RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH Patron: H.E. Sir Robert Black, K.C.M.G., O.B.E., M.A., Governor of Hong Kong. The Council, 1960–61: President: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., LL.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: The Hon. Sir Tsun-nin Chau, C.B.E., LL.D., J.P. L. T. Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. Hon. Secretary: 1960: J. D. Duncanson, M.A. 1961: R. E. Lawry, M.A., F.R.G.S. Hon. Treasurer: T. J. Lindsay, M.A. Hon. Editor: 1960: J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* 1961: James J. Y. Liu, M.A.* Councillors: 1960-61: Marjorie Topley, Ph.D.* Holmes H. Welch, M.A. 1960: G. B. Endacott, M.A., 1961: The Hon. A. G. Clarke, B.Litt., B.A. * Member of Editorial Committee. C.M.G., B.A. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 3 THE NORTH CHINA BRANCH started in Shanghai in 1857 under the name of the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society. Its first President was the Rev. E. C. Bridgman, D.D., the first American missionary in China and the founder and manager of the Chinese Repository. Its first Journal appeared in 1858 in the name of the Literary and Scientific Society, but in that year the Society became affiliated to the Royal Asiatic Society as its North China Branch. Except for a brief period between 1861, when Dr. Bridgman died, and 1864 when the Society was reanimated through the unremitting efforts of Sir Harry Parkes as President, the Society maintained for nearly 85 years—until the outbreak of the second world war in December 1941—almost an unbroken vigour and a high reputation as the principal centre of Oriental culture among the foreign and Chinese communities in Central China. It also kept up a high standard of scholarship and of cultural appeal in its Journal, which appeared unfailingly every year. After the war it continued its work until, after 1948, it was forced through political troubles to cease its activities. The last issues of the Journal had been published with the co-operation of the International Institute of China. The Society in Shanghai was from its early days fortunate in the support of a generous public and of the British Government, which in 1868 provided it with a site at a nominal rent for its own building, completed in 1871. Later the property was conveyed to the Society in perpetuity or for so long as it was used for the Society's purpose. Thus, in 1931 the Society was able, with the aid of public subscriptions and generous municipal grants, to build in Museum Road close to the British Consulate a commodious building of its own; it contained a lecture hall named after the late Dr. Wu Lien-teh, a floor to accommodate its Oriental Library of 12,000 volumes and adjacent reading rooms, as well as space for an excellent natural history museum and for the exhibition of Chinese paintings and other works of art. In 1941 the Society had nearly 800 members, including most of the leading Oriental scholars, explorers and travellers. Amongst the outstanding personalities who had been associated with the North China Branch a few may be mentioned—Dr. Joseph Edkins, Thomas W. Kingsmill, Dr. Emil Breitschneider, Henri Cordier (at one time the Society's Librarian), P. G. van Mollendorf, Sir Robert Hart, Sir Harry Parkes, Sir Byron Brennan, W. H. Medhurst, Sir Edmund Hornby (the first British Judge in China), Sir Rutherford Alcock, H. A. Giles, G. H. Parker, H. B. Morse, A. P. Parker, Alexander Hosie, Samuel Couling, Sir Sidney Barton and Dr. J. C. Ferguson, an American, former President of Nanking University and a man of profound learning and wisdom who, in the course of half a century, served the Society as President, Secretary and Editor of the Journal. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 7 who stressed the importance of directing the Society's attention to practical projects and to natural history, geology and botany as well as to literary pursuits. It may not be generally known that it was as the result of the efforts of the Royal Asiatic Society that Government was persuaded to grant a piece of ground for a Botanical Garden which was projected in the time of Sir John Davis and carried into effect when Sir John Bowring was President. Following this precedent we had three excellent lectures illustrated with a wealth of coloured slides by the following: Captain A. M. Macfarlane on "Birds of Hong Kong" illustrated by coloured slides and a tape record of bird songs and calls. Miss B. T. Chiu on "Flowers of Hong Kong" illustrated Mr. P. A. Nixon's coloured slides, and Mr. J. D. Bromhall on "The Marine Fauna of Hong Kong" illustrated by coloured slides. These lectures were in part designed to appeal to the educational circles and it is hoped that with wider publicity we may have the benefit of more members from the schools and colleges of the Colony. In concluding my reference to the lectures and addresses I wish to record our deep gratitude to those who have contributed so richly and so readily to the success of our first year's record. All except two of the meetings held last year were held in the rooms of the British Council and the Branch owes a debt of gratitude to the generous assistance of the British Council and of its Representative, Mr. R. E. Lawry, for affording us, free of charge, the use of these rooms as well as of the projector and operator for the slides in illustration of the lectures. Without this assistance it would have been difficult for the Branch to carry on as the moderate yearly subscription of $20.00 per member would not otherwise go far towards paying our expenses, including the hire of rooms and the issue to every member of a free copy of the Journal of the Branch. The Hong Kong Branch has no home of its own. It is indicative of the importance which Governments attached to the Royal Asiatic Society 100 years ago that the Government of Hong Kong granted to the Hong Kong Branch a room in the Supreme Court, where it could hold its meetings and house the valuable library which it built up and which it had eventually to hand over to the Morrison Education Society. In Shanghai the Government granted to the North China Branch a parcel of land on which, with the aid of generous grants from The Shanghai Municipal Council and the French Council ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 29 Camellia granthamiana with waxy white flowers and golden stamens. Both Camellias are evergreen trees twenty to sixty feet high, growing in a shady and thickly wooded habitat and bearing beautiful shiny bluish green foliage. Camellia hongkongensis was discovered in 1849 by Lt. Col. Eyre. There are many trees growing naturally on Hong Kong Island on Victoria Peak and the hillsides on the south of the Island. Camellia granthamiana was discovered accidentally by Mr. C. P. Lau, a forester at Shing Mun, New Territories, Kowloon, 2,000 feet above sea level, as recently as October, 1955. That this plant was a species new to science was almost unbelievable. Mr. Robert Sealy of Kew identified and described it early in 1956, and the species was named after Sir Alexander Grantham to commemorate his governorship at the time, and his interest in things botanical. Up to date, only one tree about twenty feet high has been found, in spite of thorough combing of the neighbouring hillsides for a considerable period. Attempts have been made to germinate the seeds into seedlings and to propagate from cuttings but the young plants have failed to survive in Hong Kong. However, cuttings sent to America and Kew in 1956 bloomed for the first time in 1959. The blooms are outstanding because of their exceptionally large size, the largest known in the genus Camellia, attaining a diameter of 12 to 15 cm. The waxy white flowers, with their bright golden centres, are each held at the base by overlapping greyish blue bracts and sepals. These blooms, enhanced by the dark green background of the foliage, indeed exhibit a beauty of distinction. This discovery has aroused wide interest among Camellia lovers, and Hong Kong, the land of its native home, has thus botanically added to its fame. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 32 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Yet Chu Chia, who did not even know Chi Pu personally, took him in, disguised as a farm labourer, and eventually secured his pardon from the Emperor through an influential friend. After Chi Pu had been pardoned and given official honours, Chu Chia refused to see him for the rest of his life. Because of this, men came from far and near to make friends with Chu Chia. For instance, an expert swordsman T'ien Chung treated Chu Chia as his father. Another famous knight errant was Kuo Chich. His father had also been a knight errant and was executed by order of Emperor Wen in the second century B.C. Kuo Chich himself was small in person but very strong, and was a teetotaler. In his youth he was spiteful and killed many men who had offended him. He avenged the private wrongs of his friends at the risk of his own life, concealed those on the run from the law, robbed the rich, and illegally coined money. But luck was always on his side: he either managed to escape in time or was pardoned because of an amnesty. When he grew older, he reformed his ways. He became modest and exerted self-control; he gave liberally but expected little from others. Yet he loved knightly deeds even more than before, and remained revengeful at heart. Many young men who admired him would avenge his wrongs without letting him know it, while he on his part would save the lives of others without boasting about it. Once, his sister's son forced another man to drink beyond his capacity. The latter became angry, killed him, and ran away. Kuo's sister was annoyed that the killer escaped. So she left her son's body on the highway and refused to bury him, so as to shame Kuo Chich. Eventually Kuo found out the killer, who told him how it had happened. Kuo said to the killer, "It was my nephew's fault; you were quite right to kill him." So he let the killer go and buried his nephew quietly. All those who heard about this praised him for putting fairness above family loyalty, and more and more men came to follow him. In 127 B.C., Emperor Wu ordered all those who owned more than three million cash to move from all parts of the empire to Mao-ling, near the capital, so as to keep a strict eye on potential rebels. Kuo Chieh did not have so much, but his name was included in the list of rich men. General Wei Ch'ing spoke on his behalf to the Emperor and said, “Kuo Chieh is a poor man and should not be forced to move.” The Emperor replied, "A commoner who can make a general speak for him cannot be poor!" So Kuo and his family had to move, and his friends contributed more than ten million towards his removal expenses. Meanwhile, his brother's son killed the local clerk who first put Kuo's name in the list. After the Kuo family moved, the clerk's father was also murdered, and when the family of the A, chüan 18. (In the Peking, 1956 edition, Vol. 1, p. 605.) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 34 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 errant may be said to have had an ideology, it had more affinity with Taoism than with any other school of thought. True, in their altruism and devotion to duty they showed some resemblance to the Mohists, but they did not share the austerity of the latter. Indeed, the Mohists despised the knights errant and did not think them worth mentioning. It was to Taoism that some knights errant turned for guidance, as recorded in the biographies of several of them. This is hardly surprising: both Taoism and knight errantry came into being before Confucianism became the established official ideology, and both emphasized individualism and freedom from social bonds. To risk a generalization: if the obverse side of the Chinese character is represented by Confucianism—moderate, realistic, and conservative, then its reverse side is represented by Taoist philosophy, knight errantry, and various unorthodox artists and writers: romantic, individualist, and rebellious. It seems to me that it is the obverse side that is familiar to the West while the reverse side is perhaps not so well known and deserves more attention. To come back to the history of knight errantry; the early Han emperors, though they paid lip service to Confucianism, actually ruled largely by Legalist methods. It is therefore not surprising that they took strong measures to suppress the knights errant. I have already mentioned that Kuo Chieh's father was executed by order of Emperor Wen. In the next reign, Emperor Ching ordered the execution of many others. And Emperor Wu, as we have seen, ordered the execution of Kuo Chieh and his family. Yet in spite of such suppression, many knights survived, although not all of them lived up to the high ideals of true knight errantry. In later periods, knights errant continued to exist. For instance, the poet Li Po (A.D. 701-762) was a knight errant in his younger days and killed several people by his own hand. In still later periods of history, we also read of people described as being knights errant or behaving in a knightly manner. Sometimes this means no more than that someone behaved in a chivalrous, altruistic way, without necessarily using force or breaking the law. On the other hand, the more swashbuckling knights either degenerated into mere outlaws or became professional bodyguards. As we are concerned here with literature rather than history, I shall give no more examples of historical knights but turn to descriptions of knight errantry in literature. 7 According to the "Biographies of knights errant". See Lao Kan, "Yu-hsia, a type of knights errant in the Han dynasty", Bulletin of the College of Arts, National Taiwan University, No. 1. Li T'ai-po shih-chi (SPPY), chüan 31, 5a. See Arthur Waley, The poetry and career of Li Po (London, 1950), p. 6. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 36 The next example is from Li Po, who, having been a knight errant himself, naturally eulogized them in his poetry. In his "Song of the Knight Errant", he describes a knight thus: The man from the North wears a tasselled hat And a curved sword as bright as frost or snow. His silver saddle shines on his white steed On which he rides as fast as a shooting star. He can kill anyone within ten paces And will not stop till he has gone a thousand miles. Shaking the dust from his clothes, he goes into hiding, To shroud in secret his person and his name. After mentioning two famous knights of antiquity, the poet concludes: After death, their chivalrous bones are fragrant; They can compare with any heroes in the world. Who cares to imitate the pedantic scholar Writing books until his hair grows white? In another poem he again says: It is better to be a knight errant than a scholar: What is the good of studying hard when your hair is turning white?12 Finally, a poem by Chia Tao (A.D. 777-841), which seems to me to sum up the spirit of knight errantry in four lines: The Swordsman This sword I have been polishing for ten years; Its frosty edge has never been put to the test. Now that I've shown it to you, pray tell me: Is there anyone suffering from injustice?