Supreme Deity with other spirits and ghosts by saying that the former is the origin of myriad beings,22 whereas the other gods are merely certain spiritual essences of the Universe. In other words, he recognizes the vast difference between the Supreme Deity and other gods in Chinese popular religion. The latter exist but ought not to become the objects of worship. That is why in his sect, the Supreme Deity alone is the object of veneration. Such a state of affair is reflected in this sect's shrine. Only the character “shen” (神) or the text I have just quoted appears on the wall directly behind and above the altar. No images or name-tablets of other gods are allowed on ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 12 BARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI There are certain dispositions on the part of the patient before he or she can be cured. The first is that the patient should venerate the Supreme Deity with devotion. Secondly, he should repent of his wrong-doings and resolve to live a better life thereafter. Thirdly, he should not worship other gods or the Buddha. Fourthly, he should not use paper gold and candles (in worship)." There are also four conditions under which a patient may not be cured: firstly, where the patient has committed a grave sin; secondly, where the disease is a result of the patient's misdeeds; thirdly, where the patient has only a minor sickness; fourthly, where the patient has reached the end of his or her natural life-span. (However, the Supreme Deity may grant an extension to the natural life-span as a favour.) Although a recognition of the Supreme Deity on the part of the patient is necessary for healing, a full initiation into Tan Tse Tao is not necessary, and many who were not followers were cured. VI. Notable Characteristics We have now seen the history, teaching, practices, organization and healing method of Tan Tse Tao. It has all the essential elements which go to make up a religion. Thus it claims to have a special revelation, a beginningless and endless God, a teaching which will settle the perplexities of human life, a hierarchical church which governs the group of followers, a form of worship, its own festivals, and its own holy books. The most striking thing about this religion is the spontaneity of its origin and the unlikelihood of its having a thoroughly Westernized Protestant uninterested in traditional Chinese religion as its founder. It is as if the circumstances of the Patriarch's conversion were so chosen as to accentuate the authenticity of this revelation. The fantastic power of Tan Tse Tao's healing method also contributes to this end. Another striking thing about Tan Tse Tao is that, unbeknown to Patriarch Lo, it bears remarkable resemblance to certain other faith-healing sects. I have in mind, for example, the Tenrikyo of Mrs. Nakayama Miki (1798-1887) of Japan and the Heavenly ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 47 'sixties this prejudice began to disappear, and by 1970 most Kau Sai purse-seiners had given up using the sweeps for their fishing operations. One important result of this change was that most had also given up working in pairs. One mechanised junk and a sampan were now enough to shoot and haul the net. The quite far-reaching effects of this change on economic and family organisation are described in the following chapters. It almost certainly facilitated the move ashore. The 37 purse-seiners based upon Kau Sai in 1953 and working then in pairs (i.e. 18 pairs, one family owned an extra junk) had been reduced in 1970 to 12 single working boats. Rhythms of living: the daily routine For the purse-seiners the work of the day began a little before sunset. In 1970, just as twenty years before, the evening meal was eaten at about 5.30 p.m. in summer, earlier in winter. It was usually cooked by the most junior wife in the family and eaten en famille under cover of the forʼard shelter or in summer on the open fore-deck. Where in 1970 part of a family lived ashore, the meal might be cooked in either place, and eaten perhaps in two sittings. Immediately it was finished and cleared away, faces and bodies were washed, and with the minimum of fuss the fishing junk, with its partner if it had one, was off to sea. The further afield they planned to go the earlier they would start, but one noticeable result of mechanisation has been a generally later start in the evenings. Under sail all the purse-seiners would have left the anchorage by sunset, with engines they quite often stayed until it was already dark. Once they had left, the anchorage seemed very quiet. For the dwellers on shore the evening meal used to be a little later, but by 1970 the later start to purse-seining meant that there was now little difference between mealtimes ashore and afloat. Previously, too, the departure of the purse-seiners involved a sudden silence, for with them went most of the children who had been playing ashore all day. Evenings in 1970 were less peaceful and much brighter. Many more people were about, and electricity now made it possible for children to play, boys and girls to do their homework, women to continue making plastic flowers and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 53 expected, at least in the days before mechanisation. Seasonal activities were, of course, closely affected also by the weather. From the local fishermen's point of view, this had three major aspects: wind, rainfall, and the occurrence of tropical storms. Hong Kong, lying just within the Tropic of Cancer, has well-marked seasonal variations in wind direction, temperature, and rainfall. Generally speaking, the winter months are cold and damp, the spring foggy, the summer hot and very humid, and the autumn warm and dry. Both the NW winds of the winter and the SE winds of the summer monsoons could be utilised by fishermen even in days of sail, but the SE monsoon period has one vital peculiarity: it is the typhoon season. Though relatively rarely directly in the path of a typhoon, Hong Kong is affected by the proximity of about ten tropical storms every summer. The exact course of a typhoon being unpredictable, this means that there is a period of several days' uncertainty each time, during which winds of up to 80 m.p.h. may be experienced, with extremely high precipitation. The effects on the water-dwelling population can be imagined. Kau Sai, facing slightly east of south, was totally unsafe in a typhoon. At the first hint of bad weather from the southeast in the summer, the junks would up anchor and make for Sai Kung on the mainland, where the harbour was more sheltered.24 Annual Rhythms As in most other parts of the world, the annual rhythm of life in Kau Sai was marked out by the pattern of annually recurring ritual. Most of the rituals observed by the fishermen were common to non-Christian and non-Westernised Hong Kong Chinese, but there were certain omissions and some differences in content and emphasis. I have already mentioned the substitution of the Spirit of the Prow (suen tau kung) for the landsmen's Spirit of the Earth (tai tze). At New Year, worship was offered to Heaven and the Waters (tin shui) rather than Heaven and Earth (tin tei). There was a complete absence of any lineage ritual. Also, at New Year (or after a birth or death on board, or at any time of bad fortune), many a fisherman on one of his visits to town ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 74 BARBARA E. WARD for stealing, was a lay-about on the streets of Sai Kung; the son in the other family had made good, found a husband for his sister, and a wife for himself whom he had installed with his mother in one of the newly built houses ashore in Kau Sai). Numbers of boats and persons on board Because of the constant movement in and out of the anchorage, the number of boats actually present in Kau Sai fluctuated not only from day to day but also during the day. This makes it difficult to determine exactly which, in pragmatic terms, were "really" Kau Sai boats. The diagram on p. 42 above should not, therefore, be read as a definitive statement of the size of the boat population, but simply as a description of the pattern of the anchorage. The total of 43 boats depicted therein (of which 24 are purse-seiners, 14 liners of one kind or another, and 3 cargo-carrying boats) is both less than the "ideal" number of those claiming to belong to “our bay” in 1953 and 1970 when counts of this kind were made, and more than the average daily attendance recorded in the register I kept for 18 months in 1952-3. I have already hinted at the sociological aspects of this problem, which will be considered in detail in the chapters on village government and politics,3a for the analysis of which it is crucial. At the level of the practical day-to-day organisation of living on board the junks, however, it was of little or no significance. For our present purposes, it is enough to state that over the whole period under review, the maximum number of boats claiming Kau Sai as their base was a little above 60, the number normally present by day being about half that. One point, however, does stand out: in all the counts made, the purse-seiners were in the majority. Thus, not only were they more regularly at home than the long-liners and others, they were also more numerous. Being more or less daily in the bay, most of them had also made a habit of storing certain things ashore. Bundles of firewood, whether bought or cut and bound by themselves, lined much of the waterfront; spare nets, baskets, tubs, drying mats, and so on used to be kept in small fish huts by those who were lucky enough to own them. Purse-seiners were also the first to build the new houses in Kau Sai and move parts ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 115 differences between liners and seiners can be expressed in the following diagram, which contrasts their basically different patterns of daily movement (blue and red solid lines) and annual (festival) movement (broken lines) with their basically similar territoriality (solid black line).” Unfortunately, the diagram was never prepared. 33 Readers interested in Chinese junks from the marine architect's point of view are recommended to the several beautiful studies by Worcester listed in the Bibliography below. See also Stanley S.S. Yuan Fishing Junks, a paper presented to the Engineering Society of Hong Kong, Vol. IX, No. 2, January 1956, pp. 41-78 (and 78a-y), and Needham (1971) [Possibly G.R.G. Worcester, The Floating Population in China, an Illustrated Record of the Junkmen and Their Boats on Sea and River (Hong Kong reprint, 1970) and Joseph Needham, Science and Civilization in China (Cambridge, 1954-)]. 34 Reference to Needham (and Yuan op. cit., p.53). [See n.33]. 35 Yuan: ibid. 36 Ref. Worcester and Needham et al. [See n.33]. 37 [A diagram showing the layout of the holds and deck space was to be provided at this point]. 38 [Not found in manuscript.] 39 [A note was planned at this point but not written.] 39 [Chapter 6?] 40 [An unfinished paragraph follows: "In 1970 I asked my friends in Kau Sai to make another count at the time of the festival, and to indicate which members of which boat families were now living ashore. The results, received by post, were as follows:") 41 [Term marked in manuscript, probably to be replaced in subsequent revision.] 42 [Not included in manuscript.] 43 [Manuscript includes this line in parentheses: "(etc. see annual report on this and include details)."] 44 [See p. 112.] 45 [Not included in manuscript.] 46 Particularly in Chapter 9 below. For economic aspects see also Chapter 8. [Unfortunately, neither chapter appears in the manuscript.] 47 Indeed, the boat itself and all the persons aboard were always (and solely) identified by reference to the master's (personal) name. Thus one heard of Wing Toh's boat, Fuk Hei's employee, Fung Shang's wife, Shing Chui's son, etc, etc. 48 Other terms used, usually more formally and in written contexts were shuen cheung (lit: boat exalted, boat leader) and shuen chu (lit: boat lord). Each of these also translates fairly well as "boat's master". (Cp. also uk cheung, uk chue (house leader, house lord, i.e. head of household); ghaah cheung (family leader, mandarin: chia chang); tsuen cheung (village leader) etc. 49 [Not found in The Census Report of 1961, K.M.A. Barnett, a long-time member of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, was then Commissioner of Census.] ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 116 BARBARA E. WARD 50 Two of these men were already married and with several children; each was master of a second boat in a purse-seine pair. The third, aged only 20, was the very recently bereaved son of a man who had died in an accident. This boy later took a paid job ashore in Sai Kung. The father of the fourth (aged 24) was still living with him on his junk. This case is described further in the text below. 51 [The manuscript at this point allows almost three blank pages after this phrase: "The data for 1970, compiled for me by". The blank pages are followed by this paragraph: "One major difference between the figures for 1953 and 1970 is the disappearance from the latter of the two-boat firm of purse-seiners. Concomitant with this, there has been a general diminution in the number of purse-seiners and some raising of the age of boats' mastership. We have already seen how it is linked also with mechanisation and the move ashore."] 52 For example, the 20-year-old master and his mother mentioned above, and the blind man with a sick wife and one ten-year-old son were both hand liners. 53 Cp. above Table 1. The discrepancy between the figures there and in Table 3 is due to the fact that the ages of the crews of 2 small liners were not recorded. Both housed nuclear families with father as master. 54 Barnett's hypothesis (above p. 101) was formed on the basis of the Census in 1960. If improved living standards among the Boat People date (as I believe they do) from the acceptance of mechanisation, they would only begin to become generally apparent from about that date onwards. 55 The economic arguments for and against division in such circumstances could be very evenly balanced. With mechanisation, it might well pay a group of brothers to stay together and convert to medium long-lining. See Chapters 8 and 9. For family division in general, see Chapter below. 56 So much so, and so well authenticated by magical signs, that it was difficult to find him a bride. See below Chapter 9. 57 Cp. D. above. [A table, similar to Table 4, probably intended.] 58 See my forthcoming study of the Boat People of Hong Kong. [Not written.] 59 Above, pp. [105-6]. 60 Above, pp. [96-7]. 61 The most poignant incident during my stay in Kau Sai concerned a young Sai Kung-based fisherman who left his wife and two tiny children on board their small junk while he went off in a sampan to set fish traps. On his return about an hour later, the junk was empty. Presumably the toddler had fallen overboard, and the distraught mother trying to reach him had toppled in herself, taking the baby, who was slung upon her back, with her. 62 m gon ching: this term can be used with either ritual or secular connotations. 63 Women were said to suffer more often from sea-sickness. 64 To staunch the flow, they used sheets of locally made absorbent paper (iso chi, lit: coarse paper; the adjective can have the same double meaning as in English). This was tucked between the legs and held in place by the close-fitting underpants which were worn by both sexes and sometimes also by a waist cord. The paper was cheap, easily available, bulky, uncomfortable, and almost impossible to dispose of privately at sea. Once convinced that, contrary to their... Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 117 expectations, non-Chinese women also menstruated they were usually eager to enquire about different practical techniques. My notebooks and diaries indicate that this was the topic raised much the most frequently by the fisherwomen I talked with, particularly on a first meeting. Questions about child bearing and rearing, and about kinship relationships in general were some way behind. Sex relations as such were never mentioned. It may be relevant to point out that on my first and longest stay in Kau Sai I was known to be unmarried, but I do not recall that there were differences on subsequent occasions after my marriage and the birth of my children. 65 Other aspects of this topic are discussed in the chapters on family relationships, and ritual below. [Not included in manuscript.] 66 Unless stated otherwise ages are given according to the traditional Chinese methods of reckoning which were in exclusive use in Kau Sai. In that system a new born baby is said to have one year of life. After birth an additional year-of-life (sui) is added at each Chinese New Year. Ages reckoned in this way are thus always one or two years in advance of western reckoning. A child aged ten by Chinese reckoning would be 8 or 9 by Western reckoning, a man of 60 would be 58 or 59, and so on. 67 See preceding note on age reckoning. 68 Interestingly enough, the number of girls staying on at school to the age of 15 or 16 has remained high. This may be connected with the move ashore, which probably allows young people of both sexes from the purse-seiners more free time. A few girls from other fishing centres (but none from Kau Sai) have successfully passed the examinations for Coxswains' & Engineers' Certificates. Glossary of Chinese characters boon-loi ** boon waan taipus 100 المباراة البرار boon wan ge jan APBA ch'eah fong chow shan foki kit fung shui K gaay siew yan IMA ghaah cheung (chia chang) K gok tsai 181 ho gan-iu f Hung Shing Kung kam shing teng kau tu Kau Sai 4 ku tsai laau A THE 唔乾淨 喺度 MST WAT m gon ching mm gung doe mm gung ping naau 1561 p'a l'eng isai PABETE p'a tsai 扒你 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 129 be required on a regular basis, and that the soul will suffer impoverishment and starvation if these are not forthcoming." In theory, at least, both the decedent's immediate descendants and the generations still to come will acknowledge a continuing obligation in this regard, and faithfully see to his needs; in reality, of course, the living are not always so mindful of their duties. We have already noted that anyone in Roman society who failed to perform the necessary sacrifices to the dead might feel their wrath, and that even today such is also the case among the LoDagaa and Nāyars. Are Chinese spirits similarly capable of defending their interests? 40 Here we enter an area of deep but insightful disagreement. In his book Under the Ancestors' Shadow, which is based upon field studies in a Yunnan community that he calls "West Town", F.L.K. Hsu claims that "to living descendants their own ancestral spirits are always benevolent, never malicious" (p. 210). The data that Hsu has marshalled in support of this position are impressive, and there is a consensus among scholars today that in Chinese society at large one normally expects the ancestors to be protective and supportive of their own lineage members. At the same time, however, scholars also generally concede that the ancestors are thought to punish their kinsmen if legitimately provoked. Arthur Wolf speaks for this majority when he remarks that "neglect of worship is the most common reason given for misfortunes attributed to the agency of the ancestors." 41 The fifteen case-histories that Wolf collected in the Taiwanese town of San-hsia, however, hardly warrant so bland a verdict. In one instance, a family is sentenced to perpetual poverty; in a second, a son is driven to banditry; and there are three examples of vindictive ancestors held directly responsible for deaths in the family. These reactions at times border on the capricious, and this is precisely how Emily Ahern characterizes ancestral behaviour in Ch'i-nan. She relates the story of an elderly man, who for years had been in terrible pain because of a bad back. The affliction was attributed to a particular ancestor, and numerous attempts to palliate his anger had all failed. Ahern's informant told her that the "ancestor just has a bad heart. That's why the man has that trouble with his back. The ancestor is causing it out of meanness." Thus, there is ample evidence to suggest that in *+43 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 143 adult males until the deaths of their fathers, although in some Chinese villages it seems clear that severely punitive child-rearing practices also play a role. Clearly, the study of this cult in both Rome and China yields greater insights when viewed comparatively. There are undoubtedly many other topics that would profit from such an approach, and this paper will have served its purpose if it stimulates further efforts in this vein.82 NOTES CIL 6.26003. The system of citation employed in this paper conforms, for the classical sources, with that of the Oxford Classical Dictionary (1970), ix-xxii, and for periodicals with the relevant volume of L'année philologique. Note also: Jour. Amer. Folk. Journal of American Folklore The following abbreviations will also be used: Ahern (1973) = E. Ahern, The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village (Stanford, 1973) Bömer (1943) = F. Bömer, Ahnenkult und Ahnenglaube im alten Rom (Leipzig and Berlin, 1943) Cumont (1922) = F. Cumont, After Life in Roman Paganism (New Haven, 1922) de Groot (1892-1910) = J.J.M. de Groot, The Religious System of China, 6 vols. (Leiden, 1892-1910) de-Marchi (1896) = A. de-Marchi, Il culto privato di Roma antica, I (Milan, 1896) Feuchtwang (1974) = S. Feuchtwang, "Domestic and Communal Worship in Taiwan", in A.P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1974), pp. 105-129 Fustel de Coulanges (1874) = N. Denis Fustel de Coulanges, The Ancient City (Boston and New York, 1874) Goody (1962) = J. Goody, Death, Property and the Ancestors (Stanford, 1962) Harrell (1976) = S. Harrell, "The Ancestors at Home: Domestic Worship in a Land-poor Taiwanese Village", in W. H. Newell (ed.), Ancestors (The Hague and Paris, 1976), pp. 373-385 Hsu (1967) = F.L.K. Hsu, Under the Ancestors' Shadow (Garden City, N.Y., 1967) Jordan (1972) = D.K. Jordan, Gods, Ghosts and Ancestors (Berkeley, 1972) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 145 5 For an introduction to the religious life of the empire during the Principate, see J. Ferguson, The Religions of the Roman Empire (London, 1970), together with the criticisms of this work advanced in the review of M.J. Boyd, JRS, 62 (1972), 197-198; or the more synthetic effort of R. MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire (New Haven, 1981). * For the date of composition, see G. Highet, Juvenal the Satirist (Oxford, 1954), 12-13. Isis was one of the redemptive oriental divinities; standard treatments include L. Vidman, Isis und Sarapis bei den Griechen und Römern (Berlin, 1970); R.E. Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World (London, 1971); and F. Dunand, Le culte d'Isis dans le bassin oriental de la Méditerranée, 3 vols. (Leiden, 1973). As the title itself suggests, S.K. Heyob, The Cult of Isis among Women in the Graeco-Roman World (Leiden, 1975), focuses on the characteristics of Isis that made her attractive to women in the classical world, and on their role in her cult. The last two items are vols. 26 and 51 respectively in a general series edited by M.J. Vermaseren, Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain (Leiden, 1961-), which contains several more specialized monographs on Isis, and on which I shall have more to say below. Other salvationist deities worthy of note include Mithras and Cybele. The classic study of the Mithraic cult is that of F. Cumont, Les mystères de Mithra, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1902); on Cybele, cf. H. Graillot, Le culte de Cybèle, mère des dieux, à Rome et dans l'empire (Paris, 1912); and M.J. Vermaseren, Attis and Cybele: the Myth and the Cult, trans. A.M.H. Lemmers (London, 1977). 7 The literature on the persecution at Lyons, as on the persecution of Christians in general, is predictably vast. One may profitably begin with S.R. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church (Oxford, 1965), of which pp. 1-30 are devoted to the events at Lyons. 8 The persecution at Lyons was preceded by a ban on Christians entering private homes, the public baths, or the forum (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 5.1.5-6) - a useful reminder that people of very different beliefs routinely mingled in public and private. The tensions that could arise between a Christian and his or her pagan spouse were addressed by Paul circa A.D. 56 (1 Cor. 7: 12-16); we can follow them in greater detail in some of the aristocratic households of the fourth century; cf. A. Chastagnol, “Le sénateur Volusien et la conversion d'une famille de l'aristocratie Romaine au bas-empire”, REA, 58 (1956), 241-253; and P.R.L. Brown, "Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman Aristocracy”, JRS, 51 (1961), 1-11. But Christianity itself was not a monolith; the decision to embrace the ascetic life could generate strong opposition from more orthodox Christian family members, as has been demonstrated by A. Yarbrough, “The Christianization of Rome: the Example of Roman Women", Ch. Hist., 45 (1976), 149-165. 9 One frequently encounters the argument, for example, that the ecstatic cult of Dionysus was especially attractive to women because it offered an outlet for the pent-up frustration and anger that resulted from their extremely low social status; cf. recently R. Kraemer, "Ecstasy and Possession: the Attraction of Women to the Cult of Dionysus”, HThR, 72 (1979), 55-80; and E.C. Keuls, The Reign of the Phallus. Sexual Politics in Ancient Athens (New York, 1985), 360 et passim. 10 The extraordinary cultural diversity of the empire is brought out well in the brief survey of F. Millar (ed.), The Roman Empire and Its Neighbours (London, 1967). Hence the resort to notional dates, as in Ogilvie (1969), who admits at the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 146 JOHN KARL EVANS outset that, “since our sources are so limited, I have used evidence from earlier or later periods where it seems reasonable to suppose that the thoughts or ceremonies which they report were also typical of the Augustan age” (p. 1). 12 A survey of the more than 100 titles in the Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain (see n. 6 above) will convince the reader of this point. I cite L. Zotović, Les cultes orientaux sur le territoire de la Mésie Supérieure (Leiden, 1966); and M. Tacheva-Hitova, Eastern Cults in Moesia Inferior and Thracia (5th Century BC — 4th Century AD) (Leiden, 1983), merely as representative of this tendency. 13 A.D. Nock, Conversion. The Old and the New in Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo (Oxford, 1933). One should also mention in this context the classic work of T.R. Glover, The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire (London, 1909). 14 de Groot (1892-1910); and The Religion of the Chinese (New York, 1910); M. Granet, The Religion of the Chinese People, trans. M. Freedman (Oxford, 1975); and C.K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society: a Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of Their Historical Factors (Berkeley, 1961). 15 M. Freedman, “On the Sociological Study of Chinese Religion”, in Rel. & Rit., 20. 16 A.P. Wolf, “Introduction”, in Rel. & Rit., 17. 17 K. Hopkins, Death and Renewal (Cambridge, 1983), xv. 18 For the view that the structure of the imperial bureaucracy has been superimposed upon the Chinese pantheon, cf., inter alia, Wolf, “Introduction”, in Rel. & Rit., 5, 7; Feuchtwang (1974), 124, 127; and Wolf (1974), 138-145, 176-178 et passim. 19 For demonology, witchcraft and shamanism in the Roman Empire, one may begin with R. MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order. Treason, Unrest and Alienation in the Empire (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), 95-162; or Ferguson, Religions Rom. Empire, 150-189. The fifth volume of de Groot (1892-1910) is devoted to demonology and sorcery in China. For shamanism, cf. A.J.A. Elliott, Chinese Spirit Medium Cults in Singapore (London, 1955); and J.M. Potter, "Cantonese Shamanism”, Rel. & Rit., 207-231. The popularization of Ceres: H. Le Bonniec, Le culte de Cérès à Rome (Paris, 1958), especially pp. 342-378; the official and Taoist cults of the gods of walls and moats: G.F. Moore, History of Religions, I (New York, 1948), 62-63. 20 Christianity was by no means the only foreign cult to suffer persecution at the hands of the Roman government; cf. G. La Piana, “Foreign Groups in Rome during the First Centuries of the Empire", HTR, 20 (1927), 183-403; L.R. Taylor, "Foreign Groups in Roman Politics of the Late Republic”, in M. Renard and R. Schilling (eds.), Hommages à Joseph Bidez et à Franz Cumont, 2 (Brussels, 1948), 323-330; J.A. North, "Religious Toleration in Republican Rome", PCPhS, 25 (1979), 85-103, de Groot, Religion of the Chinese, 190-223, is a colourful description of the history of Buddhist persecution in China; briefer and more balanced, K.S. Ch'en, Buddhism in China. A Historical Survey (Princeton, 1964), 147-151, 184-194, and 226-233. 21 I am indebted to Patrick Hase for reminding me of this important methodological consideration. T Page 165 Page 166 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 147 22 Anthropologists tend to use the terms "ancestor worship" and "cult of the dead" interchangeably, but as Yang (1945) has pointed out, the former is inappropriate in the Chinese context "because the Chinese do not worship their ancestors in the way that gods are worshipped" (p. 90). The term "cult of the dead" seems more accurate, for both Roman and Chinese practices satisfy Emile Durkheim's definition of a cult as "a system of diverse rites, festivals and ceremonies which all have this characteristic, that they reappear periodically." See The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, trans. J.W. Swain (New York, 1915), 80. 23 Pet. Sat. 71. 24 Cf., inter alia, ILS 7814, 8077, 8079, 8081, 8240, 8246, and 8341; on the concept of the domus aeterna, see further the discussions of Cumont (1922), 48; and Lattimore (1942), 165–167. 25 Cf., inter alia, ILS 7583, 8426, and 9143. The abbreviation $.T.T.L is more frequent: ILS 1555, 1659, 2514, 2654, 4960, 6801, 7594, 7595, 7749, 7766, 7802, 8100, 8131, 8421, and 8445. On this and similar formulae that presuppose a belief in sensation after death, see again Lattimore (1942), 65-74. 26 CIL 6.2357 = Buecheler, Carm. Epigr. 838 = ILS 8204. On this phenomenon, see again Cumont (1922), 58; and Lattimore (1942), 118-123, and 230-237. 27 These nine days, called the denicales, began and ended with funeral banquets at the gravesite, the silicernium and cena novemdialis respectively. With the latter, the deceased took his or her place among the maiores, or ancestors. For more detailed discussion of these rituals, see de-Marchi (1896), 1.192-199; Toynbee (1971), 50-51; and D.P. Harmon, "The Family Festivals of Rome", in H. Temporini and W. Haase (eds.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, 1.16.2 (Berlin, 1978), 1602-1603. 28 Cf. Bömer (1943), 48; and Toynbee (1971), 35. > 29 There is a considerable literature on this point; cf., inter alia, Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 17-22; Cumont (1922), 3, 50; Lattimore (1942), 126-135; and Toynbee (1971), 37. As H. J. Rose, Ancient Greek Religion (London, 1948), 29-30; and R. Garland, The Greek Way of Death (Ithaca, N.Y., 1985), 104-120, have emphasized, the classical Greek cult of the dead was similarly structured. = 30 One should also note CIL 12.5102 Buecheler, Carm. Epigr. 188 – ILS 8154, from Narbo in southern France: "I drink without cease at this my tomb, the more eagerly because it is here that I must sleep and dwell." 31 See R.E.M. Wheeler, “A Roman Pipe-burial from Caerleon, Monmouthshire”, AntJ, 9 (1929), 1-7; and H. Laver, "Roman Leaden Coffins Discovered at Colchester", Trans. of the Essex Archaeological Society, n.s. 3 (1889), 273-277; cf. G.C. Boon, "Mensa Dolenda — a Caerleon Discovery of 1774", Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, 25 (1973), 346-358. More generally, cf. again Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 21-23; Cumont (1922), 50; and Toynbee (1971), 37, 51. 32 See Festus, v. culina; and, inter alia, CIL 1,1059, 5.7459 = ILS 8342. These amenities are also discussed by Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 22-23; Cumont (1922), 53-57; and Toynbee (1971), 51. 33 See Goody (1962), 393-394, and 401; and E.K. Gough, “Cults of the Dead among the Nayars", Jour. Amer. Folk., 71 (1958), 449-450; cf. A.R. Radcliffe-Brown, "Religion and Society", in his Structure and Function in Primitive ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 148 JOHN KARL EVANS Society (London, 1952), 175. 34 Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 26-27; Cumont (1922), 3; and Toynbee (1971), 35. 35 J. Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese, 2 (New York, 1865), 401–402. 36 Ahern (1973), 146, 217-244, and 247. 37 Feuchtwang (1974), 107, points out that in the Taiwanese village that he calls Mountainstreet, an odd number of incense sticks are burnt for gods and ghosts, and an even number for the ancestral spirits. Still, deification has been possible; Wang Sung-Hsing, "Taiwanese Architecture and the Supernatural”, in Rel. & Rit., 190-191, cites the striking example of a Japanese police officer named Seijiro Morikawa, who was formally deified after death in recognition of the services which he had performed for the villagers in his district. 38 For these and additional details, see Ahern (1973), 221-228; and R.L. Janelli and D.Y. Janelli, Ancestor Worship and Korean Society (Stanford, 1982), 178. In the village of Taitou, which Yang (1945) investigated, the coffin of the deceased was usually kept at home for one to three months, although in some wealthy households this transitional period might be prolonged for as much as a year (p. 87). Here, with the exception of mock paper money, which was offered periodically, the many paper articles were transferred to the spirit world at the end of the funeral procession itself (p. 89). 39 Thus Hsiao-tung Fei, Peasant Life in China: a Field Study of Country Life in the Yangtze Valley (London, 1939) 30; Hsu (1967), 76; Jordan (1972), 32-33; Ahern (1973), 149; and Wolf (1974), 177. 40 Hsu expresses the same view in his Clan, Caste and Club (Princeton, 1963), 45-46, but here extends it from West Town to "every part of China. 41 Wolf (1974), 160; cf. inter alia, R.F. Johnston, Lion and Dragon in Northern China (New York, 1910), 286-287; Fei, Peasant Life, 78; M. Freedman, "Ancestor Worship: Two Facets of the Chinese Case", in M. Freedman (ed.), Social Organization, Essays Presented to Raymond Firth (Chicago, 1967), 92-93; and Jordan (1972), 97. 42 Wolf (1974), 164-167. 43 Ahern (1973), 199-201. 44 R.L. and D.Y. Janelli, Ancestor Worship and Korean Society, 192, and 195, argue that a wife is much more likely openly to attribute malevolent behavior to the spirit of one of her parents-in-law than her husband, who will be exceedingly reluctant to condemn the mother or father who nurtured him. They go on logically to suggest that "the lower the rate of uxorilocal marriage, the sharper the difference between men's and women's reluctance to acknowledge ancestral hostility." This may account in part for the profound disagreement between the findings of Hsu and Ahern, for as we shall see below, the rate of uxorilocal marriage in the northern Taipei basin, where Ch'i-nan is situated, has approached 15 per cent, while it was closer to 40 per cent in West Town during the period of Hsu's residence. 45 Cf. Jordan (1972), 32-34; Ahern (1973), 248; and especially Feuchtwang (1974), 117. This was no less true of the p'o in the Han period; see Loewe, Chinese Ideas of Life and Death, 26-27. 46 Hsu (1967), 75-76, and 103. i ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 151 75 Ahern (1973), 191-203, and 213-218. 76 M. Fortes, The Web of Kinship among the Tallensi (Oxford, 1949), 234-235; cf. 138-139. 77 Ahern (1973), 217-218. 78 I note only M.-Th. Charlier and G. Raepsaet, "Etude d'un comportement social: les relations entre parents et enfants dans la société athénienne à l'époque classique", AC, 40 (1971), 589-606. 79 Cf. Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 115, and 120-122; and J.A. Crook, “Patria Potestas", CQ, n.s. 17 (1967), 113-122. For an early and convincing instance of a son's inability to make a will while his father was still alive, see Plaut. Mostell. 233-234. 80 Thus also P. Veyne, "La famille et l'amour sous le haut-empire romain", Annales (ESC), 33 (1978), 36; and Hopkins, Death and Renewal, 243-245. 81 Cf. CIL 11.27, 40, 105-107, 112, 119 = ILS 8243, 121, 125 = ILS 8242, 147 ILS 8241, 187, 191 and 198. - 82 Field research for this paper in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore and the United Kingdom was made possible by a generous grant from the University of Minnesota's faculty travel fund, as well as a Single Quarter Leave Grant in the fall of 1983. It has benefited considerably from the criticisms and suggestions of many people expert in matters of contemporary Chinese religious experience. I am indebted above all to Patrick Hase for his invaluable suggestions at a meeting of the Hong Kong History Society, and to Alice Ng Lun Ngai-Ha and David Faure for their contributions at a seminar sponsored by the Department of History of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. None would agree with all to be found herein, but we do share a common conviction that local traditions, which are increasingly subject to external influences, should be recorded and studied before they are lost forever. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x Taiho, April 5, 1906 Dear Louese: Your letter came before Christmas and I have thought to answer it as often but there have been letters that required immediate answers and I do not count as a lady of leisure, so your letter has been put aside till I do not want to do so any longer. Some one else will have to wait. I have had this little bookmark sometime ready to send to you, made by a woman here, hope you will like it although it is such a tiny love token to send. [Top margin of p 1 of letter: "On bookmark - the Lord protects us."] Please, you misunderstood my letter, I did not pay extra postage on your letter, but they charged me with it so I sent the letter back to Wuhu. I was explaining the delay in answering to you. Did you pay extra postage or duty on the shoes? Indeed your letters are worth the extra postage but I have never had to pay any on yours. This postage due system we have now takes a good many of the extra pennies and they are not always fair and square is why I sent your letter back. Yes why do any of us complain? You wish your good husband and dear little family are blessed and I wish such a wonderful Heavenly Father and so many dear good friends to care for me, write to me and pray for me, what more do we want? I would like to see some of the friends sometimes and find the time long, but much of the time I am so interested in my work that I do not have time to be lonely. I am enjoying my work so much lately, as I feel that I am getting into the heart of some of the women. I have been moving in the “upper circles” too and going to the small yamen, The Lady has received me very kindly. She has nothing grand but I have been served with the best they had. Imagine making an afternoon call and having fried eggs on ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 190 ANTHONY FARRINGTON light on Chinese junk traffic. It fell into two groups. Firstly, voyages between Tongking and Nagasaki by resident Chinese, mainly represented by a ‘Captain Nitthoo'; secondly, voyages by mainland Chinese, originating at Canton and calling at Nagasaki and Batavia. For example, on 6 September 1672 Captain Nitthoo departed for Japan with a cargo of 500 peculs of raw silk, “a great quantity of refuge silk” and 43,400 pieces of silk textiles. During his absence the English rented his house at Hien. Back again in March 1673, he left for Japan in July, mainly carrying raw silk, and returned in February 1674. Similarly, in April 1675 the English learnt that a newly arrived Cantonese junk had first taken in a cargo at Batavia, disposed of it at Nagasaki and had now brought into Tongking 16 chests of Japanese silver, 3 million Japanese copper cash and 93 chests of Japanese copper bars. It would be tedious to rehearse the pattern all the way through to the 1690s. However, I am sure that a collation of these incidental references would prove a significant addition to our knowledge of Chinese inter-Asiatic wholesaling operations before the period of European dominance. A full transcript of the factory diary, with its endless repetitions of present giving and attendance upon mandarins, would make heavy reading. My intention is, rather, to issue a summary calendar with selected verbatim extracts, which should provide the necessary raw material for economic historians. NOTES 'Une factorerie Anglaise au Tonkin au XVIIe siècle (1672-1697)', Charles B. Maybon, Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extrême-Orient 10 (Hanoi, 1910) 159-204 gives a summary list of sources for the history of the factory. “Les Anglais au Tonkin (1672-1697)', P. Villars, Revue de Paris Nov/Dec 1903 262-86 gives a brief narrative of life in the factory. 2 The 1630s and 1640s saw attempts to achieve quick profits through a variety of separate ventures (eg, to Persia) organised alongside the longer-term joint stocks. At the same time rival 'interloping' groups (eg, the Courteen Association, formed 1635) became more successful in obtaining royal or Council of State approval for their own trading ventures, culminating in the opening of the eastern trade to private merchants between 1654 and 1657. In the background, of course, were the political upheavals of the Civil War and the Commonwealth. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 191 3 Written by Quarles Browne, former chief factor in Cambodia, it survives in a 1664 copy in IOR: G/21/4 JJ. 4-8. *IOR: E/3/86 fl. 184-90 Company to Bantam 29 Feb 1664. 5 IOR: E/3/28 no. 3041 Bantam to Company 31 Dec 1664, 6 "The trade of the English East India Company in the Far East 1623-84", D.K. Bassett, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1960 32-47 and 145-57. 7 The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635-1834, Hosea Ballou Morse, 5 vols (Oxford, 1926 & 1929) — I p. 40. * For an excellent transcript of the documentation see Experiment and Return: documents concerning the Japan Voyage of the English East India Company 1671-3, ed Roger Machin (Kyoto, 1978). 9 Vividly summarised in the diary as "to be devoured by a company of catterpillers" — IOR: G/12/17 p. 281. 10 For example, Sep 1677 Tongking ‘peelongs' brought between 29s piece; Oct 1680 Cantonese 'peelongs' coloured 12s 8d 13s 2d, plain 23s 6d. IOR: Court Minutes B/34 and B/36. 37s per 23s In May 1677 Bantam forwarded "two pettecoats made of a sort of silke much worne in England — it's called by the name of gawze.” 12 The Tongking currency consisted of Japanese 'great' cash and locally coined small cash, which passed in the ratio of 6:10. The tael of silver (65 8d sterling) was reckoned at between 1000 and 1400 'great' cash, according to the availability of copper coinage. In September 1672 three Dutch ships from Batavia, bound for Nagasaki, brought in 6 million Japanese cash. 13 'Floss' silk, used for padding winter clothing. 14 Perhaps anticipating modern reactions, the Agent at Bantam wrote in June 1676 "Wee would have you be larger in your advices though shorter in your letters." Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 © The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in 1988 Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P.O. Box 3864 Hong Kong. Editorial Group: David Faure, P.H. Hase, Wei Peh T'i Printed by Yee Tin Tong Printing Press Ltd. ii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Edward Youde G.C.M.G., M.B.E., Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1986 President: J.W. Hayes, I.S.O., M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.DIV. D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Hon. Secretary: Anita Wilson, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Hon. Editors: David Faure, B.A., Ph.D. P.H. Hase, B.A., Ph.D. Hon. Librarian: Peter Yeung, B.A., M.L.S. Councillors: Julian Davey, M.A. (Cantab.), M.A. (London) Hugh Gibb, M.A. Michael Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D. Y.W. Lau, B.A., Ph.D. D.H. Liu Elizabeth Sinn, B.A., M.Phil. A.K.K. Siu, B.A., M.A., Ph.D. iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT HON. TREASURER'S REPORT HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT ARTICLES: vii xiv xvi Immigrant and social ethos: Hong Kong in the nineteen-eighties Helen F. Siu.. 1 John Joseph Francis, citizen of Hong Kong, a biographical note-Walter Greenwood. 17 Henry Thomas Jackman (1874-1928), engineering, Public Works Department, Hong Kong — Stephen Selby The Hong Kong Botanical Gardens, a historical overview D.A. Griffiths and S.P. Lau 46 55 Observations at the Jiu festival of Shek O and Tai Long Wan, 1986 - Chan Wing-Hoi 78 The Minorities of southern China: a general view Nicholas Tapp 102 Hainan Island, a brief historical sketch D.L. Michalk. — 115 REPRINT: A sense of history (Part I) — Carl Smith. 144 NOTES AND QUERIES: More about the Kowloon Walled City — Anthony K.K. Siu 265 Lantern Festival, Cheung Chau, 10th February 1971 James Hayes.. 267 Visit to the Mitsukoshi Department Store, Muromachi, Tokyo, Japan, June 1986 — James Hayes. 270 V ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 8 HELEN F. SIU prolonged discussions, the commune officials decided to process the application with the expectation that Liang would help the commune establish overseas business connections. Impatient with the bureaucratic delays, he took his chances and smuggled himself into Hong Kong in late 1979. One of Liang's friends could not tell as successful a story. He took a land route to the coast to meet up with a gang ferrying illegal aliens directly to Hong Kong. Caught before he reached the coast, he was confined in a temporary prison. He and fellow prisoners were made to labour but were each given four ounces of rice a day. Isolated and totally at the mercy of the prison officials, they lived the agony of extreme anxiety for half a month. He was then returned to the commune. Though publicly reprimanded, he was allowed to retain his job in the commune factory. His peers actually sympathised with him. However, the weeks of captivity were so traumatic that he swore he could never try the adventure again. Adapting to the life of an immigrant Four months after Liang arrived in Hong Kong, he and I met on the campus of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. He had managed to get in touch with two graduate students who had assisted me in fieldwork. We took a walk on the campus grounds after dinner. It was a clear night, and I remember he looked up and said, "How bright are the stars." He was thin and pale, wearing a leather jacket too big for his frame. He looked subdued. I could not believe that he was the young, motivated technician I had met in the commune a year before. I knew he was missing home, because I remembered the starry skies on the nights when we walked home after fieldwork. To his surprise, his uncle did not put him up at his home. Instead, Liang had moved to a hostel rented by the restaurant for single male employees. His work hours were harsh from 5 p.m. to early hours of the morning. City noise and congestion made him tense and restless. He was disgusted with his co-workers, who, according to him, gambled all day, swore, and squandered their pay on women, as if there was no future. He could not understand why they wasted the income which, compared to his commune ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 17 JOHN JOSEPH FRANCIS, CITIZEN OF HONG KONG, A BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE WALTER GREENWOOD V.H.G. Jarret writing about Francis in the South China Morning Post in the 1930s commented "It seems strange that so well known a man should not be commemorated in any way”. When one considers the number of streets and roads in Hong Kong named after less prominent Government officials and businessmen the force of that comment will, it is hoped, be appreciated by the end of this essay. Francis was born in Dublin in 1839, the eldest son of William Francis Aylward, an Inspector of Irish National Schools, and Mr. Walter Greenwood J.P., M.A. (Cantab.), Barrister of Gray's Inn and the North Eastern Circuit, a Permanent Magistrate in Hong Kong AUTHOR'S ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: This essay was hurriedly researched and written in snatched hours and does not claim to be comprehensive, much less to do justice to Francis. I hope it may lead to interest in his life and career and I should be grateful if anyone who finds new information about him would send it to me at 26, Great Bounds Drive, Southborough, Tunbridge Wells, Kent TN4OTR. It is based mainly on skimming through newspapers and dipping into the standard histories of Hong Kong. I have also received generous help from many quarters. First I should like to acknowledge my gratitude to the staff of the Hong Kong Public Records Office for their ever friendly and willing help; my thanks go also to the staff of the Supreme Court Registry and University Library, the Secretaries of the Bar Association, the Law Society, the Jockey Club and the Volunteers, Mrs. Lisa Chee, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Po Leung Kuk, Fathers Naylor, Pagani and Pittavino (for searching church records), Mr. Michael Clancy (for information about “Stonyhurst”), Mr. Carl Smith (for information about Francis' marriages) and Mr. Colin West (for arranging the cleaning of Francis' tombstone) in Hong Kong; the Parish Priest of All Saints Church, Borella, Colombo; Father Turner of Stonyhurst College; the staff of the Public Records Office, Genealogical Office and Public Registry in Dublin; Mr. Julian Walton of Dublin and Waterford (for supplying me with material about the Aylward family which he also presented to Dr. Ken Smith of South Africa for use in his biography of Alfred Aylward); the Editor of the Irish Ancestor, the staff of the Public Record Office, Royal Artillery Institution, University and Crown Agents in London; Mrs. Theresa Thom, Librarian of Gray's Inn; Mr. Leo D'Almada Q.C. in Portugal; Dr. Walter Mautsch in Germany; Mr. Nigel Osner in London; Pamela and Eric Russ in Bournemouth; my wife (for her patience whilst I practised my drafts on her); and Mrs. Mary Whitticase for her great kindness in typing my manuscript. Copyright Walter Greenwood 1986. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 21 in private practice. However he quickly became established and when Hayllar left Hong Kong in 1882 he was ready to step into his shoes. The Hong Kong Telegraph in its obituary observed “In the early part of his career he had an uphill fight but his eloquence and thorough grasp of the law quickly placed him in the leading ranks of the Bar and after the retirement of Hayllar he had no rival. No important case could come before the court without Francis being retained". The China Mail said “As a lawyer he had limitations but they were due to lack of early legal training rather than lack of ability. He had a ready grasp of the main points of a case and was unequalled as a reader of character, particularly Chinese character, and an expert cross-examiner". The speed with which he prospered may be judged from the fact that he took silk in 1886, being only the third member of the Hong Kong Bar to do so. In his letter to the Colonial Secretary requesting the Governor to recommend him to the Secretary of State for appointment Francis wrote "His Excellency is well aware that this is an honour which according to the recognised custom and etiquette of the profession is always asked for and when properly applied for is seldom refused”. The Chief Justice (now Phillippo) wrote "Mr. Francis is fully deserving the honour he seeks. On the retirement of Mr. Hayllar Q.C. he obtained the position of leading counsel at the Bar in conjunction with the Attorney General. In nearly every case he holds a brief on one side or the other, and as leading counsel when more than one counsel is employed”. Governor Bowen wrote "he has risen into leading and lucrative practice at the local Bar where he is making, as I am informed, some £4,000 annually. I have no hesitation in recommending that his application be granted". The newspaper reports of cases bear out the above observations. Only towards the end of his life when his health began to fail did anyone else challenge his supremacy. He died before the start of the Hong Kong Law Reports but one of his cases is reprinted from a newspaper: Tang Kai Shang v. Ng Pak To H.K.L.R. Vol. 6 for 1911 p.90. Reading the newspaper reports of his cases Francis comes across as a forceful, and often pugnacious and outspoken, advocate who took every possible point for his clients and never gave up. He had many clashes with the bench, other counsel and witnesses. He admitted that he was "at all times very hot tempered" and more than once apologised for “the unjustifiable warmth” of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 30 WALTER GREENWOOD due from him for some sharpness with which he might have addressed the men (there was cries of “not at all”). If he had done so it had been with the best intentions. A gentleman from Shanghai who had recently witnessed them at seven pounder gun drill had expressed the opinion that the Shanghai artillerymen could not hold a candle to them. In May the Governor congratulated the Volunteers on their smartness at the Queen's Birthday parade. In November the Daily Press noted “The Volunteers are very fortunate in the officers they have elected to command them, for since the time they were appointed they have shewn an enthusiastic interest in the welfare of the Corps. During the past week Captain Francis has been busily engaged in getting up a field day at Kowloon so as to give the men a good introduction to the new equipment of small arms and mountain guns which were sent out in the Telemachus, with the additional attraction of a knife and fork drill at Mr. Chater's bungalow afterwards”. In June 1884 a volunteer complained to the press of having to drag guns up and down the parade ground for over an hour. However Francis seems to have been absent from the colony at that time. In 1886 and again in 1887 he was acting Commandant but his active participation in the Corps was coming to an end. He was absent from the Annual Meeting and there was a critical letter in the press about that. He tendered his resignation and in 1888 was placed on the retired list as an honorary member with the rank of captain. However that did not end his contributions to the Corps. In December 1892 he was a member of a committee formed to re-establish the Corps on a new basis and in January 1893 he was chairman of a recruiting committee which met at his chambers on Tuesdays and Fridays at 4-5p.m. In 1897 he contributed to prizes for a firing competition. The firing point was on an eminence near Wong Nei Chong Gap and the target at Deepwater Bay. Common and shrapnel shells were used and “some good practice was made”. Francis presented a cup for competition known as the "Francis Cup" but it seems to be no longer in the possession of the Volunteers. And as one of his obituaries noted he "took a keen interest in military matters and was seldom absent from any important parade or display in his uniform". Francis himself said "I would rather any day attend a military parade or march in front of a military band than march in a procession in Westminster Hall headed by the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Chief Justice. If I have one proclivity more than any ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 32 WALTER GREENWOOD Kai, in 1886. Francis himself took part in the foundation of the College of Medicine for Chinese (one of the two original students of which was Sun Yat Sen). He was on the platform at the inaugural meeting in 1887 and was appointed standing counsel to the College and remained as such until his death. He contributed to prizes for botany and chemistry and attended the presentation of the first diplomas in 1892. In 1886 he made a presentation on behalf of the College to Dr. James Cantlie, to whom in great measure the foundation of the College was due, on the occasion of his departure from Hong Kong. He began his address by saying "when I first came to this colony I was given to understand there was only one disease recognised by the Medical Faculty and that was the liver, and that they had only two prescriptions, one a blue pill and the other, if that did not succeed, a P. & O. Steamer". In 1897 at a meeting for the election of the Rector of the College he made a speech pressing the Government for recognition and financial support. He alleged that the Government had ignored the College and wanted a medical school on government lines with the Colonial Surgeon at the head and government officers thick and thin all over from top to bottom. On his death the Court of the College (which may be regarded as the forerunner of the University of Hong Kong) passed a resolution expressing appreciation for his services. His interest in education also included schools, particularly the Roman Catholic schools. After the founding of St. Joseph's College in 1875 he rarely missed a Prizegiving Day there, and usually donated prizes, including on one occasion, somewhat ironically, an inkstand. He also acted as an examiner at St. Joseph's. Bishop Raimondi said that he tested the boys thoroughly and cross-examined them as he would have cross-examined a witness in court. He advocated teaching English to Chinese children. He also acted as a steward at, and patron of, the Hong Kong School's Athletic Sports. One of the obituaries of Francis recorded that he used to say that when he first arrived and stood on the deck of the troopship and gazed at Hong Kong he determined to be Governor one day. Whatever the truth of that there can be no doubt that, as was said in another obituary, he coveted a seat on the Legislative Council. He might have had a chance of nomination by Hennessy save that Hennessy was intent on nominating a Chinese (Ng Choy) and also ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 34 WALTER GREENWOOD Foreign Community. Self interest as well as sympathy attached him to Hennessy" (reference was then made to his acting judicial appointments and that of A.D.C.). "Mr. Francis is a clever reasoner and skilful logician but he cannot persuade the community that their memories play them false. Either he endorsed the policy of Hennessy or he did not act with independence of mind and judgment. Whichever impeachment he chooses to admit the Justices will reject him". Francis wrote in answer to this that he was not in collusion with Hennessy and did not support him on the issue of corporal punishment. “I stood up for fair play for him in the face of a very hostile meeting of my fellow citizens on whose goodwill I was mainly depending for my bread". He said he was at odds with Hennessy over corporal punishment when he sat as a magistrate and was very nearly removed for that. His appointment as Puisne Judge was on the recommendation of the Chief Justice. His acceptance of the appointment of A.D.C. was purely personal, Hennessy being in difficulties with the military authorities, and it was the temporary filling of a gap. “Although Hennessy honoured me with some degree of his friendship and patronage and I sympathised and fought for him in some things I never hesitated publicly to dissent from his policy when I was not in accord with it". When the Justices met Francis was proposed by P. Ryrie who said "the meetings of the Council will be made very much more interesting by his presence". In the event Chater was elected by 35 votes to 15 and afterwards said of Francis "I admire his abilities. His fluency in addressing meetings is undoubted”. The Daily Press had the last word saying that the majority in favour of Chater was even larger than expected. In 1887 Francis seconded A.P. MacEwan as the member for the Chamber of Commerce. In January 1888 Chater was again elected as the Justices member, Francis being out of Hong Kong at the time. In May 1888 Ryrie proposed Francis as the Chamber of Commerce member saying that the unofficial members felt the need for someone who could advise them on legal points of order. However B. Layton, a merchant, won the contest by 20 votes to 16. The Daily Press in an editorial said that Francis was a man of wide experience outside ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 43 Club and Fraser Smith and represented the Club in legal proceedings. After one case Fraser Smith unsuccessfully proposed at an Annual Meeting that his fees be not paid, alleging that he had been actuated by prejudice in advising that there were grounds for expelling Fraser Smith from the Club. I have found no evidence that Francis ever rode or owned horses. However he did run on one occasion. That was in 1880 in the Veterans Flat Race during the Civilian Athletic Sports. He was unplaced off a twenty yard start. T.C. Hayllar won off thirty-five yards. He was a member of the Chamber of Commerce, the China Association and the Navy League, and in 1895 accepted the Presidency of the British Mercantile Marine Officers Association. He was also a member of the Gun Club and the Rifle Association. He joined various literary and debating societies. He supported Dr. Cantlie in the formation of the Odd Volumes Society in 1893 observing that he had been connected with many similar ventures during his thirty-three years of residence. He was an inveterate lecturer, his subjects ranging from Jesuitism in 1872 through maritime and Asian affairs to the theory of British Advocacy in 1897. He was still lecturing in the year of his death. He was said to be an entertaining, clear and simple lecturer though the China Mail said that his chief fault as a public speaker was "inartistic redundancy". In 1889 at a meeting of the Literary Society he expressed hope for an elected Legislative Council and objected to heads of departments being members of the Executive Council. In 1893 at the Odd Volumes Society on the subject "What does Hong Kong want" he gave the answer “public spirit”, and attacked incompetent officials and harmful legislation. In 1899, again at the Odd Volumes Society, he disagreed with the view of an earlier speaker that the British Nation was more vulgar than others and deficient in imagination and gave his own view that the British were disliked by others because of their national self-complacency and arrogance which resulted from the accomplishment of great deeds. He played chess and kept open house in his chambers for chess players at 4.30 p.m. on Wednesdays. In 1894 he was involved in a living chess tournament organised to raise funds for the Union Church and held in the grounds of the Hon J.J. Keswick at East Point. In 1897 he took part in the founding of the St. Cecilia Society established to cultivate a taste for music and was its President. Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 44 WALTER GREENWOOD Francis had a serious illness towards the end of 1895 and had trouble with his health thereafter. In August 1901, after making a new will, he went to Yokohama to seek refreshment. He died at the Grand Hotel on 22nd September, the cause of death being given as apoplexy. On 25th September both branches of the legal profession met at the Supreme Court to pay tribute to him. The acting Chief Justice, A.G. Wise, recorded his personal debt to Francis for his welcome at the start of his career and his advice throughout it. He said "Francis loved a fight in court but differences with opponents died at the doors of the court, and outside it was difficult to find a more genial or generous friend”. Ackroyd, in his letter referred to earlier, wrote "Like all of us he had his faults but one quality he possessed for which he ought to be remembered and his example followed was his faithfulness and devotion to his clients. He was thoroughly conscientious in the conduct of his cases and once he took up a case he bestowed on it all his energy and talent. His zeal for his client may sometimes have betrayed him into hasty or indiscreet action, especially if he thought there was on the part of witnesses any false swearing, but this was a fault we could soon forget when we thought of his independent conduct of a case”. A full choral funeral service was conducted by Bishop Piazzoli at St. Michael's Roman Catholic Cemetery on 30th October. His grave is surmounted by a simple cross on a stepped plinth and bears the inscription, reading from top to bottom, “R.I.P. Sacred to the memory of John Joseph Francis K.C. Born at Dublin 25th April 1839. Died at Yokohama 22nd September 1901. Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord from henceforth now saith the Spirit that they may rest from their labours”. His widow left Hong Kong in 1902 and went to live in Germany where she died in 1912. APPENDIX Francis worked and lived at a number of addresses in Hong Kong. The first address I have found at which he lived was 2 Mosque Street. When in articles he worked at 2 Club Chambers, D'Aguilar Street, and continued there after being admitted as a solicitor. He lived in Alexandra Terrace in 1872 and 1, Caine Road in 1873. After his admission to practise at the Bar he had his chambers in Bank Buildings. He lived in a house in Bonham Road ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 58 D.A. GRIFFITHS AND S.P. LAU Lordship that the house in which he resided, (situated within the grounds alluded to), has been tendered to me for a Government House; I did not trouble your Lordship with this matter, being of opinion that the house in question, considering its locality and other circumstances connected with it, is totally unsuitable for the purpose." Following continued discussions with the Hong Kong Government, the Governor, Dr. Sir John Bowring, F.R.S., F.L.S. a botanist in his own right, wrote on August 14th 1855 to Lord John Russell asking for money from the Colonial Funds to establish “a Public Botanic Garden”. In addition, Bowring suggested that a house would be built for such a person (to be recommended by Sir William Hooker, Superintendent of Kew Gardens). Bowring stressed the commercial importance of the venture in the following passage: "The access we are now obtaining to the Chinese Empire itself, and to circumjacent countries, would enable me, with such an auxiliary, to render valuable services, not to science alone, but to the commercial interests. As associated with science, inquiries are constantly addressed to me on the subject of dyes, oleaginous matters, fibres for textile purposes, materials for paper-making, and other topics; which the presence of a Botanist would enable me more satisfactorily to answer. ++ The Governor continued; "Independently of which I might be able to render services to the Botanic Gardens in India, — to send useful plants and fruits to the mother Country and the Colonies, and generally to promote objects to which I cannot now personally attend,. . . Despite these overtures to London not much was done in Hong Kong to get the Botanical Gardens established, though various despatches in the form of Answers to Queries from Downing Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 60 — D.A. GRIFFITHS AND S.P. LAU and it is to be got through the Press early in the issuing year. It will form one of the series of Floras of the British Colonies published under the sanction of H.M. Government and the general superintendence of Sir W.J. Hooker. Further, and perhaps of more relevance in getting the gardens established, it is boldly stated in answer to Query no. 4 of June 28th 1860 "No Botanical Garden exists in the colony". Thus although the scheme to establish a public Botanical Garden had been sanctioned by the Secretary of State in 1856, the proposal was held in limbo until Nov 30th 1861 when a sum of £269..10..6 was approved "for the formation of Public Gardens”. A further sum of £4,371..2..6 was approved by the Governor, Hercules Robinson who explained the justification for such a large sum on the difficult topography of the chosen site. "The amount proposed to be expended in this service is large, but the only ground available for a Public Garden in a suitable locality is situated on such a steep incline as to call for very special arrangements for carrying off the water from the hills. Drainage and a boundary wall constitute the chief items of the Estimate". It is obvious that Governor Robinson considered the formation of a public garden both an added attraction to the rapidly expanding city and, in addition, well within the financial resources of the Colony. He continues: "I am of opinion that a portion of the large surplus revenue at present in hand, cannot be better expended than in carrying out this undertaking, which will contribute to the embellishment of the City of Victoria and the health and enjoyment of its inhabitants.” The Duke of Newcastle's scribbled note appended to Robinson's submission on its arrival in London states: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 62 D.A. GRIFFITHS AND S.P. LAU The site referred to is the area of rising ground to the south of the site occupied by the present Government House and on a site formerly occupied by the Record Office on "Government Hill" which had served as a temporary Government House from 1841 to 1842. On Oct 7th in 1861 Mr. Th. Donaldson was appointed Curator of the Public Gardens and the gardens were thrown open to the public under certain regulations on August 6th 1864. In October of that year the military band began giving promenade concerts in the gardens at stated intervals. The establishment of the public gardens had obviously done much to instill among the European community a sense of both pride and achievement and this sense of well-being was reflected in the wide-scale level of planting in the colony and confirmed by Eitel (1895) who stated that: "The increased attention, given to the cultivation of trees along the public roads and around European dwellings on the hill side, had already done very much to displace the pristine barrenness of the site on which the city was built by patches of shrubbery." In the copious correspondence between Hongkong and London, the gardens were referred to either as a Botanical Garden (as when the Surveyor General ordered seeds for it from a Mr. Veitch of Chelsea in 1861) or as a Public Garden and was under the auspices of the Surveyor General and a Garden Committee. In 1871 Charles Ford was appointed as the first Superintendent of Gardens and in his first letter back to Dr. Hooker of Kew after his arrival, he reported: "The Public Gardens are in a very fair order and well stocked with plants as regards quantity, but we require greater variety. "Very few of the plants are labelled and I believe, no catalogue of them has been drawn up. We have not any Orchids nor Ferns except those indigenous to the Island. The plants which have been introduced are chief- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 66 D.A. GRIFFITHS AND S.P. LAU in future planting programmes: Native Country Remarks Botanical Name Tristanea conferta Australia Celtis sinensis Hong Kong From 100 to 150 ft. high... etc. grows very rapidly and well in H.K. A fine tree which grows well and can be propagated readily from seed which is produced in abundance. Many trees were planted on the roadsides 2 years ago which have grown very rapidly. Two rows bordering the side of the Peak Road would also have done well if they had been attended to in pruning during this and last year. Despite the prevalence and destructive power of typhoons Mr. Ford was able to report in 1879: "The general appearance of the Gardens has been decidedly in advance of previous years. The collection of Cacti continues to thrive well. On the sides of the walk next to the Fountain Terrace the trees of Grevilea robusta now form a very effective avenue. The trees were planted when they were one year old, in 1876 and they are now about thirty feet high. Near the Fernery in the Old Garden a collection of Orchids indigenous to Hong Kong has been made. Many of the more beautiful and interesting plants of this Colony have been introduced to the Gardens and I am now continuing this work.... The collection of coniferous trees in the New Garden has been partly rearranged... the Palms have quite filled the ground, and excepting very dwarf kinds, no ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 70 D.A. GRIFFITHS AND S.P. LAU By 1884 all the land available for the extension of the Gardens had been completed. "The exceptionally sterile nature of the soil of this barren rock, the exposed aspect of the Gardens and absence of water for artificial watering in the dry season, necessitate the expenditure of a great deal of thought, time, and means than is usually experienced in establishments of this kind." At least one specimen of each kind of tree or shrub by now carried a label and an exchange of plants and seeds was established with more than 40 organisations. On the cultural side the Annual Flower Show had been organized since 1872 and there was a weekly musical performance by the Regimental Band. Plants were also on sale to the public. Ford had become a tireless worker in establishing a scientific approach to Hong Kong's flora and he was undoubtedly the person to whom credit must be given in establishing, describing and preserving a wide variety of botanical finds both in Hongkong and in China as well as further afield in the Island of Taiwan. He was deeply committed to the more economic aspects of Botany and introduced a wide variety of economically important exotic plants to the area. He also had an abiding interest in forestry and was one of the first people to realise the importance of forest trees as objects of beauty as well as instruments to prevent further soil erosion and thus preserve what little remained of the barren soil of the island. In 1886 Ford explains how expenditure had outstripped estimates but sensibly sugars the unpalatable pill: "The actual revenue for this year will be at least $200,000 in excess of the estimated revenue. Our plantations are thriving splendidly. I am planting very extensively true Camphor trees which will be, I estimate, most valuable to the Colony in due time. I planted many thousands last year and they have all done amazingly well. In 1887 (July 26th) he is again complaining about the lack of support from within the Government but knowing he has the tacit support of Governor he states philosophically: ¦ ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 72 D.A. GRIFFITHS AND S.P. LAU dens, Ford retired in 1903 but before doing so his final important contribution to the conservation of Hong Kong's flora is contained in a letter of August 31st 1899 to Sir William Thistleton-Dyer at Kew and in the same letter he records the collection of two hitherto unnamed species of oak: "The N.T. was formally taken over as April 17th. About a month afterwards I made occasions for visiting some parts of it and finding that the natives were cutting down trees to a great extent, because as they told me, they were afraid that when the new administration was in operation they feared they would not be allowed to do so. I represented to the Govt. the importance of my gaining an intimate knowledge of the whole country with a view to the expansion of my dept.'s work when it could be set in operation to good effect. This was at once approved by Sir Henry Blake, who, I may mention, takes the greatest interest in our work, and gives his strong support to me in every way, both officially and socially. "When I was staying for a few days in the N.T. with our Colonial Secretary while he was on special duty as Commissioner, I gathered two species of Quercus, specimens in front of which I send herewith. I think they are new, if, I should esteem it a favour if you could cause them to be named after Sir Henry and Lady Blake respectively, this kindness would, I feel sure, please them and would help or commensurate the taking over of the N.T. Lady Blake has been most industrious in painting HK & Chinese plants, and amongst them she has painted the oak with the longest acorn. Lady Blake's Christian name is Edith, Quercus edithae might be suitable for the oak.” A note added to the letter after it had been received at Kew states:- "Both new, Quercus blakei & Q. edithae will be published in Ic. Plant.” After his retirement in 1903 Mr. Ford was succeeded by his ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 96 CHAN WING HOI Although the number of persons who walked in the procession was impressive, for it was probably more than 300 at many points, many were in the main on-lookers. This was especially obvious in what I overheard when the procession reached Tai Long Wan. A middle-aged woman made the following comment to her companion: “Come along to the walk and have a good time together.” A young woman asked another, probably her newly married-in sister-in-law, if she had seen the piu-sik before. Someone else made the observation, "There are so many things to see.” Once back at the main ritual area, the Chiu Chau ceremonial music group started a more elaborate performance, with two girls in colourful costume walking their stylized steps carrying fancy baskets on poles. The performance, I learned later from a Chiu Chau friend, was called Chiu Chau fa-laam (flower baskets) and was typical of Chiu Chau celebrations. Because of the heavy rain in the morning, the head priest proposed to change the time for posting the participants' names from the time chosen to some time in the afternoon, which, the priest stressed, was the time when the rite took place in the previous celebration. One of the local leaders suggested, without insisting, that maybe the gods wanted the rite to take place at the time chosen, but the priest's opinion prevailed. Two Shek O men whose achievements indicated their lives had been endowed with good fortune acted as laam-bong (recipients of the name list that was said to be granted by Heaven). The ritual for name posting took place between six and seven o'clock in the evening and was followed by two other rites Ying-shing (receiving the gods) and Siu-yau (small offering to the ghosts). I was absent during these rites but learned later from Mr. Leung, a photographer from the Hong Kong Museum of History, that the name posting took place in the rain and there were not many people watching. There were more people reading the document the next morning. Even then, Mr. Leung observed, there were not as many people reading as in the case of the jiu festival of Kam Tin which took place in the previous year in the New Territories. When I arrived at the ritual site on the last day of the festival at around 3:00 p.m., one of the main rites was already in progress. I ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 99 also young women, walked around the legs of the paper image. I heard a man say, perhaps as a joke, “Girls who walk under the legs will marry quickly.” The concluding rite known as Great Offering to Ghosts started at about 9:00 p.m. The priests chanted and sang while about 60 people watched. About the same number of people, mostly young, were looking at photos they took on the previous days. They left soon afterwards. When the chanting finished, the villagers, including many middle-aged women who had prepared the paper money, took the offerings to the main beach where a huge hole had been dug. Incense and paper offerings were burnt. The daai-si-wong and his companion, yat-gin-faat-choi, were later taken there, with their faces towards the sea. The final burning was supervised by some of the priests. The photographer Mr. Yue remarked that there were more people at this rite than in the case of Kam Tin. However, in this case, most of those present were onlookers rather than worshippers. The head priest had advised in the previous evening the leader Mr. Wong that roast pork and other specified kinds of pork (seung-yuk, laam-yuk) in specified form and quantities were needed for the rite in the morning. The rite is presumably chau-san, Thanksgiving to the Gods. The local gods would be sent away two days later because the day after the main rites was an unlucky day (po-yat). I heard in the procession in the previous evening the comment that those who had contributed more than a certain amount of money were entitled to a meal and roast pork to take home. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 100 CHAN WING HOI NOTES Besides "three-day jius", there are more elaborate “five day jiu” celebrations in the New Territories. The annual ritual takes place typically in Chiu Chau, Wai Chau and Hoklo settlements to make offerings to uncared-for dead spirits. 1 The oldest dated object in the Tin Hau Temple, which housed the main god of the festival, was about one hundred years old. I shall refer to this again later. 6 There could have been more than one "chairman". Probably part of the golf club, or otherwise a similar establishment. Tanaka Issei 田仲一成, Chugoku saishi engeki kenkyū 中国祭祀演劇研究 (Tokyo: Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo 1981) p. 891. 7 The Fuk-Wai-Chiu immigrants had their own gods and their operas in the Tin Hau festival. According to Tanaka, eleven or twelve gods other than Tin Hau were sacrificed to (op. cit., pp. 891-3). One of them, the Daai Wong Paak Gung of Naam Bin Chyn, is attributed by Tanaka to the Hoklo residents. Tanaka also points out that the Fuk-Wai-Chiu members of the organizing committee were alone responsible for a special part of the festival, that is, the performance of Wai Chau and Chiu Chau operas. 8 Piu-sik are usually carried on frames at a height far above that of the audience in a parade. Because of the rain during the procession this time they stood in a lorry instead. About half of the gods sacrificed to in the Tin Hau Festival, including the Fuk-Wai-Chiu deity mentioned above, were not found among the spirit tablets in the jiu festival. 10 "Picking green". In this case the two lions competed in capturing a bank note hanging near the entrance to the house. Glossary Choi Paak Lai 蔡伯勵 choi-cheng 採靑 Dai Wong (Ye) 大王(爺) ba-wong-dei 霸王地 Chiu Chau 潮洲 baai-chaam 拜懺 Baak Mou Seung 白無常 Baak-gung 伯公 Bak Dai 北帝 Bao'an 寶安 bui 杯 bin-ngaak 匾額 Chai Wan 柴灣 Chan Wa 陳華 Cheung Chau 長洲 Daai Si (Wong) 大士(王) daai-gat 大吉 diu-lau 碉樓 Dongguan 東莞 fa-laam 花籃 fa-paai 花牌 Faaigou jeungdaai ... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 I understand the instructions for OCR proofreading of historical records related to Hong Kong. I will follow the rules provided to correct the text while preserving the original content and format as much as possible. The rules include: Transforming the text into standard Markdown format. Correcting spelling errors without adding or removing words. Fixing spacing issues, including extra spaces, missing spaces, and hyphenation or line-break artifacts. Rejoining broken sentences and restoring paragraph breaks. Indicating missing words with "...". Formatting file references without spaces inside parentheses. Preserving page numbering information. Reordering newspaper texts if necessary. Reconstructing tables. Adjusting Chinese writing direction if necessary. I will output the corrected text in HTML format using

for paragraphs and
only when necessary. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 266 ing in the New Territories. Unfortunately, the British misunderstood that the soldiers were sent there to assist the uprising. With this as an excuse, the British invaded the Walled City on the 8th day of the Fourth Moon (i.e. 19th May) and drove away the Imperial officials and the three hundred soldiers. This ended the Ch'ing rule over the Kowloon Walled City. Hong Kong, June 1987 Anthony K. K. SIU NOTES 2 See JHKBRAS 20(1980): 139-141. They were said to be Hakka stone workers and Triad members. Cheung Yu-tang E, a native of Wai Chau H, was a Fu-cheung #or Brigadier of the Tai Pang Battalion in 1854. He was stationed in the Walled City for thirteen years. Then he retired in the 5th year of Tung Chih (1866) and died four years later in the 9th year of Tung Chih (1870) at the age of 76. See Chapter 82 of the Kwangchow Fu Chi, Kuang Hsu edition 廣州府志卷八十二, 5 See the Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong, 1898 (signed at Peking, 9th June, 1898): Treaties between China and Foreign States Vol. 1, P. 539-540. Shang-hai, 1917. 6 See Despatches and other Papers relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1899. See the Report of Viceroy Tam Chung-lun and Governor Luk Chuen-lam of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces to the Imperial Court on the Lease of Kowloon Customs and her territory on the 9th day of the 4th moon in the 25th year of the Kuang Hsu Reign (1899). See the Report of Viceroy Tam Chung-lun and Governor Luk Chuen-lam of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces to the Imperial Court on the British Occupation of the Kowloon City and the French Occupation of Ng Chuen and Shui Kai Prefectures 奧督撫譚鈺麟鹿傳霖泰英人佔據九龍城法人圖佔吳川遂溪兩縣請飭籌 on the 15th day of the 5th moon in the 25th year of Kuang Hsu (1899). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 270 Chinese Customs and Festivals, pp. 133-138, published by Kelly and Walsh, Shanghai in 1927 but reprinted recently by O.U.P. Hong Kong. 2 I did not have the characters for this term in 1971 and recent attempts to obtain them, and to get an explanation, were met with mystified looks from persons who came with me in the visits. Rather than delete, or guess, I leave as is. End note: This was the last but one occasion on which separate shows were held by associations. The present leaders have told me recently that, beginning in 1973, a centrally organized show, provided through the Rural Committee which is also responsible for fund-raising, has been presented instead. VISIT TO THE MITSUKOSHI DEPARTMENT STORE, MUROMACHI, TOKYO, JAPAN, JUNE 1986 The highlight of our recent four-day visit to Tokyo (seeing my daughter Suki and my wife Mabel's resounding success with buying clothes apart) was undoubtedly our morning walk from Marunouchi Hotel to Mitsukoshi Department Store and being there in time for the opening ceremony. Unlike the short walk to the old and rather grimy Tokyo (Central) Station, the walk to the Tokyu and Mitsukoshi department stores in the Nihombashi/Muromachi districts is mostly along the broad Eitai-dori Avenue which is lined with banks and business houses on either side. The buildings are large and impressive, and many have been planted out completely at front and side with trees and shrubs. At this time of year some azaleas are still in flower in Tokyo, and the bushes are pruned low and shaped in interesting ways. We arrived at Mitsukoshi before opening time at 10 a.m. We thought we were going to a branch of the main store, and therefore were not surprised to find a relatively small building. However, behind it, separated by a narrow street, was the main building, built in the 1920s or even before, and from its grandeur and solidity reminiscent of B. Altmann, Saks and similar large department stores on Fifth Avenue in New York City. The gold logo, a flower on which is superimposed the Yuet (@) character, was placed on the building and on the house flags, also in gold, that hung from it at intervals. As we waited at the main entrance, chauffeur-driven limousines arrived to line up beside the already parked vehicles of leading executives. Inside, two trim, smart-looking girls in stylish grey-white uniforms with elegant hats to match waited at a ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 272 NOTES AND QUERIES that one of these is an earlier version, including the annual accounts for only 1911 to 1913. A photocopy of this one was given to James Hayes by the Chairman of the Sheung Shui Rural Committee in 1972, and Dr. Hayes kindly made it available to the Oral History Project at the Chinese University. It is now incorporated into the volumes on Sheung Shui in the Project's Historical Literature of the New Territories. The other copy is held by the British Library, and includes the annual accounts from 1923 to 1960. The British Library also holds the only copy of the accounts of the New Alliance, on the cover of which is written: Temple celebration of the New Alliance, opened on the 1st of the Sixth Month in the 1st year of Hsüan-t'ung, Lung Yeuk Tau copy (新約會神誕,宣統元年歲次己酉六月初一日✰✰✰). It includes the annual accounts from 1906. Both copies held by the British Library are originals, not photocopies. According to these account books, member villages held shares in these alliances, managed the communal property by annual rotation among the shares, and participated in the annual sacrifices that were paid for from income derived from the communal property. The Old Alliance was made up of four shares and the New Alliance of six. The four villages of the Hau (侯) lineage (Kam Tsin, Ping Kong, Ho Sheung Heung, Yin Kong) together held one share in the Old Alliance, and so did the Liu (廖) lineage of Sheung Shui, the Wan Shing T'ong (雲升堂) of Sheung Shui (a sub-lineage trust of the Liu lineage), and the Tang (鄧) lineage of Lung Shaan, i.e. Lung Yeuk Tau. According to oral tradition in Sheung Shui, the Wan Shing T'ong bought its share from the Man (文) lineage. This is corroborated by an undated document entitled, "Eulogy of the four surnames of Hau, Liu, Tang and Man on the foundation of the Po Tak Temple”(侯、廖、鄧、文四姓立報德祠頌詞) published in a recent commemorative volume (Liu Yun-sham, Commemorative Volume on the History of the Venerable Chau and Wong 廖潤深,周王二公史蹟紀念專輯 Hong Kong, 1982, p. 13). We have not seen the original of this document, but its title suggests that it was written for the Old Alliance at a time before the Man lineage sold its share to the Wan Shing T'ong. In the New Alliance, the four Hau villages, Sheung Shui, Lung ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 NOTES AND QUERIES 275 the heung in question is to take charge of the matter on its own, and it is not the concern of the other heung [in the alliance]. 10. In the event that there is a genuinely unlawful descendant [tsz-ai] among the various surnames, and his own lineage () brings charges against him, and if the shan-sz of other heung are notified, they must also put their names to these charges and may not refuse to do so. [The term tsz-tai implies that the culprit must be male and within the lines of descent of the lineage.] 約 11. If a robber is caught within the alliance [yeuk shuk] and charged, the alliance will contribute 4 silver dollars towards expenses. [The term yeuk shuk, literally "what belongs to the alliance", may include a much wider territory than what is normally thought of as the confines of the individual member villages. The member villages were major land-owners in the New Territories, whose holdings stretched from Sai Kung to Kowloon, and the possibility must not be ruled out that the Old Alliance was designed to have jurisdiction over a much larger area than Sheung Shui and its immediate vicinity.] 12. On the occasion of the annual sacrifice, within the first ten days of the Fourth Month, the chief manager of affairs for the year is to set a title from the Four Books and another for a five character poem, and post them outside the door of the Po Tak Temple, so that during the celebration villagers may submit to the manager their compositions. The manager will forward these compositions to teachers at the provincial capital [i.e. Canton] to be adjudicated. The best ten compositions will be awarded some small gifts in order to encourage literary achievement. 13. On the occasion of a military or literary official functionary [man-mo yau-p'oon] passing by the Governor's Temple and paying his respect to Governor-General Chau and Governor Wong, a roast pig is to be prepared, he is to be awarded altogether 6 silver dollars, and his men and horses are to receive 2 silver dollars. For the feast on that day, two tables are to be set. Every share [in the yeuk] is to despatch to the feast at the Governor's Temple one or two shan-sz from the village. It will be understood that the four shares together will ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Editorial Group: David Faure, P.H. Hase, Wei Peh T'i and James Hayes Printed in 1990 Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P.O. Box 3864 Hong Kong. Printed by Yee Tin Tong Printing Press Ltd. ii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir David Wilson, K.C.M.G. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1987 President: J.W. Hayes, I.S.O., M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.DIV. Hon. Secretary: Anita Wilson, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Hon. Editors: David Faure, B.A., Ph.D. P.H. Hase, B.A., Ph.D. Hon. Librarian: Peter Yeung, B.A., M.L.S. Councillors: Phillip Bruce Julian Davey, M.A. (Cantab.), M.A. (London) Hugh Gibb, M.A. Michael Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D. Y.W. Lau, B.A., Ph.D. D.H. Liu Elizabeth Sinn, B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D. A.K.K. Siu, B.A., M.A., Ph.D. iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 PRESIDENT'S REPORT 1987-88 The progress reported at the last Annual General Meeting has continued over 1987-88. The number of new members joining during the year has been, I imagine, the highest since the early years of re-establishing the Society in Hong Kong. Activities have been maintained at a satisfactory level and have been well attended. The current position of the Society and its administration have been subject to intensive scrutiny with members' help, and our proposed reorganisation for the coming year is the subject of a separate information paper. The 1984 and 1986 Journals are expected soon, and a new publication on Religion in China Today is in the press. The only area of concern is that of financing, but you will see that the increase in the annual membership charges approved at the last Annual General Meeting, taking effect from 1 January 1988, will help to restore the position, together with the income from new members and the energetic measures being taken to publicize and sell our publications. Finally, in this introductory statement I must not fail to record that soon after his appointment as Governor of Hong Kong, H.E. Sir David Wilson consented to follow the late Sir Edward Youde as our Patron. Programme I shall now review the year's activities. During the year there were 12 lectures and 5 local visits, plus three tours to China. The talks were as follows: March 31 Mr. Geoffrey Emerson "Yankee on the Yangtze" April 28 Ms. Diana Martin 'Ghost Marriages' May 12 Dr. Elizabeth Sinn June 2 'Kowloon Walled City: A Journey into the Past' Ms. Maja Boyd 'Père David's Deer Return Home' vii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 28 NOTES Virgile Pinot, La Chine et la formation de l'esprit philosophique en France, 1640-1740 (Paris, 1932). 1 From Diderot's Encyclopédie. English translation from A. Reichwein, China and Europe, Intellectual and Artistic Contacts in the Eighteenth Century (Kegan Paul, Trench, Turbner & Co., London, 1925), p.92. Reichwein offers the best comprehensive treatment of China at the Age of Enlightenment, together with L. Maverick (see note 10). 3 Pierre Poivre, Voyages d'un Philosophe (English translation by Reichwein, loc. cit.). François Quesnay, Le Despotisme de la Chine (Paris, 1767). His friends had dubbed him 'the Confucius of Europe'. $ Lo Hui-min, The Tradition and Prototype of the China-watcher, 1976 G.E. Morrison lecture (Australian National University, Canberra, 1978), p. 9. 7 Louis Lecomte, Nouveaux mémoires sur l'état présent de la Chine (Paris, 1969). Du Halde, Description géographique, historique, chronologique, politique et physique de l'Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie Chinoise (Paris, 1735). $ Hugh Honour, Chinoiseries, the Vision of Cathay (John Murray, London, 1961). In 1951, at the Lycée de Chartres where I was teaching history, the bicentenary of Diderot's Encyclopedia was celebrated at the initiative of left-wing teachers who were keen to stress the connection between the Encyclopedia and French Revolutionary traditions. I gave a public lecture: 'China and the Encyclopedists', of which the present Morrison Lecture might be considered the direct descendant. 10 Lewis A. Maverick, China, a Model for Europe (Paul Anderson Company, San Antonio, Texas, 1946). || From Les Fleurs du Mal (my translation). 12 Evariste Regis Huc, L'Empire chinois (Paris, 1854). For a more severe evaluation of Huc, see Simon Leys, The Burning Forest (New York, 1986), pp. 47-94 ("Peregrinations and perplexities of Pere Huc'). 13 Eugene Simon, La Cité chinoise (Paris, 1885). 14 Paul Claudel, Connaissance de l'Est (Mercure de France, Paris, 1908). 15 The novel by Jules Verne, Les Tribulations d'un Chinois en Chine (1879), is quite unique in its concern for the politics of nineteenth-century China. The hero, Kin Fo, is torn between his fascination with modern technology and his loyalty to his teacher Wong, who is an ex-Taiping leader. It is to my knowledge the only appearance of the Taiping rebellion in French literature. 16 V. Hugo, Lettre au Capitaine Butler, Hauteville House, 25 November 1861 (my translation). 17 Charles Bettelheim, Cultural Revolution and Industrial Organisation in China: Changes in Management and the Division of Labor, trans. by Alfred Ehrenfeld (Monthly Review Press, New York, 1974). See also China Since Mao, by Neil G. Burton and Charles Bettelheim (Monthly Review Press, New York, 1978). 18 Claude Roy, Clés pour la Chine (Paris, 1954); Etiemble, Le Nouveau singe-pèlerin (Paris, 1957); Philippe Sollers, Tel quel (a literary magazine edited by... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 31 - fort was built at the head of the beach.' Its strategic, administrative and economic position remained relatively insignificant until the British occupied Hong Kong Island in 1841. In 1843, after the ratification of the Treaty of Nanking, the hsün-chien (Assistant Magistrate) of the Hsin-an county, with administrative responsibilities for 491 villages, was transferred there.2 Also transferred there was the Commodore of Ta-p'eng, the chief military officer of the county, and the garrison was increased to 150.3 It soon became apparent that these measures were not enough. In 1846, Ch'i-ying, the Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, further memorialized the imperial court pointing out the exposed position of the site, and suggested constructing a “walled-city” (tsai-ch'eng) mounted with cannon. He also proposed building offices and barracks, not only to provide accommodations for the civil and military personnel who had hitherto been billeted in private homes, but also facilities for drilling. Such measures, he felt, would have a “constraining effect” on the barbarian base in Hong Kong, and would greatly strengthen the coastal defence of the area. The wall was completed in 1847, and the “Kowloon Walled City" came into being. Reports on the dimensions of the wall varied. As described by James Stewart Lockhart, who reconnoitred the newly leased territory in 1898, it formed a rough parallelogram measuring 700 ft. by 400 ft., enclosing an area of 6.5 acres. It was built of granite ashlar facing, 15 ft. in width at the top, and averaged 13 ft. in height. There were six watch towers and four gateways, with doors of wood lined with iron sheeting. Officially the main gate was the South Gate over which the four characters “Chiu-lung tsai-ch'eng” (Kowloon Walled City) were engraved, but it seems that the East Gate, which opened onto the market place, saw the most traffic. The parapet had 119 embrasures and an unknown number of cannon were mounted. At a later date, the wall was extended from the northern corners up the hill behind, forming the apex of a triangle at the top. The knoll, known both as White Crane Hill and Twin Phoenix Hill, had a number of romantic legends associated with it.4 With large boulders perched precariously on its slopes, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 42 NOTES Anthony K.K. Siu, "The Kowloon Walled City”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, (hereafter, JHKBRAS) vol 20 (1980) 139-140; his Chiu-lung ch'eng shih lun-chi ” (“Studies on the Kowloon Walled City") (Hong Kong: Hin Chiu Institute, 1987) p. 27. It was called miserable by the Rev. Krone in his “A Notice of the Sanon District” China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Transactions 6 (1859) 71-105, reprinted in the JHKBRAS 7 (1967) 104-137, 132. 2 Chou-pan i-wu shih-mo (The complete account of the management of barbarian affairs) 260 ch'uan (Photographic copy of original compilation, Hong Kong, 1964), ch'uan 70: 18b-19b. The hsun-chien originally administered 496 villages in the county; with the cession of Hong Kong Island, 5 were taken out of his hands, and in 1860, another 12 were lost with the cession of the Kowloon Peninsula. Thus by 1898, he was only responsible for 479. See Siu, Chiu-lung ch'eng, pp. 16-20. 3 ibid., p. 28. 4 Chou-pan i-wu shih-mo, ch'uan 76: 3a-4a. 5 J.H.S. Lockhart, [Report on the New Territory], enclosed in Lockhart to Chamberlain, October 8, 1898 in Great Britain. Colonial Office. Original Correspondence (Series 129) (hereafter CO129)/289; p. 74. According to a later account, however, the wall was about 23 English feet high, and the width at the top between approximately 5.8 feet and 11.75 feet. See Chiang-shan ku-jen LA, “Hsiang-kang hsin-chieh feng-t'u ming-sheng ta-kuan" (A panorama of local customs and famous places in Hong Kong and the New Territories) part 104. These articles appeared in the Hua-chiao jih-pao between 1935-36, and are collected in an album deposited at the University of Hong Kong Library. Based on observations, these articles are an important source of geographical and historical information of places in the territory. However, it seems that Lockhart, who had been commissioned to reconnoitre the newly leased territory, might have gone to greater lengths to obtain accurate measurements. 6 Another detailed observation of the wall and guard houses was made by Walter Schofield in 1928, and his notes are reproduced in JHKBRAS 9 (1969) 154–156. 7 Chiang-shan ku-jen, “feng-t'u”, part 104. 8 Lockhart, p. 75. 9 Lockhart, p. 75. 10 Chiang-shan ku-jen, “feng-t'u”, parts 109-110. 11 See the inscription recorded in David Faure, Bernard Luk and Alice Ng Lun Ngai-ha ed. Hsiang-kang pei-ming hui-pien (Historical inscriptions of Hong Kong) 3 volumes. (Hong Kong: Urban Council, 1986) vol. 1, p. 101, James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region 1850-1977 (Hamden, Connecticut, 1977) pp. 167-168. The building was partially demolished in the early 1980s, and a high-rise apartment building was built over it. At the moment (1988), the frame of the entrance with the original couplet is still in place, and an altar, said to be from the school, still stands on the ground floor. 12 Hsun-huan jih-pao June 13, 1883. 13 Hayes, p. 168; Chiang-shan ku-jen, "feng-t'u”, part 107. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 14 Ibid., part 106. 15 Ibid., part 105. 43 16 Lockhart, p. 77; Hayes, p. 164. 17 13 For the Kowloon Street and its kaifong, see ibid., pp. 171-173. 18 See ibid., pp. 168-171; also Chiu-lung Luo-shan-t’ang pai-nien shih-shih HACKETT (One hundred years of the Lok Sin Tong) (Hong Kong, the lang, [1980]). 19 Peter Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty 1898-1997 (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1980) pp. 19-20; Stanley F. Wright, Hong Kong and the Chinese Customs. China. The Maritime Customs. VI Inspector Series: no. 7 (Shanghai: Statistical Department of the Inspector-General of the Customs 1930), pp. 9-10. “Native” customs offices were handed over to the Inspector-General of Maritime Customs after the signing of the Hong Kong Opium Agreement in 1886. 20 See Faure et. al., vol. 1, p. 166, p. 251. 21 Siu, Chiu-lung ch'eng, p. 37. #1 23 24 25 Bowring to Grey, August 21, 1854, despatch 61: CO129/47. Krone, p. 116. Macdonnell to Buckingham, August 27, 1867, despatch #358: CO129/124. Jarrett, Vincent H.G. "Old Hong Kong”, vol. 2, p. 613. This is a series of articles on the history of Hong Kong taken from the South China Morning Post from June 17, 1933 to April 13, 1935, and re-arranged alphabetically by subject. A Xerox copy of copies typed from the original articles is deposited in four volumes at the University of Hong Kong Library. 26 Bowring to Grey, August 21, 1854, despatch 61. 27 W.J. Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, 2 volumes (Hong Kong: Vetch & Lee, 1971; 1st published 1898) vol. 2, 423–429. Another case occurred in 1896 when a Chinese policeman was shot in Hong Kong. His murderer was arrested in Canton and brought to Kowloon City where he was beheaded. (John Luff, “The Hong Kong Police", China Mail, February 24, 1960). Macdonnell to Kimberley, April 3, 1872, despatch #976: CO129/157. 29 See Faure et. al., vol. 1, pp. 103, 114, 133. 30 The tablet is dated the first year of the Tung-chih reign, i.e. 1862. It is still in very good condition. 31 Newspaper cutting dated May 27, 1886, enclosed in Marsh to Granville, May 31, 1886, despatch #183: CO129/226. 32 3 Hua-tzu jih-pao #711, January 17 and 18, 1896. Daily Press, January 20, 1896. 34 Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, p. 17; The open nature of the gambling was also decried by the Hsun-huan jih-pao, December 17, 1885. 35 Norton-Kyshe, vol. 2, p. 423. 36 In fact gambling houses were re-opened as soon as Chinese officials departed from Kowloon, Blake to Chamberlain, August 18, 1899, in Great Britain, Colonial Office. Confidential Prints Eastern (Series 882) (hereafter CO882)/5, no. 66, p. 340. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 44 37 Krone, p. 132. 18 Bruce Shepherd, The Hong Kong Guide (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1982; 1st published, Shanghai, 1893) pp. 117-118; R.C. Hurley, Tourists' Map of 8 Short Trips on the Mainland of China (Neighbourhood of Hong Kong) including Principal Places frequented by Sportsmen (Hong Kong: R.C. Hurley, 1896) enclosed in Blake to Chamberlain, April 28, 1899, #107: CO129/290, p. 7. 39 Shepherd, p. 117. 40 The Convention is appended in Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, pp. 191-192. The negotiation of the Convention is dealt with in detail in the book. * Colonial Office draft telegram to Sir H.A. Blake, enclosed in Colonial Office to Foreign Office, April 27, 1899, despatch #130: CO882/5/66, p. 136. 42 Blake to Chamberlain, May 4, 1899, telegram: CO882/5/66, p. 140; Consul Mansfield to Bax-Ironside, April 20, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., July 13, 1899: ibid., p. 304. 43 Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, p. 73. 44 The Order-in-Council, dated 27th December, 1899, is appended in ibid., pp. 196-7. 45 T'an Wen-chin kung tsou-kao, XUSA (Memorials of Tan Chung-lin) 2 volumes, (Taipei: Ch'eng-wen Co., based on 1911 edition) vol. 2, 248-26a. 46 Translation of a telegram from the Tsungli Yamen, dated Peking May 20, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., May 22, 1899: CO882/5/66, p. 160. 47 Lo Feng-luh [sic] to the Marquess of Salisbury, October 17, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., October 28, 1899: CO882/5/66, p. 364; Lo Feng-luh to the Marquess of Salisbury, November 14, 1899, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., November 25, 1899: ibid., p. 369. Peel to Cunliffe-Lister, January 9, 1934, confidential: CO129/546. 49 Stubbs to Amery, June 26, 1925, despatch #275: CO129/488. 50 Sheng San-i l'ang tsuan-hsi t’e-k'an 1890-1965 ——A (Special bulletin to commemorate the diamond jubilee of the Holy Trinity Church, 1890-1965) (Hong Kong: the Church [1965]) p. 34. 51 Ibid., p. 33. 52 Ibid., p. 34. $3 $4 Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1901, p. 1401, Peel to Cunliffe-Lister, January 9, 1934, confidential; Chiang-shan ku-jen, "feng-t'u", parts 106-107. 55 Stubbs to Amery, June 26, 1925, despatch #275; Chiang-shan ku-jen, “Pen-ti feng-kuang" (Local sights) part 163. These are articles appearing in the Hua-ch'iao jih-pao in 1931 and an album of them is in the University of Hong Kong Library, Jarrett, vol. 3, p. 609. 56 Stubbs to Amery, June 26, 1925, despatch #275. 57 Peel to Cunliffe-Lister, January 9, 1934, confidential: C. Van Leo, “A Little bit of China in the Heart of Hong Kong", Hong Kong Telegraph, January 18, 1937. R.C. Hurley, Handbook to the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong and Depen- 58 ¦ ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 45 dencies (Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh, 1920) p. 130; S.H. Peplow and M. Barker, Around and About Hong Kong (2nd revised and enlarged edition, 1931), p. 10. 59 For example, Chao Chun-hao, Yueh-Kang-Ao tao-yu #5 (A guide to Canton, Hong Kong and Macao) (Shanghai: China Travel Agency, 1938) p. 58; Wen Te-chang. ii) Kuang-Chiu t'ieh-lu lu-hsing chih-nan Rířili (A guide to travel on the Canton-Kowloon Railway) (1922) p. 139; T'u yun-fuzli Hsiang-kang tao-yu fi (A guide to Hong Kong) (Shanghai: China Travel Agency, 1940) p. 15. 60 Chiang-shan ku-jen, “Feng-kuang”, part 163. This was a Mr. Liu T'ao §‡ who had descended from one of the original inhabitants of the City. In 1931, he was living in the K'uei-hsing ke. He had copied every inscription there was in the City for sale to visitors. 61 Jarrett, vol. 3, p. 611; "Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912”, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1912, pp. 43-63, p. 47. 62 Hsing-che 1, "Lung-chin shih-ch'iao” ¡¡¡ (The Lung-chin bridge [jetty]) in Li Chin-wei $ (ed) Hsiang-kang pai-nien shih dred years of Hong Kong history) (Hong Kong, 1948) p. 93. #2(One hun- 63 John Stuart Thomson, The Chinese (London: T. Werner Laurie, Clifford's Inn, n.d.) p. 62; Jarrett, vol. 3, p. 611. Siu, Chiu-lung ch'eng, p. 38. Quoted by Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, p. 127; an interesting account of the City in the 1930s-50s is provided in Chapter 7. The Colonial Office file dealing with the removal problem in 1933-4 is CO129/546; for the Chinese side of the story, see Wu Pa-ning "Chiu-lung ch'eng chu-min san-t'u pei pi-ch’ien ching-kuo" JuffDWIDE-LOK MESA (An account of the three occasions on which residents of the Kowloon City were forcibly evicted) in Li Chin-wei, p. 89 and Chih-che IL “Chiu-lung ch'eng shih-chien ti chiao-she" ** (Negotiation over the Kowloon City incident) in ibid., pp. 98–101. ז' 1 Other secondary works on the subject include N.J. Miners, "A Tale of Two Walled Cities", Hong Kong Law Journal vol, 12; no. 2 (1982); Peter Wesley-Smith, "Forlorn, Forbidden and Forgotten: Kowloon's Walled City" Kaleidoscope vol. I: no. 3 (February, 1973) 26-33; Mike Davis, “Inside the Walled City” ibid., vol. IV; no. 6 (August, 1976) 5-11; Michael Chiang, "The Development of the Kowloon Walled City" (Student's thesis, School of Architecture, University of Hong Kong. 1979-80). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 54 In addition to the vocabulary one might expect in these sections (like “Plaintiff”, “Judge”, “Barrister at law”, “Fine”, “Reprimand”, etc.), one discovers “Sly brothel”, “Registered prostitute”, “Utter false money”, “Branded”, “Put in the cangue”, “Squeezing the ankles”, “Strangled (to death)”, and “Slap the mouth”. In many of the sections of this part of the book, Mok Man Cheung is able to demonstrate considerable expertise in the special or technical vocabulary of different crafts, trades, businesses, and professions. "Silks and Cloths" (p. 110f.), "Timbers” (p. 130f.), “Bamboo and Rattan Wares” (p. 134f.), “Iron Wear” [sic] (p. 135f.), "Vessels and Boats”, “Building Contractor's Terms” (p. 149f.), “Wood Work” (p. 154f.), and the special "Tallyman's Vocabulary" are all examples of a practical acquaintance with the fields or conscientious research. There are, however, other sections of the book where, with a similar sense of confidence and authority, Mok Man Cheung actually betrays his lack of familiarity either with the content or with the precise idiom used. In the second section of “Short Sentences”, for example, Mok Man Cheung ranges from such idiomatic expressions as “He got tight” and "all squared up" to near misses like "The real with the false got mixed up” and “He is pulling your legs”. Even the accuracy of local information is wanting in some places, though this, again, could be the fault of slipshod copy editing or careless proof reading. Under “Roads, Streets and Public Offices in Hongkong”, for example, a reader would have been puzzled to find, right next to Bowen Road and Kennedy Road, a certain "Mac Donald Road”, presumably in error for MacDonnell Road. 17 The tone of the model letters which Mok Man Cheung offers his readers is invariably formal and respectful, even if the matter is one of reminding a client to pay his bills. The nearest Mok Man Cheung gets to expressing irritation is in the brief note at the top of p. 427: Dear Sir, I have been to your office and have wasted nearly half an hour to see you, so pardon me for not staying any longer. Yours faithfully, A. King. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 Moreover, when the model letter is addressed to someone in authority, at that time, almost by definition a European, the formality and respectfulness approaches servility. The actual content of many of the expressions used in the book also reveals much about social attitudes and practices. Under "Words in Common Use", for example, one finds "Cumshaw", "We thrashed the thief", and "The teacher flogged this boy”. In "Short Sentences", one sees "Take bribes", "Learn by heart", "Good memory", "Worship at the tombs", "Study hard”, “Give presents", "He Got the Plague”, and “smoke Opium”. The “Long Sentences" include "Humbugging about", "He is fond of drinks”, "I beg you to recommend me”, “Give me a cumshaw”, and “I undersell him". Amongst the model letters, one discovers two applications to hospitals to make their charges moderate (pp. 436-437), as well as formal letters of application, resignation, requests for sick-leave and special leave, etc. (pp. 406-410), which were clearly intended as templates. In the same section, in addition to the routine business correspondence about bills of lading, the sale of property, etc., and the applications to Government departments for licences and permits, one finds letters politely complaining about drains and the failure of the water supply (pp. 439-440), a letter about a scheme to provide aid to a district in China after the onset of a natural disaster there (p. 442), and another about emigration to the United States. But the classic letter must be the one addressed to the Officer in Charge of No. 2 Police Station, bringing to his notice the fact that there is a dead body lying in the road, outside the letter-writer's house, and apologizing for the trouble given. (p. 438). Only part of the significance of English Made Easy derives from the formal, external poses it presents which appear to accept and condone the excesses of a colonial regime and a discriminatory society. In the very early twentieth century, there was no feasible alternative, other than departure from Hong Kong. Also significant is the fact that a man like Mok Man Cheung took the trouble to write the book. With all its idiosyncrasies and its errors Page 55 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 69 lished in 1884 by ex-pupils and prominent members of the Chinese community as a mark of respect for Dr. Frederick Stewart who had resigned as headmaster in 1881 after nearly twenty years service to the school; and various special prizes especially for proficiency in Chinese. 26 He was appointed under Colonial Standing Order 3248 of 1884, as from 1st January, 1885, at a salary of $300 per year. 27 The authority for his appointment was CSO2202. His starting salary was $240 per annum. 24 For details of the memorial system and the part played in its genesis in England by Andrew Bell (1753-1832) and Joseph Lancaster (1778-1838), see John Lawson and Harold Silver, A Social History of Education in England (London: Methuen, 1973), pp. 241-246. In one of Eitel's reports on the short-lived Normal School in Hong Kong, he refers to the "Madras-born monitorial scheme of Bell and Lancaster" being adopted at the Central School by Stewart. In Eitel's opinion, this scheme suffered in comparison with the Normal School because it did not include “the special private tuition and instruction”, presumably, in teaching rationale and methods. (CO129/202, p. 532). In his Annual Report for the year 1866, for example, Stewart wrote: "In my last Report I stated that I entertained the hope of being soon able to overcome many difficulties connected with the school by training Chinese assistants for their work. I then anticipated that I should always be able to retain two of the more advanced boys for a period of at least four years, after which they might, if they chose, find employment elsewhere and be succeeded by the two who stood next to them. The project has all but failed. The demand for the services of the more intelligent of the boys is so great that it is, in the meantime, hopeless to expect them to remain for any length of time. The two in whose case the experiment was tried have both left many months ago, just when they were beginning to be of real value to the school. I shall not, however, abandon the scheme. Out of several, it may be possible to retain some; and, as the knowledge of English becomes more general and situations more difficult to be obtained, the greater will be the probability that these Assistants will remain until, at least, others are qualified to take their place.” (Hong Kong Government Blue Book, 1866, pp. 279-280). 30 The dispute was, in some ways, a continuation of the friction which existed between Frederick Stewart and Eitel after the separation of the duties of Headmaster of the Central School from those of the Inspector of Schools in 1878, first as an expedient measure while Dr. Stewart was on long leave in England and subsequently confirmed on Stewart's return to Hong Kong. Bateson Wright succeeded Stewart as Headmaster of the Central School in 1881. He inherited the bitter relations between the two leading education officers in the Government, but his own, quite positive personality, if anything, exacerbated the situation so much so, that the supervision of the Central School was taken away from the responsibilities of the Inspectorate and a “Dual System" inaugurated whereby the Central School, renamed successively Victoria College and Queen's College, was administered and reported on by its own Headmaster and eventually examined by an independent Board which did not include the Inspector of Schools. The Dual System was kept in being until the retirement of Bateson Wright in 1909, when the Government's educational system was reunited and renamed the Education Department, headed by a Director of Education in place of the Inspector of Schools.11 Stokes (1962), p. 47. 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 71 1901 (see below). 36 Brewin, who was promoted to Registrar General in 1901, had also served briefly, from 1897 to 1901, as Inspector of Schools in succession to E.J. Eitel. His endorsement was, therefore, particularly valuable. He had been appointed, together with his successor as Inspector of Schools, E.A. Irving, and the Chinese member of the Legislative Council, Ho Kai, to the 1901-1902 Education Committee, the report of which contains blatant calls for the separate educational treatment of the different races and a clear recommendation, compatible with the extremes of colonialistic paternalism, that, as far as Chinese education was concerned, the Government should concentrate its efforts and finances on the education, in English, of the few who could be regarded as potential leaders. Interestingly, the Secretary of State for the Colonies at this time, Joseph Chamberlain, totally rejected this recommendation (Chamberlain to Sir Henry Blake, Governor of Hong Kong, 12th September, 1902, in CO129/311, p. 481). "For certain individuals, this explanation is something of a euphemism since the “medical and sanitary precautions" involved burning down their homes. The Plague first broke out in Hong Kong in the Spring of 1894. The death rate for the first five or six months was over 2,500, and, though, it was the Chinese population which was most affected, the Europeans were not untouched. Lady Robinson, the wife of the Governor of Hong Kong, was, for example, a victim. Dr. E.J. Eitel, the Inspector of Schools, provided details of the rumours circulating among the less educated Chinese, and their effects, in a memorandum to the Colonial Secretary on 22nd May 1894. Eitel wrote to report and explain "the panic which has suddenly decimated the attendance in the local Chinese Schools" and noted that the rumours began to spread in districts affected by the Plague on Sunday, 20th May and reached other districts the next day. The principal rumours were (a) that "the Government intended to select a few young Children from each School to subject them to a surgical incision of the liver in order to obtain bile, this being the only known remedy for curing the plague”; and, (b) that "every School would be visited by officers who would examine every child and send to the "Hygeia" anyone having the least boil or pimple on its body". Eitel speculated about the origin of the panic, attributing it to "the malicious distortion of the native medical fraternity" and concluded: “I do not think anything very effectual can be done to remove the suggestions of native malice to native ignorance and suspiciousness. Distrust of the Government is still rampant among the lower classes of Chinese. Education will remove it in time. (Memorandum No. 38 of 22nd May, 1894, by Dr. E.J. Eitel, Inspector of Schools; in CO129/263, p. 190-193). 39 In Arnold Wright (ed.), Twentieth Century Impressions of Hongkong, Shanghai, and the Other Treaty Ports of China: Their History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources (London: Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Company, Ltd., 1908), p. 182, for example, Mok Tso Chun, “a native of the Heungshan district" and formerly one of the directors of the Tung Wah Hospital, is described as the Chief Compradore of Butterfield and Swire. In the Anglo-Chinese Commercial Directory of circa 1915 (Chief Editor, Jan George Chance), a Mok Jao Chuen, clearly the same person as Mok Tso Chun, appears as Compradore for Butterfield and Swire, while a Choi Kung Po and a Mok Kon Sang appear as Assistant Compradores. Mok Man Cheung acted as witness to the will of Mok Tso [or Jao] Chun and the will, itself, makes it clear that Mok Kon Sang was Mok Tso Chun's eldest son. It was certainly not unusual for Compradores at this time to find positions for younger relatives. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 72 40 Hong Kong Government Gazette, 6th May, 1899, p. 701. Mok Man Cheung's book, retailing at $8, was unusually expensive. There clearly was a market for books attempting to bridge the social and linguistic gap between the Chinese and British communities. Also in 1899, for instance, a Lo Sing-lau published his English Self Taught for Chinese at $1 per copy and this went into a second edition in 1904 and a third in 1905, 1904, the year in which Mok Man Cheung produced his English Made Easy, also witnessed the publication of Tang Chi Kun's A Step in English Tongue ($0.80), 41 Letter to the Editor, signed by "X", Hong Kong Daily Press, Thursday, 17th January, 1901, p. 2. 42 This assumption is further strengthened by the fact that he made out his will on 28th December, 1917, and that its Probate Number is No. 68 of 1918. I owe this information to Professor Dafydd Evans who also points out the relatively high proportion of "death bed” wills among the Chinese in Hong Kong at this time. The will itself is serial no. 3135, deposit no. 4, in series 144. It confirms that one of Mok Man Cheung's aliases was Mok Cheuk Lim. An examination of the actual will shows that it was, indeed, a deathbed will and that Mok Man Cheung actually died on 30th December, 1917. The Declaration by Executor before Probate, dated 13th March, 1918, indicates that "the whole of the personal estate of the said testator amounts in value to the sum of $21,075.53”, certainly no mean sum at the time. 43 There appear to be no locally-published Chinese language newspapers extant for this period of time. Although the Wah Tsz Yat Po was certainly in operation, unfortunately there is a break in the surviving copies from 18th January, 1917 to 16th February, 1918. 44 The acronym for Queen's College, which was (and is) the current name for the school Mok Man Cheung had attended as "the Central School". 45 These are very clear and characteristic indications of his prominence in Hong Kong Chinese society. See, for example, H.J. Lethbridge, Hong Kong: Stability and Change, (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1978), especially pp. 52-102, and Carl T. Smith (1985), especially pp. 139-171. Confirmatory evidence that he was a member of the Committee of the Po Leung Kuk, elected on 20th March, 1909, using his alias, Mok Yeuk Lim, is found in the Hong Kong Government's Administrative Reports for that year, p. C39. If one can assume that another of his aliases was Mok Yuk-chi, confirmatory evidence about his membership of the Committee of the Tung Wah Hospitals can be found in the Administrative Reports for 1913. 46 Even though Mok Man Cheung was certainly successful in a material sense, his name appears neither in Arnold Wright's Twentieth Century Impressions nor in S.L. Woo, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong, (Hong Kong, The Five Continents Book Company, 1937) which, though written long after Mok Man Cheung's death, contained reference to several deceased merchants who had been born before 1865. Moreover, he does not appear to have been a member of the District Watch Committee, posited by Lethbridge as the Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong (Lethbridge 1978, pp. 104-129). On the other hand, Carl Smith's justly-famed index cards reveal that he was involved in many property deals and was, for example, co-proprietor, with Tang Lap Ting and Mok Kun Hiu, of the Wanchai Godown. 47 In London, a Colonial Office minute in 1907, for example, declared that “I don't think that the fact that Mr. Hee has found an Englishwoman foolish enough to marry a Chinaman is an argument for increasing his salary [as Headmaster of Wanchai District School] (CO129/341, p. 342). In Hong Kong, the official defini- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 104 North, South and Number 2 Military Cemeteries in Manila, Los Banos, as well as the Protestant Cemetery. As with so many cemeteries elsewhere in poor tropical countries, deterioration was rapid. Torrential rain washed away the soil around graves, grave stones were stolen to be recarved and used elsewhere and the cemetery became a playground for young and old. The Filipino “Chowkidar” (watchman) could do little to stem the decline. In July 1973, fourteen years earlier than due, the Cemetery was handed over by the British Consul C.L.F. Parker to the Ayala Corporation, the successors in title to Roxas, who donated P10,000 to help in the transfer of all remains to their new resting place. The grave stones said to be historically valuable were turned over to a 'British Association': their present whereabouts are a mystery. The site of the old cemetery was developed by the Ayala Corporation, the developers of the "new town" of Makati, Manila's business district, into a housing estate for its middle management staff and is now known as Barrio Olympia (Olympia Village). The few British graves in the Sual Cemetery, were at last report, being well tended by the local authorities. Sadly however, the Iloilo "English Cemetery”, (lots 158 and 674) in the very "heart of the city" was closed in October 1946 “for the purposes of health and sanitation and as part of the programme of beautifying the City of Iloilo”, but the British Protestant remains lie peacefully in Southern Manila. Author's acknowledgement: I am indebted to several people for assistance in these brief and I am sure, not fully comprehensive notes; in particular, Father Gabriel Casal and Carlos Quirino of the Ayala Museum, Dr. Serafin Quiason of the Philippines National Library and Peter Karmy of the British Embassy in Manila. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 128 Equality would mean the abolition of “class legislation.” According to the papers the rumour of the Governor's intention to repeal such laws was "the topic of conversation at almost every dinner table, and wherever people assemble for business or recreation." The uneasiness among the Europeans as to Governor Hennessy's next move presaged rough times ahead. A colonial, who titled himself "Diner Out," expressed his opposition to Governor Hennessy's liberal policies. The writer viewed the rumours of the Governor's intention to abolish flogging and the pass system as a sure licence for crime. He predicted that foreigners "enjoying frequently the hospitality of friends, it may even be at Government House, (will) find themselves obliged either to go armed to the teeth, as was the case only a few years back, or else remain unwilling prisoners in their own dwellings from dusk to dark.” Although it would not have served his cause, he could have added as the Chinese must under the present regulations. A correspondent “Grundy,” adding his bit to the discussion, suggested that if the night pass system was abolished “all invitations to dinner, if sent at all, shall thereafter bear the following P.S. - 'Please bring your boy and your revolver'." Some feared there were rough times ahead under Governor Hennessy's administration. “Anti-Bumptious" wrote: "I feel the storm clouds are gathering, and although there is very little likelihood of rioting as there was in the Barbados (where Governor Hennessy had formerly been) still the same stormy petrel spirit is at work, and will produce mischief.” Furthermore, according to a local editor, the Chinese really had nothing to complain of and there was no need to change the Government's relation to them. An editorial in the China Mail expressed this view: "With Artemus Ward of the negro, we may fairly ask 'Who trod on him?' and the answer will readily be found in the growing wealth and commercial importance of the native community of Hongkong, the amount of weight now attached to their utterances ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 204 endow a high class school and call it the Victoria Female College." And lastly, the possibility of a statue was advanced. Already seeds were sown for divided opinions and each little group pushing its own project. Out of the resulting confusion, the Chinese emerged with their own scheme, a hall for a Chinese Chamber of Commerce. JUBILEE PLANS COMPETE WITH RACING The manner in which Hongkong should observe the Golden Jubilee of Queen Victoria was publicly launched when Mr. C. P. Chater raised the question at a Legislative Council meeting on February 11, 1887. His preliminary remarks reflected the sentiments prevalent among colonials in a period when the British Empire was in its unchallenged glory. They were proud of the widespread dominion of their native country. Mr. Chater began thus: "Sir, the question I am about to ask, though neither of state importance, nor materially affecting the interests of the Colony, touches upon a subject which at the moment is appealing to the loyal feelings of millions of Her Majesty's subjects all over the world. "This year Her Most Gracious Majesty celebrates the 50th anniversary of her accession to the throne of that great empire, the Government of which she has so ably administered; and throughout her vast dominions rejoicings are to be the order of the day. "And her subjects, of whatever race they may be, are anxious to celebrate the occasion in a manner befitting its exceptional and gratifying nature.” Hongkong, said Mr. Chater, was eager to participate in the general rejoicings. "This Colony does not wish to be behind in anything, more especially in a matter of this sort." ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 214 Its purpose as stated in its Charter of Incorporation was "to provide for the scientific and technical investigation of raw materials, more particularly those produced within the Empire; with a view to their commercial utilisation, and to supply information respecting the production, commercial employment and value of such materials.” The Institute was promoted by the Prince of Wales with the express approval of his mother the Queen. The interest of the Prince and the Queen had been well-publicised throughout the Empire. There were those in Hongkong who felt Hongkong could best express its appreciation of the achievements of the fifty years of Her Majesty's reign by making a contribution to a project she had personally endorsed. Others were more reluctant, pointing out that Hongkong had little to benefit from such an institution as it had no valuable natural resources and few industries. In view of a general lack of enthusiasm for the Institute, the chairman of the public meeting, in mentioning a subscription to it as a possible way in which Hongkong might commemorate the jubilee, was careful to point out that the residents need not feel under pressure to support the scheme. He pointed out that "Her Majesty with that graciousness which has always characterised her does not wish to force any measure down the throats of any community who are opposed to it, and she is quite willing, as I understand it, to sanction an institution of any kind which will be of service to her peoples in the different colonies." With these remarks he more or less dismissed the scheme. But the idea was not to be put aside so easily. It had a strong advocate in Mr. John Joseph Francis, Queen's Counsel. He seized the opportunity to amend a motion made by Mr. A.P. MacEwen to put the idea before the meeting again. Mr. MacEwen's resolution was twofold: "That the form of the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 271 Well, over to you again, David. David Faure When I was in England last year I had a look to see what local history societies do, and what sort of material people have in local histories, and I was very impressed. Wherever you go, you find some sort of society with people who are interested in something. Then you have publications that are primarily documentation. You have to walk into a church or the pub, pay your 10p, and you get your little sheet where somebody has written up the history of a village and that sort of thing. You have a whole range of them, you've got scholars interested in broader problems in the field, or trying to fit the local scene into a larger context. You also have the tourist side of things, where people just want to know what that churchyard is all about. I think we fall far short of that in Hong Kong. I suppose the nearest to a local history society we have in Hong Kong is the Royal Asiatic Society, and our Journals are the only ones I know of that discuss local history as local history. You have a few other places you can publish in. The academic journals abroad are interested in Hong Kong material if you can fit what is said here into a wider theoretical context, so called. Then you also have the publishers that are interested in having a few books on Hong Kong. But we have not got a lot of local materials assembled where people can have a look at them. The conference on Hong Kong History that we had a couple of years ago at the Chinese University was a venue for people interested in the subject, and I suppose we should have more of those. Some sort of publication of source materials would also be useful, and I can't think of a better way of doing it other than by photocopying them and leaving copies in the major libraries. It is a new development that the District Boards are now interested in their own history. Quite a few seem to be. They are all compiling these handbooks, describing what happened with the district, and want to include a section on the history of the district. That would be a useful development for our sort of interest. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 298 by the Chinese with great dread and by foreigners with apprehension. . . (Transferring Technology, p. 69) In truth, Giquel must have been greatly valued by the Chinese in particular, though the books show that this was at the expense of being thought too pro-Chinese by the French authorities, and even by trusted subordinates. The book is full of such interesting and illuminating passages, either from Giquel's own pen, those of contemporaries, or from Dr. Leibo's hand. Another useful observation, this time coming from the Imperial Commissioner charged with overseeing the Dockyard project, has for us today an oddly familiar ring to it. Commissioner Shen Baozhen was pessimistic about the continuing success of the dockyard under solely Chinese direction, and to Giquel's recital of favorable signs for continued progress answered, "Certainly, but what if Li [Viceroy Li Hongzhang] disappears? What will become of all this?” (Transferring Technology, p. 125). In other words, personalities were apparently as crucial then as they are today, in China's modernization programmes. Shen's faith in Giquel was absolute. Dr. Leibo quotes from a Chinese language source which indicates that he informed Li Hongzhang at this time that his confidence in him was such that he would stake his entire career on Giquel's loyalty to China. If Giquel ever did anything to harm China, Shen promised to terminate his own public career. (ibid. p. 126). Of the two works, I found the first to be the more satisfying. It is detailed and well-organised, and uses French sources hitherto unutilized by historians. The man and his times emerge clearly, and his difficulties and dilemmas shine through the text. Relationships with high Chinese officials, as well as with European colleagues and would-be rivals, and with the French and other higher authorities are happily covered in sufficient detail to make them both interesting and illuminating, thanks to the varied sources used by Dr. Leibo. The other is just as absorbing, especially the diary itself, but I found Dr. Leibo's Introduction less satisfying than the fuller account. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 300 Once one has read the prologue, and absorbed the author's background and motivation, derived from having been an exile (in Hong Kong) from his native place at intervals during the early part of his life, it does not really matter whether one reads the book from start to finish or (as I did) takes up those chapters that appeal most. All are of interest. If I have to make a selection, I liked the account of his father (1888-1959), a bitter-sweet and it seemed to me — quintessentially Chinese individual who lived in trying times; a brilliant man who perhaps deserved to have had a more favourable arena for his talents, and certainly after he left Shanghai to rejoin his family in Hong Kong in 1949. There were so many years of enforced idleness in both places. Personal accounts like this tell us more than the historical record, and illuminate the times more effectively. I like the author's notes to the chapters: over 40 pages between pp. 471-511. They are not only a guarantee that he has done a good job: they also help interested readers to look into books and sources of which they are not aware. Take, for example, his description (pp. 38-39) of the formalities and practices of marriage in Sung times in his opening chapter on the Sung poet Qin Guan, the subject of the first biography in the book. He cites his source and adds useful information (p. 473). When describing the arranged marriage that was the norm until recent times, and still lingers on here and there in and outside China, he adds that this is why the event was described as the family taking “a new daughter-in-law” rather than as "a son taking a bride” (p. 40). See also note 14 on p. 499 and note 12 on p. 501 together with the upper plate on the 10th page of illustrations I'm giving no clues, look for yourselves! In short, he illuminates as well as entertains. By now, readers will have gathered that I like this book. Of course, in such a large work (528 pages) and in an academic field that is very demanding and exacting for those who write in it, there are bound to be places in the text where the reader's own studies may refute or add to it. Contrary to what Mr. Ching says in the prologue (p. 20), recent collecting and oral history projects in the New Territories have shown that most, if not all, Chinese lineages, including those comprised of the peasants who made up the great bulk of the population, have kept written genealogies, albeit few of them got published like those of the Qin and other major lineages or, until recently, found their way into the great library collections of the West. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 301 I understand that Mr. Ching is contemplating a book about the major families of Hong Kong, descended from successful men who came here in the 19th century with little more than their wits. On the showing of his first historical work, I cannot think of a more suitable person to undertake this task than Mr. Ching, and I hope that, warts and all, he gets all the cooperation and understanding of the requirements of the job from the families concerned. From there, or in the process, he could perhaps take up the true history of families great and small during the years of the Japanese Occupation of the colony, where the same rules apply. The job needs to be done, because of the way in which leading families have shunned the very mention of these years. Shanghai was not the only place where, as Mr. Ching writes (p. 458), the returning authorities looked down on those who had lived under the Japanese as tainted. JAMES HAYES Mind Landscapes: the Paintings of C. C. Wang, by Jerome Silbergeld, Henry Art Gallery, University of Washington Press (Seattle and London), 1987. 132 pp. + plates, bibliography, index, US$40.00 (cloth); US$19.95 (paper). C. C. Wang is certainly one of the most intriguing Chinese artists in the later twentieth century. His life chronicles cataclysmic changes many Chinese have endured and his path — artist, collector, connoisseur, businessman and exile was rarely clear. He was called upon to continuously redefine his relationship with China and the West as he travelled, explored and matured. Having been born into a Suzhou family of mandarins in Imperial China in 1907 and having had a traditional Chinese education till the age of 14 assured young Wang the basis for blossoming into a twentieth-century version of the literati. But young Wang longed for a Western-style education, into which he switched at age fourteen and from which he went on to study law in Shanghai at China's distinguished Suzhou Law School. But his art education, which started as he learned to read and write, was carried on simultaneously and ever more seriously. Over time he had many art teachers and, indeed, became a teacher himself at an early age. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 303 cultivation of controlled accidents, synthesis of East and West: "Chinese brushwork is really individual, like Western color. Good brushwork is so beautiful. It can make you look at it many times... It's just like with voice when I hear one song, if the voice is good I want to hear another song. It's the same voice, but each time it's a little bit different: that attracts me so much. . . .” (p. 42). Other notable scholars and critics who have written about artist-collector-connoisseur Wang have also been allowed to speak with their own voices, which gives the story a clarity and authenticity rarely achieved in a scholarly book. Moreover, the book is lavishly illustrated not only with Mr. Wang's works of all periods but also with the paintings that were most influential in building his style. In addition, Professor Silbergeld recounts the long history of C. C. Wang as collector, and how he has been a central figure in influencing the growth of major collections of Chinese art in the West, notably that of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, through the sale of his own collections. Mind Landscapes has been laid out with great beauty and intelligence. It would have been impossible to produce such an outstanding volume without financial support. This was provided through grants from the Henry Art Gallery Association, PONCHO, the University of Washington Press, and the J. Paul Getty Trust. Yet it is rare to have such a thoughtful and handsome product even if one has the resources. Kudos are also due to the designer, Douglas Wadden. The publication of Mind Landscapes coincides with a major retrospective of C. C. Wang's work and serves as a catalogue to it. This book is a fitting climax to Mr. Wang's career and sets a standard of excellence in its field. Let us hope that young scholars in Asia and the West will take note. JOAN LEBOLD COHEN* * Joan Lebold Cohen, art historian and photographer, is a lecturer at Tufts University and the School of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Her most recent books discuss various aspects of contemporary Chinese painting: The New Chinese Painting, 1949-1986 (1987) and Yunnan School, a Renaissance in Chinese Painting (1988). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q © The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Editorial Group: David Faure, P.H. Hase, Wei Peh T'i and James Hayes Printed in 1990 Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. P.O. Box 3864 Hong Kong. Printed by Gabriele Printing Company Ltd. ii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir David Wilson, K.C.M.G. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1988 President: J.W. Hayes, I.S.O., M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.DIV. Hon. Secretary: Eveline M. Caldwell, M.A., M.B.C.S., F.Coll.P., M.I.E.E. Hon. Treasurer: Robert Nield, F.C.A., F.H.K.S.A. Hon. Editors: David Faure, B.A., Ph.D. Hon. Librarian: Peter Yeung, B.A., M.L.S. Councillors: Phillip Bruce Michael Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D. Y.W. Lau, B.A., Ph.D. Elizabeth Sinn, B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D. A.K.K. Siu, B.A., M.A., Ph.D. P.H. Hase, B.A., Ph.D. Anita Wilson, M.A. iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT ............. HON. TREASURER'S REPORT HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT ARTICLES: • Dian H. Murray, Pirates in the Pearl River Delta ... Dan Waters, A Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong • Steven A. Leibo, Not So Calm An Administration: The Anglo-French Occupation of Canton, 1858-1861 Wei Peh T'i, Through Historical Records and Ancient Writings in search of the Giant Panada • Carl T. Smith, The First Child Labour Law in Hong Kong vii xviii xxiii • 1 10 16 • 34 44 Sung Hok-P'ang, Legends and Stories of the New Territories; Tai Po 70 Sung Hok-P'ang, Legends and Stories of the New Territories; Castle Peak 26 76 Sung Hok-P'ang, Ts'in Fuk 86 Violet Mebig Chan Lew, A Sentimental Journey into the Past of the Chan and Jong Families 94 Harold M. Otness, "The One Bright Spot in Shanghai" A History of the Library of the North China Branch of The Royal Asiatic Society NOTES AND QUERIES: • David Faure, The Man the Emperor Decapitated Carl T. Smith, The Archives of the Basel Mission 185 198 203 P. H. Hase, The Lanterns of Chuko Liang O. William Borrell FMS, A Silver Bracelet with an Ancient Greek Coin found in Wewak, East Sepik Province, Papua New Guinea · 207 212 James Hayes, The Tai Sheung Lo Kwan Temple, Chai Wan 217 • E. W. Wright, The Hongkong Milling Company's Failure 218 P. H. Hase, A Traditional New Territories Latrine James Hayes, A Note on Rice Hullers 222 226 James Hayes, A Glimpse of the Land Settlement at Shek Pik Village, Lantau Island, Hong Kong 228 BOOK REVIEWS 234 · vi Page & ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 7 five American schooners scurrying for safety under the guns of Macao. As the threat escalated, British and Portuguese vied with one another in offering their suppression services to the government. Victory in this contest went to the Portuguese, who were commissioned to send a fleet of six men-of-war to cooperate with the Chinese water forces in blockading the harbour of the pirate headquarters off the northern shore of Lantao Island. The Governor-General travelled from Canton to watch the grand spectacle of the pirate finale, but to the surprise of all, the pirates were able to push aside the fire vessels that were unleashed against them and to sail away unscathed into the night. The dismantling of the Confederation On the heels of spectacular success came the equally sudden and rapid dismantling of the pirate confederation. We can only speculate, because documentary evidence does not make clear, what finally precipitated this action. It may well have been internal friction between the fleet leaders, because on December 11, 1809, there was a battle between the Red and Black Flag Fleets. Unexpectedly, the Black Flag Fleet came out on top, and its leader, Kuo P'o-tai, realising that he could no longer withstand pressure both from a hostile government and his former ally, used the three hundred captives seized from the Red Flag Fleet during the combat as his collateral of good faith in accepting an offer of amnesty from the Ch'ing government. On January 11, 1810, he and 5,500 of his men surrendered to the Ch'ing. It was not long before Chang Pao followed suit. On February 21, his fleet gathered at the mouth of the Pearl River to receive the Governor-General from Canton. The ceremonies went smoothly, but the negotiations did not, and as a result, the pirates withdrew. However, their desire to surrender persisted, and in April, the women stepped to the fore as Cheng I Sao and a group of other pirate women and children made their way on shore to the Governor-General's yamen in Canton. They proved to be tough negotiators, and the surrender was finally accomplished a few days later on April 20, when 17,318 pirates surrendered 226 junks and a number of cannon. In the dismantling of the confederation, we can see the weaknesses ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 15 NOTES The Author is grateful to the Reverend Carl T. Smith for providing material about vocational training in early Hong Kong, and to Mr. C.L. Ko and Mr. M.H. So for the photograph. T.F. Ryan, 'The Story of a Hundred Years: The PIME in Hong Kong, 1858-1958', Catholic Trust Society, Hong Kong, 1959. Hong Kong Daily Press, 20 July 1876; and Hong Kong Catholic Register, Vol. II, No. 39, 29 June 1879; and South China Morning Post, 16 November 1936. Hong Kong Telegraph, 30 January 1905; and Hong Kong Telegraph, 17 September 1901; and Daily Press, 25 January 1906; and Hong Kong Telegraph, 17 June 1914. T.C. Cheng, "The Education of Overseas Chinese: A Comparative Study of Hong Kong, Singapore and the East Indies' (University of London MA thesis, 1949), p. 141; and Hong Kong Telegraph, prospectus of evening courses to be held at Queen's College. *Imperial Education Conference Papers, Education Systems of the Chief Colonies not possessing responsible Governments' (Hong Kong, 1914), p. 5. 4 Ibid, pp. 27 and 28. 7 Watt Hoi-kee, "Technical Education in Hong Kong Today", Appendix I (undated), p. 26 (c. 1964). # 'Opening Ceremony New Technical College' (booklet), (2 December 1957), p. 3. *Aberdeen Technical School 1935-1965, 30th Anniversary Souvenir Number'. C 'Far East Flying and Technical School Ltd' (prospectus) (undated). Monica Yeung, 'Air-minded men who never get off the ground', Hong Kong Standard (15 September 1974) p. 19. 12 'Hong Kong Technical College 1970-71', prospectus p. 1. 11 Information given verbally by pre-war Trade School student. TH 'Tang King-po School Speech Day and Prize-giving' (brochure) (19 November 1976). 15 'Technical Education Investigating Committee, Report on Technical Education and Vocational Training in Hong Kong' (30 October 1953). 'Opening Ceremony of the Polytechnic's First New Building' (brochure) (26 October 1976), p. 1. 17 TH 19 'Opening Ceremony of the New Technical College' (2 December 1957), last page. *Report on the Cost Study of the Hong Kong Technical College' (December 1968). *'Opening Ceremony of the Polytechnic's First New Building', loc. cit. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 31 1 Elgin to Clarendon, 9 Jan. 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 257) p. 140 and Bowring to Malmesbury, 15 April, 1859 Confidential Print, FO 405: 6. fol. 2, no. 1. It is often said that Martineau des Chesnez (see for example Hurd, The Arrow War, p. 125) spoke Chinese as well. This seems a confusion based on the fact that Chesnez spoke English and thus was helpful as a French-English linguist. See for example, Gros to Walewski, 13 January 1858, p.s. of the 14th, CP 23, fol. 41, AE. 1 5 Wade to Elgin, 10 March, 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571, (1859), p. 226. See Steven A. Leibo, Transferring Technology to China: Prosper Giquel and the Self-strengthening Movement, (Berkeley, Institute of East Asian Studies, 1985), ch. 5. Bourboulon to Walewski, 5 October, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 177-178, AE plus Leibo Transferring Technology To China, ch. 1. 7 Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan in the Years 1857, 58, '59 (London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1859), vol. I, 151. 10 Gros to Walewski, 3 January, 1858, CP, vol. 23, fol. 8, AE. Gros to Walewski, 3 January, 1858, CP vol. 23, fol. 8, AE. Gros to Walewski, 8 January, 1858, CP vol. 23, AE. Hurd, The Arrow War, p. 125. Bowring to Labouchere, 16 April 1858, FO 17 296, des. 49, fol. 117-118, PRO. and Stanley F. Wright, Hart and the Chinese Customs (Belfast: Wm. Mullan and Sons, 1950), p. 176. 13 Gros to Walewski, 8 February 1858, vol. 25, fol. 210, AE. Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, P. 155. 15 Genouilly to Min. de la Marine, July 1, 1858, Dossier Individual Martineau des Chesnez, CC 7 2503, SHM. Elgin to Malmesbury, 5 November, 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571, (1859), p. 413. 17 Hsu, The Rise of Modern China 3 ed. p. 207. 19 Trenqualye to Walewski, 28 April 1859, CCC Canton, vol. 2, fol. 112 and D'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 2 May 1859, BB 4 763, fol. 106-7, AN. 19 Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, P. 155. 20 Gros to Walewski, 8 January 1858, CP vol. 23, fol. 23, AE, 21 Hurd, The Arrow War, p. 125. 15 21 D'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 12 December 1858, BB 4 763, fol. 20, AN. 11 January 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571 (1859), incl. 2 in no. 83 fol. 149. PRO. 24 Coupvent to Min. de la Marine, 20 June 1860, BB 4 787, fol. 11, AN, 25 Hurd, The Arrow War, pp. 124-126. 26 Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, P. 169 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 32 27 Parkes to Elgin, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571 (1859) incl. 1 in no. 93 fol. 161. PRO and George Wingrove Cooke, China: Being “The Times" Special Correspondent from China in the Years 1857-1858. (London, 1858), p. 356. 28 Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, p. 169. 19 Gros to Walewski, 13 January 1858, p.s. of the 14th, CP, vol. 23, fol. 41, AE. 30 32 Gros to Walewski, January 3, 1858, CP, vol. 23, fol. 8, AE. Trenqualye to Walewski, 24 March, 1858, CCC, Canton, vol. 2, fol. 62-65, AE. Bourboulon to Walewski, 5 April, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 102-3, AE. Hong Kong Daily Press, 19 April, 1858, CP, vol. 2, fol. 44, AE. 34 Parkes Memorandum, April 21, 1858, incl. 2 in Bowring Dispatch no. 116 FO 17 296, 1858 PRO. 35 Bourboulon to Walewski, 26 October, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 194, AE. 36 Proclamation of Huang Tsung-han, trans. by Parkes, CP, vol. 22, fol. 90, AE. 37 Bourboulon to Walewski, 18 June, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 69-70, AE and D'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 5 June, 1858, BB 4 763, SHM. Malmesbury to Cowley, 17 June, 1858, CP, vol. 24, fol. 340, AE. 39 Bourboulon to Walewski, 18 June, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 69-70, AE. AD Bourboulon to Walewski, 1 July, 1858, ps. of 2 July, CP, vol. 22, fol. 86, AE. 41 Bourboulon to Walewski, 21 June, CP, vol. 22, fol. 103–104. AE. 42 Circular, 22 June, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 94-95, AE. 41 Bourboulon to Walewski, 1 July, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 86, AE. 44 Bourboulon to Walewski, 1 July, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 84, AE. 45 Bourboulon to Walewski, 1 July, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 84, AE. 47 48 49 Ibid., fol. 86. Gros to Imperial Commissioner, 5 July, 1858, CP, vol. 23, fol. 62-63, AE. Elgin to Foreign Office, no date, CP, vol. 25, fol. 154, AE. Elgin to Foreign Office, July, CP, vol. 25, fol. 155-157, AE. 50 Bourboulon to Walewski, 21 July, 1858, CP, vol. 22. fol. 103-104, AE, and D'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 8 August, 1858, BB 4 763, AN. 51 Alcock to Acting French Consul Trenqualye, I August, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 125 and Bourboulon to Walewski, 5 August, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 101, AE. 52 Gros to Walewski, 10 August. 1858, CP, vol. 25, fol. 217-220. The second letter which lists 400 troops rather than the earlier 1000 is probably a correction of the total number of French soldiers. 53 Gros to Bourboulon, 14 August, 1858, CP, vol. 25, fol. 250, AE. 54 Gros to Walewski, 14 August, 1858, CP, vol. 25, fol. 216, AE. Bourboulon to Walewski, 20 August, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 132, AE. 56 Bourboulon to Walewski, 2 September, 1858, CP, vol. 25, fol. 256, AE. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 34 THROUGH HISTORICAL RECORDS AND ANCIENT WRITINGS IN SEARCH OF THE GIANT PANDA* Père David's discovery WEI PER TI In 1869, the western world was regaled with the glad tidings that a heretofore unknown animal had been found in China. It was not exactly running to ground the legendary unicorn, but still joyful news indeed to the handful of scientists who had been anxious to locate concrete evidence of this elusive animal, reputed to be roaming the dense bamboo jungles in the mountains of southwestern China. L'Abbé Armand David, a French naturalist and missionary, known to his colleagues simply as Père David, was given the pelt of a large, predominantly white mammal by hunters of southwestern China who had called it a white bear, (baixiong). This pelt, "du fameux ours blanc et noir", was dispatched post-haste to Paris, where it was subsequently identified as that of a new species, ailuropoda melanoleusa, literally black and white panda foot. The animal was called the giant panda in English, to distinguish it from the smaller and reddish-coloured lesser panda, ailurus fulgens styani (Thomas). It was clear from Père David's diary that he himself had never seen a live panda, only the pelt of the animal Panda hunts The final decades of the nineteenth century and early years of the twentieth witnessed adventurers pressing into the wilds of Africa and Asia. American and European explorers were interested in hunting * Grateful thanks are due Joyce Wu Tong of the Sinological Institute of the University of Leiden who has made it possible for me to research this article while ensconced in the deserts of the Middle East. I would also like to thank Linda L. Reichert, Reference Librarian of the American Museum of Natural History in New York City, for making available copies of the museum's journal of the 1930s through my good friend Anne Phipps Sidamon-Eristoff, Vice-President of the museum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 42 The search for the giant panda through Chinese historical records and ancient writings represented an interesting exercise. Nevertheless, no positive statement can be made that the Chinese had known about the giant panda before the pelt was brought to western attention. Père David, it is safe to say, may continue to bask in glory as the discoverer of the giant panda for the whole world, including China. baixiong 白熊 Bishan 璧山 Bishi 壁溪 GLOSSARY Erya 爾雅 Li Shizhen 李時珍 Liaodong 遼東 Lolo 玀羅 Ming 明 mo 貘 Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 pixiu 貔貅 Sima Qian 司馬遷 Sichuan 四川 Shandong 山東 Xuande 宣德 Wuding 武定 Yunglo 永樂 Yunnan 雲南 Zhou 周 zhouyu 州圉 Zhu Su 朱橚 BIBLIOGRAPHY Brightwell, L. R., "The Giant Panda, Its History in Ancient China and Modern Europe”, Field 187:497-498 (London, 1946) David, Armand, "Journal d'un Voyage dans le centre de la Chine et dans le Thibet Oriental", Nouvelle Archives Musée Naturelle de Paris (Bulletins) 10:3-82 (Paris, 1874) Fox, Helen (editor and translator), Abbé David's Diary, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1949. Dictionary of Ming Biography 1368-1644, New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1976. Essay on Li Shih-chen (1518-1593) by L. Carrington Goodrich and Chaoying Fang, I:859-865. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 53 as could be expected under present conditions. The Board felt it could propose, however, that children should not be employed in factories and workshops after 6 p.m. except when special permission had been obtained from the Board, for such employment must be injurious to the health of young children who would certainly be better in bed than working by artificial light in stuffy rooms. As the returns obtained by the committee on working conditions showed that most factories stopped work at 6 p.m., the prohibition of children working after this hour would not interfere to any appreciable extent in "the better managed factories and workshops”. Mr. Bowley admitted that the fixing of the age limit at fourteen was a compromise. In England a ten hour day was the maximum for women and children of any age. For Hong Kong he would have wished an age limit much higher than fourteen, but the Chinese members of the committee had not agreed and “for the sake of unanimity I accepted the age proposed by them". The Chinese also urged the lowering of the English statutory age of fourteen for children engaged in dangerous occupations to the age of thirteen. They claimed that Chinese children developed more rapidly than European children. There would be another difference between the factory legislation in Britain and in Hong Kong: both had a limit of ten hours, but in Britain there was to be no work on Saturday afternoon or Sunday, thus there was a work week of fifty-five hours, while in Hong Kong, where there were only two holidays every lunar month, the weekly average would be sixty-five hours. All in all, Mr. Bowley regarded the recommendation before the meeting as reasonable and moderate and should “commend itself to every fair-minded person”. Mr. Alabaster, the Chairman of the Board, put in a cautionary note. He conceded that everyone would be in sympathy with the proposed regulations, but how were they to be administered? The burden of the Sanitary Department would be greatly increased. One problem for the Inspectors would be to determine the age of Chinese children and it would be difficult for them to state what would be injurious to a child. The ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 62 as they can, it shows the need for some laws to help people in spite of themselves". She realized that “the people one is trying most to help are the ones who will most rebel against it'. Miss Pitts appealed to Christian principles and the influence she believed they exerted. “I do think we should have a very strong Christian conscience on this matter. What is being done by young Chinese, by students and the younger leaders of the day, is really all the results of Christianity. It is Christianity that makes them see that women and children ought not to be oppressed and that money made at the expense of exploiting human strength is not money one would like exactly to possess. A columnist in the Hong Kong Telegraph who regularly provided "Rambling Thoughts on Current Matters" took exception to Miss Pitts crediting Christianity with all social advance. It was part of a new spirit, he said, which “in spite of wars and the brutality and bestiality attendant on wars, is steadily and ceaselessly at work". He, however, commended the general remarks of Miss Pitts. He testified that the blunt manner in which she had dealt with the question of child labour had made him uncomfortable. He saw a hard road ahead of those who were advocating change. Something would be done only if they kept on shouting until they got near to being troublesome, for "the only way to get things done in a place like Hong Kong is to make yourself almost a nuisance”. Report of the Commission on Child Labour 15 The report of the Commission on Child Labour was placed before the Legislative Council on 27 September 1921. The Commission had collected evidence from ten factories. This showed that few children worked less than seventy hours a week. Most were on piece work. In a tobacco factory the children were on a time rate of twelve cents for a nine-hour day. There were no rest halls, eating rooms or wash houses. Mr. Li Ping, a member of the committee, was commended for providing a school for small children whose mothers worked at his factory at Sham Shui Po. On the other hand, conditions were particularly bad at a glass factory where boys worked from 6 a.m. to 11 p.m. for a dollar a month plus their board and lodging. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 63 ― The Commission recommended the following: (1), compulsory registration; (2), prohibition of employment of children under the age of eleven by Chinese reckoning this might mean nine years; (3), weekly hours to be limited to fifty-four with not more than five hours of continuous work and no work between 7 p.m. and 6 a.m.; (4), no employment of children in glass factories and no use of boys in boiler-chipping: (5), no dangerous trade to employ children; (6), employers to be obliged to provide dining and rest halls with suitable material for first aid; and (7), the appointment of factory inspectors. In an appendix to the report the Rev. R. H. Wells describes some of the findings of his personal investigation of the problem. Having heard that children were carrying loads to the Peak, I made a visit to one of their halts. A number of women and children were sitting down, and my attention was first called to a boy who seemed to be very weak if not ill. He was eating but seemed to have little appetite for it, the time was about 9.30 a.m. His mother was sitting beside him, evidently somewhat anxious about him. I asked his age, and she said about nine or ten (Chinese reckoning). On being asked what burden the boy was carrying, she pointed to many loads and said “that one”, adding, "There are many more, ask them". I looked about and saw a small boy, he was eight years of age (English reckoning say about six and half years). He was with his mother and she said that he must work or he would not have food to eat. The mother was a widow and came to Hong Kong to get work, and finding that the boy could also get work, had set him to earn what he could. He had two loads of twenty-two catties (twenty-nine pounds each). Those loads he took one by one, carrying each a short distance and then returning to the other. Further inquiry elicited information to the effect that he had his breakfast at 5 a.m. and began to carry at a place near the central market on the sea front at 6 a.m. and had got so far. His work would be finished at about 5 p.m. He would earn eight cents for a day's work, carrying fifty-eight pounds (forty-four catties) weight of coal to the Peak. It was stated that he could only ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q NOTES 69 E See my article "The Chinese Church, Labour and Elites and the Mui Tsai Question in the 1920s', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 21, 1981, pp. 91-113. Quoted in "Report on Labour Conditions at Canton", CO129, microfilm of Colonial Office records in the Public Records Office, London, reel 457, p. 653. Daily Press, 19 Dec., 1918. Daily Press, 15 Mar., 1919. Daily Press, 6 Mar., 1919. CL Daily Press, 27, 28, 29 May, 1919. 