* But the richest fruits of chivalric literature are naturally to be found not in poetry but in fiction. Among the romances in classical prose of the T'ang period, we find many tales of chivalry. Apart from their generally high literary standard, these tales are remarkable for two interesting features: first, in many of them, a supernatural element is introduced; secondly, we encounter as many female hsia, or chivalrous ladies, as knights. The story of Hung Hsien is a typical example. Hung Hsien, or "Red Cotton", was a maid in the household of Hsüeh Sung, the military governor of Lu-chou, in the T'ang dynasty. She was a skillful p'i-pa player 11 Li T'ai-po shih-chi, chüan 3, 31. 12 Ibid., chüan 3, 14. 13 Ch'üan T'ang shih, chüan 571. (In the Peking, 1960 edition, p. 6618). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 37 and well versed in history and literature. So Hsieh made her his private secretary. At that time, the military governors were practically independent war-lords paying only nominal homage to the crown. A rival governor, T'ien Ch'eng-ssu, was increasing his armed forces and planning to annex Lu-chou. Seeing that Hsüeh was worried about this, Hung Hsien offered to go to the rival governor's city one night to investigate. Brushing aside Hsüeh's misgivings, she pushed her hair back to form a bun, put on a short embroidered jacket and black silk shoes, carried a dagger, and wrote a magic spell on her forehead. In a moment she was gone. Hsüeh waited for her alone, and after a dozen cups of wine, it was already daybreak. Suddenly he heard something falling lightly like a leaf on the ground outside. It was Hung Hsien coming back. She had travelled several hundred miles and gone to the rival governor's headquarters, and, without disturbing the armed guards or waking up the governor, had taken from his bed-side a gold case containing his horoscope. Next morning, Hsieh sent the gold case back to his rival, with a letter saying, “Last night a visitor came and brought this from your bed-side. I dare not keep it and am returning it herewith." On receiving this, the rival governor, T'ien, was petrified. He sent Hsüeh rich gifts and a humble letter of apology, saying that he had no aggressive intentions and that he was going to cut down his forces. All was peace and quiet. Two months later, Hung Hsien asked permission to leave. Hsüeh was naturally reluctant to let her go, whereupon she said, "In my previous incarnation I was a man and a physician, who, by mistake, caused the death of a pregnant woman conceiving twins. As a punishment, I was re-born as a girl and became a serving maid. Now that I have repaid your kindness, I must go." Hsieh realized it was no use trying to keep her, so he held a great farewell banquet in her honour. After a tearful goodbye, she disappeared and was never seen again.11 The above story is written in elegant classical prose. At the same time, chivalric tales also existed in the popular colloquial literature of T'ang times. Among the manuscripts discovered at Tun-huang at the end of the last century are many tales known as pien-wen (#), which may be translated as "popularized texts".15 These are for the most part Buddhist legends re-told in a semi-colloquial style, often in a mixture of prose and verse. However, some of them are not of a religious character. Among these is 14 T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi ***, chüan 195. For a full translation of the story, see E. D. Edwards, Chinese prose literature of the T'ang period, vol. II (London, 1938), pp. 123-7. 15 For further information, see Arthur Waley, Ballads and stories from Tun-huang (London, 1960). 1 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 38 one called "The Capture of Chi Pu". This refers to the same General Chi Pu mentioned earlier, whose life was saved by the knight errant Chu Chia. In this popular version, which is in doggerel verse, the story differs from the historical account. The name of Chi Pu's benefactor is given as Chu Chieh instead of Chu Chia. This is probably due to a confusion between the names Chu Chia and Kuo Chieh, the two most famous knights of early Han. Moreover, in this version, Chu is the official sent to arrest Chi Pu, and he is blackmailed into saving the latter's life rather than doing so voluntarily. This tale in doggerel verse has no great literary merits, but is of considerable historical interest as a specimen of popular chivalric literature of the Tang period. During the Sung dynasty, professional story-tellers flourished. According to the Tsui-weng t'an-lu (B680), a miscellaneous collection of stories and verses probably printed at the end of Sung, the story-tellers divided their tales into eight categories: "miracles" (ling-kuai), “female ghosts" (yen-fen), “love romances" (ch'uan-ch'i), “legal cases" (kung-an), “long swords" (p'u-tao), “clubs" (kan-pang), "gods and immortals" (shen-hsien), and “magic” (yao-shu)." Two of these, "long swords” and “clubs”, obviously deal with chivalrous deeds. The difference between the two, judging by the examples given in the Tsui-weng t'an-lu, seems to be that the former refers to battles waged between armies using long weapons, while the latter refers to private fights involving the use of short weapons. The latter is therefore more strictly concerned with knights errant, who usually fought as individuals rather than as leaders of armies. As for chivalric tales involving the supernatural, such as the story of Hung Hsien, they were classified under "magic". Many of the prompt-books used by the story-tellers, known as hua-pen, have come down to us, though usually edited by later hands. Moreover, some of them became integral parts of long prose romances. The most outstanding example of a chivalric romance based on oral tradition is the Shui-hu chuan, of which there are two English versions, one by J. H. Jackson entitled The water margin, the other by Pearl S. Buck entitled All men are brothers. The historical events on which the oral legends and the prose romance were based took place at the end of the Northern Sung period. According to the History of the Sung dynasty, in A.D. 1121 a group of rebels led by Sung Chiang and thirty-five others ravaged several prefectures : : 10 Wang Chung-min and others, Tun-huang pien-wen chi (Peking, 1957), vol. 1, pp. 58-71, 17 Tsui-weng t'an-lu (reprinted Shanghai, 1957), pp. 3-4. This is the most precise contemporary account of the classification of stories. Other accounts are similar but not so clear. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 10 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 39 and defeated government troops again and again. They were eventually persuaded to capitulate to the government, and took part in the victorious campaign against another rebel Fang La.1 However, some modern historians believe that after they had helped the government forces, Sung Chiang and his followers were themselves liquidated in their turn. Be that as it may, the exploits of Sung Chiang and his followers soon became the subject of popular legends told orally. These grew in number and came to be written down. At first only short accounts were written, but later, towards the end of the Yuan period, about 1300, the different stories were joined together to form one long romance, possibly by Shih Nai-an, who has been identified with the dramatist Shih Hui, styled Chun-mei.2 By then, the number of heroes involved had grown from the original thirty-six to a hundred and eight. The romance continued to be enlarged and revised by various hands during the Ming period, until it became a work of 120 chapters, published about 1620. Then, at the beginning of the Ch'ing period, in 1644, the critic Chin Sheng-t'an took the first seventy chapters, added a new chapter at the end as well as commentaries, and published it as the "Fifth Work of Genius" in Chinese literature. This edition achieved immense popularity, and it is this truncated version which most Chinese readers have read and which has been rendered into English. 21 Meanwhile, some stories about knights errant found their way into the drama of the Yuan period. The plays of this period were classified by subject under twelve categories, one of which was "long swords and clubs". This obviously corresponded to the two categories of stories "long swords" and "clubs" mentioned earlier. In particular, some stories about Sung Chiang and his followers not included in the Shui-hu chuan were given dramatic treatment in Yuan times. For instance, there were at least a dozen Yuan plays about Li K'uei, one of the followers of Sung Chiang and one of the most colourful characters in popular literature.22 Two of these plays are still extant.23 They present with great gusto this rough-mannered, quick-tempered outlaw with a heart of gold. In plays of later periods, Li K'uei and other 4a. 18 Sung-shih* (SPPY), chüan 22, 3a; chüan 351, 11b; chüan 353, 1 Mou Jun-sun, "On the tombstone inscription of Chê K'ê-ts'un and Sung Chiang's end" 牟潤孫,折可存墓誌銘考証兼論宋江之結局, Bulletin of the College of Arts, National Taiwan University, No. 2. 20 Sun K'ai-ti, Chung-kuo t'ung-su hsiao-shuo shu-mu 孫楷第,中國通俗小說書目 (Peking, 1957), p. 181. + 21 Chu Ch'üan, T'ai-ho cheng-yin p'u 朱權,太和正音譜 (reprinted together with the Lu kuei pu 錄鬼簿, Shanghai, 1957), p. 135. 22 For the titles of these plays, see Fu Hsi-hua, Yuan-tai tsa-chü ch'üan-mu 傅惜華,元代雜劇全目 (Peking, 1957), pp. 406-7. 23 There is another Yuan play in which Li K'uei appears, but only as a subsidiary character. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 40 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 heroes have remained favourites." On the stage, a knight errant is easily distinguishable from a general: the former usually wears a short jacket and trousers and wields a sword or club, while the latter wears full armour with banners behind his back and uses a spear or halberd, We now come to the last stages in the evolution of chivalric literature. In the Ming and Ch'ing periods, two notable trends developed in chivalric fiction. On the one hand, in some stories of chivalry, the supernatural element was increasingly emphasized, so that a type of knight with “flying swords" and magic power became popular. On the other hand, some tales of knightly deeds became mixed with stories about “legal cases”, so that a new type of fiction, which may be called chivalric-romance-cum-detective-story, developed. An early example of the first type is a novel called The flying sword (Fei-chien chi), published in the Ming dynasty, about the Taoist immortal Lü Tung-pin and his acquisition of magic powers. Later examples are too numerous to mention. In fact, such stories are still being written now in Hong Kong. Sometimes they are presented in the form of comic strip cartoons, known as "serial pictures" (lien-huan t'u-hua), obtainable from small book stalls and pavement lending libraries. The second type, which combines tales of chivalry with detective stories, has also remained popular to the present day and is still being written. There is an interesting difference between this type of fiction and earlier tales of chivalry. In stories belonging to this type, the knights errant are usually on the right side of the law, instead of rebelling against it. For instance, in popular stories about Judge Pao, the Chinese Solomon, various knights errant help him in detecting crimes and arresting bandits and local bullies. Originally these stories about Judge Pao only dealt with crime and detection. They were first joined together and published as a novel entitled The cases of Judge Pao (Pao-kung an) about 1600. Later, the knights who helped Judge Pao assumed greater importance in these stories, which formed the basis of another novel, Three knights and five righteous men (San-hsia wu-yi), published in 1879. This was revised by Yu Yüeh and given the title Seven knights and five righteous men a few years later, and achieved great success. It was followed by a sequel, the Junior five righteous men (Hsiao wu-yi), and further supplements. Imitations also followed. Among these may be mentioned The cases of Judge Shih, first published in 1838, and The cases of Judge P'eng, first published about 1895. These were based vaguely on recent historical figures, and the knights errant in these novels were probably in 24 Plays about the Shui-hu heroes have been collected by Fu Hsi-hua and Tu Ying-t'ao in Shui-hu hsi-ch'ü (Shanghai, vol. I, 1957; vol. II, 1958). 25 Sun K'ai-ti, op. cit., p. 170. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 53 the failure of subscribers to return the books on leaving the country-so that there is a large space occupied by books that are of little value to the Society, or to the public. I would recommend that the Library be inspected, and that those books which are not worth binding anew should be disposed of, and the proceeds be devoted to rebinding those that are worth keeping. In this way, the library will be freed from a good deal of trash, and the really valuable part of it, which is by no means small, could be more easily accommodated in the apartment designed for it, and better fitted for the use of subscribers. The reports of the Society for 1844, 1845 and 1846 do not specifically mention the Library, but it is interesting to note that at a meeting of the subscribers in January 1846 it was unanimously resolved, "That a bust of the late Hon. J. R. Morrison (who had also died, at the early age of 29 in 1843) be immediately commissioned from England, to be placed in the public rooms of the institution of the Morrison Education Society; that a copy of Chinnery's painting of his father (the late Rev. Dr. Morrison) engaged in the translation of the Bible into Chinese, be obtained for the same purpose; that the sum of $1,000 be appropriated to meet the cost, and the expense of placing these memorials in China. By 1849 the Society was running into financial difficulties, the premises had to be closed and the Library was packed up. By 1855 it was open to the public again when, according to an advertisement appearing in the Hong Kong Register on 30 October, 1855, "The Library of the Morrison Education Society, now deposited in a room in the Court House, is open every day from 1 to 4 o'clock p.m. to Members of the Society for the giving out and exchange of Books. Parties, not members of the Society, may obtain the advantages of the Library, on payment of an Annual Subscription of $5. By order of the Trustees, James Legge, Secretary.” At the annual meeting of the Society in 1858 the question of the permanent disposal of the Library was scheduled for discussion. In this same year they had accepted on trust a collection of 400 books belonging to the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society which had been founded in Hong Kong in 1847 by Sir John Davis, later revived by Sir John Bowring, but which was now defunct. A report of the founding of the Asiatic Society appears in the Hong Kong Register for 1847 with a list of 44 titles of books, prints, etc., which had been presented. There had been a growing demand for a proper public library and in May, 1863, the Morrison Education Society issued a circular urging the foundation of such a library in a City Hall and offering its own books and those of the Royal Asiatic Society ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 54 as a free gift to form a reference library. The books had suffered a good deal in being constantly moved about, the number was now 3800, all of them dilapidated and 3000 were considered worth rebinding. This would cost about $3,000 but the Society had no money for this work. A despatch dated 29 December, 1863 from the acting Governor, W. T. Mercer to the Colonial Secretary quoted the Morrison Education Society's circular and asked for action.1 A City Hall containing a Library and a Museum was eventually built on the site now occupied by the Bank of China and the Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation in Queen's Road Central and adjoining Statue Square. It was opened by the Duke of Edinburgh on the 2 November, 1869 and during his tour of the building His Grace visited both the Library and the Museum. A printed catalogue of the Morrison Library was issued in 1873 by the City Hall Committee. It contains 1666 entries arranged in alphabetical order of authors or titles, editor, translator, etc., where the author is not known, only eight of which I have been able to identify as belonging formerly to the Royal Asiatic Society. The books are classified, single letters indicating the following groups :- A History. Peerages, &c. B Biographies and memoirs. C Geography including works on various countries. Travels, Voyages and Adventures, D Natural History: Ornithology. E Botany. F Atlas Gazetteers, Meteorology, Guidebooks, Geology, Metallurgy and Mineralogy. Topography. G Mechanics. H Encyclopaedias, I Commercial Statistics. International Law, Jurisprudence, J Complete Works. K Astronomy. L Chemistry. Optics. M Mathematics. N Painting, Music. Science and Art, O Medicine and Surgery. P Biblical works. Q Oriental Societies. Journals. R Classics. Dictionaries. S Novels. T Drama and poetry. U Periodical works. Directories. V Divinity. Law, Treaties and Conventions. W Miscellaneous works. A stocktaking was made in 1956 and of the 1666 titles there are now 1233 remaining (2748 volumes out of 3583). Some volumes were removed during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong and were not subsequently recovered. The condition of the books is poor. Nearly all are worm-eaten to a greater or 1 C.O.129/94, Public Records Office, London. (I am indebted to Mr. G. B. Endacott of the University of Hong Kong for supplying this reference). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 58 Among the eighteenth century travel books must be mentioned two first editions of interest although not relating to the Far East. The earlier is James Cook's A Voyage towards the South Pole, and Round the World of 1777, unfortunately the second volume only. And the second is Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa by Mungo Park, published in 1799. There is a 1771 edition of A voyage to China and the East Indies, by Peter Osbeck which includes An Account of the Chinese Husbandry, by Captain Charles Gustavus Eckeberg and A Faunula and Flora Sinensis. The first volume contains ten engraved plates of plants found in China. In the second volume is printed a letter from Charles Linné [Linnaeus] to Peter Osbeck which says:- + + + I have read your excellent books with pleasure and surprize. You, Sir, have every where travelled with the light of science: you have named every thing so precisely, that it may be comprehended by the learned world; and have discovered and settled both the genera and species. For this reason, I seem myself to have travelled with you, and to have examined every object you saw with my own eyes. One other eighteenth century account of travels and exploration in the Far East should be noticed: A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies by the Abbé Raynal, 1784. It may be salutary to notice the bitter attacks which the Abbé makes on English administration in India and elsewhere. Books like Ellis' Embassy and Timkowski's Travels have been too often described to warrant inclusion here. The Hundred Wonders of the World, and of the Three Kingdoms of Nature of 1824 published under the pseudonym of the Rev. C. C. Clarke, has a picture of the Porcelain Tower at Nankin, China, as a frontispiece. It is sad to think that this wonder no longer stands; it was destroyed during the T'ai-p'ing Rebellion. Processes of time, not war, have destroyed two of London's institutions listed as 'wonders', the Linwood Gallery of Leicester Square and Bullock's Museum, Piccadilly. It is strange to think that in their day they were compared with the British Museum and the Louvre of Paris. Elements of political economy by James Mill appears in a first edition of 1821. James was the father of John Stuart Mill for whom he obtained a clerkship in the East India Company after he himself had been given a high position following the publication in 1818 of his History of British India. Among the illustrated books in the collection there is an 1828 edition of Flora Javae by Carolo Ludovico Blume with remarkable colour plates. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 L 64 Sacred to the Memory of/ Robert Morrison, D.D.,/ The first Protestant Missionary to/ CHINA:/ where, after a service of Twenty-seven years,/ Cheerfully spent in extending the kingdom of the blessed Redeemer,/ during which period he compiled and published/ A DICTIONARY OF THE CHINESE LANGUAGE;/ Founded the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca;/ And, for several years laboured alone on a Chinese version of THE HOLY SCRIPTURES,/ which he was spared to see completed, and widely circulated/ among those for whom it was destined. He sweetly slept in Jesus. He was born at Morpeth, January 5th, 1782;/ Was sent to China, by the London Missionary Society, in 1807;/ Was for twenty-five years Chinese interpreter, in the employ of the East India Company:/ And died at Canton, August 1st, 1834. A LIST OF BOOKS MENTIONED IN THE ARTICLE IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER OF AUTHORS OR OCCASIONALLY, OF TRANSLATORS. AINSLIE, ROBERT, 1766-1838. [Reasons for the hope that is in us.] Edinburgh, printed by Ballantyne & Co. [c.1820.] Amiot, Jean JOSEPH MARIE, 1718-1793. Dictionnaire tartare-mantchou-français, composé d'après un dictionnaire mantchou-chinois, par M. Amyot, rédigé et publié avec des additions et l'alphabet de cette langue, par L. Langlès. 2v. Paris, imprimé par Fr. Ambr. Didot l'aîné, 1789. BAZIN, ANTOINE-PIERRE-Louis, 1799-1863. Le pi-pa-ki ou l'Histoire du luth, drame chinois de Kao-Tong-kia représenté à Péking en 1404 avec les changements de Mao-Tseu, traduit sur le texte original. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1841. BAZIN, ANTOINE-PIERRE-LOUIS, 1799-1863. Théâtre chinois ou choix de pièces de théâtre composées sous les empéreurs mongols traduites pour la première fois Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1838. BIOT, ÉDOUARD CONSTANT, 1803-1850. Dictionnaire des noms anciens et modernes des villes et arrondissements compris dans l'Empire Chinois indiquant les époques auxquelles leurs noms ont été changés. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1842. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 66 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 the Ultra-Ganges Missions.) Accompanied with miscellaneous remarks on the literature, history, and mythology of China, etc. Malacca, printed at the Anglo-Chinese Press, 1820. MORRISON, Mrs. Eliza (Armstrong), born c.1800. Memoirs of the life and labours of Robert Morrison, compiled by his widow, with critical notices of his Chinese works by Samuel Kidd. 2v. London, Longman, Orme, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1839. MORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834. Bible. New Testament. Chinese. 耶穌基利士督我主救者新遺詔書俱依本譯出「嗎啫哩英華書院印」8v. 1813 鑰 Yeh-su Chi-li-shih-tu wo Chu Chiu-che Hsin-i-chao-shu (The New Testament of Jesus Christ Our Lord and Saviour). [Translated by Robert Morrison and William Milne.] 8v. Malacca, Ying-wa College Press, 1813. MORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834. A dictionary of the Chinese language, in three parts... by R. Morrison. Macao, China, printed at the Honourable East India Company's Press, by P. P. Thoms, 1815-1823. MORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834. Horae sinicae, translations from the popular literature of the Chinese. London, printed for Black and Perry, etc., 1812. MORRISON, ROBERT, 1782-1834. Urh-chih-tsze-teen-se-yïn-pe-keáou [ ] being a parallel drawn between the two intended Chinese dictionaries, by Robert Morrison, and Antonio Montucci, . . . together with Morrison's Horae Sinicae, a new edition, with the text to the popular Chinese primer San-tsi-king, London, printed for the author, 1817. NEUMANN, CHARLES FRIEDRICK, 1798-1870. Translations from the Chinese and Armenian, with notes and illustrations. London, printed for the Oriental translation Fund, and sold by J. Murray, 1831. Osbeck, PETER, 1723-1805. A voyage to China and the East Indies, . Together with a voyage to Suratte, by Olof Toreen and An account of the Chinese husbandry, . . . To which are added, A Faunula and Flora Sinensis. 2v. London, printed for Benjamin White, 1771. PARK, MUNGO, 1771-1806. Travels in the interior districts of Africa, performed under the direction and patronage of the African Association, in the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 68 Vol 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 BUDDHIST SOURCES OF THE NOVEL FENG-SHEN YEN-I : LIU TS'UN-YAN. PH.D. INTRODUCTION The Feng-shên Yen-i, or 'Investiture of the Gods,' is a long novel consisting of 100 chapters. Its authorship had long been unknown, until in 1931 Prof. Sun K'ai-ti discovered in the Japanese Cabinet Library a Ming edition of this novel labelled "compiled (pien-chi) by Hsu Chung-lin, styled Chung-shan I-sou." Many scholars therefore concluded that Hsü Chung-lin was the author. For instance, Lu Hsün in his A Brief History of Chinese Fiction (Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh) mentioned Hsü as the author, though he added that he had not seen the original preface and therefore could not ascertain the date of the novel. This attribution of authorship is not reliable, for in Ming times the term "compiling” (pien-chi) was rather freely used, and sometimes booksellers would reprint a book with slight additions and alterations and label it as being "compiled" by a new writer. In view of this, from 1935 to 1956, I tried to find out the true author of this novel, and my researches led me to the conclusion that the author or compiler of the novel was in fact Lu Hsi-hsing (1520-1601?), a Taoist priest of the Chia Ching period. Like the Hsi-yu-chi ("Pilgrimage to the West", also known to Western readers as "Monkey"), the Fêng-shên Yen-i is a work of fiction dealing with the supernatural. It was produced during the time when Chinese fiction was evolving from the prompt-books (hua-pên) of story-tellers to long novels. Its plot is based on the historical events related to the defeat of King 1 There is no English translation of this novel. The German translation by Wilhelm Grube and Herbert Mueller, Die Metamorphosen der Götter (2 vols., Leiden, Brill, 1912) contains only chapters 1-46. Chapters 47-100 have been summarized by Mueller. The novel is mentioned in E. T. C. Werner, Myths and Legends of China (London, 1934) and in Sir J. C. Coyajee, Cults and Legends of Ancient Iran and China (Bombay, 1935). 2 Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh, Ch. 18, p. 176 (1953); also the English translation entitled A Brief History of Chinese Fiction by Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, p. 220 (1959). 3 Details of my evidence and arguments are contained in my unpublished thesis, "The Authorship of the Feng-shen Yen-i", a copy of which is in the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London University. 4 Cf. James J. Y. Liu, "The Knight Errant in Chinese Literature", in this volume, pp. 30-41. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 69 Chou of Shang by King Wu of Chou about 2100 B.C. However, this merely serves as the basic skeleton of the novel, to which many supernatural incidents are added. Some of these supernatural incidents in the novel are taken from the prompt-book Wu-wang Fa-Chou P'ing-hua ENT ("King Wu's Expedition against King Chou"), which was current in the Yüan period, about 1321-1323. However, the author of the Féng-shên took his material from various other sources, for he was an extraordinary character. He was at first a Confucian scholar; then, after failing nine times to pass the official examination, he became a Taoist priest. But in his last years he showed a leaning to Tantric Buddhism, and his work on the Surangama-sutra (VR) is included in the Second Collection of the Tripitaka in Chinese. Even now in Hong Kong he is regarded by Taoists as one of their patriarchs and referred to as "Lu tsu Hsi-hsing", or "Patriarch Lu Hsi-hsing", though in fact he combined the teachings of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. In his novel, he divided the Taoist gods into two categories. The benevolent ones he called Shan Chiao W, or The Promulgating Sect, led by Yüan-shih T'ien-tsun, or The Celestial Honoured Primordial, and Lao-tzu; the malevolent ones he called Chieh Chiao #, or The Intercepting Sect, led by T'ung-t'ien Chiao-chu #, or The Patriarch of All Heaven. When, in the novel, King Chou and King Wu are going to fight a decisive battle, the gods come down from heaven to take part. Naturally, the gods of the Promulgating Sect help the good King Wu, while those of the Intercepting Sect lend their aid to the wicked King Chou. All kinds of magic weapons are used, everything that the sixteenth century Chinese mind could conceive, even plague-carrying seeds (a sort of germ warfare!). The climax is reached after "the battle of ten thousand gods", when the leader of the Intercepting Sect is badly defeated. However, the common master of all the three leaders appears and makes peace among them. The author thereupon concludes: Like the red lotus flower, its white root, and its green leaves, The Three Teachings are really one and the same. Now, the term "the Three Teachings" usually refers to Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, but in the novel the usage of this term is not always clear. Sometimes it seems to refer to the Promulgating Sect, the Intercepting Sect, and common mortals. At other times, Buddhism seems included. The author has included among Taoist gods of the Promulgating Sect certain Buddhist deities such as Mañjusri (Wên-shu), Samantabhadra ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 70 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 (P'u-hsien), and Avalokitesvara (Kuan-yin). Only certain Buddhas of the Tantric Sect, such as Cundi (Chun-t'i) and Vairocana (P'i-lu-chê-na) are mentioned as "saints from the West"; but even these are given Taoist-sounding titles like tao-jên. In this way, the mainly Taoist framework of the novel is preserved. This amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist deities is highly interesting and may have influenced actual religious practice in China. The practice of worshipping Taoist gods side by side with Buddhas and Bodhisattvas seems to have started after the publication of the novel, for in earlier Taoist literature we find no Buddhist deities mentioned among Taoist gods. For instance, in the Yün-chi ch'i-ch'ien, chüan 103, we find an account of the Taoist pantheon as it was in the eleventh century, which contained no Buddhist deities or fictional gods. But after the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, various Taoist gods mentioned in the novel came to be worshipped together with Buddhist ones. What is more, most of the temples which apparently first adopted such practice were situated in northern Kiangsu, near Hsinghua, the native district of Lu, the author of the novel. It is therefore not unreasonable to suggest that the novel influenced the composition of the Chinese pantheon and contributed to the amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist gods in popular belief. The amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist gods seems to have been achieved purposely by the author of the Fêng-shên. As a concrete illustration, I propose to describe how Vaisravana (P'i-sha-mên Tien-wang), one of the Four Heavenly Kings in Buddhist belief, and his third son Nata (Na-cha or No-cha), became important characters in this novel. Vaisravana was of course an Indian god, but during the T'ang and Sung periods he became identified with the Chinese general of the T'ang dynasty, Li Ching. But stories about him were disconnected before the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i was compiled. In various prompt-books which existed before the novel, such as the Nan-yu-chi ("Prince Hua-kuang or The Voyage to the South") and the Hsi-yu-chi (“Pilgrimage to the West”, the prototype of the famous novel of the same name) in the Ssu-yu-chi ("The Four Travels"), there were already stories about this god and his son. But in the hands of the author of the Fêng-shen these fragmentary and disconnected stories were reorganized and transformed into a vivid tale which can almost stand on its own as an interesting story apart from the whole * For illustrations of some of these temples, such as the Kuang Fu Monastery in Tai-hsing, Yangchow, and the Tu Tien Temple in Hai-men, Kiangsu, see Père Henri Dore, Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine, (10 vols., Shanghai, 1913-38), Bk. 9, Pt. 2, in Vol. 6. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 71 novel. After this treatment, Vaisravana and Nata became completely Sinicized, and few, if any, Chinese readers ever suspect that they are "alien" in origin. This is typical of the way in which Chinese Buddhists took stories or ideas of foreign origin and gradually turned them into something totally Chinese. Apart from its influence on religious practice, the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i is also of considerable importance from a literary point of view. It superseded previous stories from which it took some of its material, so much so that but for the efforts of scholars in the past thirty years these previous stories contained in prompt-books would have been unknown. Even now, only a handful of experts have read the prompt-books, while most readers are not aware that the Fêng-shên is not entirely the original creation of one man. This goes to show the success of the author as an imaginative writer. In the following pages I shall attempt to describe how the stories about Vaisravana and Nata became integral parts of the novel, as an example of the Sinicization of Buddhist stories and figures and their assimilation into the mainly Taoist pantheon of China. I shall also try to show how the author, Lu Hsi-hsing, made use of the material derived from miscellaneous sources and turned it into a fascinating tale. 1. VAISRAVANA AND NATA When we come to a discussion of some of the prominent figures in the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i, the most striking fact we shall find is that the author described these figures vividly and did not rely on previous legends for literary effect. Rather, he chose from miscellaneous and discordant materials and put them into a unified system which enlarged and modified the Chinese pantheon. The story of Li Ching and his three sons, especially the third one, No-cha, in this novel may serve as an outstanding illustration. In this novel Li Ching was first a commander of the Ch'ên-t'ang Pass in the court of the ruthless King Chou (Ch.12), but he was also a Taoist, and for a period of years he had learnt the process of Taoist cultivation from the Immortal Tu O of the K'un-lun Mountain though he was unable to reach the final attainment. He had three sons: the eldest, Chin-cha, was a disciple of Wên-shu (Mañjusri), the second, Mu-cha, was a disciple of P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra) and the third one, No-cha, a disciple of the Immortal Tai-I. Both the father and his three sons joined the side of King Wu in the expedition against King Chou. Though they all knew some magic feats and possessed magic weapons, they are described as human beings. Unless we study the Tantric sutras and compare them with the Chinese Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 72 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 hua-pên (story-tellers' prompt-book), we can hardly know their origin or the invaluable part played by the author of the Fêng-shên in transforming them into interesting characters. Li Ching, bearing the same name as the historical hero in the early part of the T'ang dynasty, is no doubt derived from the Buddhist heavenly king Vaisravana. We know from many Buddhist texts the legends of the Four Heavenly Kings. According to the Abhiniskramana-sutra (出曜集經) translated by Jnanagupta in 587, they are, Dhritarashtra or Chih-kuo T'ien-wang in the East, who leads the gandharvas, musicians in heaven; Virudhaka or Tseng-chang T'ien-wang in the South, who is the sovereign of the kumbhandas or deformed demons; Virupaksha or Kuang-mu T'ien-wang in the West, who is king of the nagas who dwell in their palaces at the bottom of the lakes; and Vaisravana or To-wen T'ien-wang in the North, who is head of the yakshas, strong and brave genii. The author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adapted these four heavenly kings in his novel (Chs.31-40) and called them "the four generals of the Mo family". He made them brothers and commanders who took charge of the Chia-mêng Pass under the command of the Premier Wên T'ai-shih. Their individual names are Mo Li-ch'ing, Mo Li-hung, Mo Li-hai and Mo Li-shou. But in Ch.31 when they are summoned by Premier Wên T'ai-shih, the author writes, "The four heavenly kings (ssu t'ien-wang) strode forward,” thus unconsciously revealing their origin, and afterwards in Ch.99 they are given the titles of Tsêng-chang T'ien-wang (Mo Li-ch'ing), Kuang-mu T'ien-wang (Mo Li-hung), To-wên T’ien-wang (Mo Li-hai) and Ch'ih-kuo T'ien-wang (Mo Li-shou) respectively. In Ch.40 the author describes the weapons of these four brothers through the mouth of General Huang Fei-hu as follows: The eldest brother Mo Li-ch'ing is twenty-four feet in height, with a face resembling that of a crab, and his beard is like copper wires. He fights always on foot with a long spear, and he has a sword which is called "Blue Cloud", on which there are charms and a seal saying "earth, water, fire and wind". The wind caused by the brandishing of this magic sword is a black wind in which hundreds of thousands of spears would run and cut off the limbs of men. Following the wind is a blaze in which flaming golden serpents cover the atmosphere with black smoke. The weapon of Mo Li-hung is an umbrella. * chúan 16, Shê-kung Ch'u-chia P'in (攝功出家品). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 73 called "Umbrella of Noumenon and Unity" (hun-yüan san A) which is decorated with emeralds and precious pearls of divine power which are threaded together to form the words: "to pack up the universe." When this umbrella is opened, heaven and earth, the sun and the moon, will be covered up by darkness, and when it is rolled the world will be shaken. Mo Li-hai carries a spear and on his back there is a four-stringed guitar (p'i-p'a) which will produce the same effect as the "Blue Cloud Sword" when played on and the four strings correspond to earth, water, fire and wind. Mo Li-shou carries two whips and a bag in which is concealed a peculiar creature resembling a rat, hua hu-tiao (the striped marten). When hurled into the air this creature will assume the shape of an elephant with wings from its ribs and will devour every one. The combat between these four brothers and the heroes from the camp of King Wu can be found in Chs.39-41 of the novel. They are engaged in mortal combat with the Li brothers, Chin-cha, Mu-cha and No-cha in Ch.40. If the reader knows that Li Ching, the fabulous father of these three Li brothers is in fact derived from one of these four heavenly kings, Vaisravana, the ingenuity of the author of this novel can be appreciated, because before the publication of this novel, in many other works Vaisravana and the Chinese god Li Ching, based on the historical hero so named of the Tang dynasty, had long been amalgamated and formed a single name, P'i-sha-mên t'ien-wang Li Ching (Vaisravana or Li Ching, the Heavenly King of Vaisravana). The Chinese transliteration from the Sanskrit "Vaisravana" since the T'ang dynasty has been Pi-sha-mên (R), the last character of which, mên, though senseless in this connection, normally means "gate". Thus, in popular literature, the term P'i-sha-mên lost its original meaning and became the name of the P'i-sha Gate, and it was therefore natural enough to have a heavenly general, like Li Ching, to take charge of it, though in English this may appear peculiar. * In Yang Ching-hsien's (MRK) play T'ang San-tsang Hsi-t'ien Ch’ü-ching (EXRE), Scene 9, we read "P'i-sha-mên hsia Li Tien-wang" (TX) which means the Heavenly King Li under the P'i-sha Gate. In the prompt-book Ch'i-kuo Ch'un-ch'iu P'ing-hua ta (TH), chüan 3, we have "P'i-sha-mên To-t'a Li T'ien-wang" (*XE) or P'i-sha-mên, the Heavenly King Li who holds in his hand a pagoda. Sometimes the story-tellers thought since there was a P'i-sha mên (gate), it was wise to create a palace, called P'i-sha Kung (CE W D). In the Nan-yüeh-chi, Ch. 11, we have "P'i-sha Kung Li Ching Tien-wang" (K*XE). In a long eulogistic poem in Ch. 12 of the Feng-shen, there is a palace in heaven called K'un-sha Kung (R V E) which is obviously an erratum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 74 R The historical figure of Li Ching had long been admitted into the Taoist pantheon. He was, in the year 760, enshrined with Chiang T'ai-kung (B★A or Chiang Shang) as one of the ten famous historical generals. In the anonymous work, Li Wei-kung Pieh-chuan (A4), it is said, "When Li Ching was poor, he took a journey in the valleys and stayed in a cottage. When it was mid-night there came a woman who handed him a vase and said, 'Heaven has instructed you to pour down rain ...' and as we know in the Buddhist legends that it is Virupaksha (not Vaisravana) who is the king of the nagas, we understand that even in the T'ang dynasty the popular mind could not properly distinguish the function of these guardians of Mt. Sumeru. In an inscription on a tablet erected in the Temple of Vaisravana in Ning-hwa District (LM), Fukien, dated about 920, we read, P'i-sha-mên (Vaisravana) is a Sanskrit word which means "universal or much hearing" (to-wên SH). He dwells on the north of Mt. Sumeru, in the crystal palace, and is the chief of yakshas,10 From this narrative we see why in so many Chinese records it has become an undeniable fact that yakshas are believed to live at the bottom of the seas with the dragon-kings in marvellous crystal palaces loaded with wonderful treasures. The legends of these two heavenly kings have long been mixed in the popular mind." As Li Ching was such a famous historical hero, the Taoist priests could not forgive themselves if they failed to utilize his prestige. It is said in an anonymous work of the T'ang dynasty, Yuan Hsien Chi (E), that Li Ching was still alive in the epoch of Ta Li (766-779) and became a Taoist immortal, In addition to the book on military strategy attributed to him in the Bibliography of the Hsin T'ang-shu (MEBOXZ), the Taoist priests also ascribed to him some canonical texts dealing 12 • Hsin T'ang-shu (), Ch. 15, Li-yüeh Chih (M), 5. • Ku-chin Shuo-hai (546), Shuo-yüan Pu (R), Vol. chi (2) Also Tsung-shu Chi-ch'êng Ch'u-pien (£). 10 See Ninghwa Hsien-chih ("Annals of the Ninghwa District") of the Ming dynasty, quoted in Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng (4), Shên-1 Tien (R), chüan 54. The essay was composed by Huang T'ao () for Wang Shen-chih (E). 11 In the Ta-Tang San-tsang Ch'ü-ching Shih-hua (ERR), chüan 1, “...A" ("To-day, Vaisravana of the Indra Heaven, the Guardian of the North, will feed Buddhist priests in the Crystal Palace.") 12 Quoted in Chiu Hsiao-shuo (R), 2nd Series, Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1910. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 76 * Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 day of the second month, before noon, thirty li from the city, on the north-east and in the mist there was a general, who was ten feet tall, at the head of some three to five hundred soldiers all equipped with armour. Near twilight, the sound of the drums and the hubbub shook the mountains and earth within three hundred li and they stayed there for three days. The troops of the five states all retreated. The strings of their bows were gnawed through by golden rats and their other equipment was broken and became useless. Some of the enemy soldiers who were old and feeble could not escape, and were going to be killed by our men. Then there was in the air a loud voice which ordered, "Release them and do not kill." We looked at the place and saw Vaisravana revealing himself over the tower of the north gate of the city with a bright light behind him. A portrait has been made and is attached to this report. Vaisravana defends our boundaries and comes to the relief of our besieged garrisons to carry out the orders of the Buddha. His third son Nata (E) follows him holding up a pagoda with both hands. It is said by the great priest of the Tripitaka, Amogha, that on the first day of every month Vaisravana assembles his devas and genii; on the eleventh day his second son Tu Chien would say farewell to the father and go on a tour of inspection; on the fifteenth day the four heavenly kings would meet and on the twenty-first day Nata would receive or give back the pagoda to his father. + The above quotation is translated from the Tantric Pi-sha-mên I-kuei ("The Ceremonies in the Worship of the Vaisravana") alleged to have been translated from the Sanskrit by Amogha himself. As Amogha's name appears also in the text it cannot be taken as an impartial translation.14 However, as Li Ching was such a famous general in the T'ang dynasty, who fought many victorious battles against the Turks, it was again very natural for the Chinese to identify him with one of the four newly-introduced Maharaja-devas (the four heavenly kings). The legend of the pagoda held in the hand of Vaisravana was developed from Tantric texts into a very complicated and interesting story in the Fêng-shên Yen-i (Chs.12-14). I think 14 No. 1249, P'i-sha-mên I-Kuei; No. 1247, Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa I-kuei (#SNIU); No. 1248, Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa Chên-yen (IBR), all translation of Amogha, in The Tripitaka in Chinese. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 77 probably the pagoda was a mistake for the parasol originally held by Vaisravana, as stated in the Ekottarik-agamas (增一含經): The heavenly king Vaisravana held in his hand a parasol of the seven treasures (七寶) over the Tathagata in the air to protect the Tathagata from dust and soil,15 But since the circulation of the Tantric sutras was more or less encouraged by the authorities in the Tang dynasty, the public accepted that legend without scepticism." According to a Tantric text, Nata (No-cha 哪吒) is the third son of Vaisravana, who attends his father and holds the pagoda with both hands. But on the twenty-first day of every month, when the son is charged to go on some mission, so that they have to separate, Nata gives the pagoda to his father. This is not at all a thrilling story and there is no combat. The author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i created his own story of No-cha, the third son of Li Ching, based upon his profound knowledge of religious beliefs and popular literature, and made No-cha one of the famous heroes in Chinese literature. In order to analyse the parts which are the creative work of the author and to explain from what sources some of his materials may have been taken, I divide the story of No-cha into several sections below. 2. MU-CHA AND CHIN-CHA Before the publication of the novel Feng-shên Yen-i and the prompt-book Ssu-yu-chi, No-cha's (哪吒) name was usually Na-cha (那吒) in many of the plays of the Yüan dynasty which preserved the original transliteration found in the Tantric sutras.17 In the Hsi-yu-chi (Ch.7), one of the "Four Travels", the second Hi To P'in (TPE), 30, Ekottarikagamas, chian 22, The Tripitaka in Chinese. 10 In the year A.D. 838 (3rd year of K'ai Chiêng), on the 15th day of the 12th month, Lu Hung-chêng (盧弘正) wrote an inscription for the image of Vaisravana in the Hsing-t'ang Monastery (興唐寺) describing him as "having a sabre in his right hand, and in the left hand a pagoda." cf. Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng, Shên-I Tien, chian 91. 27 In Yang Ching-hsien's Yang San-tsang Hsi-tien Ch'ü-ching, Scene 8, “Nacha San Tai-tzu" (哪吒三太子); anonymous play Menglich Na-cha San Pien-hua (孟麗哪吒三變換) in the Ku-pên Yüan Ming Tsa-chü *Z9M) edited by Wang Chi-lieh (王季烈), Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1941; anonymous play Ting-ting Tang-tang P’ên-êrh-kuei (丁丁當當甕兒鬼), Act 1, "Hê-lien Na-cha" (黑面哪吒), Act 2, "Na-cha Fa" (哪吒法), the last two are influenced by Tantric works. Besides, Na-cha (哪吒) appears in many plays of the Yuan dynasty, not to mention the tune called Nacha Ling (哪吒令). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 78 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 son of Li Ching is Hui-an () who was a disciple of Kuan Yin (Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara), while his name, Mu-ch'a (*), is not mentioned except in one verse, and not in the prose part of Ch.21. This is the name the author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adopted. The origin of the name Mu-ch'a can be found in chüan 18, Kan-t'ung P'ien (A) of the Sung Kao-sêng Chuan (***) by Tsan-ning (), who was a follower of the Monk Sangha (@). The latter was said to be an incarnation of the Avalokitesvara of eleven faces and died in A.D. 710. Apart from Mu-ch'a, Hui-an was also one of his disciples. Therefore, in popular literature, Mu-ch'a and Hui-an are mixed up into one person and in the "Four Travels" Hui-an remains a disciple of Kuan Yin. It was the author of the Fêng-shên who changed the character ch'a (X) to cha (RE) in his novel so that the name could have the same second character as No-cha. In some popular editions of the "Four Travels" the character ch'a (X) has also been changed. Now, in the Tantric works, though the second and third sons of Vaisravana (Tu Chien and Nata) play rather important parts, his other sons, especially his first son, are not mentioned. I have read through a large number of sutras about Vaisravana and consulted some Buddhist scholars in Japan,1a but they could not give me any definite opinion. In Oda Tokuno's (1) Buddhist Thesaurus (#) and in the Chinese work Fu-hsüeh Ta Tz'u-tien (BAND) edited by Ting Fu-pao (TR) based upon it,19 we find that the names of P'i-sha-mên wu t’ung-tzu (£££7 Five Attendants of Vaisravana) include Tu Chien and Nata, but no origin is given. I think they may be identical with the "Five Yakshas" which appear under the sub-title "Princes and Family Members" (ERB) in Caturmaharaja (19F諸小王及眷屬)in E) in chuan 6 of the Ch'i Shih Ching (). They are, in translation, Fifty-feet (wu-chang £), Wilderness (k'uang-yeh ), Golden Mountain (chin-shan ), Long Fellow (ch'ang-shên ) and Hair of A Needle (chên-mao E). They appear (translated literally from the Sanskrit) also in the Caturmaharaja of the Shih Chi Ching (H) and in chüan 19 of the Dirghagama (£§ÂŒ) as "Five Attending Genii of Vaisravana.” 20 I Dr. Henmi Baiei), Professor of Buddhist Art, Tama University (9) and others. I have also consulted the Chinese Buddhist priest Tan-hsü (1), aged 89, a disciple of the late T'i-hsien (M) of the Tien-t'ai Sect (R) and some Tantric scholars. 19 The 4th ed., I Hsieh Shu Chũ (885), Shanghai, 1939. 20 No. 24, The Tripitaka in Chinese, translated by Jñanagupta. cf. No. 25, Ch'i-shih Yin-pên Ching (#LFXE), chữan 6 & 7. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 81 and strong and victorious in fighting. Now the king sent them to invade their own country, and the father was much worried. 24 This kind of Buddhist story would not pass without leaving some traces in the prompt-books, sources of which are predominantly Buddhist ballads. For instance, in the prompt-book Hsin-pien Wu-tai Liang-shih P'ing-hua (“Popular Tales of the Five Dynasties, Period of Liang”), chüan 1, we read, The wife of Huang Tsung-tan was pregnant for fourteen months. One day she gave birth to a substance which looked like a lump of flesh, but inside it was a piece of purple silk gauze in which was wrapped a baby. When the wrapper was opened, purple mist of dazzling brilliance filled the room. 25 Thus his mother gave birth to Huang Ch'ao. Again in the Ch'ien Han-shu P'ing-hua (“Han Hsin's Death at the Hands of Empress Lü”), chüan 3, when "Madam Po (a concubine of the first emperor of the Former Han dynasty) was in labour, Empress Lü went to see her. She was glad to find that the baby was a freak without eyes or eyebrows, like a lump of flesh." In the anonymous Yüan play, Chin-shui-ch'iao Ch'ên-lin Pao Chuang-ho, in Act 2, when Empress Liu ordered the palace maid K'ou Ch'êng-yü to stab the baby prince and throw him into the river from the bridge, the latter hesitated for she saw "red light and purple mist enshrouding the body of the prince." We may now admit that the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i has a closer relation with the "Four Travels" than with other prompt-books. In Ch.8 of the Nan-yu-chi, the Buddha of Light told the Flowery Light “to be re-incarnated in the shape of a lump of flesh.” Consequently the Flowery Light, floating about in the air, arrived at the village Hsiao-chia Chuang of Wu-yüan, Anhwei, and darted into the womb of Madam Hsiao who had been pregnant for twenty months. "Now the maid came out to report to the elder, 'Madam has given birth.' 'A boy or a girl?' the elder asked. 'It is neither a boy nor a girl. It is just like the belly of an ox.' The elder was very much frightened. When they decided to throw the lump away into the river, it... 24 Fu-kuo Chi, translated by James Legge as "A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms", Oxford, 1886, Ch. 25, p. 73. 25 Hsin-pien Wu-tai Shih P'ing-hua, photolithographed edition, published by Prof. Tung K'ang, Wu-chin Tung-shih Sung-fên-shih (AAS), 1911. There are also several popular editions available. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961). Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author ISSN 1991-7295 85 No-cha then partially pulled off the celestial robe of the dragon-king and revealed the scales under his left ribs. He tore off some forty or fifty of the dragon-scales and the dragon-king was wounded and suffered a violent pain. He begged his assailant to spare his life. No-cha said, “If you want me to spare your life you must give up your law-suit against me before the Jade Emperor, and follow me back to Ch'ên-t'ang Pass." The dragon-king could not free himself and yielded to No-cha. Transforming himself into the shape of a small black snake, he hid in No-cha's sleeve and they descended from heaven. (Ch.13) Some references can be cited here for comparison and we can see how clever the author was in composing his ingenious and complicated plot which surpasses all the materials he made use of. In the prompt-book Ch'in Ping Liu-kuo P'ing-hua ("The Annexation of the Six States by the Emperor of Ch’in”), chüan 2, there is a sentence, "to fasten the cuirass he should use the sinews of the old dragon." In the Ta-T’ang San-tsang Ch’ü-ching Shih-hua ("Tripitaka's Search for Buddhist Sutras"), chuan 2, (7), the Monkey-monk (Hou Hsing-chê) pulled out the sinews from a dragon with nine heads for a belt to hold the cuirass. According to the Min Shu (M), there was a Taoist priest named Yu Chên-chai (2) living in the epoch of Hung Wu, who was called upon by an old woman: She was a female-dragon... and was to be struck to death by lightning on account of her failure in regulating the rains. She begged him to save her life. Yü said, “Can you transform yourself to a small shape so that I may hide you in my alms-bowl?" The dragon followed his advice and transformed herself into a snake wriggling into the bowl. The story of No-cha goes on as follows: One day as the weather was excessively hot, he felt restless and annoyed, and ascended the tower over the city-gate. On the weapon-stands he found a wonderful bow called ch'ien-k'un kung (the cosmic bow) and three arrows called chên-t'ien chien (heaven-shaking arrows) which he appreciated very much, and did not know that they were left by the Yellow Emperor and since then no one had been strong enough to use them. He was so glad of this discovery and he seized the bow and shot an arrow toward the south-west. With a startling sound the sky was covered with red mist and auspicious clouds floated around. (Ch.13) In chuan 13, in the chapter of the "Competition in Martial Exercises for the Hand of Yasodhara" of Abhiniskramana-sutra (DATE · #), we have the following paragraph: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 87 ended in a fierce hand-to-hand conflict. At last T'ai-I hurled his powerful weapon, a lamp-shade of nine fire-dragons, into the air, which fell on the goddess and rendered her senseless. T'ai-I clapped his hands and immediately a flame rose up in the shade, and she died in the roaring blaze. The dragon-kings of the Four Seas now got a warrant from the Jade Emperor to arrest No-cha's parents. No-cha, with secret instructions from his master T'ai-I, rushed back to Ch'ên-t’ang Pass. When he saw the dragon-kings, he shouted in a terrific voice: "It was I who killed Li Kên and Ao Ping and I should forfeit my life. How can you molest my parents?" After this, he spoke to Ao Kuang, "I am not to be slighted. I am an avatar of Ling-chu Tzu, the Intelligent Pearl. By the command of Yüan-shih I have descended to this world to fight for the establishment of the coming dynasty. I am determined to rip open my stomach, pluck out my intestines and pick out the bones, to return to my parents what I got from them. Are you satisfied with that?" To this Ao Kuang agreed, and No-cha did as he had just said: he fell down to the ground and his souls dispersed. His corpse was put into a coffin and was ordered by his mother to be buried. (Ch.13) We learn from the commentaries and the expository notes of the Ch'an school (or in Japanese Zen) of Chinese Buddhism that there are many historical and hereditary "cases" (Kung-an or in Japanese koan) handed down from generation to generation by the learned priests of this school of contemplation as material for their followers to study and to reflect upon. Most of these "cases" are metaphysical and to some extent mystical, and as cultivation in meditation involves some experiences which are not subject to communion between the learner and the Patriarch or the predecessors, it has relation with Tantrism.29 The story related in the Fêng-shên about No-cha (Nata) quoted above is one of the cases which appear in chüan 2 of the Wu-têng Hui-yüan (EK), a work written by Monk P'u-chi (#) of the Sung dynasty, and is retold in chüan 2 of the Chih-yüeh Lu (f), edited by Ch'ü Ju-chi (W) of the Ming dynasty. It runs as follows: Prince Nata, rending himself asunder, gave his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father, and then manifesting 20 Nan Huai-chin (RM), Ch'an-hai Li-ts'ê (THU), Ch. 15, "Ch'an School and Tantrism" (RANER), pp. 205-211, Ching Ming Hsüeh Shê (W204), Taipei, 1955. cf. Daisetz Teitaro Suzuki ( Kil), Essays in Zen Buddhism, Second Series, p. 94, London, Luzac, 1933. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 88 his original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents. 邵业 This is a case which was preached as early as the Sung dynasty. But, though it looks like a part of a Buddhist legend with some details probably omitted, it occurs in no canonical texts and is found to be fabulous. In chüan 6 of the Tsu-t'ing Shih-yüan (...), a work composed by Monk Ch'ên Shan-ch'ing (*) about A.D. 1099, it says, In the monasteries there is the legend of his "giving his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father," but nothing referring to it can be found in the texts of the Tripitaka and no one knows what its origin is. (王子肉濟父母緣 In the Tripitaka in Chinese, I have found two cases which may have some relation with the legend of Nata as adapted in the Fêng-shên. One appears in the Tsa Pao-tsang Ching (# BK), chüan 1, subtitled "A Prince Fed His Parents with His Own Flesh" (±‡Ùƒƒ2R). It was the prince Hsü Shê T'i (F), a young prince aged seven. His grandfather, the king of Varanasi (M) had been assassinated by an usurper who killed also his two sons. The father of the young prince was the third son. Now the young prince when fleeing for his life with his parents, was faced with the problem of food. His father intended to kill his wife. Thereupon the young prince dismembered himself and cut off his own flesh every day to feed his parents until he had only three slices of flesh to offer. He presented two to his parents and the last slice which was so dear to him was given to a hungry wolf who was a transformation of Indra himself.31 The prince was an incarnation of Sakyamuni in a previous life. The prince Hsü Shê T'i in this Buddhist legend was seven, and his father was the third prince. It is quite possible that in the popular mind the jataka story became confused with the Tantric one, because in some Tantric texts such as the Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa I-kuei (... "Ceremonies In the Worship of the Heavenly King Vaisravana, the Protector of the Army")," Nata is regarded as 30 Nata's relation with Tantrism was still very clear in records as well as in the public mind. cf. Hung Mai (), / Chien San-chih (BEZ) chuan 6, on "Ch'êng Fa-shih" (El), Han Fên Lou (*) ed.; T'ai-p'ing Kuang-chi (XP), chüan 92, 1-sêng Lei (M), on Nata, In most of the Yuan plays, Nata is a fearful god (MME). 