7 H 小 Daily Press, 29 May, 1919. Daily Press, 17 Apr., 1920. Hong Kong Telegraph, 17 Apr., 1920. I Daily Press, 20 May, 1920. Daily Press, 10 June, 1920. CO129/465 p. 307, 17 Dec., 1920. 11 Daily Press, 16 Feb., 1921. Daily Press, 27 Oct., 1921. 15 Hong Kong Telegraph, 29 Oct., 1921. Daily Press, 29 Oct., 1921. 17 ibid. China Mail, 28 Oct., 1921. 19 Hong Kong Telegraph, 28 Oct., 1921. 20 Hong Kong Hansard, Session 1922 pp. 92-95. Daily Press, 29 Sept., 1921. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 70 LEGENDS AND STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES I TAI PO 大埔* SUNG HOK-P'ANG The original name of Tai Po (大埔) meaning big slope, was Tai Po (大步) meaning big stride. There is a story that many thousands of years ago there was a dense forest where Tai Po now stands. It was infested with wild and dangerous creatures, and the villagers round about were afraid to go in it. If they had to go they warned each other, saying "Take long strides, otherwise the tigers and snakes will get you!” So that gradually the place became known as Tai Po. Although the story has been handed down from generation to generation, there is some indication of truth in it, in the fact that when the present road was made through the district the roots of huge trees were dug up. What might be a further proof that the district was originally a densely wooded one, is the fact that there is a hill just outside Tai Po Market known as Kam Shaan (錦山) (embroidered mountain) which until quite recently was very thickly covered with trees. It was originally called Kam Shaan (禁山) (forbidden mountain) being held in veneration as Fung Shui by the villagers of Tai Po Tau, (大埔頭) who had protected the trees for many centuries, until they were cut down and houses built on the hill a few years ago. (5) From the fourth year of Hoi Po (A.D. 971) of Sung dynasty until the twenty-fourth year of Ka Hing (A.D. 1819) of * Sung Hok-p'ang wrote a number of articles on the history of the New Territories which were published in The Hong Kong Naturalist between May 1935 and November 1938. Owing to the difficulty of finding copies of the originals, these articles have been reissued in the Journal. The articles on the history of Kam Tin were reissued in Vol. 13, pages 111-129 and Vol. 14, pages 160-185. The following short articles complete the reissues. The attention of readers is drawn to the Editor's note at Vol. 13, page 111, and to the Note, Sung Hok-p'ang (宋學鵬) (1880-1962) A Memoir by Lo Hsiang-lin, in Vol. 13, pages 130-132. This article on Tai Po was originally printed in The Hong Kong Naturalist for May 1935. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 79 and traced it to a stone cave. There he found Pooi To lying dead. His old torn coat was beneath him, but round his head and feet a lot of water-lilies were growing. Much grieved, Lei left the cave, and the next morning he came back with a coffin. He found the water-lilies all dead, but Pooi To still there, so he buried him and went home sadly. Several days later a traveller from the North visited Lei and mentioned that he had seen Pooi To walking with his rice basket towards a place called P'aang Sheng (b). Lei was astonished and could not believe it, and argument followed, and to prove he was right Lei took the traveller to where Pooi To had been buried. With much effort Lei dug up the coffin, and opened it. All that was inside was a pair of old shoes. When Pooi To arrived at Paang Sheng a very poor scholar named Wong Yan (Milk) entertained him in his house. Wong was ashamed of his poverty and being only able to give his guest corn to eat, but Pooi To said, "This is the best food in the world". After staying with him about six months Pooi To said to Wong one day, "I have need of thirty-six rice baskets. Get them at once for me". Wong was much distressed and answered, "I have only got ten and I am so poor I cannot afford to buy more, what can I do?" Pooi To comforted him, and said, "There is no need to buy, look about your house". Wong did what he was told, and in all sorts of corners rice baskets appeared, until he found to his amazement that he had collected thirty-six in his yard. Most of them were dirty and broken, but Pooi To told him to go round and count them again carefully, after which they all appeared quite new. Then Pooi To wrapped each basket up separately and when that was done, he told Wong to open them again. Each basket was full of coins. Wong did not keep all the money himself, but gave generously to others in need. Pooi To stayed with Wong for a year, and then quite suddenly he said one day, "I must go". Wong hastened to cook a farewell meal, but, even before it was ready, Pooi To had disappeared as mysteriously as he had come. About a month later Pooi To appeared in a place called Ng Kwan (B) a prefecture in the east of China. Pooi To walked by the sea shore and met an old fisherman, and begged a fish from him. The fisherman refused, but after Pooi To had continued to worry him for some time, he picked up a very stale and putrifying fish, and threw it ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 89 touched anything belonging to the people, however. They then ventured up the Canton river, burning ships and attacking Canton itself. At last Chau was captured by the Ts'ing general, Cheung (), and Lei put out to sea again and kept his junks near Taai P'aang (A) now Kowloon city. In the 3rd year of Hong Hei, 1664, a battle was fought off Kowloon city between Cheung and Lei. The latter was beaten, and was forced to take refuge at Tung Ch'ung (Hafi) on Taai Ue Shaan (AMBULI), Lantau Island. There now followed a time of great distress for the unhappy country people. More villages were forced to move, and the people treated with great harshness. Many of them who refused to go or even hesitated were killed by the soldiers. At the beginning of the Ts'in Fuk the people imagined that it was only a temporary measure and they managed to keep together with their wives and children. But after three years had passed they found themselves without means of livelihood. So the husbands left their wives, the fathers left their children, and the elder brothers younger brothers, each pushing north in the hope of finding work, leaving behind them the sound of crying and sorrow. In the 8th month of the 3rd year of Hong Hei a man named Yuen Sze To (AP48), a Foo Muk (11) (an official title meaning "Head of relief and soothing of the people") disobeyed the order to move over the boundary, and collecting a crowd of discontented country people, he made a stronghold in Lik Yuen (HM) a village near Sha Tin. He had other quarters in Kwun Foo (1fif), now Kowloon city and his followers acted as bandits robbing and killing as they pleased. They gave much trouble to the Ts'ing government, as when the soldiers were sent out to search the solitary parts for people hiding in order to avoid being moved, they were often set on by Yuen's band and either robbed or killed by them. Eventually they were exterminated after a long time by an officer named Tseung Wang Yun (1479) who was sent with a large company of soldiers to Sha Tin for that purpose. The following year a system of beacons was started along the coast to be used as signals in case of attack. In the same year the retiring Viceroy Lei Sut T'aai (4) in his Wai Soh (6) a valedictory address to Emperor Hong Hei, asked him not to press too firmly the question of removing the people over the boundary. "When I was in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 90 Kwangtung province formerly, I found the people could earn their living. Latterly since the people have been moved inside the boundary, they have gradually died off. Out of every ten of them about eight or nine have been killed by the removal. The best thing that can be done at present, as we cannot allow them to return to their homes, is to allow the boundary limit to be made larger so that the farmers may find a place to farm and the fishermen room for fishing." Nothing came of the position, but the Viceroy's interest in their plight was remembered by the people and they were grateful to him. In the 5th year of Hong Hei there was a bad drought in Kwangtung and the Emperor gave order that the rice kept in the Government granaries should be given to the people. It was during that year the San On district was abolished, all government appointments there were cancelled, and what was originally San On was added to Tung Kwun (東莞). During this time the Governor Wong Loi Yam (黃律琰) wrote a report to the throne suggesting that six principal causes of growing discontent should be removed. At first no notice was taken of this effort but in the 6th year of Hong Hei, when things were getting worse, the Emperor allowed Governor Wong's suggestions to be carved on stone tablets, and each city gate had one of the tablets displayed there. Beyond that, the Emperor did nothing, but the fact that someone was interesting himself on their behalf helped to soothe the increasing resentment of the people. The Governor Wong was a very good man and he made great improvements in a lot of government affairs. It is said that he dressed as a common man during his leisure and spent much time talking to the simple farming people. In this way he learnt much about his subordinates, which were good and which were bad, and he really benefited his people. But he was unable to get on with the ministers in Peking and in the following year he was dismissed by the Emperor and ordered to return to Peking. When Wong received the message of his dismissal he wrote his valedictory address and in it he mentioned five important steps which should be taken to ease the burden on his people. Two of these were that the numbers of troops should be reduced in Kwangtung, and the boundary be removed, the people being allowed to return to their homes. He then started off for Peking, but a Lei P’aai (里排) (chief of the village elders) named Poon Shai Ts'eung (潘世璋) heard about this, and went to beg the Emperor to allow Wong to retain his post. Wong died, whether... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 196 NOTES 1 Cordier, Henri. "The Life and labours of Alexander Wylie." Chinese Researches (Shanghai). 1897, p. 13. 2 Bridgman, Elijah C. Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JNCBARS), Vol. I (Old Series), 1858, p. 11. 3 Ibid, p. 13. 4 Cordier. "letter" JNCBRAS. Vol. XXXV, 1903-4 p. P. xiii. 5 Pott, F. L. Hawkes. A Short History of Shanghai. Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, 1928, p. 85. 6 Cordier. "letter” JNCBRAS. Vol. XXXV, 1903-4, p. xiv. 7 JNCBRAS. Vol. V, p. viii. 8 Cordier. "letter' JNCBRAS. Vol. XXXV, 1903-4, p. xiv-xv. 9 Cordier. "Preface to the First Edition" in the Catalogue of the North China Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, in JNCBRAS, Vol, VII, p.i. 10 Ibid. pp. i-ii. 11 JNCBRAS. Vol. X, p. ii. 12 Cordier. "letter" JNCBRAS. Vol. XXXV, 1903-4, p. xx. 13 JNCBRAS. Vol. XII, p. ii. 14 JNCBRAS. Vol. XIV, p.i. 15 Ibid. p. xii. 16 JNCBRAS. Vol. XIV, p. iv. 17 JNCBRAS. Vol. XXI, pp. 358-359. 18 JNCBRAS. Vol. XXVIII, p. 19 JNCBRAS. Vol. XXXIV, pp. 337-8. 20 Ayscough, Florence Wheelock. "Preface to the Fourth Edition" in the Catalogue of the North China Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, (Shanghai, 1909), pp. vi-ix. 21 JNCBRAS. Vol. XL, p. 22 Darwent, C. E. Shanghai: a handbook for travellers and residents, 2nd ed. (Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, 1920), pp. 171-2. 23 JNCBRAS, Vol. XLII, p. 260. 24 Ibid. p. 259. 25 JNCBRAS. Vol. XLVIII, p. vii. 26 JNCBRAS. Vol. LI, p. vii. 27 JNCBRAS. Vol. XLVII, p. 88. 28 "Preface to the Fifth Edition" in the Catalogue of the North China Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Shanghai, 1921, u.p. 29 JNCBRAS. Vol LVII, p.i. 30 JNCBRAS. Vol. LXI, p, viii. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 212 agricultural calendar, this falls in September rather than July as in Yunnan. Needham was able to find no references from the north of China to hot air balloons, and this local custom in the New Territories may well be yet one more case of the New Territories villagers sharing with the South Chinese minority tribes a traditional practice not known to the Chinese north of the Kwangtung-Fukien mountains. P. H. Hase + NOTES J. Needham Science and Civilization in China Vol. 4 Part 2, 1965, pp. 595-599 I have not been able to spot any references to hot air balloons in the Romance of the Three Kingdoms, which contains most of what is told about Chuko Liang. The germ of the connection may be the night signal of seven lamps" which Chuko Liang used at Ch'ishan (Chapter 103, Romance of the Three Kingdoms). Detail in this Note is taken from interviews with Mr. CHÔI Kam-chuen, retired village representative of Tai Wai, Sha Tin, and other Sha Tin and Tuen Mun villagers, and particularly with Mr. LEE, village representative of Wo Hang, Sha Tau Kok, and other Wo Hang villagers. My particular thanks are due to Mr. LEE Man-yip of Wo Hang. + On the importance of those practices, which required the co-operation of village youths, see the author's "Observations at a Village Funeral" in From Village to City ed D. Faure, J. Hayes, A. Birch, Hong Kong 1984, pp. 129-163, espec. pp. 129-137, and also D. Faure The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, Hong Kong, p. 96. Needham op. cit. The Yunnan hot air balloons are quoted by Needham from J. Goullart, The Forgotten Kingdom 1955, p. 178. The Yunnan balloons were fired by bundles of splintered pine twigs, and were able to fly for only a few minutes. The Yunnan balloons. like those in the New Territories, were made of paper pasted over hoops of split bamboo: presumably the hoop was a rim-hoop. A SILVER BRACELET WITH AN ANCIENT GREEK COIN FOUND IN WEWAK, EAST SEPIK PROVINCE, PAPUA NEW GUINEA A silver bracelet was found in the sand on a raised beach in Wewak, at a depth of approximately 0.5 m in disturbed ground. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 213 The bracelet itself is made of three silver wires, each about 2 mm. diameter, braided together. One of the ends is welded to a small cylindrical silver box while the other is free. Part of the free end has been cut off and what remains is 17.50 cm. long. The box is flat, about 2 cm. across by 8 mm. thick. On the upper surface is framed a silver coin with, in relief, a Greek head or bust, the Greek letters T A PA (Tara) and a zoomorphic figure representing a dolphin. On the opposite side of the box, the disc is plain except for the letters G.A.S. in a central cavity. Three scars are visible on the surface, caused by three pins welded to the coin below. Opposite to the joint of the wire, the box has a small opening obviously allowing the free end of the bracelet to be inserted into the box and locked. The box and bracelet are of recent, probably Indian manufacture, and the letters G.A.S. appearing in the box probably appeared in the scrap silver from which the box was made. A circular frame closes the box and keeps the coin in position. This ring can be removed, setting the coin free. On the back of the coin is, in relief, the figure of a riding horseman. In front of the figure is a sign like a thunderbolt with, below, the Greek letters AПOA. The coin, relatively well preserved, has been damaged by several incisions made with a sharp steel point and the welding of three pins at three equidistant points from the perimeter of the coin to keep it level with the surface of the box. There is also welded on the side of the coin, corresponding to the opening on the box, a small flat piece of silver with a little notch at the middle for the purpose of locking the free end of the bracelet. The clear centre of the disc inside the box may indicate that it contained some relics. At the centre of the disc the letter θ (th) seems to appear but it may simply be the ghost of the impression on the other side. The Coin According to Mr. John P. Sharpley, Curator of Numismatics at the Museum of Victoria, "The coin appears to be a very good silver copy of the gold stater* of Tarentum, Italy. It is believed that the original coins were struck between 344 and 334 B.C". 1 * Stater or Sesterce, Sestertius: Contraction of semi-tertius i.e. 21⁄2 asses; a Roman silver coin equal to 1⁄4 of a denarius. Also Persian coin (stater), From ETATHP (ETA = base, to stand). See Plates 9 and 10. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 226 to this one, although the bamboo arm-rest was a bit of a luxury not always found! This latrine was probably built early this century. Sheung Wo Hang had 30 latrines to service its approximately 100 families at the time of the Block Crown Lease in 1905; the great majority of them were very close in style and construction to this one. NOTES P. H. Hase 2 Journal Vol. 23, 1983, p. 241-246. My thanks are due to Mr. M.Y. Lee, of Sheung Wo Hang village, for drawing the latrine to my attention, and for helping me to measure it. See plan attached, and plate 11. 4 See plate 12. A NOTE ON RICE HULLERS (RE) In March 1972, I visited the New Territories' village of Ma Yau Tong, situated off the Po Lam road leading to Rennie's Mill in Junk Bay. I knew the village representative, Mr. Li Tak (...) from my days as District Officer South, 1957-60. He was aged 79 in 1972. With friends from Ngau Tau Kok old village in East Kowloon, who knew the Ma Yau Tong people, I looked carefully round the houses, paying special attention to old ones and their contents. Like most N.T. villages, Ma Yau Tong had been a rice-growing settlement, but in their case they had stopped planting some 10 to 15 years before my visit. I was interested in the farming tools and equipment, and made notes on a pair of rice hullers that we saw. However, we were only able to learn the details about one of them. The other was much older, and had been in the house longer than the old lady who lived there. As she had already lived in the village for 48 years, after marrying into one of the village families when she was 20 years old, it had obviously been made before about 1920. “About 100 years", they guessed, but ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 229 **Small Papers**", Measuring only three inches square, they were issued at or near the time of the survey, to the persons who claimed each plot of land and would later have to substantiate their claims before the land court by producing acceptable proof of their ownership under Chinese rule. A group of miscellaneous land papers was given to me thirty years ago by the elder of the Chi(i) clan of Shek Pik, a multi-clan village on Lantau Island, then in the course of removal to make way for the construction of a large reservoir intended to improve the Hong Kong water supply. This unexpected presentation followed the settlement of compensation for all land in the valley. Whilst I made use of most of these papers to write about the village,2 I had forgotten about the chi tsai which came with them until the other day. Looking again at the Shek Pik papers, I realised that they had something more to tell us about the village at that time than I had squeezed out of the rest. In the first place, there were two different kinds of chi tsai. One sort was printed on one side only (See Plate 14). The other, though identical with the other in that respect, was also printed on the reverse (See Plate 15). They were otherwise the same. The most likely reason for their similarity is that the second type represents a second printing, when the opportunity was taken to add headings of information that were being written by hand on the earlier version. Presumably, there were stocks of both kinds available to the government staff working at Shek Pik, as the information being recorded on them relates to the same man and his property in the several demarcation districts allocated to the several parts of the area, and gives every indication of having been collected at the same time. All the chi tsai relate to one man, named Chi Yau-kei(!). In all there are 23 of the first kind, and 16 of the second. A list of the information contained on them is given in the Table. It is not known whether the chi tsai are the total number issued to Chi Yau-kei, though a search of the ownership schedules would confirm or reject this possibility. Quite possibly they do not. A note on one of the chi tsai states "B.18. p.7 & 8. 21 Chi Tsai lost?" (See Plate 14) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 241 rise and decline of lineages and villages, of their alliances and rivalry, and of the domination of some over others". In the process of reconstructing that political history, it evolved eventually into an essay **on the social milieu out of which territorial arrangements were created and maintained over several centuries" (emphasis mine). By the end of the introduction, however, this goal of writing a political history of the New Territories is made even more modest; as he says, "the historical account is meant in the first place, to serve as an empirical test of the general conception of the lineage suggested by Freedman and which is modified here”, (p. 11) A tall order, I would say, for such modest ambitions. Ironically, almost everything about the book suggests that this is not your typical case study in social history. Rather than placing his case analysis within an historical or geographical framework as appears to be the normal practice in local historiography, the contents of the book read more like your typical ethnography. The first chapter entitled Theoretical Considerations attempts to define his basis units of analysis, namely the village and lineage, primarily in light of Freedman's theory. The second chapter is a brief ethnohistorical background to the New Territories. Chapters 3-6 spell out the sequential building blocks of "lineage society in the New Territories, citing examples from throughout the territory to illustrate his points. In Chapter 3, he discusses the nature of rights of settlement which, according to him, are the basis upon which membership into a village is constituted and through which the **naturalization” of outsiders of pre-existing lineage communities is negotiated. Chapter 4 focuses on the varieties of "lineage-building" in the New Territories. Chapter 5 emphasizes the role of religion in the symbolic representation of village communities. Chapter 6 deals with the various kinds of territorial arrangements that underlie the constitution of villages and village clusters in the New Territories. Chapter 7 pursues focal territorial organization at a higher level by describing the various kinds of regional alliances found in the New Territories. Chapter 8 discusses the importance of government and gentry in relation to the lineage, and this is followed by a discussion in Chapter 9 of the overlapping of greater and smaller traditions within the domains of local religion and ancestor worship. The Making of Lineage Society in Chapter 10 outlines in political historical terms the rise and fall of "The Five Great Clans" of the New Territories as the precursor for the development ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 246 Thus, contrary to Faure's "modest" claims, I see very little in his alternative thesis which offers any criticism of Freedman's model worthy of anthropological note, unless of course one finds it fair to force any body of ideas to answer questions it was not initially intended nor prepared to ask. Ironically, there is more in this book which is broadly supportive of lineage theory than contrary to it. For one thing, Faure's talk of lineage society as being real would have been enough to make Meyer Fortes, Maurice Freedman and other ancestors of lineage theory jump out of their graves in delight, especially if viewed in light of recent attacks by anthropologists who have argued that “descent groups” and **social structure** are imaginary constructs which have no basis in empirical reality at all. (Holy 1979, Dumont 1970) Even Faure's attempt to dissociate the village as something that should be understood in its own terms is confounded by his failure to look at the village as anything other than the aggregation of descent groups. In short, his talk of rights of settlement, rules of inheritance, genealogical linkages, membership criteria and relations to inalienable property reproduces the whole language of descent and social structure which is at the root of lineage theory (in any of its versions). To wit (anthropologists, take note), The history of the lineage is one of the most important means of recording village membership, and given the fact that settlement rights are inheritable until they are surrendered, for instance, by the act of moving away, this is exactly what the researcher should expect of the villager's narrative. (p. 30) Nonetheless, the founding of separate lineages, each holding independent settlement rights, but which retained the claim to, even if they did not practice, common ancestral worship, is clearly illustrated. The acquisition of independent settlement rights was, no doubt, a stage in lineage segmentation. (p. 47) I have described four dimensions of the lineage in the organization of the villages of the eastern New Territories. First, the lineage embodies the inheritance of the rights of settlement in the village. Second, it is the corporate body, or the collection of corporate bodies, that holds property. Page 270 Page 271 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 247 Third, it serves as an alliance across common surname groups. Fourth, it represents a claim to official status. In no case is it a substitute for the territorial community. The territorial community is represented by a different religion. It may be subsumed under the lineage; it often is in the case of single-lineage villages, (p. 166) The transition from bad anthropology to good anthropology is a difficult one, even for anthropologists. I suggest therefore that Faure drop the anthropology altogether.' With regard to the second dimension of Faure's work, I am somewhat disturbed by Faure's argument that the ancestral halls and grand written genealogies produced during the period of "The Five Great Clans” were simply status symbols which were meant to provide a kind of facade in dealing with official policy at the time. This is like saying people starch their shirts and blow dry their hair because it is the “in-thing" to do. It hardly suffices as any kind of serious explanation. Historians and anthropologists of China have known for a quite long time that large-scale agnatic organization of the kind which has typified the Chinese lineage is for the most part a phenomenon seen no earlier than the Ming. I think Faure's criticism of historians who have been content to focus purely upon the "visible" aspects of the lineage as text in the form of ancestral halls and genealogies is a legitimate complaint. But I think we are far from pinpointing the ideological and sociological roots of that phenomenon. More than just ancestral halls, genealogies and official policies, there exists in other words a whole complex of factors which underlies that total social phenomenon. On a methodological note, there is a further danger in Faure's insistence that ancestral halls and genealogies were just public status symbols, to wit the following: Nevertheless, the establishment of these ancestral halls represented an important stage in lineage-building because they provided symbols of territorial and lineage unity: fronts, if one wishes to call them that, behind which the segmented bodies tracing common descent might appear as corporate bodies in regional politics and in dealings with the yamen. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 248 The precise uses to which this new social organization might be put varied. (p. 160, emphasis mine) If all of this can be reduced to "politics", then what are we to think of political history as a kind of historiography? Is it just the history of politicking and wheeler-dealerism at the local level? It is precisely this kind of eventual but nonanalytical historiography which gave rise to more serious forms of social history in the first place. If Faure is sincerely interested in reconstructing such a social history, I think one can only conclude that his historical synthesis remains premature, to say the least, in spite of his bold intentions. Similarly, with regard to his critique of anthropological attempts to perceive the ancestral hall as a locus of communal wealth, to the contrary, I think Freedman comes away unscathed. An anthropologist of functionalist persuasion is not interested in whether property is bestowed as a royal fiefdom or accumulated over generations as a process "on the ground". In the end, the ancestral hall is made possible only as a condition of that pre-existing wealth. Simple (and ridiculous) as it may seem, this is in the nature of a functionalist argument. On the other hand, Faure would have been much more to the point had he been able to see that this argument was made possible only under the assumption that one can explain in theoretical terms the operation of a lineage apart from the circumstances of its historical evolution. This is, of course, the point of departure for Freedman's attempt to construct a model of Chinese lineage organization, irrespective of actual historical considerations. Faure's data shows instead that the kind of phenomenon one has taken to be the sociological ideal-type of the Chinese lineage is in fact a historical peculiarity rather than the inevitable consequence of the model itself. Moreover, rather than seeing the ostentatious ancestral halls of "The Five Great Clans" as being exceptional in comparison to more recent lineages which have not been able to replicate the "official style", as Faure put it, I have been struck by a peculiarity of a rather different kind which embraces both greater and lesser lineages found in the New Territories and perhaps elsewhere throughout south China as well. In all known instances, as one looks at individual villages, one rarely if ever finds ancestral halls for anything more than the founding ancestors or the founding segments (fong in Cantonese (C), fang in Mandarin (M)) of that village, even when there is sufficient corporate wealth to permit the establishment of further ancestral halls for subsidiary segments, as would be expected from ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 249 Freedman's model. All of this then suggests in my opinion that the localized cult of ancestral worship is a peculiar historical phenomenon which cannot be understood in terms of Freedman's model or any version of descent theory. I shall elaborate further in a later context. The third dimension of Faure's work concerns the linkage he claims exists between the fall of "The Great Five Clans" and the rise of other village-lineage formations as well as regional alliances called the yeuk in Cantonese (hsiang-yüeh (M)). His political argument that alliances of this sort were successfully suppressed in the past and could only have appeared when the former's sphere of influence was considerably weakened is not very convincing. By Faure's account, there were several kinds of yeuk in the New Territories, some of which had primarily defensive functions. It is a significant fact that the yeuk in the New Territories has had a short history beginning no earlier than the mid-19th century and faded from memory by the mid-20th century. Yet even in the archetypical case of a defensive alliance like Luk Yeuk, it came to light only under threat by a larger party regardless of whether the latter was on the decline or on the rise, and under such conditions it is perhaps easier to believe that the "great" lineage-village and the yeuk are both products of the same "structural" environment (as in the notion of a **village-temple alliance**; see Brim 1974). Unless Faure can produce examples of yeuk having been obliterated out of existence in the past by larger villages, I would prefer to believe that a yeuk could easily have maintained its existence especially if it was necessary for its continued survival. Moreover, in the case of the Luk Yeuk, many of its participating villages outside of the more established villages like Ping Yeung, Shan Kai Wat and Ping Che were small communities which hardly could have been called anything more than groups of households a century earlier. Therefore, the yeuk was to be sure a product of a particular (historically constituted) social milieu, but one is still far from pinpointing how that social milieu was defined in analytical terms. In short, while the contrast Faure wishes to make between the villages of the "great" era and later settlements is an interesting one, his point would have been better served by writing his political history as history or by isolating regions in light of their peculiar historical experiences. History is what the nature of the village and the local community in the New Territories is all about, not misguided attempts to abstract in functional terms the rights of settlement. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 253 being has any more to do with descent than with those rules which are constitutive of the village as a village. Especially in light of the above remarks pertaining to the irrelevance of ancestor worship to territorial residence, it should be ever clearer that only principles of locality can explain the constitution of territorial groups like the household, village and other higher-level groups, whether they are composed of one or many "descent groups". Yet in its present form, locality is a catch-all concept whose precise definition must be further understood properly in a concrete historical context. In relation to the problem of what constitutes the Chinese "lineage-village", it suffices to say for now that the group that prays together must be analytically distinguished from the group that stays together. If this is so, then the very terms single-(multi-) lineage village and (God forbid) real lineage society must be avoided as unnecessary illusions inculcated by a model of descent-cum-social structure. At this point, I agree superficially at least with Faure's basic point that villages and village clusters must be looked at in terms of villages and village clusters, to which I add the important clause regardless of how the village (cluster) "appears" to be constituted in descent terms. Even in the case of the ideal-typical "single-lineage village", one should not take for granted a priori that it is the descent principle more than anything else which accounts for the nature of that group as a group. In this regard, I think much more needs to be said about how villages have come to be settled in specific concrete historical situations rather than whether one can abstract in jural terms hard and fast rights of settlement. Contrary to Faure's claim (p. 30) that “no village could have been founded in the New Territories in the last five centuries unless the founding ancestors had come to terms with incumbents”, I suspect that the majority of multi-surname villages and village clusters have come about during the formative period when there was really no clear definition of an established "settlement” or village and instead a flexible aggregation of households. The “single-lineage” village of Wo Hang presently occupied by members surnamed Li tracing their origin as residents from the same settler is a case in point. For the first 3-4 generations of its 10-generation history, the aggregation of Li households could hardly have been called a village. Occupied during that time by 3 other surname groups, it was not even the first group of settlers there. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 259 NOTES There are several instances where Faure distorts the anthropological literature completely. The “frontier” which Pasternak (1969) refers to, for example, has to do with the socio-political consequences of a certain economic relationship between man and his use of specific strategic resources, namely water and land. Land reclamation is not an accurate translation of this frontier situation. Faure also reads Freedman's (1958:2) interpretation of a passage by Fei (1946: 1) superficially and without much understanding of its context or rhetorical intent. Freedman's purpose in quoting Fei was to argue that the function of the lineage as a political and local organization transcends its identity "in name” as a descent group. But it should be noted also that Freedman deliberately distorted Fei as well. Had Faure actually read Fei, he would have also discovered that the phenomenon which Fei (1946:5) was describing was not even a descent group at all, which should make it quite enigmatic indeed. Sometimes among the peasants, the clan is found, but it is of another kind. In Yunnan, for instance, I have seen that in villages local organization is formed in terms of clan which includes even members of different surnames. Functionally these are not strictly kinship groups. I shall leave open as to the nature of the so-called clan-village. I rather suspect that such an organization among the peasants is a local organization, not a kinship organization. When reading Fried as he does Freedman, Faure confuses the model for empirical reality. Underlying the petty disputes over the definition of lineages and clans as analytical constructs, Fried (1970) was trying to make a more important point about the political functions of a genealogy in allocating differential access to scarce strategic resources (i.e., lineage property), this according to Fried being more important than the existence of property per se. The relative distinction between stipulated and demonstrated descent must be understood in this light. Sheer numbers never mean anything. Even in Faure's (p. 96) analysis of a Chinese funeral, there is no a priori reason to believe that the lineage or village should have any role or obligation to play in ritual preparations. The scale of any such operation is always determined by the family of the deceased. “Work” is delegated among volunteers within the community (not necessarily a territorial one), whether it be neighbours, colleagues, or friends. Correspondingly, compensation for services rendered is made either as payment or as fa see. I suspect that variations in village organization and relationships within village clusters were shaped during the formative period prior to the time when the village had any formal identity. The diversity of local experience can only be attributed to the diversity of interaction within different villages. Rules prohibiting intermarriage in Man Uk Pin and the lack of an ancestral hall in Wong Keng Tei are other examples of local phenomena which must be understood in reference to the way the villagers themselves define or interpret the nature of their own community. See Strathern's (1984) study of the "community" in an English village. The whole problem with Faure's description of “lineage-building” is that it is too easy to project a genealogical structure onto residence patterns, especially with help from Block Crown Lease Demarcation District Maps and the like. As for the Sha Tin Wai example, I doubt whether Faure bothered to match up the registered ownership of houses with its actual inhabitants or even to seek informant testimony with regard to this period of household mobility. In practice, villages rarely update actual ownership records unless there is a conveyance of sale or other transaction that requires re-registration. That registered ownership is usually a couple of generations behind is thus the norm rather than the exception. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 260 exception. In villages affected by large-scale emigration, houses are often occupied by close agnates, making the inaccuracies of the official record even greater. How Faure was able then to extrapolate that a certain descendant must have moved out during a certain generation (p. 51) is pure and unfounded speculation. He (p. 57) should refrain therefore from talking about the native's "mental picture". 7 Please note that I do not claim that settling into a new village is impossible but rather unusual from a native's point of view. What is required on the part of the two parties is a mutual sense of "belonging" to the community, not just the fulfillment of “objective" membership criteria. In Wo Hang, the village I studied, it would be very easy to map out on the basis of genealogical information residence patterns according to affiliation to particular ancestral estates and to show that particular blocks of land "belong" to (the members of) specific estates. However, one has not proven that the villagers actually think in those terms. In fact, upon further questioning, they will repeatedly deny that there is any such territorial imperative and that people are "free" to live wherever they choose. When asked where they would build a new house if "free to choose", they would almost always build in the immediate neighborhood of their own house and in the vicinity of people with whom they are familiar (i.e., close relatives). There are many ways of maintaining one's closeness to one's heung-ha after physically living away. Building or maintaining a house there is the most obvious way of keeping a permanent base. Many overseas Chinese have built new houses in the village without the slightest intention of ever living there, instead letting a needy close relative live in it. In the final analysis, the commitment to remain a villager is determined by one's willingness to maintain ties of closeness, which may involve frequent contact or just the sending of photos to keep up one's memory. On the other hand, people who move away, for reasons of breaking off ties of closeness, can seldom be expected to return. For this reason, segments which have moved out to establish new villages do not feel "close" (in terms of chan) to its original village, despite the "genealogical" linkage. Anthropologists in particular have mistakenly contrasted the asymmetric segmentation of China to the balanced segmentation of the typical African case when in fact they are simply contrasting two different definitions. If the criteria of definition is wealth, then segmentation everywhere is in fact asymmetric, unless of course one admits to being communist. By its absence of an ancestral hall, the Lins of Wufeng should be a perfect example demonstrating that the cult of the ancestral hall is a phenomenon of locality which is not analyzable in terms of the model, structural or otherwise. The rise and fall of the yeuk is perhaps a good example reflecting changes of a social milieu-at-large. It is perhaps easier to argue that the "great" lineage-villages and the yeuk were products of the same "structural" environment. Such an argument has always been central to the concept of a so-called temple-alliance system. However, crucial to this **structural environment is much less the empirical existence of the social structure per se and more importantly the fact that this structure serves to define rights and obligations of persons “as against the world”, as Radcliffe-Brown put it. In historical terms, the yeuk and the temple-alliance system disappeared under the period of colonial pacification, which not only made such a system of security functionally unnecessary or superfluous but also made the idea of a territorial structure incompatible with the increasing penetration of a global economy and the dissolution of a traditionally regional consciousness. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q DAVID FAURE'S REJOINDER: There is much in this review that I dislike how can Chun take me to task, on the one hand, for dabbling in Anthropology, and on the other hand, conclude that I think “local history can be understood simply by looking at events and personages as they take place on the ground”? However, let me answer the several criticisms that I think touch on some of the major issues. First, Chun thinks I do not have a salient criticism of Freedman's thesis. Let me reiterate that much as we have learnt from Freedman, I found him wanting for not being able to incorporate village religion into his lineage framework, and for being sloppy in his use of terms such as "local lineage", "higher-level lineage" and "clan". I think my argument for the importance of "settlement rights" salvages his concept of the "local lineage". Second, Chun does not present here accurately my argument concerning the grandiose freestanding ancestral halls built in the official style. I do not argue that there was a "period" of the "Five Great Clans” not even in the eastern portion of the New Territories. I think the linkage of lineage groups across settlement, and the adoption of a code of conduct that included the compilation of written genealogies and that was consistent with officially prescribed standards, took root as a change in style that began in the sixteenth century and gradually worked its way from the richer and more powerful lineages to the poorer ones. This process took fully three centuries, and during this period different territorial groups dominated different parts of the eastern New Territories. In a nutshell, Lung Yeuk Tau (Tang surname) was overlord of all this area, with minor concessions to the Haus of Hung Leng and Ho Sheung Heung, up to the end of the Ming dynasty, The Lius of Sheung Shui sprang into prominence in the early Qing, nibbling into former Tang terrain, while possibly some time in the eighteenth century, the Hung Leng Haus lost their holdings. Of the other two surnames in the “Five”, the Fan Ling P'aangs did not achieve prominence until the nineteenth century, and while the Tai Hang Mans were taken into account by Lung Yeuk Tau, Sheung Shui and Ho Sheung Heung when the Po Tak Tz Old Alliance was formed in the early Qing (possibly eighteenth century), its influence declined subsequently until it became a party of the Kau Yeuk, along with the P'aangs, that founded Tai Po new market in the late nineteenth century. This history notwithstanding, my argument is quite simply that the ancestral worship one sees the villagers practise ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE 34 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir David Wilson, K.C.M.G. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1989 President: J.W. Hayes, I.S.O., M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.DIV. Hon. Secretary: Eveline M. Caldwell, M.A., M.B.C.S., F.Coll.P., M.I.E.E. Hon. Treasurer: Robert Nield, F.C.A., F.H.K.S.A. Hon. Editors: David Faure, B.A., Ph.D. Hon. Librarian: Peter Yeung, B.A., M.L.S. Councillors: Phillip Bruce Michael Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D. Y.W. Lau, B.A., Ph.D. Elizabeth Sinn, B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D. A.K.K. Siu, B.A., M.A., Ph.D. P.H. Hase, B.A., Ph.D. Anita Wilson, M.A. iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT HON. TREASURER'S REPORT HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT ARTICLES: Dan Waters LIBRARIES 138 1937. vii AR In the Steps of Lu Pan: Reminiscences of Building in Hong Kong K.J.P. Lowe Hong Kong, 26 January 1841: Hoisting the Flag Revisited Keith Stevens The Jade Emperor and his Family, Yu Huang Ta Ti Keith Stevens - Fukienese Wang Yeh (Ong Ya [Hokkien]) P.H. Munro-Faure The Kiukiang Incident of 1927 A.D. Blackburn Hong Kong, December 1941 July 1942 Chan Ka-yan Joss Stick Manufacturing: A Study of a Traditional Industry in Hong Kong P.H. Hase Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz, An Old Buddhist Nunnery in the New Territories and its Place in Local Society J.H. Haan Thalia and Terpsichore on The Yangtze, Survey of Foreign Theatre and Music in Shanghai 1850-1865 Fred Dagenais John Fryer's Early Years in China: I. Diary of His Voyage to Hong Kong Chan Wing-hoi The Dangs of Kam Tin and Their Jiu Festival xxi xxiii 8 18 34 61 77 94 121 158 252 302 NOTES AND QUERIES: E. Sinn Notes on the Robert Hart Papers at the University of Hong Kong Library 376 P.H. Hase A Song from Sha Tau Kok on the 1911 Revolution 382 P.H. Hase The Mutual Defence Alliance (Yeuk) of the New Territories 384 P.H. Hase - More on The Man the Emperor Decapitated 388 Issei Tanaka The White Tiger 389 Keith Stevens - British Chinese Labour Corps Labourers Buried in England 390 Anthony Siu Kwok-kin The History of Hong Kong: From A Village to A City 391 Anthony Siu Kwok-kin Historical Records Anthony Siu Kwok-kin BOOK REVIEWS Tai Yu Shan from Chinese 394 A Tung Lo Wan 399 400 V ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 8 00 # HONG KONG, 26 JANUARY 1841: HOISTING THE FLAG REVISITED* K. J. P. Lowe This article will attempt to investigate the circumstances surrounding the ceremony of the hoisting of the British flag on Hong Kong Island on 26 January 1841, following the cession of the island in the treaty of 20 January 1841. It will in the process shed light on some of the more immediate British reactions to the acquisition of the island. The first Opium War and the subsequent Chinese expedition of 1840-1 form the immediate background to this event, and these subjects are well covered in the contemporary China-coast English-language press, in quasi-governmental sources and in memoirs by those involved. Negotiations leading to the cession were carried out by Captain Charles Elliot1 for the British, and the Chinese commissioner Ch'i-shan. Yet the hoisting of the flag itself seems largely to have been ignored or played down at this stage, even though Hong Kong was taken by the British as a direct result of successful military action and the ceremony should have been an important gesture of victory. I wish to posit that although Elliot and J. Gordon Bremer, the naval commodore, were proud of the acquisition of Hong Kong (and steamed all round their island at the first opportunity2), most people were not, and considered it of little consequence. The downplaying of the formal possession ceremony in contemporary accounts reflects this, and it was only when the colony started to be a financial success and stable social entity in the 1870s that the ceremony of possession took on a new significance.3 6 Reminiscences of the Chinese expedition by officers in the navy and the army are common. Good examples of this type of literature by naval officers are the books by Edward Belcher of HMS Sulphur,4 by John Elliot Bingham who had been first Lieutenant of HMS Modeste,5 and by William Bernard who had been on board the Nemesis. Of these three, unfortunately only Belcher was in Hong Kong on the requisite day to witness the ceremony because Elliot had commandeered the Nemesis to take him to the Second Bar for his meeting with Ch'i-shan (also on 26 January), and Elliot Bingham had fractured a leg during enemy action on 10 January and had been taken to Macao. Belcher * I should like to thank Jardine Matheson and Co. Ltd. for permission to use their archives, and Eugene McLaughlin for his help. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h recounts that the crew of the Sulphur landed on Hong Kong island on Monday 25 January” and as 'the bona fide first possessors' drank the health of Queen Victoria on Possession Mount. Then 'On the 26th the squadron arrived; the marines were landed, the union hoisted on our post, and formal possession taken of the island, by Commodore Sir J. G. Bremer, accompanied by the other officers of the squadron, under a feu-de-joie from the marines, and a royal salute from the ships of war'." Bremer himself was no more expansive. In his official despatch to R. More O'Ferrall M.P. at the Admiralty, written on 24 February but received only on 8 June 1841, Bremer reported that on 26 January he proceeded to Hong Kong ‘and took formal possession of the island, and hoisted the colours on it, with the usual salutes and ceremonies'. 12 News of the acquisition of the island of Hong Kong became public knowledge in England on the morning of Friday 9 April 1841, but yet again there was no description of the ceremony of possession. On this day Elliot's circular of 20 January was printed in The Times, and it was discussed in an optimistic editorial: it was considered good news because Hong Kong was much more convenient for trade than Macao and a settlement there would be able to maintain itself independently of the Chinese." By the following day the tone of the editorial had changed. Its author wrote that 'the nominal cession of the island of Hong Kong to the British crown, though apparently promising considerable advantages to our mercantile interests, has been clogged with conditions which in practice may substantially defeat them', and then referred to the island as an 'insulated and unfrequented locality'. One factor which may have been decisive in settling on Hong Kong in the negotiations was, as the merchant James Matheson noted, the Chinese language, for such, he felt, is its ambiguity that it is difficult to fix in it a definite meaning." Matheson believed that, when Ch'i-shan remarked in one of his communications ‘as we have granted you territory you do not now require another port', Elliot in consequence gave up thoughts of British access to a port in northern China in the hope that he could hold Ch'i-shan to an interpretation of the Chinese characters which meant that the British had been granted the territory of Hong Kong rather than merely being given a trading factory there.'5 Two letters to The Times published in the same week expressed dissatisfaction with the new British acquisition. The first was dated Macao, 22 January and was presumably written by a merchant: 'Regarding the terms of Captain Elliot's treaty with the Chinese, I have ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 1} American missionary, the Reverend Elijah Bridgman,1 merely noted the formal possession of the island in its journal of occurrences; it gave no precise date nor any details.24 Another reference in the same journal in a historical review of events in China was only marginally fuller.25 The Canton Press, published at this point from Macao, expressed itself slightly puzzled by the lack of information about the event: 'On Tuesday last, the 26th January, the Island of Hongkong, the new settlement ceded by the Chinese to the English, was taken possession of in the name of Her Majesty, Queen Victoria. The English colours were hoisted, and saluted from the ships; we have not yet heard any further particulars of the ceremony.' Two weeks later the incident was mentioned again, but no further details were forthcoming.26 The Canton Register made no mention of the possession of Hong Kong except in the context of Elliot's treaty with Ch'i-shan; it seemed unimpressed by the terms and referred to 'the paltry island of Hong Kong'. › 28 The two groups with the most immediate interest in the acquisition of Hong Kong for the British were the merchants and missionaries. Unlike the troops, for whom the possession of the island was just one part of a long and arduous expedition in a foreign and unhealthy part of the world, the merchants and missionaries were already operating from the area and found Chinese restrictions on their movements irksome. And unlike the British government and its officials, the traders and propagators of salvation were most cognizant of the advantages that a piece of British territory in South China would afford them. They were not politically or ideologically committed to punishing China for the 'disrespect' it had shown to Britain. It is not known whether any missionaries attended the ceremony on 26 January, but some merchants who were late to have their fortunes inextricably bound up with the colony turned up to witness its official birth. According to a study of the Indian community of Hong Kong, at least four Indian merchants were present in Hong Kong at the flag-hoisting: Cawasjee Pallanjee, the representative of Cursetjee Bomanjee and Co. of Bombay; F. M. Talati; Albert Sassoon;29 and Rustomjee Dhunjee Shaw of P. F. Cama and Co. of Bombay. James Matheson of Jardine Matheson and Co.30 went from Macao to Hong Kong precisely in order to witness the hoisting of the British flag, and afterwards, as he wrote to William Jardine in a postscript to a letter of 30 January, he circumnavigated the island.32 Thus the future character of the colony can be gauged from the type of person with most to gain from its possession by the British. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 15 has not materialized is a testimony to the fact that the present and the future in Hong Kong have always been more important than the past, with the result that the recovery of information on Hong Kong's history is now very difficult. CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE NOTES See C. Blake, Charles Elliot R. N., 1801-1875 (London, 1960). 2. W. D. Bernard, Narrative of the Voyages and Services of the Nemesis from 1840 to 1843, I (London, 1844), p. 304. 3. When the British flag was hoisted on Chusan on 5 July 1840, the name of the person responsible for hoisting the flag also went unrecorded as it was considered unimportant. See G. Graham, The China Station (Oxford, 1978), pp. 127-8. I am grateful to Alan Reid for this reference. 4. Captain Sir Edward Belcher, RN, Narrative of a Voyage round the world performed in HM's Ship Sulphur, during the years 1836-1842 (London, 1843). 6. J. Elliot Bingham, Narrative of the Expedition to China (London, 1842). Bernard, Narrative, op. cit. Bernard wrote the book from the notes of W. H. Hall who had commanded the Nemesis, and included his own observations. 7. Bernard, Narrative, op. cit. I, p. 291. 8. Elliot Bingham, Narrative, op. cit. II, p. 120. In the text 26 January is misprinted for 25 January. 19. Belcher, Narrative, op. cit. p. 148. This account is the one usually quoted in an account of the cession of Hong Kong. See for example G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence and Coming of Age (London, 1937), p. 93 and J. R. Jones, “Who Hoisted the Union Jack?“, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 12 (1972), p. 196. || Supplement to The Times of 12 June 1841. This expression appears to be formulaic as Bremer uses identical words in a letter to the Earl of Auckland who was Governor General of India of 10 March 1841. See Duncan McPherson, Two years in China (London, 1842), p. 274. 12. The Times of 9 April 1841. The editorial went on to say: 'the recognition of a territorial right in the British crown, as well as the terror of the British name, will give our countrymen advantages which were never possessed by the Portuguese in China'. 13. The Times of 10 April 1841. E. Jardine Matheson Archives, Cambridge University Library (hereinafter JMA), C5/6, James Matheson's private letter book, 54. 15. Ibid., C5/6, 60, 22 January 1841. The Times of 15 April 1841. 17. JMA, C5/6, 69. 18. The Times of 13 April 1841. McPherson, Two Years in China, p. 76 and W. W. Mundy, Canton and the Bogue: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 31 aides and guardians. His two major aides, according to a Taiwanese temple keeper, are major deities in their own right: T'ai I Chiu K'u T'ien Tsun (AZREF) and Lei Yin P'u Hua T'ien Tsun (LEO). He has a senior deity as his personal messenger, Teh Chih Chiangchun (特赤將軍) A Buddhist priest guiding a visitor around his temple in Chia I county in Taiwan, in which the Jade Emperor was the main deity on a side altar in a side hall pointed out that he had four bodyguards: The Marshals Wen (溫), Ma (馬), K'ang (康) and Chao (趙) with blue, white, red and black faces respectively. The full title of the Jade Emperor is: Hao T'ien Chin Kuan Yu Huang Shang Ti (昊天金阙玉皇上帝) or T'ien Ti San Chieh Shih Fang Wan Ling Chen Tsai (天帝三界十方万灵真宰). This is possibly best translated as The True Lord of Heaven, Earth and Mankind, in all areas and of the Mystical Spirits. The following are the short titles by which the Jade Emperor is known: Yu Ti (玉帝) Yu Huang T'ien Kung (玉皇天公) T'ien Kung (天公) T'ien Kung Tsu (天公祖) T'ien Kung Yeh Yeh (天公爷爷) T'ien Shang Ti (天上帝) Tien Ti (天帝) He is also known as: Yu Huang Ta T'ien Tsun Hsuan Ch'iung Kao Shang Ti (玉皇大天尊玄穹高上帝) Yu Ch'ing Shang Ti (玉清上帝) Hao T'ien Shang Ti (昊天上帝) Shang Ti (上帝) Lao T'ien Yeh (老天爷) North China ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 78 extensively damaged; and close range fighting never actually reached us. The Japanese (as we discovered later) never actually located the two field gun batteries though they could tell their approximate position. They also seemed to suspect that something was concealed in the woods running down the valley from the Peak to Pokfulam, so this area was fairly intensively searched. So there was a rain of trench mortar and field gun shells and of air bombs (both high explosive and incendiary) all round us, and sufficient direct hits on the block of flats itself as well as near misses to make things unpleasant. The Japanese landed on the Island on December 18th-19th and we had hardly absorbed this unpleasant information when we learnt that they had already crossed the hills and were in Aberdeen and Repulse Bay, thus cutting the island in two. On the morning of Christmas Day the Police sent round an urgent warning that the situation on the Peak was critical and that everyone who could move should go down the hill. Mrs. Witham and her baby got a lift in what must have been the last car to get through but there was no room for my wife and myself, and as we could not walk we had to stay where we were. Our fellow evacuees struggled down to Pokfulam and the servants disappeared so we were left alone in the flat. Our situation was, however, not so bad as it sounds, as there was a Police post in the same block of flats and the Police were very helpful during the following days in getting food and water for us. Hongkong surrendered on Christmas afternoon and the fighting, so far as we saw it, ended with a heavy burst of fire about 5 p.m. from one of our own anti-aircraft guns posted on one of the adjacent islands which was in Japanese hands. The troops in our neighbourhood gradually collected, firing off their ammunition, blowing up batteries and dumps and making bonfires of stores. There were so many stores that if we had been mobile my wife and I could have provisioned ourselves comfortably. Even as it was, we got some tins of biscuits, jam and other odds and ends which came in very useful during the next fortnight. The troops were marched off to internment next morning but it was not until late that evening that we saw our first Japanese, when a Gendarmerie post was established in a nearby building. There followed a very disagreeable period. Though the Japanese established Gendarmerie posts here and there they seemed to make no serious effort to patrol the Peak area effectively, and it was in consequence being very thoroughly looted by bands of Chinese. The Japanese themselves were also very troublesome. Though the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 81 which had been allocated for that purpose, but as they had to start with exactly nothing it was difficult. I was dumped off my lorry in front of the hospital-to-be at about 1 o'clock, and it was 5 p.m. before the staff had cleared a room and found enough beds to get the most elementary of wards going. There I stayed exactly two months. Meanwhile my wife had found a corner for herself in a room with three other married couples and a baby. She got on very well with two of the other couples (and the baby), but the third couple were very disagreeable and behaved in an almost incredibly disgraceful way towards the other people in the room, but particularly to my poor wife. So when I was fit to be moved from the hospital we tried to get quarters elsewhere but the billeting committee couldn't fix us in anywhere and the Japanese Chief Supervisor was unhelpful, so I just had to make one more in an already overcrowded room. And there we stayed, with one brief excursion to the French Hospital to have my knee X-rayed, until the Americans were repatriated early in July when we were moved into the block vacated by them where we shared a room with Mr. and Mrs. Witham and their baby and one other couple. Here we were perfectly happy and were facing with equanimity the prospect of internment for the duration when on July 20th we were told that we could, if we wished and if we paid our own fares, go to Shanghai. No further explanation was forthcoming and the permission did not extend to the rest of the Embassy and Consulate personnel in the camp. Of course I said we would go (the Swiss Consul sent in enough money for the fares) and we were shipped to Shanghai with some 60 other people who had also been allowed to leave the camp. I assumed that once I was in Shanghai I would be entitled to be repatriated with the rest of the Embassy people; but as soon as the ship berthed in Shanghai a Japanese Vice-Consul came on board and told me that though I had been allowed to come to Shanghai I was not going to be repatriated. It looked as if I was going to share with Sir Mark Young (who is interned at Woosung) the melancholy distinction of being the only British officials in Japan and occupied China. We were taken to the Cathay Hotel where the outport Consulate staffs and other persons destined for repatriation were being collected. We were given a comfortable suite and, except for the restriction in our movements, had nothing to complain about. I telephoned to Mr. Le Rougetel who had not been told that we were coming. He got the Swiss Consul-General to inform the Foreign Office and it seems that a special exchange agreement was made for me and my wife. So on August 17th we embarked on the "Kamakura Maru". As regards conditions in Stanley Internment Camp I wrote a few notes, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 106 is expensive and because of its "burnt" smell. Sandalwood is obtained from Santalum album, the best of which is found in Sydney, Australia. This species is often referred to as Hsin-shan sandalwood (新山檀香木, US). The core part of the tree trunk, being older, has the stronger scent and thus is most valued and gains the name of Ta hsin-shan (大新山, II). The next rank is called T'ou-tsai (頭材, Bff) and is obtained from the shoot of the tree trunk. The branches and the bark of the tree, being either too young or too rough, are less valued and are termed as Chih-tsai (枝材, literally meaning "little branches") and Shêng-p'i (生皮, literally meaning "tree bark", ) respectively. An inferior species is called Ju-lai-fên (如來粉, 403) which is a little pungent in smell. Some of the sandalwood, however, comes from Indonesia and is called Di-men (低門, HP) which is not as odoriferous as that from Australia. Sandalwood is also imported from Papua New Guinea and the islands of the South Pacific. It is this type of scent which is most favoured by the public and is used in the production of both joss sticks and incense coils. In 1987, more than 50 factories reported the use of various grades of sandalwood. Benzoin, in contrast, is obtained from Styrax benzoin from Sumatra, S. hypoglaucus, S. macrothuyrrus from China and S. tonkinensis from Siam. This fragrance has a very strong smell and was widely used in the 1960s and 1970s. In the 1960s, 60% of the incense wood ground in a single incense wood mill in Shek Kong was benzoin wood (around 200-300 tan per month). Today, less than 30 tan of benzoin wood is ground in a year. Lign-aloe-scented joss sticks, however, are produced with a mixture of wide varieties of Chinese medicinal herbs; examples include Illicium verum, Foeniculum vulgare, Rheum spp., Cinnamomum cassia, Syzygium aromaticum, Nardostachys chinensis, Zanthoxylum simulans, Lysimachia foenumgraecum, Angelica anomala, Kaempferia galanga, Angelica sinensis, Glycyrrhiza uralensis, Xanthoxylum and Eleutherococcus gracilistylus. Ch'ien-nan (沉南, £), the common name for this kind of joss stick, was particularly used in Malaysia and Thailand in early days to fumigate the tin mines. The last common type of incense powder used is from ordinary sawdust. Though increasingly fewer incense stick factories produce joss sticks with sawdust, at least 20 factories in 1987 had small sections devoted to the production of this kind of low-grade commodity. The end product so manufactured is called Ts'u-hsiang (**粗香**, “crude joss sticks”, H) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 109 off the loose powder, which is immediately swept into the pile with the ends of the sticks acting as a brush. This step is repeated several times until all the sticks are well covered with incense." The handful of joss sticks is then spread out horizontally on the work bench and any sticking together are separated. The processed joss sticks are then put, handles downwards, into a wooden bucket placed beside the worker on the work bench. The bucket is made of a hard wood, such as the kind of wood used for railway sleepers, and is designed to suit the length of the joss sticks. When the bucket is almost full, it will be rolled back and forth on two pieces of wood to make the powder compact. The right hand of the worker is, at the same time, continuously slapping the joss sticks to prevent them from slipping out of the bucket. After five to eight minutes of rolling, the joss stick worker slides the whole bucketful of sticks into a box with its top and front removed. The sticks are then left to dry while the worker continues with the other sticks. After two to three such boxes are prepared, the joss stick worker will go back to the first, and repeat the process, until sufficient coats of incense have been put onto the bamboo core. Each joss stick is made up of layers of many coatings. For joss sticks with lengths of 6 ts'un 8 fên and 8 ts'un 8 fên, only three coats of incense powder are needed. The innermost layer is made up entirely of shang shih and the middle and outer layers vary with the fragrance. For joss sticks of such lengths, however, only two types of fragrances are produced. The first type is Tan-hsiang with the outer layer having a higher proportion of sandalwood. The second type is called Hsi-ts'ang hsiang (14) which is produced with a mixture of cypress powder and a strong perfume. For joss sticks of 7 ts'un, 9 ts'un, 1 ch'ih 4 ts'un, 1 ch'ih 5 ts'un and 1 ch'ih 6 ts'un, five coats of incense are required. The innermost layer, commonly called ta-tai (fundamental coat, T), is invariably made up of shih fên and the ratio of shih-ch'ing to shang-shih varies with the proposed price of the final products. The three middle coats, called t'ou-kou (first coat,), êrh-kuo (second coat, —¡§) and san-kuo (third coat,) respectively, are usually made up of increasing proportions of fragrant incense powder, the grade of which in turn gets higher outwards from the bamboo core. The outermost layer, kuang-p'i (outer coat, :), is a mixture of the most odoriferous incense powder ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 119 NOTES 1 Ch'ü, Ta-chün, Kuang-tang hsin-yü [New Tales from Kuang-tung], Hong Kong: Chung-hua ch'u-pan-shê, 1974, reprinted from 1700 edition, p. 677. 2 ibid, pp. 674-676. 3 Yung-yen, “Hong Kong ti ming k'ao” [The Origin of Place Names in Hong Kong], in: Li Chun-wei (ed.) Hong Kong pai nien [Centenary History of Hong Kong], (Hong Kong: Nan chung pien yi ch'u-pan-shê, 1948), p. 68. 4 Hong Kong Daily Press, February 5, 1873. 5 Siu, A.K.K., “The Hong Kong Region Before and After the Coastal Evacuation in the Early Ch'ing Dynasty”, in: Faure, David, James Hayes and Birch (eds.), From Village to City, (Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1984), p. 2; Fêng K'ê-pin (ed.), Hsiang chien [Notes on Incense], in: Kuang pai ch'uan hsüeh hai (1), 1998. (Taipei: Hsin-hsing shu-chü, reprinted in 1970). 6 Balfour, S.F., “Hong Kong Before the British”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 10, 1979, p. 176. 7 Ch'ü, p. 677. 8 Chang, Y.N., "Hong Kong Ts'un (Hong Kong Village) and the Cultivation and Exportation of Incense from Kowloon and the New Territories”, in: Lo, Hsiang Lin (ed.), Hong Kong and Its External Communications Before 1842, (Hong Kong: Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963), p. 114. 9 Tung-kuan Hsien-chih [Tung-kuan Gazetteer], compiled by Ch'ên Pai-tao, (Tung-kuan yang-hêng yin-wu-chü, 1910), Section 14, p. 13; Dunn, Stephen Troyte and William James Tutcher, Flora of Kwangtung and Hong Kong, (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1912), p. 9. 10 Iu, K.C., "The Cultivation of the Incense Tree (Aquilaria sinensis)”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 23, 1983, pp. 247-249. 11 “Imports for the Year 1846”, Hong Kong Blue Book 1846, p. 200, 204, 207. 12 “Imports for the Year 1847”, Hong Kong Blue Book 1847, pp. 200-212. 13 “Imports for the Year 1848”, Hong Kong Blue Book 1848, pp. 251-254. 14 Hsü, Kuang-ch'i (ed.), Nung chêng ch'üan shu [Encyclopedia on Agricultural Techniques], (1847), Section 18, pp. 13-15. 15 Yung-yen, p. 68. 16 Lockhart, S. "Extracts from A Report by Mr Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong on October 8, 1898”, Sessional Papers concerning the Acquisition of the New Territories 1899, p. 190. 17 Nathan, cited by J.W. Hayes. "Notes and Queries: Sandalwood Mills at Tsun Wan". Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 16, 1976, pp. 282-283. 18 'Report on the New Territories for the year 1925; B. Southern District", Hong Kong Administrative Reports 1925, p. J13. 19 'Report on the New Territories for the Year 1931; B. Southern District" Hong Kong Administrative Reports 1931, p. J18. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 坏洋陳雲蔚陳云生 坪淞萬其貴萬兆倫 李蕾餘李鈴蘭李新明 151 I 主施主等有權逐斥出寺兹當佈意伏冀同心當簽名公認惝日後有犯寺例不守清規我山爭權奪利者可比住持該寺堪稱其職同人等荒廢兹聞月坤女尼乃持齋念佛修行頗好非隅之嘆然寺中不可無人住持梵堂不可一寺中凡許願酹恩者不得其門而入不禁有向禪師圓寂後屢遭鼠竊致承其乏者不敢夜宿爲遴選住持安事神明事竊我長山寺自滌源民國二十年春季各施主公認吉立 人列後 蘭乪桂 料 群糖 鬨倪 鼻作作羅 新瓊 光 NOTES See Keith G. Stevens, “Chinese Monasteries. Temples, Shrines and Altars in Hong Kong and Macau”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 20, 1980, pp. 1-34. 2 This plan is that standard since antiquity for major Buddhist monasteries in China. See J. Prip-Møller, Chinese Buddhist Monasteries: Their Plan and its Function as a Setting for Buddhist Monastic Life, Copenhagen and Oxford Univ. Press, 1937, reprinted Hong Kong Univ. Press, 1967; and E. Boerschmann, Die Baukunst and Religiöse Kultur der Chinesen: Einzeldarstellungen auf Grund eigener Aufnahmen Während dreijähriger Reisen in China, Berlin, 1911, Vol. 1, P'u T'o Shan: Der Heilige Insel der Kuan Yin, der Göttin der Barmherzigkeit. 3 This paper will deal only with the mainland New Territories, and leaves out all discussion of those pre-British monasteries and nunneries founded on Lantau. 4 * See Sung Hok-p'ang, “Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Ts'ing Shaan (青山) or Castle Peak'' in The Hong Kong Naturalist, July, 1935, reprinted in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 28, 1988, pp. 76-85. See also the document of 1089 on the history of this monastery in ch'uan 23 of the Hsin An County Gazetteer, at pages 187-188 of the Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979. 5 It seems to have been founded as part of the process by which the Tang (鄧) family of Ha Tsuen came to dominate the area in the early Ming, see James L. Watson, "Waking the Dragon: Visions of the Chinese Imperial State in Local Myth”, in An Old State in New Settings: Studies in the Social Anthropology of China in Memory of Maurice Freedman. ed. Hugh Baker, S. Feuchtwang, (1991) pp. 162-178. The outside date for the foundation of Ling To would be, as Watson suggests, the early Ching. Local tradition from at least the seventeenth century (it is implied in a note on the monastery at Tuen Mun in ch'uan 21 of the Hsin An County Gazetteer of 1819 - at pages 173-174 of the Chung Lap Pao Edition, 1979 – this note was, however, taken over from the 1688 Gazetteer) would make if co-eval with the Ching Shan monastery (5th century), and, like the monastery at Tuen Mun... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 152 Mun, founded by Pooi To. This is, however, perhaps unlikely. The note of 1089 on the history of Pooi To and his monastery (Hsin An County Gazetteers, loc.cit.) is sufficiently comprehensive that it is unlikely that it would have failed to notice if Pooi To had founded two monasteries in the immediate vicinity of Tuen Mun, but it refers to only one, and clearly identifies Pooi To's Kwangtung area of interest with this one monastery. I am indebted to the students of Ng Yuk Secondary School who presented a study of the Ling To monastery to the Hong Kong Institute for the Promotion of Chinese Culture for the Institute's 1990 Historical and Cultural Investigation Award for much of my information on the Ling To monastery. 4 See Sung Hok-p'ang, "Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Kam Tin (B)", in The Hong Kong Naturalist, June 1936, reprinted in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 13, 1973, p. 127-129. The nunnery bell is dated Kang Hsi 40 (1701), and this is probably the date of foundation. The bell speaks of a desire to achieve success for the Tang lineage in the imperial examination. 9 See Plan, and Plates 20 and 21. See Location Map. A two-day survey was conducted on December 11th and 12th, 1904, which showed that 1823 persons used the road on the 11th (a market day at Sham Tsun), and 708 on the 12th (a non-market day). The market day at Sha Tau Kok would have been the 10th. The survey was taken “on the road”, and very probably at the nunnery. These figures suggest a monthly total of up to 43,000 travellers: even if this is substantially discounted (the report suggests that travellers carrying rice after the second rice harvest, and fish, made the road very busy at that time) about 25,000 a month would seem a reasonable figure, or 300,000 a year. The Governor gave a more conservative statement of the yearly total, at 250,000, or about 20,000 a month. Of the 2531 travellers surveyed on the two days, 679, or 27%, (29% on the market day, 22% on the non-market day) were "carrying goods". Assuming that these carriers were carrying the standard cookie distance load of 100 lbs, then they were carrying 67,900 lbs, or 30 tons, implying perhaps 400 tons a month, or 4,800 tons a year. The survey for this road gave figures entirely in line with those shown by the surveys conducted at the same time on the other roads along the line of the railway. See file C.O.882, despatch No. 59, from Sir Matthew Nathan to Mr. Lyttelton, received February 13th, 1905, Public Record Office, London, (copy in P.R.O. Hong Kong). A second survey, conducted outside the nunnery, on 26th and 29th December, 1910 (both market days at Sham Tsun) showed 319 and 203 people "carrying goods" on those days. Assuming that the percentages of people carrying goods (those not carrying goods were not surveyed) was, as in 1904, 29%, then total passengers on those days would have been 1100 and 700, suggesting a monthly total of about 23,000, and a yearly total of just under 300,000. See file C.O.129/376, despatch no. 165 (page 582), from Sir Frederick Lugard to Rt. Hon. Lewis Harcourt, 28th April, 1911, (copy in P.R.O. Hong Kong). A monthly total of between 20,000 and 25,000 people passing the nunnery, therefore, seems very reasonable. ... The inscription is at Vol. 3, p. 679 of David Faure, Bernard H.K. Luk, and Alice N.H. Ng Lun, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, Urban Council of Hong Kong, 1986. The bell was donated to stand for ever before the altar of the Lord Buddha in the nunnery at Cheung Shan by "the mass of the devout people from all the villages". 各鄉衆信弟子慶具鳴鐘一口，敬酹長山廟佛生爺爺案前永遠供奉、福有攸歸。The nunnery is mentioned in the Hsin An County Gazetteer of 1819, as the "Cheung Chun nunnery, at the Loi Tung Pass", at ch'uan 18, page 149 of the Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 13 153 PP. 12 The inscription recording the rebuilding is at Faure, Luk and Ng, op. cit. Vol. I, 128-129, but it is unreadable through weathering, except for the heading and date. (4). Loe An-lim (羅安廉) (42), Qianren Wenxian (千人文献), ÑÍAL. [Collected Writings of Men of Past Ages], unpublished manuscript collection, Vol. 2, ff. 75a. (Copy in library of Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Kowloon Central Library, Hong Kong). Lee An-lim was a villager of Sheung Wo Hang. (3) Lee An-lim, Qianren Wenxian, op. cit. ff 73-78. + As honour board recording the donors to the 1920 repair has recently been found. It lists the donors by village. Every village in Ta Kwu Ling donated (except Ping Che, Chuk Yuen, Nga Yiu Ha, very probably included with their lineage brethren in Tong Fong, Law Fong, Ping Yeung), as did the villages close to the road both in the Sha Tau Kok area (Shan Tsui, Yim Tso Ha, Yim Tin, Wo Hang, Nam Chung, Luk Keng, Wu Shek Kok and Sha Tau Kok Market) and in the Sham Tsun area (Sham Tsun Market, Lo Wu, and Wong Pui Ling). Shek Wu Hui from further away also donated. See Win Wen Wei Pao (SCHEW) of 17 September, 1991. U¿÷ 16 Detail from the tablets commemorating the departed leaders of the monastery, and from information given by the recently deceased resident nun. The tablet of Kuk Shan Kit reads: 羅浮山寶積古寺監裤正宗第上三代主持上谷下山潔老和尚莲座. The tablet Kuk Shan Kit placed to commemorate his deceased predecessors names the "ordained monks" HIBA · MAZA + J # and Ki£*, all of whom were dead by the date of erection + 1 of the tablet, and ✯, at that date still alive, as well as predecessors as rulers of this monastery" ALLKILMINER and "those monks who founded this monastery", A WILDFORIKA BAIMM- L 17 See P.H. Hase, “Notes on Rice Farming in Shatin', in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 21, 1981, pp. 196-206; D. Faure, The Rural Economy of Pre-Liberation China: Trade Increase and Peasant Livelihood in Jiangsu and Guangdong, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1989, pp. 46-57 and 212; and Hong Kong Annual Report: Report by District Commissioner, New Territories for Year Ending 31st March, 1950, Noronha and Co., Hong Kong, 1950, p. 5. TH The Ho clan of Tsung Yuen Ha descends from Ho Chan, the Earl of Tung Kuan in the early Ming, and the Ho family history (CBMGKR — a manuscript volume in the University of Cambridge Library) suggests this area was in Ho Chan's hands before the end of the Ming. It was certainly in Ho family control before 1393 when Ho Chan's family were proscribed. The Tang family has occupied the Lung Yeuk Tau villages, Loi Tung and Tai Tong Wu since the fourteenth century at the latest. A Tang clan also occupies Au Ha (PUF Aoxia) and Wang Kong Ha (Huanggangxia). I have not been able to discover if these two villagers are genealogically connected with the Loi Tung and Lung Yeuk Tau clan, although this is unlikely. The Man family has occupied Ping Che for **18 generations", according to village elders, i.e. probably from the fourteenth century. The same family occupies Tong Fong, Heung Yuen Wai, and Lin Tong, Liantang), and a branch of it was resident at Man Uk Pin (**Man Family Houses") before the present residents, the Chung (鍾) clan moved there in the early eighteenth century. The To clan has been resident at Chau Tin village for **500 years". Local villagers consider that the Lei family has been resident at Lei Uk for as long as the To and Man clans have been at Chau Tin and Ping Che. All these clans are Punti, although sections of the Man clan at Tong Fong, and those at Heung Yuen Wai and Lin Tong, now speak Hakka. Shan Kai Wat (Lam surname, 林), Fung Wong Wu (Yip surname, 葉), and Law Fong (Law surname, 羅), are all included in the list of villages in existence in 1661 included in the 1688 Hsin An County Gazetteer, along with Au Ha, Tsung Yuen Ha, Ping Che (Ping Yuen 平遠), and perhaps Ping Yeung (坪洋) (Gazetteer, Ch. 3, f 12-13). Other Punti clans in the Ta Kwu Ling area (Wong, 黃, Chan, 陳, and Law, 羅, at Kan Tau Wai, and Hau, 侯) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 155 27 As noted above, 20,000 people a month used the Miu Keng pass. Probably as many again used the road from Ping Che to Kan Tau Wai, or started their journey within Ta Kwu Leng. 40,000 users of the ferry a month is a likely figure. Probably 25% of them carried goods. This represents more than $50 a month income, or about $600 a year. Even depreciating heavily for the salary of boatmen and costs of maintenance, $400 a year clear profit seems likely. The date of this war was probably in the 1860s, as Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., p. 104, shows. 29 For the arrangement of the Yeuk, see map. The information in this section comes from Mr. Chan Yau-tsoi and Mr. Chan Wa-chun of Ping Yeung, Mr. Man Kam-muk of Ping Che, Mr. Yeung Choi of Fụng Wong Wu, Mr. Man Lei-wa of Tong Fong, and Mr. Hau Foh-tai of Law Fong, all very knowledgeable elders. I met them as a group, and include here only what they were unanimous in agreeing was the case. I would like to express my particular thanks to them for the several hours of discussion they had with me. As to Sai Ling Ha, this village, although it lay within the Ta Kwu Ling hills, supported Wong Pui Ling in the fighting, I was told. It had no part in the Luk Yeuk. However, when the Communists took over, most of the inhabitants of Sai Ling Ha crossed into Hong Kong, and set up homes in Ping Che. They were then allowed to become part of the Luk Yeuk, as part of Ping Che Yeuk. The account of the Luk Yeuk given here differs in detail from that given in Faure, op. cit., pp. 103-104. +1 - 30 The deaths are recorded in the "Heroes Shrine" () in the Tin Hau Temple at Ping Che, which was the community temple of the Ta Kwu Ling area. 23 names of the **Heroes who died in protecting the villages, who knew how to perform the duties of filial piety", or the "Heroes who defended the Yeuk" as they are named in two inscriptions *澳四總鎮源樂友例段英雄履考之神位 and "MX") are recorded. Of these, 3 (all surnamed Chan) came from the Ping Yeung Yeuk, 4 (3 surnamed Tang and 1 surnamed Chau) from the Lin Tong Yeuk, 4 (1 surnamed Chau and 3 surnamed Lei) from the Lei Uk Yeuk, 4(2 surnamed Yiu and 2 surnamed Hau) from the Law Fong Yeuk, 2 (both surnamed Yip) from the Lo Shue Ling Yeuk and 4 (2 surnamed Wong and 2 surnamed Man) from the Ping Che Yeuk. One Law died he came either from Law Fong (Law Fong Yeuk) or Kan Tau Wai (Ping Che Yeuk). A Lau Ah-ngau (劉亞牛) also died -- he could have been from Wo Keng Shan (Ping Yeung Yeuk), where there was a tiny clan of Laus, or could possibly have been a servant, as his name suggests his name is entered last on the tablet. 23 deaths suggests very bloody fighting. It is unlikely that the population of the whole of Ta Kwu Ling in 1860 was higher than 1750 (representing an average village population of about 80, or perhaps 12 households), and the adult males could not have been more than a quarter of that (440). The young men of fighting age were probably no more than about 200. 23 out of 200 is about 11.5% deaths of those involved, which is a very high percentage. The population of the Ta Kwu Ling villages within the New Territories totalled 1441 in the 1911 Census (Sessional Papers, 1911, no. 17, Noronha & Lo, Hong Kong, 1911, "Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911”, Table XIX p. 103 (32)). + - Loi Tung, with its lineage brethren of Lung Yeuk Tau, and the small villages between them, formed the Sze Yeuk (四約, “Alliance of Four''), which was, to a large degree, designed to ensure that the ancient enmity of the Tangs of Lung Yeuk Tau and Loi Tung with the Pangs of Fan Ling was tilted in favour of the Tangs. The Pangs supported the Luk Yeuk in its fight with the Cheungs this almost certainly means that the Sze Yeuk supported the Cheungs, as did Sheung Shui, the other ancient enemy of the Pangs. Man Uk Pin was a Yeuk of the Sha Tau Kok Shap Yeuk, as well as forming a part of the Sze Yeuk. The Shap Yeuk were dubious about the activities of the Luk Yeuk. Free travel between Sha Tau Kok and Sham Tsun was vital to the Shap Yeuk. With the Cheung Shan Kwụ Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 157 that Gazetteer calls the other places Om (J), this must be taken as significant. In addition, the County Gazetteer, at ch'uan 4 (Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979, page 49 – taken from the 1688 Gazetteer) mentions a "Master of Meditation" at Ling To in the Ming by the name of Cheuk Shek-chue (pilfa;). This probably suggests a man, although the document at the Appendix shows that this term could be used for a nun. Ling To might, therefore, have been a house of monks in the early nineteenth century. Both Gazetteer references were taken over from the 1688 Gazetteer. However, village tradition at Ha Tsuen states that Ling To was "always" a nunnery. Lung Kai is not mentioned in the County Gazetteer. The rebuilding inscription of 1795 refers to it as Miu (§) and Tsz (F); at Faure, Luk, Ng, op. cit., Vol. 1, pages 36-40. Here again, village tradition states that Lung Kai was always a nunnery. The Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911 (Sessional Papers, 1911, No. 17, Noronha and Co. 1911) shows that a single man was living in the nunnery in 1911, since the village-by-village population table (Table XIX, p. 103 (33)) includes "Miu Kang Tsz" as a village, with a total population of one male. 49 This house is called Tsz ( f ) in the inscription of 1089 (Hsin An County Gazetteer, loc. cit.), which at that date should probably be given its full significance of "monastery" - no mention is made or implied there of any religious women associated with Pooi To. However, at chuan 18 of the County Gazetteer (Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979, page 148), the institution at Tuen Mun contemporary with the Gazetteer (i.e. 1819) is called Om (KE, "nunnery"), and mention is made of a further Om nearly, the Wai Shin nunnery (ME), on Sui Ying mountain, already extinct by 1819. There may, therefore, well have been a period when even the Ching Shan monastery was a house of nuns. $47 Lei Shin-yue was almost certainly one of Lei Pui-yuen's students. He was already one of the main village elders in 1905, when he was the Manager of most of the main ancestral trusts of the largest branch of the lineage. He was very elderly in 1931. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 176 Or perhaps Miss Durable might suit your views. Such beauty on a stage is rarely seen How well too they contrived their Crinoline! Oh! Bachelors give up your wretched lives. And take these beauteous damsels for your wives". 85 With hindsight it is of course easy enough to see the wit and irony of these lines and for contemporaries they must have been crystal clear. 96 Not many other accounts have been left to us, but some photographs of a French amateur performance in the early seventies have been published, and there is the following amusing description of a staging on board H.M.S. Scout, when she lay in Shanghai in 1861, of J.M. Morton's farce "Lend me Five Shillings" by one of the participants: Jimmy Towers and I, being the only ladies, had to go ashore to be measured for our clothes which we thought was great fun and I must say Towers who was a handsome boy, when made up and after judicious padding and paint made a most bewitching Julia. I, being rather thin, had to be padded up also and as the sun had taken such liberties with my complexion it required a great deal of paint and labour to make me presentable, and as it was a ballroom scene we had low-neck dresses and bare arms. However we were a success and I believe that those who came off shore never knew that Towers was not really a girl. A discussion then arose as to what to wear under our dresses, and it was decided that white duck trousers were admirably fitted to represent an important article of feminine attire. This, as the sequel proved, was quite correct. The play went on well, until getting too near the footlights I had to turn quickly to prevent my clothes catching fire [candles were used JH] and being unable to manage my crinoline properly, it flew in the air and a young wretch right behind remarked in a voice loud enough for anyone to hear: 'Look at her drawers'. This of course raised a great laugh at my expense". (see also Appendix III, p. 91-93.) ― Despite the often benevolent attitude of the local paper, the actors were well aware of their limitations, as witness the prologue by Peter Proteus on February 18, 1857: And tho' our Acting may not be the best Approve what's pleasing and forgive the rest Rememb'ring what we all must e'en confess ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 182 500 or 600 p.a.), without any prospect of being able to use it the subsequent season. Apparently it was also the custom to sell all the scenery, etc., at the end of the season and this too could only be done at a heavy loss (for 1865 it had cost Tls. 2,400 and fetched but Tls. 200).109 In order to investigate the feasibility of a permanent, i.e., stone, theatre, a provisional committee was appointed in September 1866.10 The chances of realising the object in view did not seem very rosy though. At a meeting of the committee held on November 10, 1866, it was decided that the "circulation of a subscription list towards a permanent theatre should be deferred for the present" and instead guarantors for the construction of a temporary theatre (i.e., one of wood, which was much cheaper) should be sought.11 In this they were successful and on November 16, it was announced at a meeting that Tls. 3,500 had been subscribed. This, however, was not deemed sufficient to cover all the expenses and an amended motion was adopted stating that instead of fitting up a godown, a temporary theatre, on the plans submitted to the meeting, be built and fitted up, provided a sum of Tls. 6,000 be guaranteed within a week".12 And despite the rather severe limitations under which a number of merchants had to operate due to the collapse of the building boom - an adjourned meeting was informed on November 22 that this sum had indeed been guaranteed." The new theatre would be built in wood and was designed by a local architect, Mr. William Kidner; originally it would contain 700 seats, but this was considered too much, 500 or 600 being enough. The firm of Dent & Co. showed itself willing to provide a plot of land for the sum of Tls. 250 annually and the cost of the theatre itself was estimated at Tls. 3,900. Some months later, on March 1, 1867, the wooden Lyceum Theatre opened on Yuanmingyuan Road* (later, Museum Road), with Morton's Whitebait at Greenwich and Faust and Marguerite (author not mentioned: F.C. Burnand?, T.W. Robertson?, J. Halford?). One may well ask why the foreign residents had not found the courage and the money to erect a really “lasting structure" for, naturally, wooden buildings were prone to fire and it should come as no surprise that the "temporary'' theatre proved to be very temporary indeed, for on March 2, 1871, it burned down. Once again a substantial sum of money had been wasted on what turned out to be an ill-advised scheme. Sadder and wiser, it was finally decided in 1872 to construct a brick theatre on an adjacent site on Museum Road, stage entrance on Yuanmingyuan Road. On *This is the theatre marked "b" at Appendix III. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 204 Pique delighted to honour, Marvellous is the ingenuity of Jack. Difficulties which would appal the ghost of Richardson* — that prince of theatrical improvisers, he makes nothing of it. Whether it be to prepare a great banquet hall or to erect a theatre, it is all the same to him and comes to his hands as readily as the marlin-spike. Huge guns disappear and hatchways vanish from the sight and are replaced by draperies and benches with all the quickness of enchantment. We sat looking around us at the proscenium, the footlights and the drop scene, representing a view on the late of Como, and fell difficult to remain in the belief that we were on board of one of H.M. 'ships of war' and not seated in a neat little theatre". Thus far the impression of the surroundings. About the acting qualities the reviewer was equally in high spirits: in the Birthday, Captain Bertram R.N. proved to be “a gouty, choleric old gentleman, a very positive, perverse individual to boot and more than becomingly addicted to the occasional use of strong language". All these little eccentricities were him forgiven, however, when "we saw him yield to the impulses of nature and even felt a degree of alarm when he well nigh became smothered in the affectionate embrace of his loving and pretty — but somewhat bulky niece. (...) The songs of Dibdin appear to be no longer the prime favorites afloat they were half a century ago; and although we cannot but regret this, we were glad to find, from the specimens we listened to, that they have been superseded by not unworthy successors. The trill of I've heard of foreign countries. That are very fair to see But England! dear old England! Is quite fair enough for me was ringing in our ear, when it was joined in by notes of a different kind — the cheering notes, to wit, of the Dustman's Bell. We are quite converts to the doctrine that believes, for the moment, in the mimic scene which is enacting before us. How could we do otherwise at the sight of such a Dustman and such a Sally! It did one's heart good to look upon such a fresh, comely and good-looking face as Miss Sally's, and to hear the praise of it sung with such evident gusto by her honest lover in the lines: Of all the girls that dress so smart There's none like pretty Sally She is the darling of my heart And she lives in our Alley." Raising the Wind the reporter found not "so brilliantly successful but not without its merit". Summing up, his **still aching sides" testified sufficiently to the "care and trouble which the performers had taken to entertain their numerous audience'' (NCH 13.2.1858) 10.2.1858 (Wedn) PELHAM HARDWICKE (= C. MATHEWS): "A Bachelor of Arts" (1853) T: Comic drama (2 acts) J.M. MORTON: "Done on Both Sides" (1847) T: Farce (1 act) C: Amateurs F: Music by "Messrs Phu & Mor" Th: Theatre Royal (C) + * An allusion to John Richardson (1767?-1837), nicknamed "the penny showman"; in his performance of J.S. Knowles' (?) "Virginius" the ghost was the great effect (Dict. of Nat. Biogr., Vol. 48, p. 230-231). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 213 Our Wife: Count de Brissac: Major Taylor Rosine: Mr. W. Hyslop (of Gibb, Livington & Co) Pomaret, father of Rosine: D.A.C.G. Cooksley Marquis de Ligny: Mr. Stuart Mariette: Lt Maynard of the 31st regiment The Goose with the Golden Eggs: Mr. Turby: D.A.C.G. Cooksley His wife: D.A.C.G. Hayter Clara, their daughter: Mr. A. Broom (of Jardine, Matheson & Co) Bonsor, clerk: Dr. Sexton of the 5th Bombay N.L.I. (native lancers and infantry) Flickster: Li Yonge, 2nd Beloochi regiment After a lapse of almost three years the amateur theatricals took a new lease of life in a tastefully fitted up godown-theatre (for a description see Survey). It was a subscription-night with about 250 spectators, of whom 30 were female. For the first time some real names of actors were given and it became clear that the cooperation of the military had been sought for the occasion. Because the names are no longer phoney, it is finally useful to present a cast list. Among those mentioned was D.A.C.G. (i.e. Deputy Assistant Commissary General) Cooksley who died in July during one of the campaigns against the Taipings, at Quinsan. Fine playing, if one did not mind the pieces. That, however, had become a standard complaint by now. "There was nothing striking or witty in either of the plays so that an occasional local pun or remark interpolated by the actors elicited the greatest applause"; rather sourly the critic continued “this should not be as it interferes with the harmony of the play”. In Our Wife "the gentle blushing Rosine was capitally got up by Mr. HYSLOP who created quite ‘a sensation' when he made his curtsey to the audience". In contrast Mr. STUART "was graceful in his part but lacked energy where it was requisite to give effect to the plot". That female dress was not always easy to wear for the men was underlined when "Lt MAYNARD acted the strong-minded cousin Mariette very fairly, despite the difficulties of crinoline”. In The Goose with the Golden Eggs the Mrs. Turby of D.A.C.G. HAYTER was "the best piece of masculo-feminine performance we have seen". It had to be admitted though that not all men were equally up to female characters: "Clara, as represented by Mr. BROOM, although admirably got up in the coiffure, was rather outré in the dress, especially about the sleeves; while the manner and voice resembled more the roughness of the father than the gentleness of the mother". (NCH 14.2.1863). L 17.2.1863 (Tue) Repeat of 13.2.1863. 2.3.1863 S. LOVER: "The White Horse of the Peppers" (1838) T: Comic drama (2 acts) R.B. BROUGH: "Crinoline*" (1856) T: Farce (1 act) C: Amateurs of the British 31st regiment TH: N.N. R: Cast: The White Horse of the Peppers: Major Hans Mansfeldt: W. Parrott Gerald Pepper: A. Keeble Magdalene: H. MacGuire Crinoline: Mrs. Coobiddy: S. Gale Mr. Coobiddy: W. Phillips Agutha: S. Gule Dillon: J.S. Galbreath Capt. LeBrown: J.S. Galbreath Miss Tite: P. Conron ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 218 1.4.1864 (Fri) R.B. BROUGH: "Crinoline" (1856) T: Farce (1 act) J.M. MORTON: "A Most Unwarrantable Intrusion" (1849) T: Farce (1 act) N.N.: "The Debut" C: Messrs Shannon and Phillips with an amateur company Th: N.N. (H) R: Not too enthusiastically the Herald wrote that "had Messrs PHILLIPS and SHANNON been better supported the performance would probably have proved a more decided success". Must it be supposed that the amateurs were locals, who were otherwise so much lauded? (NCH 2.4.1864). 4.4.1864 (Mon) Repeat of 30.3.1864, 18.4.1864 (Mon) First performance by a Portuguese Amateur Dramatic Corps. TH: N.N. R: This first performance by a local Portuguese company was considered favourably: "the arrangement of the costumes and acting were all good and amply rewarded a visit even by those who may not understand the Portuguese language". (NCH 23.4.1864) 25.4.1864 (Mon) J. OXENFORD: "Retained for the Defence" T: Farce (1 act) C.S. CHELTNAM: "A Lucky Escape" (1861) T: Comic drama (1 act) T.J. WILLIAMS: "On and Off" (1861) T: Farce (1 act) C: Amateurs of the Shanghai Volunteer Corps TH: N.N. (H) N: Second performance of the season R: This second Volunteer Corps night drew a crowded house and the reporter was pleased to see that "a majority of the lady residents were among the audience", the more so as they "by their presence contributed to inspire the performers with the desire to excel which led to such complete success". No names were given in the review, but in A Lucky Escape “it would have required very sharp eyes to detect that the actress [who personated Louise] was, in fact, an actor". Here the truth is finally revealed! In On and Off he/she took the part of Letitia equally well. (NCH 30.4.1864) 9.5.1864 (Mon) N.N.: "Nature and Philosophy or Eighteen Years' Labour Lost" (The only piece with this title in HED is one that had its first night on 18.4.1876. However, Brown, "A History of the New York Stage", Vol. I, p. 235 mentions a performance of this play on June 1 1833). G. COLMAN Jr: "Love Laughs at Locksmiths" (1803) C: C.R. Faylor's travelling company F: Comic songs, dance, music Th: Olympic Theatre (H) R: Casts: Nature and Philosophy: Brother Philip: Major Pegus Renaldo: C.R. Faylor Eliza: Mrs. E. Yeamans Gertrude: Mr. E. Yeamans ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 232 not heard before and of which the best that can be said is that they are decidedly original. They seemed an imitation of the noise of braying of donkeys, but still they elicited great applause from the gallery [which was generally not regarded as very complimentary JH] perhaps from a certain feeling of sympathy. An amateur played Weber's "Aufforderung zum Tanz" with a "perfect feeling". To conclude the evening Mme SIMONSEN sung the "Valse de concert" (composer unmentioned) in which "she displayed her powers more than in any other piece she has sung" (SCR 22.5.1865). 24.5.1865 (Wedn) H. MAYHEW: "The Wandering Minstrel“ (1834) T: Farce (1 act) J.P. PLANCHE: "The Knights of the Round Table” (1854) T: Drama (5 acts) C: Amateurs of the Shanghai Mounted Rangers F: Music by the Band of the 67th Regiment; prologue read by Capt. Markham Th: Lyceum Theatre (1) ― R: In lieu of the old time favourites, Messrs Brushwood, Pickwick, Newcome and Mrs. Nesbit had come new faces. Most foreigners had not yet made Shanghai their permanent place of residence, so turnover in the theatre too was rather high. Tonight could be admired Mr. SMALLWEED who, in the Knights of the Round Table, as "the blameless king shewed a keen appreciation of his part and while he delivered the burlesque passages with much humour, proved by the taste with which he pronounced the prophetic eulogium on the Queen of England that he need not necessarily confine himself to broad burlesque in order to gain well-merited applause"; Mr. Edmund (also a member of the Amateur Burlesque Company) won golden opinions as Launcelot, whereas Mr. PEEKT as Merlin "displayed much cleverness in personating feeble old men". In The Wandering Minstrel "Mr. R.T. Larff, better known to the theatrical world as Mr. Wynnge (did this mean that he had two stage names? JH) sustained the reputation he has already gained as a low comedian and makes us the less deplore the absence of the well known and inimitable Brushwood” (last recorded performance 10.5.1860). Of course the female roles were taken by men, which led, as it always does, to some ridiculous scenes: "The company possesses great strength in the important particular of lady performers. The only drawback which, however, is immaterial in burlesque, lies in the great height and muscular development of the fair ones". Yet Miss Mary MIDDLESEX "bore away the palm for natural feminine get-up" and "nothing could excel the dash which Kate COVENTRY threw into the part of the vivandière", (NCH 27.5.1865). That not all patrons were equally pleased became evident from the Shanghai Commercial Record (5.6.1865) when it wrote: "an allusion which was considered too personal led to a corresponding in our columns" (i.e. the "Shanghai Recorder" which to the great regret of all historians treating the history of foreign Shanghai can no longer be found). At the end of the evening a number of toasts were proposed, among others to "Alabaster, to whose exertions much of the success of the company was due". This was a reference to Chaloner Alabaster (1831-1890), the British vice-consul who was also active in the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. In conclusion the Herald reported that "the arrangements were excellent and notwithstanding the warmth of the evening and the crowded state of the theatre, the air within the walls did not become oppressively hot. Punkahs were slung over the front seats and during the temporary pauses kept up a current of air", 27.5.1865 (Sat) Performance by Mr. Benjamin Seare. Programme unknown (reading, etc) Th: Lyceum Theatre (1) R: Both the Herald and the Record agreed that Mr. SEARE "is possessed of great talent" ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 234 in 1846 and kept by the London Missionary Society. (NCH 25.11.1865; SCR 24.11.1865). 14.12.1865 (Thur) J.M. MORTON: "Woodcock's Little Game” (1864) T: Farce (1 act) J.P. PLANCHE: "Faint Heart never won Fair Lady" (1839) T: Comedy (1 act) C. SELBY: "The Boots at the Swan" (1842) T: Comedy (1 act) C: Amateurs of the Shanghai Volunteer Corps F: Prologue spoken by Edward Lawrance and Mr. Groom Th: Lyceum Theatre (1) N: First performance of the season by the S.V.C. R: Again only stage names were used in the review. In Morton's piece, Woodcock's Little Game, Woodcock was played by Mr. DOLEFUL who had "evidently elaborated the part with great care." His only drawback was "a certain monotony in gesture". Another central character was Mrs. Colonel Carver, "inimitably performed by Mrs. St. CHAWLES. The majestic lady's make-up was characteristic and costly and many of her attitudes and tones reminded us of Miss Snowdon [Mary Jane Chippendale, 1837-1888; but she made her debut only in 1863 JH] whose imposing personation of similar female parts has assisted so many Haymarket triumphs". Exceptionally some slight attention was also paid to the staging when the critic wrote about the second scene that the "occasional glimpses of the whirling waltzers and partners-seeking promenaders were skilfully managed". In Faint Heart never won Fair Lady Mr. DOLEFUL again took a leading part, that of Ruy Gomez. However, the Herald was not inclined to accept this gentleman's reading of the character without some exception, as a greater prominence might have been given to the comic element. Lightness, vivacity and élan are indispensable in all characters written, as this one was, for Charles Mathews. However, as he had appeared in a humorous part before, Mr. DOLEFUL was perhaps anxious to show his versatility". Travesty abounded: "The most difficult part was essayed by Miss SOFTLY [as Charles, the King of Spain, a role cast for an actress JH]. For a man to play a lady's part is hard, for a lady to play a man's part is not easy, but for a man to play a man's part as a lady would play it is hardest of all. Charles II, the mischievous, frolicsome schoolboy at large, newly awaking to a sense of royal responsibility, has been a favourite part with some of our cleverest and prettiest actresses and Miss SOFTLY held her own when compared with these formidable competitors" About the Boots at the Swan the reporter confessed that "we are inclined to think this piece has been acted enough" (but hardly in Shanghai where it was on the boards for the first time). "The elaborate mimicry of the inimitable ROBSON made the deaf Boots as popular with the London public as Sam Weller had been before him, but a peculiar talent alone can render Jacob Earwig interesting to an audience ten thousand miles away from the little theatre in Wych Street* (i.e. the Olympic Theatre in London). (Henry Morley wrote about Robson in this part, 1857: "Mr. Robson, although deaf, is humorously wide awake. He is the Boots who is brisk and alive to all the humour of the street, who would be preternaturally knowing if he could but hear what people say. In word and look and action he is more the gamin than the simpleton. The extravagance of a most laughable farce is heightened by him to the utmost and there is not a long face to be seen while he is busy on the stage" *** 136) But, to continue with the Herald: "FUNNYDOG, the new low comedian, is a valuable accession to the company. His stable yard dress, wooden attitude and imperturbable face formed a perfect study for Leech and Cruikshank, and the finish with which he played the long, and we confess to us tiresome, drunken scene shows ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 235 that in more congenial parts Mr. FUNNYDOG will help to compensate us for the loss of that most genial of humourists, our incomplete BRUSHWOOD". The critic ended with the following advice: "For the future it would be better to rehearse three pieces and play two of them the first night; then in the event of a second performance the piece which was received on the first occasion with the heartiest plaudits might be repeated, preceded or followed by the new Drama held ready and in reserve. We are inclined to offer this suggestion owing to the various complaints which we have heard of the lateness of the hour at which Thursday's entertainment concluded, and also from a selfish wish perhaps to have two dramatic treats instead of one” (NCH 16.12.1865). ## APPENDIX I ## Authorlist of plays staged in Shanghai 1850-1865 In this list full titles of the plays staged in Shanghai will be found as well as first nights in London (these generally according to Nicoll. History of English Drama). P: Performance in Shanghai ?: The play is listed under more than one author | Author | Play Title | First Night in London | P: Performance in Shanghai | | --- | --- | --- | --- | | AYTON, Richard (1786-1823) | "The Rendez-Vous" | 21.9.1818 | 24.3.1852 | | BARNETT, Morris (1800-1856) | **The Serious Family** | 30.10.1849 | 8.10.1859; 23.3.1865; 28.4.1865 | | A BECKETT, Gilbert Abbott (1811-1856) | "The Roofscrambler” | 15.6.1835 | 12.12.1850 | | | **Siamese Twins** | [14.4.1834] | 5.5.1853 | | | **The Turned Head** | 3.11.1834 | 27.1.1865 | | BERNARD, William Bayle (1807-1875) | "A Practical Man" | 20.10.1849 | 8.3.1854 | | BOUCICAULT, Dion (1822-1890) | **The Colleen Bawn or the Brides of Garryowen** | 29.3.1860 | 25.4.1865 | | | "The Octoroon or Life in Louisiana" | 6.12.1859 | 7.1.1865; 13.1.1865; 14.1.1865 | | | "Used Up" (with C. Mathews) | 1.6.1846 | 26.1.1853; 8.2.1857 | | BRIDGEMAN, John Vipon (1819-1889) | **I've Been Eaten My Friend!