91 No. 203, The Tripitaka in Chinese. cf. No. 156, Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching (XSEOREC), chüan 1, Hsiao-yang P'in (442). 32 No. 1247, The Tripitaka in Chinese. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 89 "the second son of the third prince of Vaisravana, the Heavenly King of the North”(北方天王吠室羅摩那羅閣第三王子其第二之孫) and in this text Nata addresses Vaisravana as "my grandfather" (RAXXE). Furthermore, this legend appears also in 卷一 of the Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching (大方便佛報恩經) (ASENNUE), and as I have found another story about the "reincarnation from the lotus" also in that sutra, which is also similar to the description of No-cha's reincarnation in the novel, I think both these stories may have influenced the author besides the case cited above. The story of No-cha's reincarnation and the combat between the father and son is a very dramatic one and it reveals again the literary gifts of the author: No-cha's souls, being dispersed, had nowhere to go, drifting about in the air. They went directly to the grotto of the Immortal T'ai-I. Chin-hsia (金霞), the younger disciple of T'ai-I saw it at the entrance, came to the master and said, "I wonder why No-cha is now borne on the wind and drifting about freely.' (Last paragraph, Ch.13 and first paragraph, Ch.14, Fêng-shên Yen-i.) We know from the previous narratives of the novel that No-cha was an avatar of Ling-chu Tsu, the Intelligent Pearl. But why was he so named? I think the following paragraph from Ch.2 of the Nan-yu-chi may explain both this name and the last paragraph I have just quoted: The Intelligent Light (Ling-kuang) was enveloped by the Purple Emperor (紫皇) with the magic weapon Nine-bend Pearl (九曲珠) and died in that Pearl. The souls of the Intelligent Light borne on the wind had nowhere to go, and were seen by the Celestial Honoured All-Merciful and All-Compassionate Marvellous-Delight (慈悲妙喜天尊) (NEVRXO) who was in his meditation in the Palace of Eight-scenes. Watching the souls drifting about, he thought... As the Chinese character is monosyllabic, it is easy to pick out the character ling (靈) and chu (珠) from this paragraph to form a new name and give it to No-cha as his other title since the description of his reincarnation is partially derived from here. The story continues thus: The Immortal (T'ai-I) charged No-cha, “This is your place no more. Return to Ch'ên-t'ang Pass and see your mother in dreams, request her to build a temple for you to dwell in on the Ts'ui-p'ing Hill (Green Screen Hill) forty li away from the Pass. Sacrifices will be offered to you for three years and after that you may be reincarnated. Go ahead and do not tarry." During the third watch of that night No-cha appeared in a dream to his mother, saying, "Mother, my souls have nowhere to go and I have suffered bitterly. Pray ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 90 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 "build for me a temple on the Ts'ui-p'ing Hill that I may be worshipped for a certain period and thereafter I can be reincarnated." When she awoke, she cried bitterly, and told the request to Li Ching. Li Ching was exasperated, and blamed his son once more for the disaster he had brought on them. No-cha repeated his request in vain on several successive nights and at last he warned the mother, "You know that my temper is bad. If I lose my control over it, you know who will suffer." The mother was scared and sent some servants to go secretly to the Hill and build the temple with an image of No-cha set up in it. The temple of No-cha attracted many pilgrims and the incense burnt to him was ever increasing. One day, after inspecting his troops at drill Li Ching, with a troop of soldiers, was passing the place. He saw many pilgrims flocking to the place and asked his aid-de-camp, "Why is this hill thronged with people?" "For the last six months the god of this temple has performed miraculous deeds and answered the prayers of his worshippers. Therefore pilgrims from every quarter come to worship him," the officer answered. "What is the name then of this god?" Li Ching asked. "The temple is called the Spiritual Palace of No-cha." "No-cha! What!" Li Ching was enraged, and ordered, "Stop! I want to go to the temple myself." He dismounted at the entrance to the temple and entered the hall in which a lifelike image of his son was erected with some idols as his retinue. Li Ching pointed to the image and rebuked it, "While you were living you were a source of trouble to your parents. And now, look, you even deceive the people after your death!" He wielded his whip and smashed the image to pieces, and kicked away the other images. He ordered his troops to set fire and burn down the temple, and the multitude dispersed. When his father visited the temple No-cha had just entered into meditation in such a way that his spirit disappeared from the throne. On his return he found the temple had been burnt to ashes, and his retinue came to him with tears in their eyes. After he was told what had happened, No-cha grumbled, "I have returned what I got from you and broken off all our relations. Why should you come here to molest me, burn down my place and leave me with no fixed abode?” No-cha's souls after half-a-year had acquired some nourishment through the food offered to him and was somewhat visible, so he went instantly to Mt. Ch'ien-yüan and appealed to his master. The Immortal T'ai-I said, "Since you returned the flesh and bones to your parents, Li Ching had no right to interfere with the offerings. But Chiang Tzu-ya is soon to descend from the K'un-lun Mountain to help King Wu and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 91 you will be one of his vanguards. Well, I think I can do something for you in this matter. He ordered Chin-hsia to bring two stalks of lotus and three lotus leaves to him, and with them he made a human shape on the ground, using the stems to represent the joints and articulation of the bones, and set the seed of a golden pill in the middle. He employed his divine power and spoke the magic spells while he pushed No-cha's souls toward the lotuses, and suddenly there sprang up a young No-cha who was handsome and full of vitality, with a rosy complexion, red lips, intelligent eyes and was sixteen feet tall. Thus was No-cha reincarnated from lotuses. (Ch.14) As I have said, in chuan 3, Lun-1 P'in (Discourses) of the Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching there is a Buddhist legend which can be summarized as follows: The king of Varanasi (*) married Lady Doe-mother who conceived and gave birth to a lotus which was cast into a pond. The lotus then grew five hundred leaves and under each leaf a boy was born. When these five hundred boys grew up they became giants, each of whom was strong and brave enough to fight against a thousand men single-handed. These brothers, from the first one to the four hundred and ninety-ninth all forsook their noble life and became Buddhist priests. The youngest brother attained the fruition of a Pratyeka-Buddha ninety days later and, manifesting his miraculous powers, he preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents. This can be cited as an illustration that the story about reincarnation from a lotus had a religious background. In the paragraph in chuan 2 of the Wu-têng Hui-yüan I have quoted, the last sentence of the text is “現本身,運大神通,為父母說法” (manifesting his original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents), and now in this sutra the corresponding sentence is “...” which would make no difference in translation. We may consult Ch.27, "King Resplendent and Buddha Thunder-voice" (¥2) of the Lotus Sutra, in which the two sons of the king, Pure Treasury (*) and Pure Eyes (), worrying about their father's attachment to the heretical teaching which deviated from the right course, revealed to him some of their supernatural powers (...) and brought him to faith and discernment.3 So we may believe the original story that No-cha “rending himself asunder, gave his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father”. 3 "The Lotus of the Wonderful Law" (Saddharma Pundarika Sutra), translation by Prof. Soothill, Oxford, p. 256. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 93 The climax of the dramatic struggle between No-cha and his father Li Ching may be summed up here: Li Ching, hearing that No-cha had come again with his magic arms, was infuriated. He mounted his black horse and came out to meet No-cha with his halberd with crescent-shaped blade. The fighting had not lasted many minutes when Li Ching was in a profuse perspiration and had to flee for his life. No-cha pursued him with desperate efforts and nearly caught him when Mu-cha, the second son of Li Ching and disciple of the Immortal P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra), came on the scene. Although they were brothers they had not known each other before and No-cha had to tell Mu-cha the whole story. Mu-cha rebuked No-cha and called him a patricide, and defended the father with his precious sword. No-cha hurled his golden brick in the air which fell on the back of Mu-cha and hurt him. No-cha resumed his pursuit, and as Li Ching, being exhausted, did not wish to be overtaken by his son, he drew his sword and was about to commit suicide when he was stopped by a Taoist who was no other than the Wên-shu Kuang-fa Tien-tsun (Mañjusri) who was invited to come by Immortal T'ai-i to give No-cha an impressive lesson. Wên-shu now hid Li Ching in his grotto and seized the naughty hero with his "Dragon-concealing Stake"--which was also called "Seven Precious Golden Lotuses"--which in a mist of dust fastened No-cha's neck and feet with three golden rings and bound him to a golden stake. Wên-shu ordered Chin-cha, his disciple and No-cha's eldest brother, to beat No-cha black and blue with a staff until T'ai-I himself appeared. At the intercession of T'ai-i, No-cha was released and both father and son were brought before the two Taoist masters. T'ai-i rebuked the father for his petty-minded action and told him to go home. After Li Ching's After Li Ching's retreat, he instructed No-cha not to bear any grudge against his father and charged him to return to the grotto in Mt. Ch'ien-yuan on the pretext that he would stay with Wên-shu and play chess. No-cha, raging with anger, taking advantage of the absence of the two masters, pursued his father again. When Li Ching was in danger of falling into the hand of the son, another Taoist, the Jan-têng Tao-jên (Dipamkara) of the Yüan-chüeh Cave on the Vulture Peak, appeared on the scene as if by accident. He sheltered Li Ching behind, and when No-cha demanded single combat with his father, he increased Li Ching's strength by spitting on him and touching him on the back. Li Ching was then able to get the upper hand in the fighting and No-cha was defeated. No-cha was beside himself with rage. He jumped aside suddenly and tried to pierce Jan-têng with his spear, but the thrust was repelled by a white lotus flower emitted from the latter's ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 97 three chapters (Ch.12-14) of the Fêng-shên Yen-i and all the other chapters except those parts inherited from the prompt-book Wu-wang Fa-Chou P'ing-hua3 and Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan (@) are the original work of the author. 39 40 38 Lu Hsün told us that the approximate dates of Wu Ch'êng-ên are about 1510-1580, and the earliest editions of the Hsi-yu-chi by Wu Ch'êng-ên we have were all published late in the Wan Li period, probably after 1592. It is therefore safe enough if we suppose that the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i was first compiled in the middle of the Chia Ching period (about 1545). 4 38 "King Wu's Expedition against Chou", the original copy of which is from an edition dated Chih Chih (a), the reign of Emperor Ying Tsung (1321-23) of the Mongol Yüan dynasty. It was published in Chien-an (# now Chien-yang of Fukien province), then a very famous paper-manufacturing and publishing centre. No less than five different prompt-books of the same sort, historical and fictional, including the Wu-wang Fa Chou, have been found, now kept in the Japanese Cabinet Library, bearing the same sub-title as "published by the Yu family of Chien-an" (ZREKƒ). A complete English translation of the last-named is included in my "The Authorship of the Fêng-shên Yen-i”, 39 The Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan FHEN, a book in a very rare edition, copies of which are now preserved only in a few libraries. See my article "The Discovery of the First chuan of the Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan and Its Relation to Wuwang Fa Chou P'ing-hua and the Novel Fêng-shên Yen-i" (元至治本全相武王伐紂話明刊本列國志傳一與封神演義之關係), The New Asia Journal, Vol. 4, No. 1, Aug. 1959. 4o Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih lüich, Ch. 17, p. 168. Yang's translation, p. 210. cf. (2). 