** | 8.9.1851 | 22.3.1854 | | BROOKS, Charles William Shirley (1816-1874) | "Anything for a Change" | 7.6.1848 | 14.5.1854 | | BROUGH, Robert Barnabas (1828-1860) | "Crinoline" | 18.12.1856 | March 1863; 16.3.1863; 1.4.1863 | | | **Medea or The Best of Mothers with a Brute of a Husband** | 14.7.1856 | 28.12.1864 | | BROUGH, William (1826-1870) | 'Apartments: Visitors to the Exhibition may be accommodated. A piece of extravaganza to suit the times' | 14.5.1851 | 23.3.1853 | | | "The Area Belle" (with A. Halliday) | 7.3.1864 | 30.9.1865 | | | "Conrad and Medora or Harlequin Little Fairy at the Bottom of the Sea" | 26.12.1856 | | 138 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 239 MORTON, John Maddison (1811-1891) "Attic Story" (19.5.1842). P: 6.5.1852 "Betsy Baker or too attentive by half" (13.11.1850). P: 23.3.1853 145 "Box and Cox: a Romance of Real Life" (1.11.1847). P: 15.5.1854; 18.2.1857 "A Capital Match" (4.11.1852). P: 23.4.1857; 3.12.1864 "Done on Both Sides" (24.2.1847). P: 10.2.1858 "Fitzsmythe of Fitzsmythe Hall" (26.5.1860). P: 26.3.1863 "Grimshaw, Bagshaw and Bradshaw" (1.7.1851). P: 2.6.1859 "Lend me Five Shillings" (18.2.1846). P: see p. 15 "A Most Unwarrantable Intrusion" (11.6.1849). P: 22.3.1854; 1.4.1864 "Our Wife or The Rose of Amiens" (18.11.1856). P: 13.12.1863; 17.2.1863 "Poor Pillicuddy" (12.7.1848). P: 15.3.1860; 26.5.1864 "Slasher and Crasher" (13.11.1848). P: 21.2.1856 "To Paris and back for £5" (5.2.1853). P: 10.5.1860; 21.3.1865 "The Two Bonny Castles" (25.11.1851). P: 22.3.1854; 8.5.1865 "Where there's a will there's a way" (6.9.1849). P: 26.3.1863 "Whitebait at Greenwich" (14.11.1853). P: 23.1.1856; 16.2.1859; 26.5.1864 "Woodcock's Little Game" (6.10.1864). P: 14.2.1865 MORTON, Thomas, Sr (1764-1838) "A Roland for an Oliver" (29.4.1819). P: 23.2.1852 MORTON, Thomas, Jr "Sink or Swim" (2.8.1852). P: 16.2.1859 MURRAY, William Henry Wood (1790-1852) 146 "Diamond cut Diamond" (19.6.1843). P: 12.12.1850 ? "No!" (14.11.1826). P: 23.2.1852 ? "Rob Roy" (10.6.1818). P: 28.3.-5.4.1865 OXENFORD, John (1813-1877) "I couldn't help it" (19.4.1862). P: 13.4.1865 "Retained for the Defence" (23.5.1859). P: 25.4.1864 PAYNE, John Howard (1790-1852) "Charles the Second or the Merry Monarch" (27.6.1824). P: 16.3.1858 "'Twas I" (3.12.1825). P: 27.4.1865 PEAKE, Richard Brinsley (1797-1880) "The Haunted Inn" (31.1.1828). P: 6.5.1852 PLANCHE, James Robinson (1796-1880) "Faint Heart never won Fair Lady" (28.2.1839). P: 8.10.-14.10.1864; 14.2.1865 "The Invisible Prince or the Island of Tranquil Delights" (26.12.1846). P: 23.3.1865 "The Knights of the Round Table" (20.5.1854). P: 24.5.1865 REYNOLDS, Francis (1764-1841) ? "No!" (16.5.1828). P: 23.3.1852 RHODES, William Barnes (1772-1826) "Bombastes Furioso" (7.8.1810). P: 28.1.1851; 5.5.1858 ROBERTS, George ? "Lady Audley's Secret" (28.2.1863). P: 28.12.1864 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 242 High Life below Stairs: J. Townley; 21.4.1851. The Honey Moon: W. Linley? J. Tobin? 19.4.1865. A Household Fairy: F. Talfourd; 216.11.1864. I couldn't help it: J. Oxenford; 13.4.1865. III Treated Il Trovatore: H.J. Byron; 22.6.1864, 29.6.1864. The Infanticidal Farce: J.S. Coyne; 21.2.1856. The Invisible Prince: J.R. Planché; 23.3.1865. The Irish Tutor: R. Butler; 5.5.1853. Isabella: J.B. Buckstone; 28.3.-5.4.1865. I've Eaten My Friend: J.V. Bridgeman; 22.3.1854. Kenilworth: N.N.; 28.3.-5.4.1865. King John: W. Shakespeare; 12.11.-18.11.1864. A Kiss in the Dark: J.B. Buckstone; 26.3.1857. The Knights of the Round Table: J.R. Planché; 24.5.1865. A Lady and a Gentleman in a Peculiarly Perplexing Predicement: C. Selby; 13.12.1864. Lady Audley's Secret: C.H. Hazlewood? G. Roberts? W.E. Suter?; 28.12.1864. The Lady of Lyons: E. Bulwer Lytton; 10.2.1864. The Lady of Lyons: H.J. Byron?; 22.10.-28.10.1864, 29.4.1865. Lend me Five Shillings: J.M. Morton; see p. 15. A Lesson for the Ladies: J.B. Buckstone; 8.4.1865. As Like as Two Peas: H. Lillo; 16.3.1858. Little Toddlekins: C.J. Mathews; 26.5.1864. Love Laughs at Locksmiths: G. Colman the Younger; 9.5.1864, Love, Law and Physics: J. Kenney; 28.1.1851. A Lucky Escape: C.S. Cheltnam; 25.4.1864. The Maid and the Magpie: H.J. Byron; 8.10.-14.10.1864, 15.10.-21.10.1864, 15.4.1865. Make your Wills: E. Mayhew; 23.1.1856. Married Life: J.B. Buckstone; 12.11.-18.11.1864. Medea: R.B. Brough; 28.12.1864. A Most Unwarrantable Intrusion: J.M. Morton; 22.3.1854, 1.4.1864, Nature and Philosophy: N.N.; 9.5.1864. The Nigger Doctor and his Patient Patient: N.N.; 14.8.1856. No!: W.H. Murray? F. Reynolds?; 23.2.1852. No 1 round the corner: W. Brough; 23.1.1856. Nursery Chickweed: T.J. Williams; 28.3.-5.4.1865. The Octoroon: D. Boucicault; 7.1.-13.1.1865, 14.1.1865, On and Off: T.J. Williams; 25.4.1864. Our Wife: J.M. Morton; 13.2.1863, 17.2.1863. Perdita: W. Brough; 8.4.1865. Poor Pillicoddy: J.M. Morton; 15.3.1860, 26.5.1864. A Practical Man: W.B. Bernard; 8.3.1854. Princess Springtime: H.J. Byron; 10.11.1865, 20.11.1865. A Race for Dinner: J.T.G. Rodwell; announced but not performed. Raising the wind: J. Kenney; 9.2.1858, 30.3.1864, 4.4.1864. The Rendez-vous: R. Ayton; 24.3.1852. Retained for the Defence: J. Oxenford; 25.4.1864. The Review; G. Colman the Younger; 24.3.1852. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h # BIBLIOGRAPHY 245 1. Archives: "London Missionary Society": Incoming Letters, Central China. 2. Newspapers and Periodicals: **Boletim do Governo de Macao**, Macao, 1855-1865. "China Mail", Hong Kong, 1845-1860. "North China Herald", Shanghai, 1850-1867. "Puck, or the Shanghai Charivari", Shanghai, 1871-1873. *Shanghai Commercial Record*, Shanghai, 1865. 3. Books and Articles: Adams, W. Davenport: "A Dictionary of the Drama. A Guide to the Plays, Playwrights, Players and Playhouses of the United Kingdom and America from the earliest times to the present", Vol. I (A-G) (no more published). Philadelphia, 1904. Appleton, William W.: "Madame Vestris and the London Stage", New York - London, 1974. Barr, Pat: "The Deer Cry Pavillion. A Story of Westerners in Japan 1868-1905", London, 1968. Black, J.R.: "Young Japan. Yokohama and Yedo. A Narrative of the Settlement and the city from the signing of the treaties in 1858 to the close of the year 1879", Tokyo-London, 1968 (reprint of 1880-1881 edition). Boase, Frederic: "Modern English Biography", London, 1965 (reprint of the 1891-1921 edition). Booth, Michael (Ed): "English Plays of the 19th century", Volumes I and IV, Oxford, 1969-1973. British Museum General Catalogue of Books. Brown, T. Allston: "A History of the New York Stage from the first performance in 1732 to 1901, 3 vols.; New York 1964 (reprint of 1903 ed.). Buckley, C.B.: "An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore 1819-1867, Singapore, 1902. Carse, A.: "The Life of Jullien", Cambridge, 1951. Chesterfield, Lord: "Advice to his son on Men & Manners in which the principles of politeness and the art of acquiring a knowledge of the world are laid down in an easy and familiar manner", Chiswick, 1826. Conolly, L.W. and J.P. Wearing: "English Drama and Theatre 1800-1900. A Guide to information sources", Detroit, 1978. Cordier, Henri: "Bibliotheca Sinica", second edition; 5 vols.; Paris 1904ff. Davis, Jim (Ed.): "Plays of H.J. Byron", Cambridge, 1984. 'Dictionary of National Biography". Dyce, C.M.: "Personal Reminiscences of Thirty Years' Residence in the Model Settlement. Shanghai 1870-1900", London, 1906. Engle, Gary D.: "This Grotesque Essence. Plays from the American Minstrel Stage". Baton Rouge, 1978. Fétis, F.J.: "Biographic Universelle de Musiciens", Paris, 1864; Supplement by Arthur Pougin, 1880. Fitzgerald, Percy: "Principles of Comedy and Dramatic Effect", London, 1870. "The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians", London, 1980. Haan, J.H.: "Origin and Development of the Political System in the Shanghai International Settlement" in: "Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of Royal Asiatic Society", Vol. 22 (1982), p. 31-64. Haan, J.H.: "The Shanghai Library: A history of the first foreign library in Shanghai" in: "Journal of the Hong Kong Library Association", 1987. Hartnoll, Phyllis: "The Concise Oxford Companion to the Theatre", London, 1972. Howard, Diana: "London Theatres and Music Halls, 1850-1950", London, 1970. Page 270 Page 271 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 246 King, F.H.H. and P. Clarke: “A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers 1822-1911”, Cambridge (Mass), 1965. Kosch, Wilhelm: "Deutsches Theater Lexikon", Klagenfurt, 1960. Kounin, I.I.: "The Diamond Jubilee of the International Settlement of Shanghai", Shanghai, n.d. (c. 1939). Kunitz, Stanley (Ed.): "British Authors of the 19th Century", N.Y., 1936. Lang, H.: “Shanghai considered socially", Shanghai, 1875. Lanning, G. and S. Couling: "The History of Shanghai", Vol. I.; Shanghai, 1921. MacGuire, Paul: "The Australian Theatre", Melbourne, 1948. MacLellan, J.W.: "The Story of Shanghai from the opening of the port to foreign trade". Shanghai, 1889. Makepeace, Walter, Gilbert E. Brooke and R. St. J. Bradwell (Ed): 'One Hundred Years of Singapore", 2 vols.; London, 1921. Maybon, Charles B. & J. Fredet: "Histoire de la Concession Francaise de Changhai'', Paris, 1929. Maude, Cyril: "The Haymarket Theatre, Some Records and Reminiscences" London, 1903. Mullin Donald (Ed.): "Victorian Actors and Actresses in Review", Westport, 1983 National Union Catalogue. 1 Nicoll, Allardyce: "A History of English Drama 1660-1900", 6 vols,; Cambridge 1952ff. Pal, John: "Shanghai Saga", London, 1963. Pearsall, Ronald: "Victorian Popular Music", Newton Abbot, 1973. "The Player's Library. A Catalogue of the Library of the British Drama League”, London, 1950. Pope, W.J. Macqueen: "Haymarket, Theatre of Perfection", London, 1948. Reynolds, Ernest: "Early Victorian Drama (1830-1870), New York, 1965 (reprint of 1936 edition). Riemann, Hugo: "Musik Lexikon", Berlin, 1916 (8th edition). Rowell, George (Ed.): "Nineteenth Century Plays”, Oxford, 1972. “Shanghai Alamanac” 1855, 1856, 1858, 1862; Shanghai, 1854ff years. **Shanghai t'ung yen-chiu tzu-liao (Shanghai Research Materials), Hong Kong 1972 (reprint of 1936 edition). Smith, C.; "The Hong Kong Amateur Dramatic Club and its predecessors" in: "Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the R.A.S.", Vol. 22 (1982), p. 217-251. Thomson, Peter: "Plays by Dion Boucicault", Cambridge, 1984. Toll, Robert C.: 'Blacking Up. The Minstrel Show in 19th century America”, New York, 1974. Troubridge, St. Vincent: "The Benefit System in the British Theatre”, London, 1967. Wearing, J.P.: "American and British Theatrical Biography", London, 1979. White, Walter: "China Station 1859-1864", London, 1972. Williams, Harold S.: "Tales of the Foreign Settlements in Japan", Tokyo, 1972. Wright, Arnold and H.A. Cartwright: "Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong. Shanghai and other Treaty Ports of China", London, 1908. Abbreviations: NOTES BGM: Boletim do Governo de Macao. NCH: North China Herald. SCR: Shanghai Commercial Record. 1 Performance 6.5.1852. NCH 8.5.1852. Only passing attention has been paid to the early theatre in Shanghai: Lanning & Couling. p. 429-430: MacLennan: p. 85-86. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 248 39 NCH 14.3.1863. 40 NCH 2.5.1863. 41 NCH 17.6.1865, 24.6.1865. 42 NCH 28.3.1863. 43 For minstrel shows see: Engle; Toll. 44 NCH 13.2.1864. 43 46 NCH 7.5.1864. cf Dictionary of National Biography, Suppl. 2, Vol. I, p. 545. Here it is mentioned that the touring group was disbanded in 1863, but this is obviously incorrect. 47 NCH 15.2.1862. Could it be that the originator of this Company was the same as "G.B.W. Lewis", who built the Astley Amphitheatre in Melbourne in 1854? Cf MacGuire, p. 97, n. 1. 43 NCH 19.11.1864. 49 Smith, p. 243. 50 SCR 5.5.1865. 51 NCH 14.1.1865. 52 SCR 25.1.1865. Probably they first tried their luck in Macao, but there the public interest was very small on February 11 and the next day the performance had even to be cancelled (BGM 13.2.1865). 53 of Appleton, p. 54; about the decline of the benefit system see Troubridge, p. 87ff. 34 Performance 24.3.1852. NCH 27.3.1852. 53 36 NCH 26.1.1856. NCH 28.2.1861. Letter to the "Daily Shipping & Commercial News" 27.12.1861; see also NCH 9.10.1858. 47 Carse, p. 70; this was in the 1851-1852 season. Biographical data are given in Fétis, Vol. VII, p. 229; Born in Bordeaux, 11.5.1815; he was admitted to the Conservatoire de Paris, 25.10.1830, where he became a pupil of the famous flautist Jean Louis Tulou. In 1832 he won the first prize in a competition for his qualités précieuses: beau son, reticulation brilliante dans les traits et belle manière de phraser. He spent part of his life in Britain, where he was engaged as the first flautist of the "Théâtre de la Reine". This should not read Queen's Theatre (as it is translated by Riemann and others), but Her Majesty's Theatre at the Haymarket. In Fétis it is stated that the theatre closed in 1853; in fact it closed for the season 1852-1853 (Howard, P. 111). Rémusat subsequently returned to France to become a member of the Théâtre Lyrique orchestra (Théâtre de la Gaîté-Lyrique?). Pougin, in the Supplement (Vol. II, p. 403) however doubts this: "Je ne sais si le fait est exact; en tout cas Rémusat n'aurait pas tardé à retourner en Angleterre, car en 1856 j'ai connu cet excellent artiste à Londres où il occupait une brilliante situation". He died in Shanghai 1.9.1880. Besides being a soloist he composed a number of concertinos, fantasias, etc for his own instrument. 58 Supplement to Fétis by Pougin, Vol. II, p. 403. of note 57. 59 BGM 4.6.1866, 18.6.1866. 60 Lang, p. 51. 61 A concert of the Philharmonic Society on 26.2.1867 is mentioned in NCH 23.3.1867. 42 NCH 26.2.1859. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 63 64 NCH 12.3.1859. NCH 12.3.1859. Lang, p. 51. 66 NCH 16.3.1861. 67 NCH 2.7.1864. 249 NCH 26.2.1859. 69 NCH 11.2.1865. Probably a detailed review had appeared in the North China Daily News, but as already stated in section II, this paper is not available in any library. 70 NCH 20.9.1856. 71 72 For the Hong Kong visit see China Mail 14.8.1856, 21.8.1856, 16.10.1856. NCH 14.11.1863. Dyce, p. 104, 74 NCH advertisement 6.2.1858. 75 NCH 31.1.1852, 23.2.1852. 76 NCH 25.3.1854. 77 Sec: Pearsall, p. 27-28. According to Wright, p. 390. 70 L 81 "Puck'', Vol. II, no I (March 3, 1873), p. 11, Barr, p. 110. Smith, p. 228-229. 82 Makespeace e.a., Vol. II, p. 387. 83 NCH 28.3.1857. **NCH 19.2.1859. 85 NCH 28.5.1864. 86 In Maybon & Fredet, fac. p. 368, with men playing the roles of women. HJ The title of the play is wrongly given as "Send me 5 shillings". 88 White, p. 23. 89 NCH 21.2.1857. 90 Lang, p. 50. 91 NCH 31.1.1852. 92 NCH 27.3.1852. 93 NCH 8.5.1852. 94 That the Commercial House and the Commercial Hotel were at least on the same premises can be deduced from the fact that they bore the same Chinese hong name: **E-lee#" i.e. I-li (of Shanghai Almanac 1856: Commercial House; 1858: Commercial Hotel). The Commercial House was opened in May 1853 (advert. in NCH 7.5.1853) “on the site of the late Victoria Hotel". It was temporarily closed some years later and re-opened as the Commercial Hotel on June 13, 1856 (adv. in NCH 14.6.1856) by two Frenchmen, Barraud and Barrazie. On November 15, 1858, the building was sold at a public auction (adv. NCH 23.10.1858) for £4,200 (NCH 20.11.1858). According to the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 327 Naam-Bin ("South Side") and Bak-Bin ("North Side"). Bak-Bin includes only two villages: Shui Tau and Shui Mei. Naam-Bin includes Kat Hing Wai, Tai Hong Wai, Wing Lung Wai, Ko Po, Kam Hing Wai, Tsi Tong Tsuen, Tai Hong Tsuen and Kam Tin Shi. The division into Naam-Bin and Bak-Bin corresponds to the geographic location of residence as well as to agricultural and ritual activities. The village patrol corps of Kam Tin were also organized in terms of Naam-Bin and Bak-Bin. B. The Village Guard System The village guard system continued well into the 1960s. It used to be called cheun-ding, but later was called ji-wai-deui. There was one for Naam-Bin and one for Bak-Bin. The Naam-Bin guards consisted, more or less, of two men from each of Tai Hong Wai, Wing Lung Wai, Kat Hing Wai and Ko Po. The Bak-Bin guards were from Shui Tau and Shui Mei. The guards worked in two shifts, the first from 8 p.m. to midnight and the second from midnight to about 5 a.m. The Naam-Bin village guards patrolled the area reaching Au Tau to the west, gwai-waan to the east, Wong Chuk bei to the south, and the river before Pak Wai chyun to the north. Sha Pui Leng (Sa Bui Leng) was within the scope of their protection. The villagers of this village paid levies to the corps, but none of them were members. The village corps was rewarded by levies on sweet potato and rice crops. They charged 10% on potato. Before harvest, one in ten rows (laar) of the potato had already been allocated to the village guards. The rate of the levy on rice was a prescribed amount some tens of catties on each mu of cultivation. When the villagers' paddy fields suffered loss from theft, they got compensation from the village corps responsible for its protection. The corps would compensate in full the estimated loss. In earlier times the head of each village corps was selected by bidding. Each candidate would offer a certain quantity of rice (guk) which he would give back to the member villages. But in the case of the head for the year 1954, who I interviewed, he was appointed by the elders. This was because few people wanted the post. Around 1954 there was government involvement in the village guard system. "The police station asked us to organize [village corps]”. There were more than ten guards, armed with 6 guns. The guards also had passes issued by the police. They were also given used uniforms for ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 354 [**posting the memorial”] which will start at about 8 a.m., and a meal. The procession is to cover the 5 wai and 6 chyun of Kam Tin, paying respect to the gods. It will end at about 5 p.m. There will also be a ceremony to be officiated by James Hayes at 4 p.m. The procession on the next day will go all the way to Yuen Long, taking about the same amount of time. But as it can start earlier there is no need to wait until a preceding rite is over it will probably end a bit earlier... the daai-yau [“Great Offering to Ghosts"] on the last evening of the jiu will start at about 7 p.m., and end at about 3 a.m. T — The four rites named were the events which many of the villagers took part in, and the routes of the procession were unique to Kam Tin. It is therefore not surprising that the no. 1 ritual representative could estimate their timing with some confidence. Of the other rites performed by the priests, he did not seem to know much. He told me that to have a better idea of what the schedule would be, I had better talk with the priests. The answer of the priest I talked to on the telephone was that he would not know until he and his colleagues got to Kam Tin, as Kam Tin had a written record prescribing its own requirements for the jiu. I had the opportunity to read the manuscript in detail. It included contracts for the priests, paang construction contractor, paper image and offerings maker, puppeteer and opera troupe, among others. It also listed the rites, giving details of the offerings and other arrangements required. A few copies of the manuscript from previous celebrations were still kept. While the manuscripts provide much useful information, the responsible villagers do not seem to use it fully. While the contract for the paper image maker specified the figures to be included, the elders probably had no idea what there should be besides the images of the ten Kings of the Underworld. They had no idea that in the contract they required several dozen sets of paper clothing for use as offering to "heroes". The record had a diagram showing the proper arrangement of the temporary altars to be set up for the ying-sing rite, which had been in practice in the previous celebrations, but this time the layout no longer agreed with that in the record. Part of the confusion must have been due to the fact that a few different ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 355 traditions were involved in the festival. The priests had some difficulty with the opening ritual. In this, according to their practice, they also send off the third Memorial. In this case the almanac specified that the third Memorial should be submitted at about 3 a.m., and the opening ritual take place at a later time. At first the priests thought that they would follow the almanac specialist's schedule. But later the ritual representatives decided that they had never had the two rituals separately performed in previous celebrations. So it was decided that they would have the third Memorial ritual together with the opening ritual, at the time specified for the latter. The distribution of ritual knowledge was not even among the villagers. Two elders noticeably active in organizing the rites probably knew much more than the others. I was able to talk with one of them, who attributed his active involvement in the rites to the fact that he had become familiar with the ritual through serving as ritual representative in the last three celebrations, every time in the first five places. He had complaints about mistakes in the jiu ceremonies. He believed that paper clothing had not been burnt in the Small Offering to Ghosts, because, after the ceremony, there was still a box of them with hats and boots. A second mistake was remedied by his complaint. It was the villagers' practice to have 49 lanterns in the Dipper rite. The priests had set up only 28. The elder complained to the older priest, who explained to his colleagues how the number of 49 was arrived at. A third case was Ying-Sing, "Escorting the Holy Ones". The elder was aware of a mistake: this time there was no place for jung-sing (“All the Holy Ones", represented by a san-teng tablet), ancestor Hung-Yi, or Jau and Wong. It had been the practice that four places were dedicated to them, and only one to the Three Pure Ones. The two mistakes were not corrected because he was not there. He had gone home to sleep." B. The Festival Committee 66 A Festival Committee was formed of the ritual representatives and the ordinary leaders of the community. Named as the president and vice-presidents were the head of the lineage, the member of the lineage who had been appointed by the Government as J.P., the chairman of the Rural Committee, a lawyer on the District Board, and elders from each village (who were not necessarily the Village Representatives). It was explained to me that this group of presidents was to represent the villagers in dealing with invited guests and other honourable outsiders. The chairman and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 372 yi-chung Ying Lung Wai ying-bong ying-sing 迎聖 Ying-Yun 英元 Yongzheng 雍正 Yuen Kong 元崗 Yuen Long 元朗 Yu-Gaai Yu-Ji 4* Yu-Jung 遇宗 Yu-Man yun 元 Yun 袁 yun-bou 元寶 Yun-Fan yun-sau 綠首 yung-fu seung-yan A Yut-Man # NOTES Sung Hok-p'ang, "Legends and Stories of the New Territories". 1974, pp. 168-9. 2 Included near the end of the Si Kim Tong genealogy. A different version of the early history named Hon-Faat as the first ancestor to settle in Kam Tin. See Faure (1984:240). In the custody of Mr. Dang Yu-Hing. The names are Gam-Tin (1474-?) and Gam-Lei (1512-?). 6 The Ching Lok Ancestral Hall ritual manual. I have consulted Taga (1982), which has some details about this segment on p. 19 and p. 91. He sounded less sure of this later, and a knowledgeable elder of a closely related segment knows nothing peculiar about the house. The petitions are included in vol. 2 of the Kam Tin Historical Documents, the Oral History Project Collection, (copy at Chinese University of Hong Kong) I had the opportunity to work out a chart for the Sing-Ngok segment from a fragment of their genealogy and compare the names with those in the petitions. 01 See Faure (1984). See the genealogy in Kam Tin Historical Documents vol. 1, and also Faure (1984:26-27). ET I did not have the opportunity to see the piece of embroidery which probably bears a useful name list. 12 An examination of the ritual handbook for the ancestral hall (included in the genealogy in Kam Tin Historical Documents vol. 1) shows that among the three branches it was the Naam-Kai jou people who dominated. 13 According to the Yeui branch genealogy in Hugh Baker's Collection of Genealogies and Taga (1982). 14 The Fenggang Shuyuan. See Ng (1983:60) about this school. 13 According to Mr. Yun Mui, whose great grandfather, he said, had held the position before Dang, 16 See the announcement from the Dongguan county magistrate included in the genealogy in Kam Tin Historical Documents vol. 1. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 384 亞哥剪辮 亞哥又興弟又興 新買銅鐘莫冇聲 新買銅鐘莫有聲 不怕滿州使劍刀 革命打贏哥剪辮 餓死滿州冇肚腸 餓死滿州有肚子 炸彈一去就冇毛 P.H. HASE NOTES These are the papers of a local village scholar (1874-1944) from Hoi Ha Village in North Sai Kung, and are now on deposit in the Sha Tin Public Library. Regional Council. The pamphlet is entitled "A New Three Character Classic", and has the classification number R802.81 0132. I am obliged to Mr. M.Y. Lee for assistance in transcription and translation. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hongkong, 1912, (Sessional Papers), No. 11, "Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912”, para. 88, page 56 (G.N. Orme, District Officer, 9th June, 1912), and Hong Kong Administrative Reports for the Year 1911, Appendix I, "Report on the New Territories for the Year 1911, A. - Northern District”, page I, 5. (G.N. Orme, District Officer, 20th June, 1912). THE MUTUAL DEFENCE ALLIANCE (YEUK) OF THE NEW TERRITORIES It is well-known that the traditional society of the eastern New Territories was dominated by inter-village mutual defence alliances, or Yeuk, and that the political structure of the area was dominated by further, higher-level alliances, or "unions", of Yeuk. The Sai Kung area, for instance, comprised six Yeuk, which formed a single, higher-level "union" centred on Sai Kung market; the Sha Tin area was similarly a "union" of nine Yeuk; the Sha Tau Kok area one of ten Yeuk; and the Ta Kwu Ling area one of six Yeuk. These areas were, in consequence, known in the late nineteenth century as the Luk Yeuk ("Union of Six Yeuk"), Kau Yeuk ("Union of Nine Yeuk”), etc. Recently I discovered two copies of a document in the Yung Sze-chiu collection from Hoi Ha village in North Sai Kung by which a group of villages constituted themselves into a Yeuk. Because of the interest of this document, I append a copy and translation. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 388 goods- true and absolute proof. I now repent. If my own personal appeal that I escape being sent to the Magistrate for formal examination is accepted I will with sincerity go through the punishment imposed publicly by the community. Afterwards I will always obey the advice and rules of the Yeuk. Should there ever be a time when I again do anything improper, then let the community send me to the Magistrate to face trial. I request this. Furthermore, I shall follow the rules of the Yeuk, and shall never dare to be overcome by shame and harm people or do anything of the sort. Because we fear verbal agreements, we have put this in writing, and have also kept several copies as evidence. P.H. HASE NOTES Faure, in his The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong. Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1986, pp. 100-127. has discussed these arrangements in detail. The documents from the Yung Sze-chiu collection are now held in the Sha Tin Public Library, Regional Council. The documents are to be found in two volumes, both with the number R802.79 4431, both with the title ([D] (A Collection of Exemplars of Documents and Couplets]). Accession numbers of the two volumes are 622670 and 622679. My thanks are due to Dr. David Faure and Mrs. Nga-ching Miller for assistance with the translation. The two versions show minor variations in wording: these are not noted here. MORE ON THE MAN THE EMPEROR DECAPITATED In Volume 28 of the Journal, David Faure printed various folktales from the Eastern New Territories relating to the history of Ho Chan, in a Note headed "The Man the Emperor Decapitated".' Recently, a further story of the same sort was given to me by Tsim Foh-sang, a village elder of Tsap Wai Kon village in Sha Tin. Mr. Tsim was born about 1918, and was educated in his village. This story was written down by Mr. Tsim in 1981 as an interesting note on the history of Kau Sai. Mr. Tsim's story shows that stories about Ho Chan were current in Sha Tin as well as Kat O and Sai Kung, and were probably current throughout the Eastern New Territories. Tsim Foh-sang's note reads: I was told that there is a Fung Shui site in the sea near Kau Sai. The name of this site is "A Golden Bell Hanging on a Silk Thread" (金鐘絲線) (#Bâ£), and it belonged to Ho, the Minister of the Left (左相). It was one of the ninety- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 396 was frequently invaded by the Wo Chao, i.e. the Japanese pirates. Tai Yu Shan lies on the south coast of Kwangtung Province, and was an important military base against the Wo Chao. During the Wan Li Reign, the Nam Tau Chai #9, i.e. the Nam Tau Naval Battalion, with six guard stations, was created. One of them was at Tai O ✰ on Tai Yu Shan." In 1521, the Ferangi, i.e. the Portuguese, invaded Tuen Mun P¶. In 1522, they were defeated by the Ming troops which lies on the north coast of Tai Yu Shan, at Sai Chao Wan 15 between Tai O and Sha Lo Wan. At that time, there were nine settlements on the island: Kai Kung Tau O, Sha Lo Wan, Tung Sai Chung, Tai Ho Shan (now known as Lantau Peak), Mui Wo, Lo Pui O 螺杯澳 (now known as Pui O) and Tong Fuk 唐復、16 Dynasty, In the 1st year of the Kang Hsi Reign of the Ching, the coastal areas, especially the Kwangtung, the Fukien and the Chekiang Provinces, were frequently disturbed by pirates. Thus the government imposed the Coastal Evacuation. It was only in the 8th year of the Kang Hsi Reign (1669) that the coastal restriction was abandoned, and people were allowed to return to settle on the island. There were no fortifications then. In the early part of the Yung Cheng Reign, Yeung Lin, the governor of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces built the Fan Lau Fort on the west tip of the island. The fort was known as the Kai Yik Fork. It consisted of eight cannon places and twenty barracks." Later, in the Chien Lung and the Chia Ching + 19 periods, owing to the increasing influence of the pirates and the foreigners, the Tung Chung Hau □ guard station was created. In 1817, eight more barracks were built at Tung Chung Hau," and two forts were built at the foot of the Shek She Shan. These two forts, with seven barracks and an arsenal, together were known as the Shek She Fort HWS." In 1831, the Tung Chung Walled City 東涌寨城 was built at the foot of the Sheung Ling Pei Shan 上嶺皮山。20 After 1841, the Tung Chung Walled City and the forts remained as important military bases. Besides, guard stations were established at Tai Ho, Sha Lo Wan and Mui Wo. These remained in position until 1898, when the New Territories and the adjacent islands were leased to the British. After that, they were redundant.2 After the coastal restriction was abandoned, five villages were resettled, namely: Tai O, Tung Sai Chung, Lo Pui O, Shek Pik and Mui Wo." In the Chia Ching period, more villages were created, there were ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 401 connections between the local guilds, membership on the committee and the emergence of a Chinese business elite, the importance of a Chinese alternative to the colonial government which the Tung Wah essentially represented, and the links between traditional Chinese political culture and the symbols and trappings of authority with which committee members sought to enhance their status. It would be interesting to see how these patterns of social control changed after the colonial government introduced more controls over the hospital in 1896. But that is another story. Dr. Sinn's book will stand as the definitive study of the early history of the hospital and it is essential reading for anyone wishing to understand Hong Kong society and politics in the nineteenth century. IAN SCOTT, University of Hong Kong Paul A. Cohen and Merle Goldman, eds., Ideas Across Cultures: Essays On Chinese Thought In Honor of Benjamin I. Schwartz. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: Harvard University Press, 1990. xi + 400 pp. Index. This Festschrift for the recently retired Harvard professor of Chinese history and political science, after nearly four decades of teaching and writing, is a genuine tribute to the iconoclastic Schwartzian tradition. All ten articles, written by former students of the last three decades, address questions in Chinese studies which engage broad ranges of comparison with other Asian and Western expressions, in search of Schwartz's 'possibility of a universal human discourse', (p. 314). In every case, the thematic questions take Schwartz's previous work as a starting point from which to embellish, extrapolate or challenge academic evaluations of China. Raising issues from such diverse fields as Shang oracular bones, Mo-ist and Confucian utilitarianism, medieval metaphysics, folk-opera in the 1920s, non-Eurocentric Marxist theory and recent democratic overtures in the People's Republic, the authors create a literary monument to the probing and sensitive studies of their teacher. Precisely because of these varying degrees of reference to the Schwartzian corpus and the unusual breadth of themes, the lack of an exhaustive bibliography related to the honored scholar and the absence of a Chinese glossary are regrettable. The first and ninth articles, by Hao Chang and Thomas Metzger, pinpoint their correctives to Schwartz's claims. Chang repeats a claim already made in 1985 that the ‘axial age' (qua Karl Jaspers) of Chinese ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 403 is starkly countered by David Arkush's study of Hebei village opera in the twenties. Concluding his perceptive study of the underside of China's recent history, Arkush observes that, at least in rural northern China, 'the moral categories and values of the ruling elites did not totally dominate the thinking of the subordinate classes', (p. 105). The illustrations presented to support this claim reveal not only a rupture in thought but also in language. How true was this of the pre-Republican period? Do these folk themes reflect a popular contrapuntal, an unprinted Zhuangziese, which actually questioned the values and concepts inherent in Confucian discourse? The ‘optimistic this-worldliness' Metzger discovers as a continuous element of Chinese scholars' historiography and cultural analysis tends to bypass Wyatt's identification of metaphysical themes which, though 'premodern', are still approached without intellectual incredulity by some of these same scholars. Metzger recognizes this fact, but believes that an issue more important than general philosophical discussions of human nature is the actual production of ‘self-propelled adults' in Chinese society, (p. 284). These morally autonomous leaders are in fact the reason why China could maintain its cultural continuity as well as uphold a normative vision of culture for her future generations. Whether in premodern China or in Mao's Republic, this salient feature of the morally autonomous individual can be observed. Metzger draws this to a point by announcing that modern China has 'fully merged with liberalism and humanism', (p. 288). This evaluation is explicitly denied by Leo Ou-Fan Lee, who carefully distinguishes between the adoption of 'historical modernism' by Chinese intellectuals in the twentieth century (i.e. progressive history) and their general irresponsiveness to Western 'esthetic modernism', (pp. 109 ff). Examples of the latter are few and far between, as Jeffrey Kinkey's study of a young writer in the eighties affirms. Metzger was more reserved in his judgement earlier in his essay, admitting that China, following Alistair McIntyre's criteria for modernity, had only committed herself to socialism and not to existentialism or some form of ethical scepticism, (pp. 269, 279). Metzger's promotion of an ‘anti-teleological' historical methodology as the proper tool for more critical studies of China by Chinese intellectuals flies in the face of Lee's awareness of the salient historically progressive element in China's modern consciousness. The suggestion may well be beneficial, but it sets up a tension between Chinese and non-Chinese forms of modernity. It seems a poignant truth that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 405 motivating factor, intimate to Schwartz's soul, for dismantling other political assessments gone askew. In addition, the appeal Schwartz has continued to make to the universality of certain profound questions, rendering China a case in point rather than a quixotic exception, may have something to do with the modern Jew's need to be reconciled with the nations. Although one can exhume no overwhelming evidence for or against this statement, Schwartz's penchant for locating polarities may have as much to do with the dipolar dialectics of the Book of Changes as it does with a Buberian-like discourse of I-Thou and I-It. Certainly, his support of the personal dimension of a preternatural Heaven in the Zhou dynasty texts, a claim which is currently very controversial but which has textual support, is not antagonistic to Schwartz's personal background. Readers will benefit greatly from the erudition and articulate argumentation of these essays. Still all should bear in mind, as Nathan emphasizes, that especially in cross-cultural studies evaluation is an undeniably complicated task which 'is a way of respectfully sharpening and focusing discussion, not ending it', (p. 301). LAUREN PFISTER, Hong Kong Baptist College David Faure, The Rural Economy of Pre-Liberation China; Trade Increase and Peasant Livelihood in Jiangsu and Guangdong, 1870 to 1937, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989. xiv + 283 pp. Appendix. Notes. Bibliography. Glossary. Index. The topic of late Qing and Republican China's rural economy and the role played by foreign trade in its transformation has been a subject of heated debate among scholars. On the one hand, there are the 'pessimists' who emphasize long-term rural decline and the negative effects of foreign trade in accelerating the process; on the other, there are the 'optimists' who stress the positive effects of foreign trade and, related to it, continuous rural prosperity until the time of the world depression in the early 1930s. A useful summary of this debate can be found in the present volume under review, (pp. 2-10). The task that is set for this book is, in Faure's own words, ‘to explain how the increase in trade, particularly international trade, might have affected rural livelihood in China', (p. 21). His conclusion is clearly ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 409 more evidence and further substantiation are needed for Faure to argue otherwise. Also related to cash-cropping is the question of subsistence which Faure addresses. It is well known that Guangdong was a rice-deficit province throughout the period under study, very much dependent on foreign and extra-provincial supplies even in normal years as the records of the Imperial Maritime Customs clearly show. The conventional view that population pressure and the displacement of food crops by industrial cash-crops necessitated grain imports is, however, regarded by Faure as a 'fallacy', (p. 56). He contends, 'Grain was imported, not because food was short, but because income from export crops had raised the standard of living... an income with which to purchase a preferred foodstuff....' (pp. 56, 58). It follows that the increase in grain consumption in Guangdong was, in all likelihood, not a sign of impoverishment, but of rising prosperity', (p. 58). This contention is, I think, questionable. One wonders why Faure, in tabulating ‘paddy yield estimates' and 'food sufficiency' in Guangdong (Tables A.3 and 3.4), chooses to rely on Guoli Zhongshan daxue nongke xueyuan's surveys and does not make good use of the more comprehensive county paddy acreage and production statistics collected in Chen Qihui's Guangdong tudi liyong yu liangshi zhanxiao as well as the county paddy consumption statistics contained in Guangdong jingji nianjian. Since these latter sources serve to shed light on the patterns of paddy production and consumption in practically all the counties of Guangdong, they ought to have been taken account of in order to achieve a better understanding of the reasons behind the continuous need to import rice. Faure does point out that 'the [county] average figures have been subject to manipulation'. (p. 217). But why are Zhongshan daxue's data, whose coverage is more restricted, considered to be more reliable? Faure does not explain. Indeed, the county statistics show that demand generally exceeded supply, and that rice shortage was fundamentally attributed to an adverse man-land ratio. They do not support Faure's contention that 'the areas that suffered from population pressure or land shortage were not the ones that could have afforded to import grain, while the ones that did were not as short of grain', (p. 56). Dependence on outside supply was accordingly a matter of sheer necessity and not simply "out of choice' (p. 56), as Faure claims. Space does not allow me to comment in detail other aspects covered by Faure. I shall be brief. On certain issues, Faure's work certainly ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 410 enhances our understanding of Chinese rural society. The Chapter on 'Landlords and Tenants' provides a fresh look at the complex social structure and pattern of power distribution in the villages. The Chapters on 'Inflation' and 'Rural Marketing' contain useful information and provide food for thought. One issue that is central to the study of peasant livelihood in South China is that of overseas remittances. This is mentioned in passing and should be given more attention. The important question is: what purposes did overseas remittances serve and did they increase the peasants' ability to maximize opportunities in trade? On the question of rural indebtedness, Faure refers to a 1930 study conducted by the Shanghai Social Affairs Bureau which revealed that ‘although a substantial proportion of the poor, in this case, the tenants, were in debt, they owed considerably less than the better-off, the owner-cultivators and half-owners', (p. 146). This is not surprising because the poor lacked collaterals and were therefore unable to contract substantial loans. I find it difficult to accept Faure's bold conclusion that ‘the extension of credit was a sign not of impoverishment but of growing opportunities', (p. 148). This statement is definitely too absolute and not sufficiently substantiated. On the whole, it is obvious that a lot of research effort has been put into this work. While one should give Faure the credit for amassing a wealth of evidence in support of his case, it does not necessarily follow that one needs to subscribe to his views in an unreserved manner. As mentioned, the 'optimists' will welcome this piece of work for the fresh evidence it presents. The inadequacy of some of the arguments, on the other hand, will provide the 'pessimists' with a chance to fire back and reinforce their stand. All in all, this book will certainly serve to elevate the unending debate on China's rural economy to a higher level of intensity and refinement. ALFRED H.Y. LIN NOTES E.H. Carr, What is History? (Pelican Books, Great Britain: Cox & Wyman Ltd., 1964), P. 23. 2 Chen Qihui, Guangdong tudi liyong yu liangshi zhanxiao (Land Use and the Production and Distribution of Food in Guangdong) in Xiao Zheng, Mingguo ershi niandai Zhongguo dalu tudi wenti zilliao (Source Materials on Land Problems in Mainland China in the 1930s) (Taibei, 1977), Vol. 50, pp. 25705-10, 25715-17. Guangdong jingji nianjian bianzhuan weiyuanhui, Guangdong jingji nianjian [Guangdong Economic Yearbook for 1940] (Guangzhou, 1941), 1:(K)42-49. Page 435 Page 436 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 412 significant step in his development into a connoisseur—collector-painter. Collecting as well as creating paintings soon became young Mr. Wang's principal preoccupation. However, he supported his collecting and his family by some real estate ventures because he was not able to make enough money through the sale of his paintings. The story of C.C. Wang's journey to the West (New York) and attending classes at the Art Students League, his explorations of modern Western art and his artistic evolution is marvelously told through the well-written prose of Jerome Silbergeld, Professor of Art History at the University of Washington in Seattle. Professor Silbergeld comes to his subject with a deep knowledge and background in classical Chinese painting and provides a sinological, art historical perspective of C.C. Wang's work. But the author does not avoid his role as contemporary critic, analyzing the relationship of the artist and modern art. When C.C. Wang's breakthrough to his mature style comes in 1971-2, the author allows the events to unfold like high drama. Moreover, throughout the text, the artist is permitted to state his own views on the elements of his art such as line, colour, composition, dots, texture, cultivation of controlled accidents, synthesis of East and West: "Chinese brushwork is really individual, like Western color. Good brushwork is so beautiful. It can make you look at it many times... It's just like with voice when I hear one song, if the voice is good I want to hear another song. It's the same voice, but each time it's a little bit different: that attracts me so much. . .', (p. 42). Other notable scholars and critics who have written about artist-collector-connoisseur Wang have also been allowed to speak with their own voices, which gives the story a clarity and authenticity rarely achieved in a scholarly book. Moreover, the book is lavishly illustrated with not only Mr. Wang's works of all periods but also with the paintings that were most influential in building his style. In addition, Professor Silbergeld recounts the long history of C.C. Wang as collector, and how he has been a central figure in influencing the growth of major collections of Chinese art in the West, notably that of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, through the sale of his own collections. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 419 pessimistic about the continuing success of the dockyard under solely Chinese direction, and to Giquel's recital of favorable signs for continued progress answered, “Certainly, but what if Li [Viceroy Li Hongzhang] disappears? What will become of all this?” (Transferring Technology, p. 125). In other words, personalities were apparently as crucial then as they are today in China's modernization programmes. Shen's faith in Giquel was absolute. Dr. Leibo quotes from a Chinese language source which indicates that he informed Li Hongzhang at this time that his confidence in him was such that he would stake his entire career on Giquel's loyalty to China. If Giquel ever did anything to harm China, Shen promised to terminate his own public career [ibid. p. 126]. Of the two works, I found the first to be the more satisfying. It is detailed and well-organized, and uses French sources hitherto not utilized by historians. The man and his times emerge clearly, and his difficulties and dilemmas shine through the text. Relationships with high Chinese officials, as well as with European colleagues and would-be rivals, and with the French and other higher authorities, are happily covered in sufficient detail to make them both interesting and illuminating, thanks to the varied sources used by Dr. Leibo. The other is just as absorbing, especially the diary itself, but I found Dr. Leibo's Introduction less satisfying than the fuller account given in the book-length study. Personally, being interested in military matters, I would have liked to have had more information on the recruitment, organization and officering of the "Ever Triumphant Army". If not in this account, where else? It is too shadowy a body for my liking. Nor is there enough about Giquel in the Introduction, and unlike me, many readers may not have the other book to hand for reference. This handicap sometimes applies in reverse, since there are no maps in Transferring Technology, and the useful section in the Diary giving biographical vignettes only appears in that work. Finally, in neither work are we told anything about Giquel's wife and children, and the Giquel family, although the 1864 Diary and other papers came from his grand-daughter's home. Notwithstanding these observations, readers will find much of interest in these fascinating works which relate to a man who clearly had much to offer, did his best, and assuredly deserves to be better known and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 421 they are not aware. Take, for example, his description (pp. 38-39) of the formalities and practices of marriage in Sung times in his opening chapter on the Sung poet Qin Guan, the subject of the first biography in the book. He cites his source and adds useful information (p. 473). When describing the arranged marriage that was the norm until recent times, and still lingers on here and there in and outside China, he adds that this is why the event was described as the family taking “a new daughter-in-law” rather than as “a son taking a bride” (p. 40). See also note 14 on p. 499 and note 12 on p. 501 together with the upper plate on the 10th page of illustrations I'm giving no clues, look for yourselves! In short, he illuminates as well as entertains. By now, readers will have gathered that I like this book. Of course, in such a large work (528 pages) and in an academic field that is very demanding and exacting for those who write in it, there are bound to be places in the text where the reader's own studies may refute or add to it. Contrary to what Mr. Ching says in the prologue (p. 20), recent collecting and oral history projects in the New Territories have shown that most, if not all, Chinese lineages, including those comprised of the peasants who made up the great bulk of the population, have kept written genealogies, albeit few of them got published like those of the Qin and other major lineages or, until recently, found their way into the great library collections of the West. I understand that Mr. Ching is contemplating a book about the major families of Hong Kong, descended from successful men who came here in the 19th century with little more than their wits. On the showing of his first historical work, I cannot think of a more suitable person to undertake this task than Mr. Ching, and I hope that, warts and all, he gets all the cooperation and understanding of the requirements of the job he will need from the families concerned: From there, or in the process, he could perhaps take up the true history of families great and small during the years of the Japanese Occupation of the colony, where the same rules apply. The job needs to be done, because of the way in which leading families have shunned the very mention of these years. Shanghai was not the only place where, as Mr. Ching writes (p. 458), the returning authorities looked down on those who had lived under the Japanese as tainted. I JAMES HAYES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 423 student and to begin to understand a bit about town commerce. I was overjoyed." One of these two, then aged 59 sui, was the owner of a general store in Xunwu and a former president of its Chamber of Commerce, the other, aged 51, was a poor peasant and a County Soviet official (p. 46). Like the Chairman, I also want to know more about petty commerce, still a rather neglected topic in the Chinese field, though now being addressed by the Chinese Business Studies group. As a long-time researcher into the rural history of Hong Kong and South China I have found both the Report and the Introduction equally fascinating. I strongly recommend them to readers of this Journal and especially to those who wish to know more about the Chinese countryside in the 1920s and 1930s, a crucial time in China's modern history. JAMES HAYES REVIEW NOTES The following books have been received by the Journal from the publishers and are briefly noted here. They have been placed in the RAS Library. THE BOOK REVIEW EDITOR Hugh Baker, Hong Kong Images — People and Animals, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. 1990. 172 pp. Maps, Photographs, Notes, Index. A reprint of Professor Baker's highly successful book published originally in 1979, and subsequently in 1980 and 1981, this paperback continues to inform and entertain readers interested in the Chinese tradition as practised in Hong Kong. Tun Li Ch’en (English translation by Derk Bodde), Annual Customs and Festivals in Peking, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1987, reprint of 1936 edition. Illustrations, Glossary, Index, Bibliography. This brief but beautiful volume brings the reader through the Chinese year, including customs and festival celebrations as practiced at the turn of the century in Peking. Craig Clunas, Chinese Furniture, Victoria and Albert Museum Far Eastern Series, 1988; printed in Hong Kong by Oxford University Press, 1990. 118 pp. Illustrations, Notes, Index. With traditional Chinese woodblock prints and modern photographs by Ian Thomas of pieces from ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir David Wilson, K.C.M.G. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1990 President: D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Vice-Presidents: Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. Elizabeth Sinn, B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D. Hon. Secretary: Eveline M. Caldwell, M.A., M.B.C.S., F.Coll.P., M.I.E.E. Hon. Treasurer: Robert Nield, F.C.A., F.H.K.S.A. Hon. Editor: P.H. Hase B.A., Ph.D. Hon. Librarian: Wan Yiu-chuen, B.A., M.Phil., A.L.A. Councillors: Phillip Bruce Michael Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D. Y.W. Lau, B.A., Ph.D. A.K.K. Siu, B.A., M.A., Ph.D. Anita Wilson, M.A. D.D. Waters, I.S.O., B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D., Dip.IET., F.C.I.O.B., F.B.I.M. Joseph S.P. Ting, B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D. iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT OBITUARY: HUGH GIBB HON. AUDITORS' REPORT vii xiv xvii HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT. ARTICLES: J.W. Hayes — The Old Popular Culture of China and Its Contribution to Stability in Tsuen Wan C.C. Choi Studies on Hong Kong Jiao Festivals David Wilmshurst The 'Syrian Brilliant Teaching' Chinese Local Semi-Divine Deities Keith G. Stevens P.H. Munro-Faure China on the Brink of War Fred Dagenais John Fryer's Early Years in China: First Impressions of Hong Kong and the Chinese People.. Sau Y. Chan The Offering to the White Tiger in Cantonese Opera Lauren F. Pfister Clues to the Life and Academic Achievements of one of the Most Famous Nineteenth Century European Sinologists James Legge (AD 1815-1897). Dan Waters Hong Kong Hongs with Long Histories and British Connections NOTES AND QUERIES: P.H. Hase Ta Kwu Ling, Wong Pui Ling and the Kim Hau Bridges.. P.H. Hase A Village War in Sham Chun P.H. Hase Sha Tau Kok in 1853 Keith G. Stevens The Buddha, the Heavenly True Warrior .. Keith G. Stevens Altar Images from Hunan Keith G. Stevens T'i-shen: A Substitute for a Person. Riden Sung Chi-Pui – The Making of a Husk-grinder.. H.J.W. Chetwynd-Chatwin – The British Merchantman "Norna" Geoffrey Roper Report on Visit to Tai Hang Fire Dragon Dance, Mid Autumn Festival 1992. Dan Waters Sojourners in Xiamen: Notes on the RAS Visit. BOOK REVIEWS 1 26 44 75 89 146 169 180 2 219 257 265 281 297 298 299 302 303 307 309 314 XX ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 is due not only to a stronger weeding out of those who have not paid their subscriptions, and people leaving Hong Kong, but also to the fact that the Society has not in the last year or so pursued such an aggressive recruitment campaign, although 59 have joined the Society since last April. It is of course difficult to determine how many members a Society such as this should have. The downside is that financially we may not be as healthy as we hoped, but the upside is that there is more room for our popular excursions, and presumably there is less administration, although I am not sure Mrs. Sharon Bruce would agree. At any rate your council is keeping this aspect under surveillance, and I urge you to encourage your friends to become members at the very modest rate of $250 p.a. There is, however, one aspect of our membership on which I have to report on which there has been no further progress: I refer to corporate membership. Last year letters sent to many leading companies in Hong Kong produced no positive response. For the benefit of those who are not aware of this may I reiterate that for the comparatively small sum of $10,000 p.a. it was intended to give certain privileges to corporate sponsors particularly in the area of acknowledgement our publications. Amongst the reasons for this move, apart from putting the Society on a firmer financial basis, was to bring to those corporations' attention the Society's achievements and interests and hopefully involve them more in the historical and academic side of Hong Kong. We shall continue to pursue this, and if any of you this evening are in a position to influence your corporations, I hope you will do so. The companies that we did approach have in fact given money to our parent Society in London, so we do feel we are on strong ground. Publications The annual Journal is, as my predecessor said, “our major contribution to knowledge of the Hong Kong region and further afield." It is a very important part, if not the most important part, of our activities and it is paramount that we keep up the academic standards. All those who have received the 1988 Journal (the 1989 one will appear later this year) will, I am sure, agree that standards have been maintained and for this we have to thank Dr. Patrick Hase. It is no small feat to produce a Journal in one's spare time. The Journal is well known in many overseas academic institutions and has became an important i X ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 EDITOR'S NOTE The Author of the article "Thalia and Terpsichore on the Yangtze. A Survey of Foreign Theatre and Music in Shanghai 1850-1865” (Vol. 29, pages 158-251), Dr. J.H. Haan, has drawn to the Hon. Editor's attention a number of typographic and other errors in the Article as noted below. Page 174 line 9 176, 30 181, 28-29 182. footnote 191, 22-23 192, 34 192, 44 192, 50 198, 37 198, 41 199, 5 205, 28 208, 7-9 212, 26 212, 36-41 214, 38 to read "(see: Calendar. 13.2.1963, 73.1863, 26.3.1863)** delete brackets "To such a humble mansion should resort So by your usual bounty pray be led And build a lasting structure in its stead." onit “Allardyce Nicoll: A History of English Drama. I also found useful: W.G. Adams A Dictionary of the Drama **L.L.D. and A.S.S. "they have spared neither trouble **(1737)** French since 1817)** **1814-1894** "composed expressly **H. Lille" 16.2.1859 (Wedn) T. MORTON: "Sink or Swim T. Comedy (2 Acts).... **TR62** amit "considering the slender means and appliances at command. We specially observed the costumes of the male characters as being tasteful, rich............. 216, 37 omit "*p.22" 221. 25 add **(Thurs)** 222, 28 omit brackets 227, 46-228, 3 omit 228, 7 **J. Kenney** 233, 46 235, 19 235, 27 235, 29 235,40 236, 45 239, 31 239, 36 **10.1.1865** "^2.6.1859. 8.10.1859, 23.3.1865 **28.3.1860**" **26.1.1852. 27.1.1852. 18.2.1857** footnote to read 139. *^5.5.1858. 10.5.60" 27.5.1824" **14.12.1865** xxi ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 23 2 China: The Land and the People (New York, William Sloane Associates. 1948), pp. 152-153. 3 A most useful survey is given in chapter 4, Autonomous Hong Kong, 1972-1982, of Ian Scott's Political Change and the Crisis of Legitimacy in Hong Kong (London, Hurst and Company, 1989). 4 My government service was mostly spent in departments and in direct contact with the population. 5 Lin Yutang, My Country and My People (New York, Halcyon House, 1938), pp. 203-206. 6 My The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911: Institutions and Leadership in Town and Countryside (Hamden, Connecticut, Archon Books, 1977) and The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1983) are directed at this theme. See especially the Introduction to the former, at pp. 11-13. See also David Faure, "The Hong Kong History Project”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 27 (1987), p. 261. 7 Personal letter from Walter Schofield (1888-1968) dated 27 July 1962. 8 Austin Coates, Summary Memoranda on the Southern District of the New Territories, Spring 1955 (Unpublished). He was District Officer between May 1953 and July 1955. 9 Everard Cotes, Signs and Portents in the Far East (London, Methuen & Co., n.d. but 1907), pp. 110-111, 10 Rev. R.H. Graves, D.D., Forty Years in China, or China in Transition (Baltimore, R.H. Woodward Company, 1895), pp. 18-19, 11 Reginald F. Johnston, Confucianism and Modern China (London, Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1934), p. 66, citing Mencius, Book 1, Part 2, Chapter viii. 12 13 Stuart Schram, Mao Tse-tung (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1967), p. 21. 14 Herbert Giles gives numerous examples in the chapter "Democratic China" at pp. 75-106 of his China and the Chinese (New York, The Columbia University Press, 1912). Many others are cited by Kung-Chuan Hsiao, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1960), pp. 433-440. 15 I am uncertain whether this record was engraved on a stone which has since been lost, or whether it only ever existed on paper. Either way, the original is now lost, and I cannot now recall who was kind enough to give me a copy. 16 My early lectures came from male and female indigenous New Territories villagers living in remote places at a time when modernization had not yet set in; it was seemingly part of the tradition. 17 In Leonard A. Lyall, China (London, Ernest Benn. 1944). p. 99. 18 E.R. Hughes, The Invasion of China by the Western World (London, Adam and Charles Black, 1937), p. 157. 19 Arthur H. Smith, China in Convulsion (Edinburgh, Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier. 1901), Vol. 1, p. 6. Striving to convey to his readers and listeners the power of these teachings, he explained that ... the tenets of Confucianism, as a whole and in detail, [are] intellectually and psychologically appropriated by the Chinese as on a par with a law of nature. 20 Yang Kang, Daughter, An Autobiographical Novel, (Beijing, Phoenix Books: Foreign Languages Press, 1988) pp. 225-226, and see also pp. 67-74, 80-83 of this fascinating book. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 G. Knapp, The Chinese House: Craft Symbol, and the Folk Tradition (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1990). Knapp does not cover the paintings and stucco work that were a marked feature of the Kwangtung architectural style. For examples of this fine traditional decorative work, see Rural Architecture in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, Government Information Services Department, 1979). In the Hakka villages of the Tsuen Wan district, this "animal" was always a unicorn. In Cantonese villages the lion was usual. However, their purpose and motivation was clearly the same. Informants said there were differences in the dance performances of lions and unicorns; unicorns "crept, bobbed and weaved", whereas lions would "stand up and prance". The musical accompaniment, drums and gongs, was the same, and previously firecrackers had been an indispensable part of any performance by lions or unicorns. Hugh Baker mentions that the Liaos of Sheung Shui were known throughout the New Territories for their unicorn dance team. See the interesting information given in his Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village (London, Frank Cass & Co., Ltd., 1968), p. 193. See my "Notes on Temples and Shrines on Hong Kong Island" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 27 (1987), p. 287. Monlin Chiang, Tides from the West (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1947), p. 9. John Francis Davis, The Chinese, A General Description of the Empire of China and its Inhabitants (London, Charles Knight, 1836) Vol. 2, pp. 29-30. From the memorial tablet to Mr. Chan Wing-on, Chairman of the Tsuen Wan Rural Committee and Chairman of the 18th Term, New Territories Heung Yee Kuk 1950-52, at the Wing On Pavilion, Fu Yung Shan, Tsuen Wan. Mr. Chan died on 15 October 1956; see Annual Departmental Reports, District Commissioner, New Territories, (1953-54 para. 56, and 1956-57 para. 119). From a “Short History of Yeung Uk Village" (in Chinese), published at the time of the village resiting in 1965 and written by Yeung's eldest grandson, Mr Yeung Cho-ling. According to the commemorative tablet, the grave was repaired on a lucky day in the middle month of the autumn season in the 10th year of Kuang Hsu, that is in September-October 1884. 1736; but in fact the ping-san year is the 1st year of Ch'ien Lung's long reign. There was probably another, less altruistic factor at work here too: since it was believed that the graves of good people have a beneficial effect on the fortunes of their family for generations to come. It is implicit in this case that the good influences of the grave were not yet spent. For a more recent example from Tsing Yi Island, see my Rural Communities, op. cit., p. 143. Contents more than values, I suggest? Wolfram Eberhard, Cantonese Ballads (Munich State Library Collection) (Taipei, The Orient Cultural Service, 1972), p.2. R. David Arkush, "Orthodoxy and heterodoxy in Twentieth-Century Chinese Peasant Proverbs" at pp. 310-335 of Kwang-Ching Liu (ed.) Orthodoxy in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1990). Helen Kwok and Mini Chan, Fossils From a Rural Past, A Study of Extant Cantonese Children's Songs (Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press, 1990), pp. 17, 29. Lucien Bianco, Origins of the Chinese Revolution, 1915-1949, (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1971), successively pp.126, 94-95. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 40 Dean. Kenneth “Revival of Religious Practices in Fujian: a Case Study in Pas. Julian F. (ed.) The Turning of the Tide: Religion in China Today (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society & Oxford Univ. Press, 1989), 72. 4 Mr. Pang Cheng-chuen (Peng Zheng-chuen), interviewed by author, Fanling, Dec. 30. 1990. P Dean. 54. A student of the University of Hong Kong told me on Feb. 3, 1991 that he saw, by chance, a Jiao festival in 1990. He could not recall the exact date and location. However, he was very sure, from the celebrating flower boards, that it was a Jiao festival. K Ibid., 776. Liu Zhi-wan, Taibeishi Songshan qi an jian jiao jidian, Institute of Ethnology Academia Sinica Monograph, no. 14, (Taipei: The Institute, 1967). Besides Liu, the research team from the Academia Sinica included Song Lung-fei and Xu Jia-ming. Song's paper concentrated on aspects of folk architecture and decoration while Xu focused on the economic and social aspects. See Song Lung-fei "Song-shan jian jiao jiao tan jianzhu di zhuan shi Yi shu" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 25 (1968): 157-217; Xu Jia-ming: "Songshan jian jiao yu shequ" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 25 (1968): 109-153. 4 Li Zian-zhang. "Daojiao jiaoyi di kaizhan yu xiandai di jiao” Sinological Researches 5 (1968): 261. Ibid., p. 201. Saso, Michael R., Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (Washington: Washington State Univ. Press, 1972), 34. Law, Joan & B.E. Ward, Chinese Festivals (Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1982), 83. Okada, Yuzuru, Kiso Shakai (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1949). See Brim, John A. “Village Alliance Temples in Hong Kong" in Wolf. A.P. (ed.) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1974), 93–103; and Suenari, Michio "Sonbyo to sonkyo: Taiwan Hakka shuraku no jirei kara” [Village temple and village boundary: a case study of the Hakka communities in Taiwan] Bunka Jinna Gaku [Cultural Anthropology] (1985) 2:255-260. 15 Ueno, Hiroko, "Taiwan nanbo no osho to sonraku: Tainanken hito saishiken no sonraku aida kankei" (Wang Jiao and villages in southern Taiwan: worshipping area and village relationship] Bunka Jinriú Gaku 5 (1988): 64-82. + Taylor, W.A. "The Spirit Festival" Bulletin of the Cheung Chau Bun Festival 1980 (Cheung Chau: n.p., 1980), 39-41. (reprinted from Wide World Magazine, Dec. 1953). The annual Cheung Chau Jiao festival is better known to westerners as the Bun festival because of the three tall "bun mountains" erected at the ritual area. The festival is the most studied Jiao festival in Hong Kong probably due to the fact that (1) the island is comparatively easy to get to, (2) it is celebrated every year and (3) it is widely publicized by the Hong Kong Tourist Information Bureau. Besides Tanaka's accounts (see note 36), see also Jonathan Chamberlain and Ian Lambot's photographic account. The Bun Festival of Cheung Chau (Hong Kong Studio Publications, 1990). דן I owe my interest in the Jiao festival to Prof. Ward who first introduced me to Jiao festivals in 1980. She then suggested that I participate in the Jiao festival in Kau Lau Wan. K Law & Ward, 83-84. Hayes, James W., The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes (Hong ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 42 disasters. the second is for those who died because of plague. The final reason is to thank the benevolent governors Wang Lai-ren and Zhou You-de of the beginning of the Qing dynasty. In my opinion, all these reasons can be integrated into the first one. (d) Chan Wing-hoi "The Tangs of Kam Tin and their Jiu festival", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 29 (1989) 302-375, a rich and detailed account of the lineage, its temples and villages, and the festival which draws them together. Dr. Faure gradually switched his interest to the Pearl River Delta while Prof. Tanaka, as I was told, is now looking at Sichuan province. Talk on publishing a book on Hong Kong Jiao festivals has been going on for years by members of the "Research Circle of the Regional Society of Southern China''. In 1990, the editorial board of the society set up a schedule to compile a book focusing on the Jiao festival. It is expected that papers on various aspects will be completed by the end of April 1991. (Correspondence from the society dated 28.12.1990) Schipper, Kristofer M., "The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies" in Wolf, Arthur P. (ed.) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974), 324, For example, according to Chan Wing-hoi, villagers of Shek O celebrated their 16th Jiao in 1986 (Chan, 78). The Dengs in Kam Tin claimed to have celebrated their Jiao since 1684 (Tanaka, 918). See for instance Basel Mission Archives, doct. Al-6, No. 51 (1869), and doct. Al-7, No. 51 (1870) and Der Evangelische Heidenbote, July 1867, in which a missionary describes how he was forced to go to the Magistrate to get his support before he could avoid having to pay his share of the Jiao expenses. All these cases are from Hsin An County. The Sha Tin poem will, it is hoped, shortly be published by Dr. P.H. Hase. These two series are part of the 15 series of historical documents collected by Dr. D. Faure and others in the New Territories. Copies of the collections are kept in the libraries of CUHK, Hong Kong University, Sha Tin Regional Council Library, and Institute of Oriental Culture, Tokyo University. 31 Tanaka Chugoku no Sozoku to Engeki [Lineage and Theatre in China] (Tokyo Univ. Press 1985), 608. Jiao festivals celebrated by the powerful communities in Hong Kong like Kam Tin, Ha Tsuen, Lung Yeuk Tau etc., were all performed by the Zhengyi Taoist group, led first by the late Master Lin Pei and now by Master Chan Kau. Another Zhengyi Taoist group is led by Master Chan Wah. However, many Taoist priests work for both groups. There are also other Taoist groups who performed for the Jiao festivals, like a Cantonese group which performed for Ho Chung and a Heklo group for Cheung Chau. In 1983, four out of five Jiao festivals were performed by monastery Taoists. It is not clear whether it was because of tradition or out of economic reasons. A comparison of the two Taoist groups has yet to be made. 14 Choi Chi-cheung **Sho matsuri no jinmei risuto ni mirareru shinzoku ban'i” [Kinship as seen in the name lists of Jiao festival] Bunka Jinnú Gaku 5 (1988): 131, table L. 35 **Shinshi men" [Section of Believers] in Fanling Wenxian (Historical Literature of Fanling) vol. 8. This brief account records details of the arrangement of the Jiao area, including the contents of couplets, names of deities invited, location and direction of matshed stages, and the sacrifices prepared etc.. See n. 32 for the depositories of Fanling Wenxian. 36 See (1972) Lin Chuan [Lam Tsuen] Xiang Taiping Qingjiao huiyi jilubu in Dapu [Tai Po] Wenzian [Historical Literature of Tai Po] vol. 1. (see n. 32 for depositories) 37 Tanaka Issei's three books, all published by the Tokyo Univ. Press are: Chugoku Saishi Engeki Kenkyu [Ritual Theatres in China] (1981), Chugoku no Sozoku to Engeki [Lineage and Theatre in China) (1985), and Chugoku Kyoson Saishi Kenkyu: Chihogeki ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 46 monastery in China was founded in 638, in the capital Ch’ang-an (modern Sian), though some Nestorian missionaries may have reached China earlier. In 845, a major attack on the Buddhist church in China was launched by the emperor Wu-tsung, and in an imperial decree of that year providing for the dissolution of the Buddhist monasteries and the return of the Buddhist clergy to lay life, there is a minor clause ordering the expulsion from China of over 3,000 foreign monks, some of whom were probably — though the text of the decree is ambiguous — Nestorian Christians. This decree was rescinded soon afterwards, and may not have been enforced in the more remote cities of China. Certainly, although we hear no more of Nestorians in Ch'ang-an, an Arab writer refers to Christians among the foreigners slaughtered in Canton in 877 by Huang Ch'ao's rebels, and Nestorian Christianity may have persisted in parts of China for some time after Wu-tsung's decree of 845. But it is clear that Christianity had for all intents and purposes died out in China by the end of the tenth century. The Arabian author Abu'l Faraj mentions meeting a Nestorian monk in Baghdad in 987 who had just come back from China: "In the year of the Hegira 377, in the Christian quarter behind the church, I met a monk from Najran who seven years before had been sent by the catholicus to China with five other clergy to set in order the affairs of the Christian church. I saw a man still young and of a pleasant appearance, but he spoke little and did not open his mouth except to answer the questions which were put to him. I asked him for some information about his journey, and he told me that Christianity was just extinct in China; the native Christians had perished in one way or another; the church which they had used had been destroyed; and there was only one Christian left in the land. The monk, having found no one remaining to whom his ministry could be of any use, returned more quickly than he went." The dates for Nestorian Christians in China during the Yüan period are equally vague. Although individual Nestorians are found in various parts of China from about 1200 onwards, including some siege engineers in the Mongol armies, they appear only to have come in force after the final defeat of the Sung regime in southern China by the Mongols in 1279. Most references to Christians in Yüan China are found later than 1280 and earlier than 1340. A special government department, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 57 them 'Persian monasteries' (Po-Ssu ssu §†). In order that the true origin of these so-called 'Persian monasteries' may be known, the monasteries in the two capitals are to be re-named 'Syrian monasteries' (Ta-ch'in ssu). The same change is to apply to the monasteries in other prefectures and districts. This imperial decree seems to have been connected with a Nestorian mission from Mesopotamia which arrived in Ch'ang-an in 744, some months earlier, and received an impressive imperial compliment. We learn of this mission from the Sian tablet inscription: In the third year [of the Tien-pao period], in the country of Syria (Ta-ch'in) there was the monk Chi-ho. Gazing at the stars he turned towards reformation; looking at the sun he came to do reverence to the emperor. The emperor decreed that the priests Lo-han, P'u-lun and others, seven in all, along with bishop Chi-ho, should cultivate merit in the Hsing-ching palace. The emperor then composed a motto for the monastery, and its name-board carried the dragon-writing. The precious ornament was like a gem or a kingfisher, and was bright with the vermilion glow of sunset clouds.' Two separate sources, therefore, state that in 744 and 745 Hsuan-tsung showed interest in the official terminology of the Nestorian church in China. According to one source he ordered all Nestorian monasteries to be renamed; according to the other he supplied the Nestorian monastery in Ch'ang-an's I-ning ward with a sample of his calligraphy, in the distinctive vermilion ink reserved for emperors. Obviously the two accounts are connected. Chi-ho's mission, for whatever reason, resulted in a decision by the imperial authorities to have all Nestorian monasteries renamed 'Syrian monasteries'. The emperor also paid the Nestorian monastery in Ch'ang-an the compliment of personally writing out its new name, Ta-ch'in ssu § , 'Syrian monastery', for reproduction on the monastery's wooden name-board. The change of name in 745 came at a time when the Chinese government was more than usually interested in western geography. Chinese armies had wrested control of the Tarim Basin from the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 74 5 Ta-ch'in ching-chiao is translated by Legge (The Nestorion Monument of Hsi-An-Fu, Oxford, 1888) as the 'lustrious Religion of Ta-tsin; by Saeki (The Nestorian Monument in China, 1916, and The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China, 1951) as the 'Ta-ch'in Luminous Religion', and by Moule (Christians in China Before The Year 1550. London, 1930) as the 'Brilliant Teaching of Ta-ch'in'. Moule's translation seems to me to be the best, though none of the three translations for ching brings out its full resonance. + 4 Ta-ch'in ching-chiao liu-hsing Chung-kuo pri K★*KAT¶M. See Plate 1. The Manicheans, who also originated in Persia, used in China the term 'the shining teaching", ming-chiao W, for their religion. The Hsü-ting Mi-shih-he ching FDM. P. Y Saeki (The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China) calls this work the Jesus-Messiah-Sutra. I have departed from Saeki's bizarre terminology here and elsewhere, but his names are given in notes where I have done so. 7 The xhen lun Saeki's Discourse on the Oneness of the Ruler of the Universe, is actually a compilation of three short essays, the F-r'ien lun or Essay on the One Heaven (Saeki's Discourse on the One Heaven); the Yu, or Parable; and the Shih-tsun-pu-shih fun 1942 fibili, or Essay on the Charity of the Creator (Sacki's Lord of the Universe's Discourse on Alms-Giving). H リ The Chih-hsüan-an-lo ching &£, Sacki's Sutra on Mysterious Rest and Joy. The Ta-ch'in ching-chiao Ta-shing-t'ung-chen-kuei-fa tsan K**HARIANZA, Saeki's Ta-ch'in Luminous Religion Hymn in Adoration of the Transfiguration of Our Lord. THE The Ta-ch'in ching-chiao San-wei-meng-to tsan ★*** ***, Saeki's Ta-ch'in Luminous Religion Morwa Hymn in Adoration of the Holy Trinity. J The Ta-ch'in ching-chiao Hstian-yuan-chih-pen ching ****, Sacki's Ta-ch in Luminous Religion Sutra on the Origin of Origins. נו The Tsun ching ** For example, in lists of metropolitan provinces. Amrus gives a list for 1343 in which Beth Sinaye, the old province of China created by the Nestorian patriarch Seliba-zekha around 720, is listed together with the contemporary province of Cathay and Ong (China and the country of the Ongut tribe). 14 The pronunciation of the characters ching ## 'scripture", and ching it. "brilliant”, differs only in tone. 1.5 Le Quien's Oriens Christianus (Paris, 1740), an invaluable prosopography of the eastern churches, contains the names of nearly a thousand Nestorian bishops, but no other bishop or metropolitan named Adam is recorded. The New Catalogue of the Teaching of Shakya in the Cheng-yuan period, composed by a monk of Ch'ang-an's famous Hsi-ming (Buddhist) monastery. 17 The Tien-pao-tsang ching KMR. E The To-hui-sheng-wang ching ZLI WEER. The A-wan-chi-li-yung ching EHFIYR. The Nestorian monastery at Tun-huang was apparently named after the nearby prefectural city of Sha-chou. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 108 China, not to be heard of again. Some of the ships were left so short-handed that they were not in a position to raise steam, if required. It was with mixed feelings at about half past ten that morning that we saw a Japanese infantry patrol approach along the shore and enter the first of the moored launches. They were then seen to get down under cover and examine the foreign ships through their glasses. That scrutiny was returned with intense interest, but presently they waved a handkerchief and, when approached, appeared friendly. They requested that a message should be sent off to the two gunboats anchored in the river to say that a detachment of motor craft would be proceeding down river and asking that the gunboats should not open fire on them. Later contact was made with the Japanese officer commanding the considerable detachment, and he expressed sympathy when he heard that the ships had been repeatedly bombed the previous day. He did not mention that his detachment was the one that had fired on the "Panay" and the other American ships as they were sinking. The Japanese passed on their way, and soon we noticed other things passing too. There was a thick scum of oil going down with the tide all that day. Wireless messages came in asking for information about the American ships, whose signals had suddenly stopped in the middle of a message during the previous morning. It was only now beginning to be realised that all the American ships had been sunk. A small Standard Oil steel lighter drifted by; and shortly after, the derelict motor-boat of the "Panay". These were rescued and made fast alongside the gunboat. American equipment in those days was lavish, I remember the hopeful glint in the eye of a C.P.O. stoker in the "Scarab", as he suggested to his Captain that, perhaps, the Americans would not miss the motor-boat's engine, if it were "borrowed". He did not get his way, but the "Panay's" life-belt, rescued at this time, was kept as a souvenir and in 1941 could still be seen in the wardroom of one of the river gunboats. I think she was H.M.S. Peterel. If so, the souvenir was presumably lost when H.M.S. Peterel was sunk at her moorings off Shanghai, with flag flying, after refusing to surrender to overwhelming Japanese forces which suddenly treacherously attacked her at dawn on December 7th, 1941. Later a report went round that the Japanese were mounting a battery on the south bank, that opposite to which the ships were moored, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 124 international communities, the smaller treaty ports had come to depend for their foreign population on the few large companies which maintained organisations throughout the country. These included the British American Tobacco Company, the Asiatic Petroleum (Shell) Company, amongst the distributing companies, and Messrs. Jardine Matheson and Company generally known as Ewo, and Messrs. Butterfield and Swire, amongst the shipping companies. Imperial Chemical Industries as a rule only had offices in the larger ports. China at one time offered the largest market in the world for cheap quality cigarettes, and for kerosene (paraffin as we call it). The motorist in Britain and America paid less for petrol because of the kerosene offtake in China. It is self-evident that amongst the cuts distilled from the crude oil petrol, kerosene, lubricating oil, diesel oil, wax and asphalt the cost of production is recovered in proportion on each finished product and, if the market for one of those products is limited, then the price proportionately increases on the others. — ― But let not our Chinese friends claim that the distribution of kerosene in China was a form of oppressive dumping. It was not. A very real demand for illumination was met, where other satisfactory illuminants were missing, and at a price below that at which the locally produced and less efficient vegetable oils could be marketed. And this despite the heavy duty which was collected on the imported product for revenue purposes, so that it could be said of kerosene that in China it not only provided almost the sole source of illumination, but also a substantial contribution towards the cost of government. The urgency of war was more evident in Kiu Kiang, though the Japanese had refrained from bombing the former Concession area. My old Chinese friends all wanted to know what was going to happen. How could I tell them? The Club had moved from the Customs godown to our former flat, the interior of which had been reconstructed to meet the new purpose. The bar was in our former bedroom, and from behind it the same ancient retainer dispensed the drinks; even the dice boxes looked the same with their heavy yellow ivory dice. But I could not loiter to rattle these for long. There was a decrepit railway to Nanchang, the provincial capital, a hundred miles to the south, and with some difficulty I procured a seat for myself on the train, which as always in China was overcrowded. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 130 to commercial goods, as it moved under the Japanese shadow. Under her conception of “incident” Japan had methods of applying pressure to foreign shipping companies, a pressure which in the existing atmosphere of appeasement it was difficult to resist. Following on the occupation of Canton, the Japanese mopped back towards Hongkong, but they left only a small garrison to watch the border. A heavy smuggled trade sprang up, not only over the border, but also by junk through the countless small inlets and bays of the neighbourhood. The Japanese exerted themselves to coerce the Colonial Government to suppress the trade. Their efforts met with failure: until Hongkong was itself submerged in a wider conflict, the Chinese war effort continued to benefit. Hongkong is one of the world's great ports, the offspring of British administrative practice and Chinese commercial fecundity. Every year twenty-two million tons of shipping were entered and cleared. In the harbour the flags of many nations could be seen, from those of the great Western Powers to that of the little republic of Panama. The flags of the Scandinavian nations, of Norway and Denmark, were particularly in evidence, so far from home, witness to the freedom of the seas for which Britain stood sponsor. The volume of trade which passed through Hongkong was naturally restricted by the Japanese occupation of Canton. Cargo vessels called less frequently, but the great liners on fixed passenger schedules continued to go alongside the Kowloon wharves, often two or three at a time, ships of the American President line, the Canadian Pacific line, the Peninsular and Oriental, the Nord Deutscher Lloyd, the Nippon Yoshen Kaisha, the Dutch J.C.L., the Lloyd Trestino, the Blue Funnel, the City, the Messageries Maritimes and many other lines. I was due for home leave and sailed in the new P.& O. liner, the R.M.S. "Canton", on her maiden trip, in December 1938. The passengers lined the rails as we steamed towards the Lyeemoon passage. Did they realise what a remarkable monument to Sino-British co-operation was that lovely green hill side at which they gazed? Hongkong bears happy testimony, in a difficult future, to the benefits that flow from cordial relations between China and the British Empire. Shanghai and Eastern China 1939 Shanghai was the splendid stronghold of foreign interests in the Far ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 135 Police Station, and were allocated various districts to patrol. We worked in pairs. Sometimes a regular French policeman accompanied us, in addition to several Chinese constables of the French Police Force. We would walk along as the spirit moved us; and on arriving at a cross-roads would take up a position in the middle of the street, cock our pistols, and stop all cars to look inside them. The idea of this was to catch kidnappers, as they usually carried off their gagged victims by car. One day we stopped a large car, only to find the venerable Mr. Yu Ya Ching in it. He was the senior of the five Chinese representatives on the Municipal Council. I do not know who was the more astonished, he or we! On another occasion when we looked into a car we found a complete thuggery of Russian gunmen; there is a large White Russian community in Shanghai, a survival of the Russian revolution, and many of the men were engaged by rich Chinese as bodyguards. They looked ugly, as if they were more used to holding people up themselves than being held up. The next car turned out to contain the puppet Mayor of the Chinese Municipality, who durst not venture abroad without a heavy escort. All passed off with mutual compliments. In my time we fortunately never ran into a real gangster: I have difficulty in hitting a haystack even with a snug little weapon, let alone with so heavy a piece of ancient ironmongery. Until about 10 p.m. a heavy traffic would continue in the Avenue Joffre, the main highway on our beat. Sometimes, when we went out on bicycles, a form of sport to which I had been unaccustomed for at least a quarter of a century. I found it rather tricky moving in patrol formation amidst the traffic. If we came across an obstreperous drunk, we would turn tactfully in the opposite direction. It at least gave the Chinese some confidence to see armed foreign patrols out at night, a confidence which, I fear, may have been exaggerated. Sometimes we would stand at the corner of the street, at about the time the cinemas came out, and watch our families go home; and, when the time was up, we might go into that little bar on the ground floor of the Cathay Mansions for a bottle of "Ewo" Beer. At the police station the French Municipality provided sandwiches, crumbly French rolls split in half, buttered, and holding a slice of ham, which we would munch, while our leader made his report. Then early in the morning we would go home, feeling we had earned our sleep. The cinemas of Shanghai are as luxurious as any in the world. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 NOTES 167 From manuscripts in the John Fryer Papers, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. The title on the holograph was added in pencil at the top of the page and underlined; a pencil was used to cross out the salutation, probably at the time when the title was added prior to typing many years later. In transcribing this material I have followed the holograph document. Minor changes have been made to bring punctuation and use of numbers into conformity with modern usage and to improve readability. Editorial additions are in square brackets. Fryer tended to write run-on paragraphs; a caret indicates where long paragraphs have been broken up. Colons and semicolons are not easily distinguished in the holograph; Fryer was inconsistent in his use of the apostrophe. 1 Fryer mentions below that it has been a fortnight since his arrival. This would place the date for this letter around August 13, 1861. 4 A sketch of the general plan of St. Paul's College, drawn in ink and tinted with watercolors by Fryer, accompanies the holograph document. See Plans in text, redrawn from Fryer's sketch plan. 4 Fryer generally wrote "&" in his handwritten letters, but converted these to "etc." and "and" in his typewritten transcriptions. Fryer became engaged to Anna Roleston of Chudleigh, Devon, before embarking for Hong Kong, The Second Anglo-Chinese War, 1858-1860, which led to a stoppage of much of the trade of Hong Kong with China to 1861. # This is one of the rare examples of Fryer's use of hyperbole; other examples can be detected below. HI The Reverend George Smith, Bishop of Victoria. Rev. William Roberts Beach arrived in Canton in 1853 sponsored by the Wesleyan Missionary Society. He joined the Church of England in 1855. In 1857 he became Warden of St. Paul's College and Chaplain to the Bishop of Victoria. His other appointments included a period in Macao as Missionary Chaplain in 1857, and service as Chaplain to the Forces under Sir Hope Grant in 1861. He was appointed Colonial Chaplain and Canon of St. John's Cathedral by the Rev. Alford, who in 1867 became "Lord Bishop of the see of Victoria, and Warden (for the Church Missionary Society) of St. Paul's College'. (see E. J Bitel, Europe in China, Hong Kong: Kelley and Walsh, 1895. p. 466.) Alford was Principal of Highbury Training College, London, at the time when John Fryer was enlisted for work at St. Paul's College. || This was the College in Staunton Street, later renamed St. Saviour's (1863), and then (1875) St. Joseph's. זן Fryer travelled to Hong Kong on the sailing ship Prince Alfred. Published in Volume 29 (1989) of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 14 See Plans in Text. 15 See Plates 2-4. 16. Charles R. Alford; see note 10. דן * "animals" standard English school master-speech for "schoolboys". श्र Possibly the British Museum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 209 7 The texts translated by Legge were given the special subtitle, The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879-1891). They included six volumes (numbers 3, 16, 27-28, 39-40) in The Sacred Books Of The East Series under the general editing of F. Max Müller: Part I. The Shu King (the Book of Documents), The Religious Portion of the Shih King (The Book of Odes), and the Hsiao King (the Classic of Filial Piety) (XW) (1879); Part II. The Yi King (the Book of Changes) (58) (1882); Part III. The Li Ki (the Book of Rites), (禮記) I-X (1885); Part IV. The Li Ki, XI-XLVI (1885); Part V. The Tao Teh King (道德經) and the Writings of Kwang-Tze (莊子) (the Taoist Classics by Laozi and Zhuangzi), I-XVII (1891); Part VI. The Writings of Kwang-Tze, XVIII-XXXII, and the Thai-Shang Tractate of Actions and Their Retributions, (太上感應篇) with Appendices, I-VIII (1891). One of Legge's more important addresses in this field was to the Oriental Congress which met in Lyons and Florence during September, 1878. It was entitled, "On the Present State of Chinese Studies and What is Wanted to Complete the Analysis of the Chinese Written Characters" (September 16, 1878). Legge was Chairman of the Congress. After his Inaugural Address at Oxford, Legge quickly sought to attract students and any interested public by presenting very practical discussions of Chinese language. On November 7, 1876, he presented "The Nature and History of the Chinese Written Character". In 1878 another public lecture dealt with "Principles of Composition in Chinese, or Grammar without Inflections". By January, 1877, he was able to attract enough students to begin a course entitled "Elements of Chinese and the Confucian Analects". By the school year of 1881-1882, Legge was presenting classes on The Four Books, Laozi's (Zhuangzi) Daode Jing (道德經), and Chinese Poetry. See Oxford University Gazette, 1876-1877, pp. 64, 191; 1878-1879, p. 93; 1881-1883, pp. 200-201. The text he used for the grammar course in his early years at Oxford was Stanislas Julien's Syntaxe Nouvelle de la Langue Chinoise (ibid, 1877-1878, p. 193). * Besides the major Taoist volumes in The Sacred Books of the East, Legge also presented independent public addresses on Laozi and Zhuangzi (莊子) at Oxford's Taylorian Institute. The high regard Legge had for Zhuangzi can be seen in the typescript of the address, still available in the Bodleian. See Oxford University Gazette, 1889-1890, p. 92. Legge's response to Buddhism was very much influenced by the polemical attitudes of the Tang dynasty scholar, Han Yu, and other criticisms of Buddhism he read in Chinese tractates written by notable missionary scholars. He employed Han Yu's memorial against Buddhism as part of class readings beginning in 1883, added other texts to this in the late eighties and early nineties, and spoke publicly on "The Purgatories of Buddhism and Taoism!" in 1893. See Oxford University Gazette, 1882-1883, p. 558; 1884-1885, p. 339; 1892-1893, pp. 226, 491. His most important text and article relating to Buddhism are A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms, Being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of His Travels in India and Ceylon (AD 389-414) In Search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1886), and “A Fair and Dispassionate Discussion of the Three Doctrines Accepted in China', by Liu Mi, A Buddhist Scholar”, (London; n.d., presented to the Orientalist Congress 188?, pp. 563-580). The original source of publication for the article is not clear. † Besides the Buddhist texts mentioned above in §9, Legge also published Christianity In China: Nestorianism, Roman Catholicism, Protestantism. On the flyleaf is the following title: Christianity in China; A Rendering of the Nestorian Tablet at Si-an-fu to Commemorate Christianity. London: Trübner & Co, 1888. Cf Lindsay Ride's "Biographical Note", in The Chinese Classics with a Translation, Critical and Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, and Copious Indexes (Taipei: Southern Materials Center, Inc, 1985), p. 22. At the age of 26 he had been awarded a Doctorate of Divinity by New York University (1842). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 210 12 Helen Edith Legge, James Legge: Missionary and Scholar (London: Religious Tract Society, 1905), pp. 37-38, and Lindsey Ride, op. cit., p. 10. 13 Cf. Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China held at Shanghai, May 10-24, 1877 (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1878). 14 James Legge, Confucianism in Relation to Christianity (London: no publisher's details, 1877), 12 pages. 13 In fact, Legge had no knowledge that the Term Question had been proscribed by the Conference's executive committee when he wrote his paper. Cf. Anonymous, "The Shanghai Missionary Conference". The Chinese Recorder (May-June, 1877), esp. pp. 242, 248. Legge had begun advocating his position on the Term Question in major debates begun in 1850. Cf. James Legge. An Argument for Shang-te as the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim And Theos, in the Chinese Language; with Strictures on the Essay of Bishop Boone in favour of the Term Shin, etc. etc. (Hong Kong, 1850), 43 pages, and William Boone, The Notions of the Chinese Concerning Gods and Spirits: with an Examination of the Defense of an Essay, on the Proper Rendering of the words Elohim and Theos, into the Chinese Language. (Includes another of Legge's essays.) (Hong Kong, 1852), 166 pages. The best summaries of the Term Question I have found are in S. Wells Williams, "The Controvery among the Protestant Missionaries on the Proper Translation of the words God and Spirit into Chinese”, Bibliotheca Sacra 35 (October 1878), pp. 732-778, and George O. Lillegard, A History of the Term Question Controversy in our China Mission and the Chief Documents in the Case (Jamaica Plains, Massachusetts: (printed as manuscript), 1930). James Legge himself summarized the issues from his perspective in A Letter to Prof Max Müller chiefly on the Translation into English of the Chinese Terms Ti And Shang Ti (London: Trübner & Co. Pub, 1880). Robert N. Nelson, The Chinese Recorder 8:3 (May-June, 1877), pp. 351-359. See my Some New Dimensions in the Study of the Works of James Legge (1815-1897); part [". Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal XII (1990), pp. 29-50, esp. pp. 46-49. Barthelemy St. Hilaire, Journal des Savants (Fevrier 1894) pp. 66–78; (Juin 1894) pp. 321-331; (Juillet 1894) pp. 381-392; (Septembre 1894) pp. 509-520. He had given an earlier review of the whole series edited by Müller in Ibid (Juin 1888) esp. pp. 311-314. St. Hilaire's position is summarised in the February 1894 (pp. 66-67) and September 1894 (pp. 513-519) Journals. On Fairbairn's actions, see W. B. Selbie. The Life Of Andrew Martin Fairbairn (London: 1914), p. 308. 18 Franz Kühnert, "Die Philosophie des Kong-dsy (Confucius) auf Grund des Urtextes. Ein Beitrag zur Revision der bisherigen Auffassungen”. Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen Academie der Wissenschaften, Band 132, (Wien, F Tempsky, 1895). One of the scholars with whom Legge was particularly impressed when he produced the first edition of his Chinese Classics was the Ming Confucian, Mao Xihe (El). Still, Legge admired Zhu Xi's scholarship. In preparing his second edition (1893-1895) of the Four Books. Legge mentioned that he had become more and more impressed with the wisdom of many of Zhu Xi's renderings. This does not mean, however, that Legge was unwilling to disagree with Zhu Xi. See my "Serving or Suffocating the Sage? Reviewing the Efforts of Three Nineteenth Century Translators of The Four Books with Special Emphasis on James Legge (AD 1815-1897)", The Hong Kong Linguist, Vol. 7 (Spring/Summer 1990) pp. 25-56, esp. pp. 44-45. 20 Arthur von Rosthorn. "Confucius, Legge. Kühnert": Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen Academie der Wissenschaften, Band 135. (Kaiser. Adademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, 1897), 21 pages. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 211 11 Critical positions in this debate are found in the following articles: Herbet A. Giles, **The Remains of Lao-tzu**, China Review 14 (1885-1886), pp. 231-281, with replies to Legge in China Review, 16 (1887-1888). pp. 238-241 and 17 (1888-1889), pp. 299-300; T. W. Kingsmill in articles in ibid., 17 (1889-1890), pp. 305-310 and 23 (1898-99), pp. 265-270. Legge's own work and response appears in ibid., 16 (1888-1889), pp. 195-214, and "The Tao Teh King", The British Quarterly Review (July 1883), pp. 41-59. 12 Recent editions of The Four Books in the Chinese Classics include critical notes of translation errors by Arthur Waley. (Originally from "Notes on Mencius", first published in Asia Major ns 1:1 (1949), pp. 99-108.) A Taiwanese scholar has also published some helpful corrections of translation errors in Legge's Analects, but has many times included as errors the same kind of criticisms which Kühnert had made: preferring Zhu Xi's renderings to Legge's, even when Legge's disagreements with Zhu Xi were justified. See Yen Chen-ying, (MHkk) Li Ya-ko shih Ying-shih Lun-yu chin yen-chiuZU (A Study of the English Translation of the [Analects] by James Legge) (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1971). A more recent study of Zhu Xi's interpretation of The Great Learning includes some criticism of Legge's position, cf. Daniel K. Gardner, Chu Hsi and the Ta-hsüeh: Neo-Confucian Reflection on the Confucian Canon (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1986), esp. p. 107. 27 Kranz, Pastor P, ed, "Some of Professor J. Legge's Criticisms on Confucianism", The Chinese Recorder 29 (June 1898), pp. 273-282; (July 1898), pp. 341-343; (August 1898), pp. 380-388; (September 1898), pp. 440-445. 24 Cf "Professor J. Legge's Change of Views concerning Confucius". The Chinese Recorder 35:2 (February 1904), pp. 93 ff. “Some New Dimensions in the Study of the Works of James Legge (1815-1897): Part II', Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal XIII (1991), pp. 33-46. 25 Helen Legge, James Legge: Missionary and Scholar (London: Religious Tract Society. 1905). 34 Soothill, W. E. The Three Religions of China (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1923). Lindsay Ride tells how a group of sinologists, meeting in Oxford at the Orientalist Congress of 1928, visited the gravesite of the Legge family, leaving a wreath with a card proclaiming: "To the immortal genius of the great master, James Legge, from the sinologists assembled at the 17th Congress of Orientalists at Oxford, August 31st, 1928"*. Ride provides no source for this information. 17 Ride, op. cit., p.10. 28 Cf. The Famine in China (no publisher's details, 1878). Oxford University Gazette 1876-77, pp. 309, 368; 1879-80, p. 421. The Religions of China: Confucianism and Taoism described and compared with Christianity (Spring Lecture of the Presbyterian Church of England for 1880, delivered in the College, Guilford Street, London) (London: Hodder and Stoughton 1880); Christianity and Confucianism compared in their teaching on the Whole Duty of Man (London: Religious Tract Society, 1883); also Christianity in China: A Rendering of the Nestorian Tablet at Si-An-Fu to Commemorate Christianity (London: Trübner and Co. 1888). ZV Stein's study appears as an introduction to the re-publication of a translation of The Four Books by David Collie. William Bysshe Stein, ed., David Collie, trans. The Chinese Classical Work Commonly Called The Four Books (Gainesville, Florida: 1970, reprint Malacca 1828), Introduction. I have chosen Stein's comments as an example because it is relevant to the understanding of Legge's efforts. Collie began teaching at the Anglo-Chinese College in Malacca in 1824, produced a translation of most of The Four Books, and died four years later while in Malacca. Although Legge never met Collie, he did discover his work and studied it carefully during his first years in Malacca and Hong ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 212 Kong CT. London Missionary Society Archives, South China, April 24, 1845: Legge writes to the headquarters, sending copies of Collie's work to them. C Andrew J Nathan, "The Place of Values in Cross-Cultural Studies: The Example of Democracy and China", in Paul A. Cohen and Merle Goldman, eds., Ideas Across Cultures: Essays on Chinese Thought in Honor of Benjamin I. Schwartz (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 293-314. I quote here the three relevant sections. **After World War II] relativism especially recommended itself as a corrective to our society's nineteenth and early twentieth-century missionary impulses... that their way of life was not going to sweep the world.... (Ibid. p 296). **The relativist position |-| adopted in order to prevent missionary zeal from clouding our understanding of the non-Western world |. led in some cases to an equal but opposite kind of self-deception”. (Ibid. p 304). "Evaluative universalism by no means requires a return to the missionary mode of promoting Western values. It is not a call for proselytism but an expression of the belief, first, that value differences when they exist can, and can only, be honestly expressed, and second, that beliefs originating in different societies can fruitfully be confronted with one another, compared, and judged, even though disagreement is expected to persist”. (Ibid. pp 312-313). Recorded in Legge's autobiographical account entitled "Notes of My Life" (pp. 25-27), kept now in the Bodleian Library in Oxford. 12 These books are Paraphrasis Psalmorum Davidis Poetica (n.p., 1566) and Rerum Scoticorum Historia (ed. apud A. Arbuthnetum, 1582). English translations of both were available in Legge's time. Li This version was apparently intended as a replacement of the earlier rendition of The Book Of Poetry published by Legge in 1871. It was a completely revised text of both the verse and the commentarial notes. Because it only included the English text and not the Chinese text which appeared in the first edition, however, the later Oxford edition of 1893-1895 republished the earlier text. A comparison of this earlier rendition with the second edition (which others called Legge's "metrical“ Shijing "jén) would display the kind of discipline Legge had as a translator of classical texts. See James Legge, The Chinese Classics: translated into English, with Preliminary Essays And Explanatory Notes – Vol III: The She King; or, The Book Of Odes (London: Trübner & Co., 1876). See also Alfred Lister, "Dr. Legge's Metrical Shi-King", The China Review 5:1 (July 1876), pp. 1-8. 11 This Hebrew Psalter was prepared with a twenty-seven page introductory essay which included some critical commentary, and over three hundred pages of metrical paraphrases of the Psalms. Legge's position in presenting the Psalter was primarily meditative and not textual-critical; neither did this tome contain the kind of extensive commentarial apparatus which The Chinese Classics always included. Perhaps it is for some of these reasons that the manuscript was never published. It is now kept in the library of New College at the University of Edinburgh. 14 The printed text of this poetic summary of Chinese history I found in the Oriental Studies Library in Oxford. It was clearly planned and printed as part of some larger work. For the value of "cherishing the old", see the Analects 2:11, The Chinese Classics: Vol 1, op. cit., p. 49. Han Yu's opposition to Buddhist and Taoist superstitions, his courageous attack on their spiritual deceptions, and his consequent punishment must have stood as a courageous example to Legge. Han's specific interest in the old style, and his influence in stimulating interest in the renewed study of ancient texts and writing styles, parallels some of Legge's own interests. 17 After graduating from King's College, the young James spent time with his father ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 214 last in the Hok-keen and Canton dialects (Malacca, 1841), 111 pages. The breadth of Legge's vision is fully realized in the extensive studies and translations of his later career. A testimony to this fact is found in the current editions of The Chinese Classics (first prepared in the 1960 edition published in Hong Kong) which include tables locating parallel passages in all other major translations. Legge is the only non-Chinese scholar who has translated all of the major Confucian classics. In some standard Confucian lists, two classics on the rites are included which Legge did not translate: The Rites of Zhou (Zhouli) and The Rites on Etiquette (Yili). This in itself is a feat, but when one recognizes the further achievement of the extensive commentarial apparatus, it is easy to understand why one missionary-scholar referred to Legge in the 1870s as the greatest sinologist in the Western world. 1 James Legge, “A Fair and Dispassionate Discussion of the Three Doctrines Accepted in China", sometime in the 1880s (1881?) to an Orientalist Conference. I have seen the published article, but could find no precise reference for it. In addition, Legge published an annotated translation of a Korean recension of a text important for the understanding of Chinese Buddhism. A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of his Travels in India and Ceylon (AD 399-414) in Search of the Buddhistic Books of Discipline (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1886), which included at the end a copy of the Chinese manuscript. ++ George Baker, author, James Legge trans., Graduated Reading, comprising a Circle of Knowledge in 200 Lessons: Gradation 1 (Zhihuan qimeng shuke chubu) (TER224) (Hong Kong: London Missionary Society Press, 1856, second printing, 1864). This monthly magazine was entitled Xidi quanzhen (遠邇貫珍) Penetrating Treasures from Far and Near which Legge edited from mid-1855 to mid-1856, Hì While remaining a patriot of Great Britain, and feeling at times that war was a necessary means for promoting international justice in the specific case of relations with Guangdong provincial leaders, Legge questioned the employment of war for the sake of "stimulating the economy". For this reason, he challenged the Hong Kong government's militarism in 1856 (the Arrow affair) as well as its questionable motives. In addition, he argued that China had good reason to fear and hate the English because of the evils of opium trade, comparing her response to that of Japan, where opium trade had been made illegal from its very beginnings. See James Legge, "The Colony of Hong Kong". Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 11 (1971), [reprint from The China Review of 1872-3, see n. 2 above] pp. 185-191. In the prolegomenon of the first volume of The Chinese Classics, Legge explicitly argued that the colonial responsibilities Great Britain had assumed in India and China would best be put into the hands of governors who, as if following the dictates of benevolent government advocated by Confucius, were worthy examples of moral, ethical, and political well-being. A criticism of some of the British imperialistic intentions and its accompanying evils could not be put more plainly by a loyal citizen. See The Chinese Classics: Vol 1, op. cit., p. 105. Theodore Hamberg, The Visions of Hung Siu-Tshuen (Hong Kong: 1854). J7 44 At the end of his missionary career, Legge could still speak of Hong Rengan with some affection. In public Legge praised his intelligence and amiability; see Legge's "The Colony of Hong Kong". The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, op. cit., p. 186. In private notes found in the Bodleian Library entitled "Reminiscences", Legge tells how they would walk, arms across each other's shoulders in close friendship, and how adept Rengan was when they performed Christian Ministry together. See James Legge, "Reminiscences", manuscript in the Bodleian Library, pp. 13-14. 典 In his lecture on the history of Hong Kong in 1872, Legge indicated his satisfaction in seeing the rearrangement of all Chinese schools. E. T. Eitel also discussed Legge's ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 215 role in this “secularization” process, comparing Legge's leadership in the new Board of Education with the manner of a “born bishop” I believe his motivations must be read in the light of his postmillennial leanings. See n. 55 on postmillennialism. Also see James Legge, "The Colony Of Hong Kong", The Journal Of The Hong Kong Branch of The Royal Asiatic Society, op. cit., p. 188; also E. T. Eitel, Europe In China: The History Of Hong Kong From The Beginning To The Year 1882 (Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh Ltd, 1895; reprinted in Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 347, 390-394, 466. See Gwenneth and John Stokes, Queen's College: Its History 1862-1987 (Hong Kong: Queen's College, 1987). A number of the details of the origins of the school in relation to Legge are not correct, and should be compared with my article in Ching Feng (1988), op. cit. 51 Prof. Legge's participation in the initial stages of the drafting of the Somerville College rules is not mentioned in some of the more recent texts on Somerville College, but his role as a member of the council (1881-1883) is found in Somerville College Register, 1879-1959 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961), p. 272. In the minutes of the Provisional committee which later incorporated the College, Prof. Legge apparently helped to draft and support a college rule which, in its final form, read as follows: "Prayers will be read daily in the house, and on Sundays the students will be expected as a rule to attend a place of worship chosen by themselves or their parents"; an earlier proposal to eliminate family prayers, and a later proposal requiring instruction in the Bible provided by each House, were both voted down. It is also significant that the provisional committee set a rule that the members of the Council should include equal numbers of women and men. See the Notes of the Provisional Committee meetings for the year 1879, dated February 7, 15, and 28, held at Somerville College. * This picture is kept at the Library of the Oriental Institute at Oxford, and was recently used for the cover of T. H. Barrett's Singular Listlessness: A Short History Of Chinese Books And British Scholars, op. cit. His reaction was primarily against the legalistic trends of Scottish Reform theology, particularly as it related to the harsher restrictions enforced on the Sabbath. At one point Legge, writing about his youthful days in Huntly, complained: "The voice of Moses was allowed in our household too often to overpower the voice of Christ". See Notes Of My Life, op. cit., p. 15, and James Legge, John Legge, ed., Lectures On Theology, Science, And Revelation (Papers by the late Rev. George Legge), XXII-XXIV. Still one must point out that the memorization of the Shorter Catechism left its mark in many of the themes discussed in Legge's The Religions of China. He may have rejected its ethics, but he was nursed and matured in its theological worldview. 34 Legge gave his views on the sixty-fifth anniversary of the London Missionary Society, celebrated at Moorfields Tabernacle. See his "The Land of Sinim," (London: John Snow, 1859). +4 — This perspective was technically supported by nineteenth-century "postmillennialism," a view which generally interprets Biblical prophecies regarding the end of human history as one in which there will be no personal return of Christ. Postmillennialism claimed that God will reign on earth indirectly in a kingdom of peace established by his own people, the Church. This view normally involves the corollary that human achievements, particularly the advance of Christian civilization, would bring about the final state in which the Kingdom of God would be achieved. James Legge had been exposed to this position through the theology of his older brother, George Legge, and apparently accepted its arguments. See George Legge, Lectures on Theology, Science, and Revelation, ed. James Legge, et al., op. cit. Belief in a postmillennial view of history explains two important aspects of James Legge's academic work. First, it explains why he was concerned to locate a trace of revelation in the foundations of Chinese ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 216 culture, which would make Chinese culture all the more accessible to the influences of Christianization. Secondly, it explains why other missionaries who considered Chinese culture to be simply pagan refused to have anything to do with a fusion of Confucianism and Christianity. In their minds, such a combination would hinder the advance of Christian civilization, obstruct the work of the Spirit of God, and ultimately be destructive of God's plan to establish the Kingdom of God on earth. Legge's claim that God had left a trace in Chinese culture threatened their view of the desperate losiness of the Chinese people. In fact, Legge himself would agree with them in general on the issue of the need for salvation, but he disagreed with the missiological strategy which refused to look for any point of support for missionary activity within Chinese culture. Those who opposed Legge were in effect supporting a basic assumption: God would not employ the pagan Chinese culture for the purpose of establishing His spiritual Kingdom. This explained, from their point of view, why He did not send them any special revelation of Himself. It was precisely this latter claim that Legge vehemently denied: to overlook the Shangdi traditions in the Chinese Classics was to deny historical facts related to the destiny of the Chinese peoples. See Confucianism in Relation to Christianity, op. cit. See for details of the comparison "Some New Dimensions in the Study of the Works of James Legge (1815-1897); Part II", op. cit., pp. 43ff. 1 57 James Legge, Christianity and Confucianism Compared in Their Teaching on the Whole Duty Of Man (London: Religious Tract Society, 1883). SH James Legge, Christianity in China: A Rendering of the Nestorian Tablet at Si-an-fu to Commemorate Christianity (London: Trübner & Co., 1888). SV The original twenty-four-page manuscript, entitled "Sketch of Ho Tsun Sheen", was written by Legge in March 19, 1872, and is kept in the South China letters of the London Missionary Society archives. It was later published as an article in a volume called Gleanings From The Mission Field (London: 1873?). MI See The Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle (January 1833), p. 34; (March 1853), pp. 121-129; (December 1853), pp. 697-707; (supplement), pp. 757-764. A The Taoist priest Legge mentions was one who restricted his study to Laozi's Daode jing, rather than the more esoteric doctrines passed down in esoteric Taoist training. Legge found him "more prepared than the Confucian literati to receive the message of the Gospel". The elderly woman convert, at whose deathbed Legge sought a final testimony of trust in Christ, had been "a professor among her country-women of Taoist superstitions", but after becoming a Christian she had been a faithful and effective witness for Christ. See James Legge, The Religions of China, op. cit., pp. 275-276, 296-297. In Alexander Wylie's Memorials of Protestant Missionaries (Shanghae: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1867), pp. 119-121, eighteen manuscripts, pamphlets, and books are cited as prepared by Legge in Chinese. At least one of these was done with his Chinese colleague, Ho Jinshan. See Shengjing Zhengju (Proofs of the Bible) (Fuzhou: Taiping Street Gospel Hall Press, 1870). Among these texts are two pamphlets in story-telling form on the lives of Joseph and Abraham which are of particular interest. I have seen a copy of the former in the Bodleian Library, and discovered that it was written in Cantonese dialect; I suspect that the latter is done in a similar fashion, but no copy of it has yet been found. In the context of this passage, Dr. Legge found it necessary to emphasize that he had spent as much time with Chinese people as he did with their books. Every day he claimed to spend several hours in visiting them, not only in their homes, but also in their shops. In the same recollection, he also mentions regular ministry in the Chinese prison as part of his vocation. Later on in this passage, Legge's wit also comes through: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 217 he testified that there was hardly a house in Victoria except the brothels - where he had not repeatedly been and where he was not known as a friend. See James Legge. "The Colony of Hong Kong", The China Review, op. cit., pp. 168-169. Unfortunately, these remarks were edited out of the reprint of this talk found in The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 11 (1971), op. cit. See n. 26 M5 The impact and importance of Legge's life as a Non-Conformist academic has been summarized in my article in Ching Feng, “The 'Failures' of James Legge's Fruitful Life for China', op. cit. Another more general point about dissenting churches should be made: in late nineteenth century Great Britain, the academic circles of academics who were dissenters appear to have functioned as a contrapuntal voice in the mainstream of English society. The publication of The British Quarterly became an organ for dissenting viewpoints which illustrates this point. Another factor involved in the influence of dissenting believers was the fact that many of the children of these people married into major families within English society. A perfect example is one of Legge's daughters from his first marriage, Eliza, who married a gentleman who later became the first Inspector-General of the Chinese Maritime Customs, Horatio Nelson Lay. See Lindsay Ride, op. cit., p. 9. C See the case of Dr. Wong Foon, London Missionary Society Archives. Letters from South China, dated April 12, 1856. Further discussion occurs in letters of October 12, 1859, April 14, 1860, and November 28, 1860. 47 Legge's opposition to opium and coolie trades, among other problems, was stated publicly in his address at the Hong Kong City Hall in 1872. See "The Colony of Hong Kong", The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, op. cit., pp. 190-191. In 1870, Legge had joined his Chinese pastoral colleague Ho Jinshan in promoting a petition which opposed the newly legalized gambling opened by the Hong Kong government primarily for the sake of revenue. Over one thousand two hundred names, most of whom were Chinese, signed the petitions presented to the government on February 21st and March 6th, 1871. See Hong Kong Government Office, Colonial Office Records, CO129/149, 5, pp. 188-197 and 8, pp. 208-234. 100 See the letter addressed to James Legge by Sir W. G. Liddell, the appointed representative of Oxford University, dated February 27, 1875 (Bodleian Library archives). Liddell makes it clear to Legge in the letter that his Non-Conformist background should not be a source of turmoil if he were admitted to the University. Although the letter also includes the qualification that Legge's credentials indicate a person of high standing, the doubt in Liddell's mind about the character of anyone from a dissenting tradition is explicit. It may be the case, as Mary Dominica Legge claimed, that James Legge was the first non-Anglican professor admitted to Oxford after 1871, but I have not yet found a way to verify this. 69 R. F. Horton commented, however, that Prof. Legge's involvement with the Non-Conformist Union was minimal. See his comments in his text, An Autobiography (London: 1918). *0 Among those with whom Prof. Legge had some direct spiritual interaction was the famous Hegelian philosopher, T. H. Green. In a letter dated April 29 (no year, but probably 1879, when both men were on the provisional committee of Somerville College), Green responds to a lengthy rejoinder Prof. Legge had given to a book Green had written. Green had sent the letter because, apparently, the professor had treated him like an orthodox believer," and Green felt there was a sort of hypocrisy in allowing you to continue under that impression". The letter ends with Green politely defending his philosophical position, but also mirroring some sense of challenge to alter his views which must have been expressed by Prof. Legge. This letter is found 4 IL Page 240 Page 241 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 218 in the Bodleian Archives at Oxford. 71 I have found no direct support for this claim, though according to Ralph Covell the influence of William Paley's natural theology on nineteenth century Protestant missionary apologetics was immense. See Ralph Covell, Confucius, The Buddha, and Christ: A History of the Gospel In Chinese (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1986), pp. 98-102. A helpful text on the background of William Paley and his rationalistic theology is D. L. LeMahieu's The Mind of William Paley: A Philosopher, and His Age (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1976). 72 This is a claim made in her essay entitled "James Legge" (pp. 10-11), presented to the Sino-Scottish Society at the University of Edinburgh on February 4, 1951. 73 See James Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol 1, p. 89. This is significantly changed from the original 1861 edition. 74 Ibid. Page 367 75 Ibid., pp. 100-101. 76 Ibid., pp. 49-51, 94-97. 77 The Book of Rites and The Rites of Zhou, cited in The Chinese Classics. Vol 1, op. cit., pp. 110-111. 78 I am thinking here of Liang Qichao, who in 1902 and 1903 wrote some famous articles urging Chinese intellectuals to discard the inadequate value system of traditional Confucian life. See my article which includes this attack, “Liang Qi-Chao and the Problematic of Social Change: Analyzing a Philosophical Tension in Twentieth Century Chinese Philosophy". Synthesis Philosophica (Yugoslavia) 4:1 (1989), pp. 189-212. 79 Legge wrote a series of three articles on Qu Yuan entitled "The Li Sao Poem and its Author," all of which appeared in The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain And Ireland. See n. 5. Another interpretation of these texts is offered in "The 'Failures' Of James Legge's Fruitful Life For China", op. cit., pp. 258-260. For a recent translation of Qu Yuan's "Heavenly Questions" see David Hawkes, The Songs of the South (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books Ltd, 1985). Legge did begin translating other poems of Qu Yuan, but never had them published. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 234 When it opened, in 1868, it gave the Colony a new orientation. The first vessel the Docks built was the 46-foot launch, Duncan, for their own use, which affectionately became known as Old No.1. Certainly a considerable outlay of capital and expertise was involved, and the Docks were well supported by the P&O line, which ran a service from Hong Kong to Shanghai from 1849, and by Jardine's. **From Rangoon to Shanghai there is nothing equal to that great concern (the Docks); nor along the entire Pacific Coast of North and South America is there any undertaking equipped with better facilities...** (MacMillan, 1925). The Cosmopolitan Docks (later purchased by Hong Kong and Whampoa Docks) began at Tai Kok Tsui in 1880, and by the 1890s the main docks at Hung Hom had built up rapidly. The local community (even by 1881 the population of old British Kowloon numbered only 9,021) was among the largest industrial settlements. It worked day and night for years with queues of ships waiting to be repaired. The Hong Kong Guide 1893 records: **The Docks** are the most extensive of any in Asia. Vessels of 550 feet in length and 30 feet draft of water can be docked at Kowloon. Extra dividends were awarded to shareholders twice a year, and sons of skilled craftsmen from Hung Hom followed their fathers into the Docks. The village was never asleep as journeymen worked on shifts around the clock. It was one of the most prosperous places in the Colony. With a population of only 260,000, at the turn of the century Hong Kong was the second largest port in the world. By then her own ships sailed the Pacific Ocean and the seas of Asia. Easterners (the Chinese) and Westerners (the expatriates were mostly Scottish) had joined forces in the Dockyard, and the Board was representative of many nations of maritime importance. A strong sense of pride and community spirit existed. During World War I, ships of more than 5,000 tons were built. Butterfield and Swire started to construct their dockyard at Quarry Bay, on Hong Kong Island, in August 1902, and work was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 265 Kok and Ta Kwu Ling people had established a trust to collect cash and construct this bridge: Chan Sheung-yan (of Luk Keng in the Sha Tau Kok area), and Lei Tsok-san (of Lei Uk in the Ta Kwu Ling area) were the two Chief Managers of this trust, representing the totality of the people of the two areas. P.H. HASE I NOTES "Cheang Shan Kwa Tsz. An Old Buddhist Nunnery in the New Territories, and its Place in Local Society”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 29, 1989, pp 121-158. The documents are contained in a recently recovered genealogy of the Chan clan of Luk Keng. I understand that a copy of this genealogy will be placed on record in the collection of Hong Kong historical documents held at the Chinese University of Hong Kong in due course. I am indebted to Mr. Chan Wing-hoi for drawing my attention to these documents. II I am indebted to Mr. P.L. Lau for assistance in the translation of this document. The Sha Wan River, unlike the main branch of the Sham Chun River, which flows in a deep and well-defined channel, was a shallow and ill-defined stream, which meandered through a broad valley which it often flooded. This river has now been dammed off to form the Shen Zhen Reservoir. See the paper at n. 1 for details of the loss of life in this War. A VILLAGE WAR IN SHAM CHUN The Rev. Carl Smith has drawn attention to the great wealth of material available in the Basel Mission Archive on the history of the Hakka people of Kwangtung Province. When looking through his notes and summaries of important documents I saw a summary of an important document on an inter-village war in Sham Chun (深圳). Through the courtesy of the Mission Archive, a photostat of the document was received, translated, and is published below. Sham Chun lies at the centre of a broad and fertile valley, drained by the Sham Chun River. This river has four main tributaries: the stream which drains the Ta Kwu Ling valley (this stream is considered as the headstream of the main river), the Sha Wan River, which joins the first stream at Kim Hau (or) at the entrance to Ta Kwu Ling, the Sheung Yue (or Beas) River which drains the Sheung Shui/Lung Yeuk Tau area and which enters the main river ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 280 16 treated as a neutral, and ignored,' apart from numerous stray bullets which hit it accidentally. However, eventually "more than a hundred bandits" decided to come and kidnap the missionary's wife, and hold her for ransom. The missionary at this point gave up and fled for shelter to Hong Kong. Were these "bandits” a gang of opportunistic thieves and robbers who had come out of the mountains to take what they could in confused times, or one of the antagonists attacking a neutral in an attempt to fill the "war-chest? Clearly, "bandit attacks" were generated by, and cannot always be safely distinguished from, inter-village warfare. From all this evidence, it can be assumed that inter-village warfare in the mid-nineteenth century was endemic in the Hong Kong region, and that the evidence for the serious outbreak at Sham Chun given above merely fits the wider pattern. NOTES P.H. HASE 1 "The Archives of the Basel Mission", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 28, 1988, pp. 203-207. 2 It is Basel Mission Archive document A1-9, NR. 31, Quarterly Report, Lilong Station, 1875. I am indebted to Mrs. E. Gilkes for assistance in translating this document. 3 The markets in the area in the Ming are listed in the 1688 County Gazetteer. "Kim Hau Market" is mentioned in the list of villages → this market may, therefore, already have been abandoned by 1688. 4 Enclosure C in Item 59 "Despatch, Governor Sir Matthew Nathan to Mr. Lyttelton”. Jan. 11, 1905, in Eastern No. 88 Confidential: Hong Kong 'Correspondence Relating to the Proposed Canton-Kowloon Railway', printed for the Colonial Office. 1907, p. 87 mentions "61 large and 232 medium-sized shops" there, plus, presumably some smaller places. 5 Lilong (F) was the main Basel Mission station in San On (X) District. It lies close to the railway to the north of Sham Chun. 6 Tsoi Uk Wai. 7 Of Wong Pui Ling. 8 At Nam Tau on the coast of the Pearl River. 9 For the she hok (*, "Community School"), see D. Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1986, pp. 130, 136-138, 222 (n. 16-17), 223 (n. 18). 10 The documents are in File CSO208/1902(Ext) (no title), Public Records Office, Hong Kong, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 [1849] it numbered 25 boys. The free tuition he offered brought him goodwill in the eyes of the people, without much cost, since the boys provided their own food and brought their own books to the school. It was very difficult for Brother Hamberg to live alone and lonely in this way, in the midst of a great crowd of Chinese people, far from any of his Brethren or friends. 110 297 NOTES P.H. Hase See C. Smith, "The Archives of the Basel Mission”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 28, 1988, pp. 203-207. 2 Basel Mission Archive, Document A-1,2 Nr. 44, "Half-Yearly report of the Missionary Rev. P. Winnes, from 1st January to 1st July, 1853**. 1 I am grateful to M. Anne-Maria Pordes for her help in transcribing and translating this document. # Unfortunately, the Mission in Sha Tau Kok was closed down and moved to Lilong in 1853, so no further descriptions of Sha Tau Kok of this type were written. 6 5 Jahresberichte der Basler Mission 1849, pp 141-143. Hamberg was forced to abandon his work at Sha Tau Kok in 1849; the Mission there was taken up again by P. Winnes and R. Lechler in 1852, but it was effectively abandoned again in 1854. THE BUDDHA, THE HEAVENLY TRUE WARRIOR An interesting phenomenon seen only in Taiwan was first noted in 1984 in Tainan. From an iconographic point of view, the sudden appearance on altars of a wooden carved image portraying a middle-aged scholar sitting sideways cross-legged on a crouching winged mythological creature with a dragon's head* was most unusual. The image, now observed in some sixty temples in most areas of Taiwan, labelled T'ien Chen-wu Fo ADA is gilded, though the creature is usually brown. The scholar, clean-shaven, with a full face, holds a seal in his right hand bearing the inscription, 'With * See Plate 6 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 319 change these arrangements at will (and indeed in a few instances did so), for most matters imperial respect for established statutes prevailed and advice on the wisdom of proposed changes was sought and followed.' (p.6). This was not the case with the inner court in the eighteenth century. It was the creation of the Emperor. But Bartlett argues that by the end of the century the Grand Council straddled the roles of pawn and directorate. The result was a greatly expanded inner-court dominance, but one where both ministers and monarchs could be strong. While the framework for autocracy continued in place, the expansion of inner-court work and the ministerial skill and labor essential to accomplishing it weakened the monarchs' ability fully to oversee and direct the government." (p 7). Here I might take issue with the statement that the Grand Council weakened the monarch's ability to direct government; rather, it permitted him to do more than he could alone. It is at this point within the system that the individual comes into play, and the balance between monarchical power and conciliar power was less a question of institution, and rather varied on the basis of the personal qualities of the incumbent emperor, as well as the qualities of certain officials such as Heshen. There is the risk in working with thousands of documents of losing sight of the wood for the trees. The reader is forewarned by the author that Part One covering the Yongzheng reign is very detailed. This reflects the evolution of the Grand Council as the Yongzheng and Qianlong Emperors experimented with the Inner Court before it was enshrined in statute. In Part Two Bartlett soars above the foliage to give us an overview of the mechanism of government. Monarchs and Ministers is a seminal work, and opens up many avenues of research. We must study the officials who held concurrent titles in both the Inner and Outer Court, and determine if their authority derived from their positions as Grand Councillors or from their incumbency as presidents of various boards (much as we ponder the power of government officials that derive from their party membership in modern China). This book also looks outward from the Inner Court, and we would do well to look inward from the Outer Court. We should not underestimate the value of Bartlett's analysis of the types of documents existing in the archives. There was no guide to the materials; who drafted them, who read them. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 330 about China took place' (p. 15), he effectively excludes the Jesuit missionaries in China from being the originators of Sinology! In contrast to the latter, the Proto-Sinologists 'knew very little about China', never 'set foot in China' (p. 135), and were primarily compilers and editors' of information and words provided by the missionaries (pp. 135-37). Their own scholarly output suffered from 'the lack of adequate Chinese' (p. 227) or the absence of a developed knowledge of the Chinese language' (p. 209). An important distinction between the works of proto-Sinologists and later Sinologists (as well as, one should say, the Jesuits in China) is the 'non-sinological thrust of the former (p. 14; on this point see also pp. 164 and 174) who 'geared their interests in China toward Europe' rather than toward China itself (p. 15). If the author's observations are correct, then the Jesuit missionaries in China are the true originators of Sinology, not the proto-Sinologists. In his concluding paragraph he finally puts the role of proto-Sinologists into historical perspective by asserting that they deserve credit for bringing the fruits of Jesuit accommodation into the 'flow of history' where they would be picked up by later Sinologists and become 'the foundation of modern sinology' (p. 358). If this is the case, then this book has something to do with the advent of modern Sinology in the 18th and 19th centuries, a period which the author does not cover. The origins of Sinology, however, are to be found in the writings of the Jesuit missionaries in 17th century China. ― For one who is unfamiliar with the Jesuits' accommodative approach to China, their publications, or European scholarship in the 17th century, this work has much to offer if the reader is willing to work hard enough to get through the author's sometimes frustrating style and numerous errors which proof readers and editors should have caught (the two page "Errata" at the back of the edition under review is not nearly adequate and a little unusual in that it allows the author a chance to do some revision!). In Chapter I the author frames his study by noting the concerns of European scholars with such issues as Aristotelianism, Copernicanism, Humanism, Hermetism, the search for a universal language, geography, and history (particularly, biblical chronology). The remainder of the book follows a basically chronological format beginning with the early development of Jesuit accommodation and their creation of a ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 332 biography of Confucius and three of the Four Books of early Confucianism; namely, Ta-hsüeh, Chung-yung, and Lun-yü. While the discussion (based on the author's private correspondence with T. Korai Kitao) of the European influences in the portrait of Confucius standing with a temple of learning in the background is very interesting, the suggestion that Confucius is holding his own spirit tablet (pp. 271, 274, and 276) may be worth further investigation. The author's running criticism of the translations of the Ta-hsüeh and Chung-yung gets in the way of his presentation of Jesuit views and interpretation. One wonders why he did not include the Lun-yü in his discussion, particularly since Leibniz was particularly fond of this work (pp. 287-88). Chapter 9 is devoted to the writings of Fr. Bouvet who arrived in China in 1688 and significantly revised the content of accommodation by discarding Ricci's Confucian-Christian synthesis in favor of a 'Chinese-Christian synthesis' focusing on the pre-Confucius portions of the I-ching. The author gives a clear picture of the different social and political circumstances under which Ricci and Bouvet laboured and how this influenced their approaches to accommodation. He shows the impact of Hermetism on Bouvet's fascination with and interpretation of the hexagrams of the I-ching as hieroglyphs which encoded the ancient and pristine religion of man. The discussion of the dissemination of Bouvet's views to Europe through his correspondence with Leibniz is most interesting, though the reading is somewhat tedious. Chapter 10 brings down the curtain on the 17th century and the Jesuits with an examination of the extremist views found in the new accommodative compositions of Le Comte and Le Gobien which brought the Rites Controversy to a head and provoked the impeachment of their works in Paris at the Sorbonne in 1700. Finally, a four-page conclusion provides a succinct and adequate summary of the author's main points. MELVIN P THATCHER Cecil Beaton: Chinese Diary and Album New edition, O.U.P., Oxford, 1991 also, same author: India Diary and Album New edition, O.U.P., 1991 Cecil Beaton (1904-1980) was well-known, particularly in the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 334 When you buy a book in your field — in my case women — you often do so simply because it is there and you have to have it. It is only when you get it home and start to weigh it up that you start to form judgements. If it concerns something I am writing about at the time, I look first at the bibliography and index. More generally, I look first at the illustrations to get a feel of a book, then at the preface and acknowledgements to get a feel of the writer. A book concentrating on marriage from whatever perspective, or about wherever in the world, should give out a whiff of something fascinating in that distinctive aspect of society. In this respect, The Bartered Brides starts well. There are three pictures captioned ‘A married couple ask to have their picture taken’ (p. 135). If in that particular case the bride was bartered, then both partners were, it seems, happy with the deal. Their warm feelings for each other, and their sense of fun, are delightfully apparent. — The author, anthropologist Nancy Tapper, from whose doctoral thesis the book is derived, starts her acknowledgements, 'My debts to Richard Tapper are limitless' (p. xix); she then elaborates on their long and fruitful collaboration in both fieldwork and writing among the Maduzai of Afghanistan. ‘This woman has a head start in an attempt to analyse marriage,’ was my reaction, whether or not she is going to find for or against the marriage system of the tribal people about whom she writes, "We care very deeply for them" (p. xx). What is more important about this book is that, since the recent upheavals in Afghanistan, it is a unique record of a way of life that has inevitably disappeared; it is a memorial. This introduction may have given the impression that Bartered Brides is a book for the general reader; that is not so. It is an academic one — scholarly, indeed — intended for those actively pursuing interests in gender studies, anthropology (including politics and economics), and Afghanistan. This last category includes Central Asia, for the Maduzai, one of the major tribes of the Durrani Pashtuns, are an Islamic Turkic people. The problems of the anthropologist in observing a society and then of explaining it to the reader start, as Tapper explains, with translation. The fact that some terms are apparently easily translatable into English brings its own difficulties with, for example, the term 'marriage' itself. To point out such difficulties is to hint at the... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 340 The jacket proclaims this to be a "meticulously researched study"; therefore, I was all the more surprised to find elementary errors. For example, Hong Kong Island was ceded to the British Government in 1842 in the Treaty of Nanking, not in 1843 (p 2). Also, South Sea Textile Manufacturing Company, Limited has never, to my knowledge, been known as "South Sea Cotton Mill" (p 55). Such unfortunate lapses, while they may be minor, tend to cast doubt about how much meticulous research went into this manuscript. There is a tendency to report, not analyze. One might be led to believe that mill owners felt insecure as immigrants to Hong Kong (p 51). Yet, on the very next page, the Shanghainese entrepreneurs are credited with having a "long term time horizon" and that “in spinning, one has to wait before the capital will yield profit" (p 52). This contradiction is neither pointed out nor elaborated upon. Incomplete research in other places leads to trivial or misleading conclusions. I found myself frustrated that, with all the data the author had in hand, other questions were not addressed. A Shanghainese industrialist in 1948, armed perhaps with an MBA, would, if he had done a thorough analysis, probably not have set up a spinning and weaving operation in Hong Kong. In those days, all raw materials, machinery and spare parts, down to nuts and bolts, had to be imported. There was no domestic market. And yet, not only did the Shanghainese establish themselves in Hong Kong, they, by and large, prospered. Why? And did they do as well in other Asian countries? We will have to wait for another book to find out the answers to these questions. MARTIN TANG Michael Y. L. Luk. The Origins of Chinese Bolshevism, and Ideology in the Making. Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1990 (East Asian Historical Monographs) viii + 366pp. Bibliography. Index. Analysis of the incubation and early development stages of the Chinese Communist movement, lasting through the 1920s, presents historians with a difficult and complex task. For decades many of the intellectual elite of China had been convinced that only sweeping political and cultural changes could save the country from unlimited ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir David Wilson, K.C.M.G. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1991 President: D.A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P. Vice-Presidents: Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. Elizabeth Sinn, B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D. Hon. Secretary: Eveline M. Caldwell, M.A., M.B.C.S., F.Coll.P., M.I.E.E. Hon. Treasurer: Robert Nield, F.C.A., F.H.K.S.A. Hon. Editor: P.H. Hase B.A., Ph.D. Hon. Librarian: Wan Yiu-chuen, B.A., M.Phil., A.L.A. Councillors: Phillip Bruce Michael Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D. Y.W. Lau, B.A., Ph.D. A.K.K. Siu, B.A., M.A., Ph.D. Anita Wilson, M.A. D.D. Waters, I.S.O., M.Phil., Ph.D., Dip.IET., F.C.I.O.B., F.B.I.M. Joseph S.P. Ting, B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D. iii ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT HON. AUDITORS' REPORT HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT. ARTICLES: Pui Tak Lee Business Networks and Patterns of Cantonese Compradors and Merchants in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong Wei Peh T'i Private Patronage of Scholarship and Learning During the Mid-Qing: Ruan Yuan and the Scholars Around Him Zhang Ru - The Chinese Experience: Sino-American Arts Exchange, 1972-1986 Dan Waters Chinese Funerals: A Case Study P.H. Munro-Faure Guerilla Training, Maymyo 1941 NOTES AND QUERIES: Solomon Bard A Brief Account of Early Post-war Hong Kong Archaeological Activity Octavius William Borrell — A Short History of the Heude Museum, 'Musee Heude,' 1858-1952 its Botanist and Plant Collector Keith Stevens A Chinese Memorial Hall Dedicated to Wang Te-lu, a Clan Hero.. Dan Waters — A Note on Hong Kong's Wildlife Valery M. Garrett To Become an Adult Dan Waters The Re-occupation of Hong Kong, August 1945 BOOK REVIEWS vii xiv xvii 1 40 65 104 135 181 183 192 197 199 201 205 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j demonstrated when we appealed for volunteers to help the Antiquities and Monuments Board to grade buildings in Hong Kong which may have some historical interest. Around 20 volunteers have so far come forward and they have already been put to work. We need to thank Dr. Dan Waters for co-ordinating this project and hope that those who carry out this task will find their visits interesting enough to the extent that they may like to lead a Society trip sometime or even publish some brief notes for the Journal. Last year I reported on our efforts to stimulate interest from corporations, and create a category of corporate membership. The idea was that for the comparatively small sum of $10,000 p.a. it was intended to give certain privileges to corporate sponsors particularly in the area of acknowledgement in our publications. Amongst the reasons for this move, apart from putting the Society on a firmer financial basis, was to bring to those corporations' attention the Society's achievements and interests. I regret to say that we have not made much progress on this, but the matter will be receiving the attention of the Council during next year. Our Treasurer, Mr. Robert Nield will give you a detailed report shortly on the state of our finances. We are indeed fortunate to have them so professionally managed, to the extent that the Council now has computer graphs of our financial progress since the resuscitation of the Society in 1960. He will inform you, I hope, that our finances are in a reasonable state but the overall situation does need to be watched. You will notice therefore that later on this meeting we will be asking for approval to raise the annual subscriptions from $250 p.a. which was last set in January 1991 to $300 p.a., with corresponding increases in other category of memberships with effect from January 1993: this works out at a 20% rise over the two years which is around the rate of inflation over this period. You will notice from the Librarian's report, by Mr. Y.C. Wan that the Library continues to be in a satisfactory state. However I regret to say that the books, although well kept, are still at the rather inaccessible Kowloon Central Library and not in the City Hall Central Library in a special collection room. It was hoped that by this time we would have knowledge of a definite move but in view of the possible re-development of the City Hall area it is not known whether the original plan will take place. It is intended to take this matter up further and I hope to be able to report on this more encouragingly next year. xi ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 36 Kong, Capital Communications Lid Ho, Ping-ti 1966a. Zhongguo huiguan shilun (On the history of Landsmannschaften in China). Taibei, Shihuo Chubanshe. 1966b. The Geographical Distribution of Hui-kuan (Landsmannschaften) in Central Upper Yangtze Provinces. In Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 5/2 120-52 Honig, Emily. 1992. Creating Chinese Ethnicity Subet People in Shanghai 1850-1980. New Haven and London, Yale University Press. Hunter, William C 1882 'Fan Kwae' at Canton Before Treaty Days, 1825-1844, London Kegan Paul, Trench & Co King, Frank H. H. 1983. edited. Eastern Banking Essays in the History of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation London, Athlone Press Keswick, Maggie 1982. The Thistle and the Jade: A Celebration of 150 Years of Jardine, Matherson & Company London, Octopus. Lai, Chi-kong. 1992 The Qing State and Merchant Enterprise: the China Merchants' Company, 1872-1902. In Jane K. Leonard (edited) 139-56. Lee, Pui Tak. 1990 Kindai Chugoku ni okeru kōsho Kigyō no rekishi teki tenkai Kanyahyōkōshi wo jirei toshite (The historical Origins of Commercial and Industrial Enterprises in China, the Case of Han-yeh-p'ing Coal & Iron Company Limited, 1896-1991) M Litt. Thesis. University of Tokyo. Leonard, Jane K 1992. edited; To Achieve Wealth and Security, the Qing Imperial State and the Economy, 1644-1911. Ithaca, East Asia Program, Cornell University Leung, Yuensang 1982 Regional Rivalry in Mid-nineteenth Century Shanghai. Cantonese vs Ningpo Men. In Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i: 4/8; 29-50. 1986. The Shanghai-Tientsin Connection. Li Hung-chang's Political Control over Shanghai during the Late Ch'ing Period In Chinese Studies 4/1 315-31 1990 The Shanghai Taotai: Linkage Man in a Changing Society, 1843-90 Singapore. National Singapore University Press Liu, Kwang-ching 1979 Credit Facilities in China's Early Industrialization The Background and Implications of Hsu Jun's Bankruptcy in 1883. In Modern Chinese Economic History 499-509, Edited by Chiming Hou Taibei, Institute of Economics, Academia Sinica 1982 A Chinese Entrepreneur In Maggie Keswick (edited) 103-30. — 1990. Jinshi Shixuang yu Xincheng Qiye (The new thoughts and modern enterprises) Taibei, Lianjing Chuban Shiye Gongsi Mann, Susan Jones 1972. Finance in Ningpo the 'Ch'ien Chuang', 1750-1880 In W E. Willmott (edited) 47-78 1974 The Ningpo Pang and Financial Power at Shanghai In Mark Elvin & G. William Skinner (edited) 73-96 — 1976. Merchant Investment, Commercialization, and Social Change in the Ningpo Area In Reform in Nineteenth-Century China 41-8. Edited by Paul A, Cohen Cambridge and Massachusetts, Harvard University Press. McElderry, Andrea Lee 1992 Guarantors and Guarantees in Qing Government-Bussiness Relations In Jane K. Leonard (edited) 119-38 1993 Guarantors in China's Treaty Ports the Evolution of Employee Bonding Unpublished paper presented at the 34th International Congress on Asian and North African Studies, Hong Kong Mei, June 1979 Socioeconomic Origins of Emigration Guangdong to California, 1850-1882 In Explorations in Economic History 7/4 451-73 Qing Xu Yuzhi xiansheng ruḥ zixu nianpu (Chronological autobiography of Xu Run) Reprinted in 1981 Quan, Hansheng 1972 Zhongguo Jingjishi luncong (Collected essays on Chinese economic ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 39 the Kuan Lineage in K'ai-p'ing County. Ann Arbor, Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan. Wright, Arnold 1908 Twentieth Century Impressions of Hongkong, Shanghai, and other Treaty Ports of China their history, people commerce, industries, and resources London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Company. Ltd Wu, Chang-chuan 1974 Cheng Kuan-ying A Case Study of Merchant Participation in the Chinese Self-strengthening Movement (1878-1884) PhD thesis Columbia University Xia, Dongyuan. 1982 Zheng Guanying ji (Collected materials of Zheng Guanying) Volume I Shanghai, Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe 1985a Wanqing yangwu yundong yanjiu (A study of self-strengthening movement of late Qing China) Chengdu, Sichuan Renmin chubanshe 1985b. Zheng Guanying zhuan (A biography of Zheng Guanying) Revised edition Shanghai, Huadong Shifan Daxue Chubanshe 1988a, Zheng Guanying ji (Collected materials of Zheng Guanying) Volume II Shanghai, Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe 1988b. Sheng Xuanhuai zhuan (A biography of Sheng Xuanhuai) Chengdu, Sichuan Renmin Chubanshe Xu, Dingxin 1991 Shanghai zongshanghui-shi 1902-1929 (A history of Shanghai Chamber of Commerce). Shanghai, Shanghai Shehui Kexueyuan Chubanshe Yamagami, Kan'ichi 1938 Sekko zaibatsu-ron so no kihonteki kōsatsu (A discussion of Zhejiang financial magnates its basic observation) Tokyo. Nihon Hyōronsha Yu, Qixing 1970 Wu Tingfang yu Xiangkang zhi guanxi (The relations of Wu Tingfang with Hong Kong). In Shou Luo Xianglin Jiaoshou Lunwenji Hong Kong, Wanyou Tushu Gongsi 255-78. Zhang, Wenqin, 1984. Cong fengnan guanshang dao maiban shangren Qingdai Guangdong hangshang Wu Yihe jiazu de pouxi (From feudal official merchant to comprador An analysis of the family of howqua of the Guangdong hong merchants in the Qing). In Jindaishi Yanjiu 1984/3 167-97. 1984/4 231-53 1989 Cong fengjian guanshang dao maiban guanliao Wu Jianzhang shilun (From feudal official merchant to compradorial bureaucrat An analysis and discussion on Wu Jianzhang). In Jindaishi Yanjiu 1989/5 31-54 Zhejiangji zibenjia de xingqi (The rise of Zhejiang clique of entrepreneurs) Edited by Zhongguo Renmin Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi Zhejiang-sheng Weiyuanhui Wenshi Ziliao Yanjiu Weiyuanhui Hangzhou, Zhejiang Renmin Chubanshe, 1986. Zou, Yiren 1980 Jiu Shanghai renkou bianqian de yanjiu (A study of evolution of the population of old Shanghai) Shanghai, Renmin Chubanshe ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 40 PRIVATE PATRONAGE OF SCHOLARSHIP AND LEARNING DURING THE MID-QING: RUAN YUAN AND THE SCHOLARS AROUND HIM* WEI PEH T'I This paper is an initial essay towards a biographical study of Ruan Yuan (1764-1849), a major scholar-official and patron of scholars of the Qianlong, Jiaqing and Daoguang reigns. I hope that by examining the life and work of a competent and respected scholar-official of this era, 'the prime exemplars of any age'.1 I may be able to bring into focus the critical problems and atmosphere of early 19th century China, the two score or so years immediately preceding the Opium War after which traditional Chinese institutions and values began to change. I have been fortunate in being able to make use of the extant Qing archival documents and Ruan Yuan's own publications for this research. Ruan Yuan left considerable literary remains. I have located 75 titles, including a number of monumental publications that carry his name as author, compiler or editor. There are also prefaces he wrote for his own and other scholars' works, indicating that at least he had known the content of them before publication. Impressive indeed as these achievements were, questions about Ruan Yuan's actual efforts arise. * I would like to thank the following libraries for allowing me access to their valuable collections in preparing this paper: Library of the National Palace Museum, the National Taiwan University libraries; the National Central Library; the Fu Ssu-nien Library of the Academia Sinica; The Library of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, the University of Hong Kong Libraries; the Rare Book Collection of the Beijing Library; the Oriental Manuscripts Collection and the Main Collection of the British Library, the Harvard-Yenching Library of Harvard University; the Gest Library of Princeton University; the Library of Congress; the New York Public Library; and Qing letters from the collection of the late Dr Wang Shih-chieh. I am also grateful to the following individuals for their help and comments on an earlier draft of this paper: Chang Ling-sheng, Ch'ang Pe-te, Chuang Chi-fa, Wang Ching-hung, Wang P'u and Wu Che-fu of the National Palace Museum (Taipei), Wang Junyi and Huang Aiping of the People's University; Ji Longwei of Yangzhou Teachers' College; Feng Erkang of Nankai University; Beatrice S. Bartlett, Iona Crook and Stephen Shott of Yale University; F.W. Mote of Princeton University; Elizabeth Sinn, Maureen Sabine and Shih Hsio-yen of the University of Hong Kong; and Deng Linyu and Xu Xiaohui of the Chinese International School of Hong Kong. Of course, they are not responsible for the errors contained in this paper. My gratitude also goes to the Department of History and Centre of Asian Studies of the University of Hong Kong. I have opted to use pinyin to accommodate a particular Chinese software program, but have left the Wade-Giles transliteration in quotations. Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j NOTES 99 I Except for those documented otherwise, all the figures presented in this paper are obtained through researches in published and unpublished sources, including those from Xinhua News Agency, year books, newspapers and magazines, personal interviews and so on. 2 Records of CFEIC 3 See Samuel S. Kim, ed. China and The World: Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Mao Era (Boulder: Westview Press, 1984) for a discussion of a number of cases reflecting this. 4 John K. Fairbank, China Bound (New York: Harper and Row, 1982), p. 338 5 USIA: Its Work and Structure (USIA), p. 2 6 Ying Hua, "**Youhao, reqing, guangcai**" ("Friendly, Enthusiastic and Glorious"), Guangming ribao (Guangming Daily), 19 September 1973, p. 4 7 For further information on the definition, see Hu Qiaomu, "Dangqian sixiang zhanxian de ruogan wenti" ("Some Issues of the Current Ideological Work") in Jianchi sixiang jiben yuanze, fandui zichan jieji ziyouhua (Uphold the Four Fundamental Principles, Oppose Bourgeois Liberalization) (Beijing: Renmin Press, 1987), pp. 158-198 8 In this respect, one may think that Chinese performing artists were like athletes in that they were more competition-oriented than performance-oriented. This was especially true of opera singers and ballet dancers. While quite a few of them, some of whom had the experience of being trained by foreign artists, won international competitions, there was seldom opera or ballet staged in China. 9 Records of CPAA 10 Personal interview with Wu Fenghua, 31 March 1987 11 Records of CPAA 12 Personal interview with Zhongyan, 14 March 1988 13 Km, p. 115 14 Tang Tsou, "Political Change and Reform," in The Cultural Revolution and the Post-Mao Reforms (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), p. 223 15 Ibid., p. 224 16 Li Jian, "Gede yu Quede" ("Praise and Shame"), Hebei Wenyi (Hebei Literature and Art), June 1979 17 Hebei ribao (Hebei Daily), 7 August 1979 18 Guangming ribao (Guangming Daily), 20 July 1979 19 Merle Goldman, "Intellectual Dissent in the People's Republic of China," in Yu-ming Shaw, ed., Power and Politics in the People's Republic of China (Boulder: Westview Press, 1985), p. 294 20 Ibid. 21 Liu Binyan, for example, said: "when literature mirrors what is undesirable in life, the mirror itself is not to be blamed, instead, disagreeable things in real life should be spotted and wiped out." For more of his view, see Beijing Review, No. 52, 28 December 1979, p. 13. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 100 22 Shaw, p. 297 23 Hu Qiaomu 24 Unlike the campaign to criticize Bitter Love, this campaign was carried out in all the media and in factories. Some books in university libraries stopped circulation. In the latter stage, some rural areas began to join the campaign. In such circumstances, Zhao Ziyang, a major advocator of reforms, condemned “some misconducts" of the campaign in a largely publicized speech in May 1984 and formally terminated the campaign against "spiritual pollution 25 Rui Xingwen, "Gaige shiqi de wenhua fazhan zhanlue wenti," ("Issues on the Strategy for Cultural Development in the Time of Reform”) Hongqi (Red Flag), No 14, 1986, Pp 11-13. 26 Kim. p. 122. 27 Chou Wen-chung, "The Center for US China Arts Exchange. Purpose," U.S.-China Arts Exchange Newsletter Spring 1980, p. 1 28 Program Report 1980-1981, the Center for United States-China Arts Exchange. November 1980, p 1 29 Ibid 10 Michael H. Hunt, The Making of a Special Relationship, the United States and China to 1914 (New York Columbia University Press, 1983), p. 312 30 Mo Fei, "*'BSO' fang hua zhi xing” (“BSO's China Trip,'') Bianyicankao (Translated Reference), No. 4, 1979. pp. 57-60. 要 By "non-governmental sector" I mean societies, institutions, agencies, troupes and companies which are not directly subordinated to the government As these organizations were not privately owned, they cannot be fitted into the concept of the "private sector" as used in the United States. However, these organizations were different from government organizations 33 Hu Qiaomu, p. 159. 14 Guan Li, Renmin ribao, 13 January 1980, p & 8 Li Rong, "*Hanlıu dang bu zhu chuntian de jiaobu" ("Cold Current Cannot Stop the Steps of Spring''), Dazhong dianying (Popular Film), November 1979, p 10. 36 Tang Manchen, "A Talk on Ballet," Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, 14 April 1987 37 Robert Sherman, “A Musical Interlude in Peking.“ New York Times, 12 October 1980. P. I. 38 As quoted in **Arthut Miller's 'Salesman Travels to Beijing," U.S.-China Arts exchange Newsletter, Summer 1984, p 1 39 Shaw. p 115 Page 1 20Page 121 ================================================================================