41 See Prof. Sun K'ai-ti's (H) Jih-pên Tung-ching So Chien Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shumu (B££££+5), pp. 101-2, Shanghai, 1953. Shih-tê Tang (H) edition, dated "the fourth day of the fifth month in the year jên-chên (IR)", ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 109 bers, although poorer members may elect to pay $5 and well-to-do members may pay $40 or $100. The activities of the Association are in the hands of a Board of Directors of 35 members, of whom 15 are monks and nuns and 20 are laymen, the Chairman of the Board being the Abbot of the Po Lin Monastery, while the Vice Chairman is a prominent Buddhist layman. The directors hold office for two years and vacancies are filled through election at the annual General Meeting. The Association's office is at 15 Shan Kwong Road, Hong Kong, on the premises of the Tung Lin Kok Yuen MW (see above p. 44). To disseminate the dharma, the Association has sponsored courses of nightly lectures on various sutras, delivered by an authority from the Sangha. These courses have been held three or four times a year, lasting two or three weeks each time, usually at the Tung Lin Kok Yuen. Attendance has run about 200 people. The Association's welfare enterprises include four schools, a cemetery, and two clinics. The Chinese Buddhist Free School, at 117 Wanchai Road, was established in October 1945. It is co-educational, and has an enrollment of 223. Though it is government-subsidized, pupils pay no tuition. Another school, also at the primary level, was opened during September, 1960 in the ground floor of a resettlement block at Wong Tai Sin (the use of such ground floor space for classrooms is encouraged by the Resettlement Department). Known as the Buddhist Boddhi Primary School, it accommodates 1,440 boys and girls, operates on a government subsidy, and charges the standard tuition fees. By far the most impressive educational enterprises of the Buddhist Association, however, are the two schools on Eastern Hospital Road (near Causeway Bay). They began operation in September 1959 and comprise a primary school with 1,053 boys and girls ("Buddhist Wong Cheuk Om Memorial School") and a middle school with 321 boys and girls ("Buddhist Wong Fung Ling College" #+4) HK$350,000 of the construction cost was donated to the Association by two devout Buddhists, whose names the schools bear, while the other $650,000 was provided by the Hong Kong Government, $150,000 of this being in the form of a loan that the Association will eventually repay out of its portion of the school fees. The Board of Directors of the Buddhist Association has full responsibility for and control over the operation of all these schools, although about 70 per cent of the operating costs, including teachers' salaries, are met by Government subsidy. The curriculum includes the study of Buddhism which, at the suggestion of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association, was accepted by the Education Department in 1959 as one of the optional subjects thereafter to be included in the Hong Kong School-leaving Certificate examination. Up until now Buddhists, unlike Christians and Moslems, have had no separate cemetery facilities. The Buddhist Association's cemetery, which occupies seven acres of land recently allocated by the Government on Cape Collison, opened early in 1961. M HK$3 a month "t'ong fei" added to the standard fees for subsidized schools of $5 and $32 a month. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 112 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 The Nim Ts'z Primary School, also operated by the Lotus Association, opened during December 1960 in Blocks P and Q of the Jordan Valley Resettlement Estate. It accommodates 1,440 boys and girls, is government subsidized, with a tuition fee of HK$50 a year. Plans for another school, to be called the Ts'z Yan Primary School, are still in the initial stage. It is to be housed in a new building, built specially for the purpose, that will not be ready before the end of 1961. The government has made the necessary grant of land on Kwong Lee Road in Kowloon and will provide a HK$300,000 construction loan, interest free, for repayment over 11 years. The remainder of the $450,000 construction cost will be donated by Buddhist laymen, especially the members of the Lotus Association. The operating expenses will not be government subsidized, but will come in part from donations and in part from fees of HK$120 a year (i.e., $70 more than in subsidized schools). The enrollment will be 1,890 boys and girls. 4. HONG KONG BUDDHIST BOOK DISTRIBUTOR This organization operates a non-profit publishing house and second-hand book store. It publishes reprints of the Chinese Buddhist sutras as well as contemporary Chinese works on Buddhism. It also collects used copies of Buddhist sutras (many of them out of print) and sells them at just above cost. Its stock of 20,000 volumes fills the walls of a large room in the western district of Hong Kong (42 Bonham Strand West, 2nd floor). The staff of three are all volunteer workers. Since it was founded in 1945, the Hong Kong Buddhist Book Distributor has published some 228 items in 600,000 copies at a total outlay of HK$500,000. About 30 per cent have been distributed free of charge and the rest at cost. The expenses of the entire operation are borne by a small group of Buddhist laymen in Hong Kong. VII. ROLE OF BUDDHIST ORGANIZATIONS IN HONG KONG Buddhist organizations in Hong Kong do not play the economic, political, and cultural role that is played by their counterparts in Southeast Asia. In particular, they attempt to avoid politics. The closeness of the Communist Chinese mainland means, first of all, that few if any Buddhists here entertain illusions about the nature of the Peking regime or its policy towards Buddhism, and second, that they feel an underlying uncertainty about their future and prefer to do nothing and say nothing that would prejudice it if events took an unexpected turn. Although anti-Communist efforts have been made by a few Buddhist groups, the majority concentrate on religious activities and social welfare. The welfare activities of Buddhist organizations have been described above at some length. Of the 15 Buddhist schools now in operation, 12 are subsidized and 1 is partly subsidized. This means that for about 7,000 pupils plant, textbooks, hygiene, and methods of instruction must conform to standards set by ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 118 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 daughters, daughters-in-law and grandchildren) are often dressed in the traditional mourning colour of white, usually in a costume provided by the funeral parlour and consisting, for women, of a white skirt and an upper garment resembling half a sack with one corner placed over the head. Men tend to wear white gowns, with a white band tied round the forehead. A thin surcoat of sack-cloth (haaù ma pò) may be worn over the white mourning clothes by a widow, daughter and daughter-in-law of the deceased; a son may wear a smaller square of sack-cloth over his head. Friends and relatives will pay their respects to the deceased by bowing towards the coffin three times and once towards the chief mourners, who are usually ranged to one side and may be kneeling with their heads towards the ground. For this public lying in state, the deceased is sometimes placed in a special coffin that leaves the upper portion of the body temporarily exposed. Before burial, the missing portion of the coffin lid will be replaced. The farewell room throughout the vigil and lying in state may be lit with candles and incense sticks, often making the atmosphere uncomfortably heavy and oppressive. In the past, it was customary to bang gongs throughout the vigil, to keep away the evil spirits, but this practice is now prohibited to avoid nuisance to neighbours. It is also customary amongst the less well-to-do for the female relatives of the deceased, particularly a widow, to give a public demonstration of grief in the form of wailing, weeping and loud cries. Mute grief would neither satisfy custom nor perhaps offer adequate incentive to the spirit of the deceased to exercise a benevolent influence on his descendants. In practice, the last rites at a funeral parlour usually continue till midday, for the practical reason that it may take the whole morning to complete formalities such as registering the death and making arrangements with the relevant authorities for burial or cremation. The body is then taken by motor hearse to the cemetery or crematorium, accompanied by relatives. Friends may also accompany the hearse if they wish, but there is no objection to their departing earlier after the last rites have been performed. For a particularly large funeral, the journey to the cemetery may be preceded by a ceremonial procession in the neighbourhood, with funeral bands, mourners on foot, the hearse with the coffin, and large wicker framework plaques covered in silver and blue paper describing the deceased. The writer once saw a one-quarter mile procession, with no less than sixteen separate bands, complete an entire circuit of the Happy Valley race course before departing for the cemetery. Some of the funeral bands may be hired by the descendants of the deceased; other bands may be hired by friends wishing to offer condolences. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 120 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 In the New Territories, there are at present no funeral parlours and few undertakers. As in the agricultural interior of China, practical responsibility still falls mainly on the kinsmen of the deceased. The customary burial of villagers is in two stages: initial coffin burial, and subsequent exhumation and re-interment of remains. Having encoffined the body, the relatives normally sustain the vigil directly outside the home under a temporary shelter. Burial then takes place in a traditional village area, but no monument is erected beyond a small unshaped stone at the head of the grave. After five years or more, the body is exhumed. The bones will be cleaned by the family and be placed either in a funerary urn (kam t'aàp) or in a formal masonry grave (shaan fan) shaped like a horseshoe. In the funerary urn, the bones will be arranged in a manner as if the deceased were sitting in the Buddhist lotus posture. The siting of funerary urns and horseshoe graves is of particular importance. Relatives will go to great lengths to ensure that the jung shui of the site is propitious. In other words, they wish to ensure that the benevolent influence of the site will protect the deceased, as a member of the family, so that he in turn will look kindly upon his relatives. The site is usually high up, commanding a view of water, and on a ridge or spur which represents, for instance, a dragon, snake, shrimp or crab in its formation. Standing with one's back to a horseshoe grave, one sees a half circle within a radius of ten yards, which is normally regarded as sacrosanct. Disturbance of the ground is regarded with strong disfavour. Traditionally, the left arm of the panorama in front should consist of a long ridge (containing a "green dragon”) and the right arm of a shorter ridge (containing a "white tiger"). In a horseshoe grave, the exhumed remains are buried in a jar in the centre, just in front of a stone plaque (pei shek) that records the name of the deceased, the date of his death, and other details. Important graves of recorded ancestors or founders of a clan are often flanked by a small shrine (haû tỏ) on either side and sometimes another behind, at a distance of ten to twenty feet from the main grave. The object of the shrines is to persuade the earth god to look after the grave. Whether the exhumed remains are to be placed in a funerary urn or in a horseshoe grave seems to be governed by the sex and general standing of the deceased in the clan, or even by the financial state of the relatives at the time of exhumation. The remains are normally fit for exhumation after a minimum of five years of burial, but, even so, exhumation should not strictly take place unless there has been no pregnancy amongst the deceased's close female relatives in the immediately preceding nine months. This requirement, which would tend to impose some hardship ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 126 Ta-Ming hui-tien - Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Tung-hua lu + I-tsung chin-chien Suan-fa t'ung-tsung Ch'ün fang p'u Erh-ya (*Statutes of the Ming dynasty', 1577) - (1734) - ('Golden Mirror of Medicine', 1740) ('Systematic Treatise on Arithmetic') (A Herbarium). Compiled by Wang Hsiang-chin, 1708. (The earliest Chinese 'dictionary') Man-Han ming-ch'en chuan (Records of famous statesmen, Manchu and Chinese', c. 1750) Other books are devoted to such diverse subjects as Buddhism, the ch'in (lute), a Manchu translation of the Four Books, various dictionaries (including the K'ang-hsi tzu-tien), various works on medicine, agriculture, geography, history, law, chess, and so on. A complete and annotated catalogue of these Chinese works together with the Chinese characters of their titles and authors or compilers would be of considerable value to scholars working in London. Does anyone feel like undertaking this task? J. L. CRANMER-BYNG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 127 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members at 28th February, 1961. ABRAHAM, R. D. Aide-de-Camp AKERS JONES, D. Allen, H. W. ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. BAIRD, J. W. BARD, Dr. S. M. BARNETT, K. M. A. BARON, D. W. B. BARR, J. S. BASTO, G. de BARTON, T. The Hon. H. D. M. BAUER, Miss H. BEIDLER, P. BERTUCCIOLI, G. P. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. L. BLACKMORE, M. BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. BONSALL, G. W. BRAGA, J. M. BRAWN, Squadron Ldr. W. N. H. BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BRIMMELL, J. H. BROOKS, D. E. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. BUSH, R. C. BYRNE, D. J. CALLAHAN, G. W. CHAN, Dr. H. C. CHAU, The Hon. Sir Tsun-Nin CHENG, Dr. Irene CHENG, T. C. CHEUNG, Oswald 41 Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K.Government House, H.K. N. Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kln.U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. H.K.U.Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. H.K.U.P.O. Box 248, H.K. 361 The Peak, H.K.Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 604 Fu House, 7 Ice House Street, H.K.Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. U.S.L.S., U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.U.S. Embassy, Saigon, Vietnam Ministero degli Esteri, RomeFar East Mansions, Apt. 5-H, Kln. Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co., Alexandra House, H.K.Dept. of History, H.K.U. H.K.U.P.O. Box 951, H.K. Air Headquarters, H.K.86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Flat 4, 12 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. Radio Hong Kong86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Tao Fong Shan, Shatin, N.T.China Light & Power Co., Ltd., Argyle Street, Kln. Apt. 23, Kellett Grove, The Peak, H.K.Bank of Canton Building, H.K. 8 Queen's Road West, H.K.Education Dept., Fung House, 5th fl., H.K. S.C.A. Fire Brigade Building, H.K.1002 Alexandra House, H.K. Page 127 Page 127 Page 127 Page 128 Page 128 Page 128 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 128 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 CHING, Henry 9 Village Road, 1st fl., H.K. CHING, Joseph U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. CLARK, Mrs. N. E. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. CLARKE, The Hon. A. G. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. CLARKE, B. A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top fl., H.K. COHN, Dr. A. J. 116 Leighton Road, Leisham Court, 6th fl., H.K. COOK, J. 522 Alexandra House, H.K. CRANMER-BYNG, J. L. Dept. of History, H.K.U. CUMINE, E. 14 Embassy Court, H.K. CUMMING, M. S. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. DAIKO, P. P.O. Box 201, H.K. DAVID, Mrs. M. C. Dept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. Education Dept. Battery Path, H.K. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. Cheshire Wing Room 40, R.A.F., Little Saiwan, H.K. DEVENISH, D. C. S.A.C. 5100108 DJOU, G. G. American International Assurance Co. Ltd., 12-14 Queen's Road C., H.K. DORNHEIM, A. R. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. DRAKE, Prof. F. S. Dept. of Chinese, H.K.U. DRAKEFORD, L. S. 25 Chatham Road, 11th fl. front, Kln. DUNCANSON, J. D. c/o Barclays Bank (D.C.O.), 1 Cockspur St., Lond. S.W.1. DUNT, P. P.O. Box 94, H.K. EDWARDS, O. P. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. ENDACOTT, G. B. Dept. of History, H.K.U. FABER, Mrs. A. 10 Cooper Road, Jardines Lookout, H.K. FABER, S. E. 1 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. FISHER-SHORT, W. 102 MacDonnell Road, H.K. FITZGIBBON, D. J. P.W.D., Central Govt. Offices, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. FUNG, The Hon. Ping-Fan Bank of East Asia Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd. C., H.K. GAIFFIER D'HESTROY, Baron P. de Belgian Consul-General, 105 Hongkong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. GALVIN, J. A. T. c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13th fl., H.K. GIBBS, Mrs. M. 48, Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. GILES, R. Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., Central Government Offices, East Wing, 2nd fl., H.K. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. GOTTSCHALK, E. 6 MacDonnell Road, Apt. 15, H.K. GUADAGNINI, Dr. P. Italian Consul-General, 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 129 HAINES, Miss F. 10-F Headland Road, H.K. HALLIDAY, Lt. Col, P. A. T. Headquarters Land Forces, H.K. HARRISON, Prof. B. Dept. of History, H.K.U. HAYDON, E. S. The Supreme Court, H.K. HAYE, C. Education Dept., Fung House, H.K. HAYIM, E. J. 41 Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. HELLBECK, Dr. H. German Consulate-General, 1 Duddell St., 4th fl. H.K. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. HINDMARSH, R. H. Hong Kong Club, H.K. HO Teh-Kuei 61 Fort St. 3rd fl., North Point, H.K. HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, D. R. N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. HOLMES, G. M. 9 Chater Hall, 1 Conduit Road, H.K. HOLMES, The Hon. J. C. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. HORSMAN, Miss A. M. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. HOOK, B. G. Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. HORTON, J. R. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. HOWARD-WILLIAMS, E. D. The British Council, 133 Gloucester Building, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. Leigh & Orange, P. & O. Building, H.K. HSIA Tung Pei 12 Ming Yuen Street W., 3rd fl. North Point, H.K. HUANG Sheng-Fu P.O. Box 9066, Kowloon City Post Office, Kowloon. HUGHES, G. M. American International Assurance Co. Ltd., H.K. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. HUNG, C. S. 19, Hec Wong Terrace, 1st fl., H.K. INGLES, Miss J. M. Government House Lodge, H.K. JACOBSON, H. W. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. JONES, Dr. J. R. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. KAMATH, F. M. de Mello Commission of India, Tower Court, H.K. KAY, B. Flat 4, 52 Island Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. KEOWN, W. C. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KHAN, Dr. L. A. M.O., Tai Lam Prison, N.T. KIDD, S. T. N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. 2 University Drive, H.K. KNOWLES, W. C. G. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. Tao Fong Shan, Shatin, N.T. KUNG, Mrs. T. P. 8 Sunning Road, 2nd fl., H.K. KVAN, Rev. E. St. John's College, H.K.U. KWOK Chan, The Hon. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 130 LACEY, J. A. LAI, T. C. - LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAW Chung Kam · LAWRY, R. E. LEE, Harold LEE, J. S.- LEE, The Hon. R. C. LIDDELL, Mrs. M. LINDSAY, Mrs. B. E. LINDSAY, T. J. - LIU, D. H.- - LIU, James J. Y. LIU. Dr. Tsun-Yan LLEWELLYN, J. LOBATO, Dr. P. G. LOTHROP, F. B. LUM, Miss Ada - MA Meng McBAIN, E. B. McCOY, W. J. MCCRARY, M. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 + Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. - - - · - · + · · - L 1701 Beach Drive, Victoria, B.C., Canada. Victoria Heights, 43-A, Stubbs Rd. Flat 1-A, H.K. The British Council, 133 Gloucester Building, H.K. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. 74 Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. 10-F Headland Road, H.K. 364 The Peak, Severn Road, H.K. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. 1 Mercury Street, 1st fl., Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 14, 16-18 Conduit Road, H.K. 83 Sincere Terrace, Grd, fl., Tai Hang Rd. H.K. Dept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U. P.O. Box 144, Macau, Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass., U.S.A. 142 Boundary Street, Kln. Institute of Oriental Studies, H.K.U. Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. · U.S. Consulate-General, H.K, - 25-A Robinson Road, Top fl., H.K. McDOUALL, The Hon. J. C. S.C.A., Connaught Road C., H.K. McGRATH, D. B. MACK, A. M. - McKERNESS, Miss J. MANEELY, R. B. + T L + MARQUAND, R. A. - MARTIN, Rev. Canon E. W. L. MELLOR, B. MILLER, P. M. - MOK Shu Wah MORGAN, L. G. MOU Jun Sun MOYLE, G. C. - NETHERCUT, R. D. - NEWBIGGING, D. K. NIXON, F. A. NG, Peter Y, L. · - - U.S. Consulate-General, H.K, - - H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 5 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. Dept. of Anatomy, H.K.U. 104 Paramount Apt., 2 Shan Kwong Rd. Happy Valley, H.K. St. John's College, H.K.U. Registrar, H.K.U. W U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. + - - - 21 Cochrane Street, 1st fl., H.K. Colonial Secretariat H.K. Dept. of History, New Asia College, 6 Farm Rd., Kln, Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. Room 42, Hong Kong Club, H.K. + Dept. of History, H.K.U. NOBLE, H. - Ying Wah College, Bute Street, Kln. O'CONNELL, Miss S. - - U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 131 PAPP, R., Mme. - PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. J. R. - POPPLE, P. M. - PRESCOTT, J. A. PRATT, M. S. - RAE-SMITH, W. B. RAVENHOLT, A. RIDE, Dr. L. T. RIDE, Mrs. L. T. ROBERTS, Miss F. A. ROFÉ, F. H. - ROSE, J. ROSS, G. 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Wah Yan College, 281 Queen's Road E., H.K. 5-A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. U.K. Trade Commissioner, P.O. Box 745, Colombo, Ceylon. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kln. Apt. 6-F, 90 Morningside Drive, New York 27, N.Y., U.S.A. Apt. 6-F, 90 Morningside Drive, New York 27, N.Y., U.S.A. Commerce & Industry Dept., Fire Brigade Building, Connaught Road C., H.K. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. P.O. Box 1213, H.K. Maryknoll Convent School, Waterloo Road, Kowloon, Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. Canadian Govt. Trade Commr., 205 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building. 23-A Robinson Road, H.K. 85 Kadoorie Avenue, Kln. - H.K. Tourist Association, Kln. - - Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Dept. of Zoology, H.K.U. Caldbeck, Macgregor & Co., Ltd., 2 Chater Road, H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 132 TANG Shiu Kin THOMAS, L. F. - THOMPSON, R. W. TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TREGEAR, Miss M. TRISTRAM, Mrs. J. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. + + + + - TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. - + - T Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 The Kowloon Motor Bus Co., Ltd., 505 Pedder Building, H.K. 56 Conduit Road, Flat 103, H.K. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K.U. 6 Peak Mansions, H.K. H.K.U. P.O. Box 845, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Man Yee Building, 9th fl., Des Voeux Road C., H.K. China Building, 4th f., H.K. TURNER, The Hon. M. W. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. - WALDEN, J. C, C, - WALTON, A. St. G. WARD, Miss J.- + + WARD-MORRIS, Mrs. B. WATSON, K. A. WEI, Dr. Tat. WEISS, K.- WELCH, H. H. WONG, Dr. Man WONG Pao Hsie WONG Po Shang WOO, Dr. Arthur W.. WOO, Dr. Pak Foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. WILSON, B. D. - YAO Pe Chun YAO Hsin Nung + - Hong Kong University Press, H.K. Hong Kong University Press, H.K. 315 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Establishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Establishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 35 Chater Hall, Conduit Road, H.K, 18 Hillgate Place, London, W.8. Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. H.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Assn., Queen's Rd. E., H.K. P.O. Box 718, H.K. Shatin, N.T. Room 108, China Building, H.K. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. B-5 Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st fl., 80 Taipo Rd., Kln. Woo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1st fl., H.K. 204 China Building, H.K. Hong Kong Club, H.K. Urban Services Dept., Secretariat Building, West Wing, H.K. 18, Monmouth Terrace, 3rd f., Kennedy Road, H.K. 1 Dorset Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kln. Mental Hospital, High Street, H.K, YAP, Dr. Pon Meng YUEN, Miss I. - 4 Radio Hong Kong. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. - - 12 Bowen Road, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f ACC. NO 121504 DATE OF ACC. 2 JAN 2003 CLASS NO. HR.S 950 AUTHOR NO REBOUND C The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in August 1962. 1,000 copies Price per copy: HK $12 US $2 Postage extra UK 16/- Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by Ye Olde Printerie, Ltd., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Patron: H.E. Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E., M.A., Governor of Hong Kong. The Council, 1961-62: President: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: The Hon. Sir Tsun-nin Chau, C.B.E., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. Hon. Secretary: R. E. Lawry, M.A., F.R.G.S. Hon. Treasurer: T. J. Lindsay, M.A. Hon. Editor: J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* Hon. Librarian: J. R. Le Mare, B.A.* Councillors: Marjorie Topley, Ph.D.* N. du Breuil* Holmes H. Welch, M.A.* Ma Meng, B.A.* The Hon. W. C. G. Knowles, M.A., J.P. * Member of Editorial Committee. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f # OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. ## NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS The Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f June 12th Dr. T. Y. Li July 10th Mr. G. Findlay Andrew, O.B.E. September 20th Professor B. P. Groslier "Chinese Seals" "Currency Problems in a Cycle of Cathay" "Recent Work in Angkor" October 30th Mr. Holmes H. Welch "The Buddhist Monk's Career" December 11th Professor F. S. Drake "Nestorian Crosses and Nestorianism in China under the Mongols" Some of these lectures will be reproduced in the forthcoming Journal of the Society. We are particularly fortunate in being able to include the memorable address of Professor Drake on Nestorian Crosses, even though the printed article cannot reproduce the warmth and inspiration of his personal eloquence and exposition. The first Journal of the Society produced last year by the Editorial Board and completed, in the absence of Mr. Cranmer-Byng, by Mr. James Liu, had a very good reception. The Editors are to be congratulated on a worthy production which has set a pattern and standard for the future and which I feel will be more than sustained in this year's issue which, it is hoped, will be ready for delivery in May or June next. The report of the Hon. Treasurer, Mr. T. J. Lindsay, will, in his absence on leave, be presented to you by Mr. A. L. Harman of The Hong Kong Bank, who has been good enough to step into the breach. Some features of the Report deserve serious attention. In the first place, we had at the end of 1961 a narrow margin of $2,265.61 over and above our expenditure and $4,790.94 cash in the Bank. In addition, we had a capital investment of $16,247.25 at cost. This apparently favourable financial position is mainly due to donations of $500 each from three leading concerns in the Colony, Messrs. Butterfield and Swire, Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., and The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, together with a magnificent gift of $10,000 from an anonymous donor given in 1960 in memory of Arthur de Carle Sowerby. These are non-recurrent benefactions, however, and I 7 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 11 NESTORIAN CROSSES AND NESTORIAN CHRISTIANS IN CHINA UNDER THE MONGOLS A lecture delivered on December 11, 1961 F. S. DRAKE, O.B.E., B.A., B.D.* I. THE NIXON COLLECTION The purpose of this paper is to introduce, to those who may be unfamiliar with it, the F. A. Nixon Collection of Nestorian Bronze Crosses from the Sino-Mongolian Borderland recently presented by the Hon. R. C. Lee and Mr. J. S. Lee to the Museum of the University of Hong Kong, in relation to the great movement which the Crosses represent. Soon after the attention of scholars was called by the Rev. P. M. Scott1 to these small bronze objects, fourteen of which he had discovered in the shop of a Chinese curio dealer in Pao-t'ou2 near the great northern loop of the Yellow River, the former home of the Christian Ongut tribe, Mr. Nixon, then Postal Commissioner stationed at Peking, began to make his collection, which by the time he left China in 1949 had grown to nearly 1,000 pieces, the largest collection of its kind in the world, and as far as we know, the only one of the collections then made which has remained intact, and therefore is at the present time unique. The collection includes some crosses given by Fr. Mostaert which shepherds had picked up in the sand3. From the beginning opinion among scholars was divided as to the original purpose of these bronze pendants, of which the majority were shaped like Greek crosses; but Pelliot among others came out strongly in favour of their Christian origin,4 expressing a view which now predominates. Especially interesting was the opinion of Fr. A. Mostaert, a Belgium missionary and well-known authority on the Mongols, stationed at Borobalgasoun on the £ * Professor Drake is Professor of Chinese in the University of Hong Kong and Editor of the Journal of Oriental Studies. 1 Discovered August 1929. Described in The Mission Field, Feb. 1930, and in The Chinese Recorder, Feb. and Nov. 1930, 2 See letters to Mr. Nixon, now in the University of Hong Kong Museum. 3 Paris, Revue des Arts Asiatiques, 1. VII, 1931, P. Pelliot: 'Sceaux-Amulettes de Bronze avec Croix et Colombes'. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 12 F. S. DRAKE southern border of the Ordos region within the loop of the Yellow River, as Pao-t'ou was on its northern border. Fr. Mostaert, it appears, was already familiar with the Crosses and he gave some valuable information from his personal observations, as to the use to which they were put by the Mongols of his day: The Mongols constantly dig them up from old graves and elsewhere; they know nothing about their history, but wear them on their girdles, especially the women. When they leave home to take their sheep to graze, they close their doors, and seal them with mud or clay, in the same way as other people use ordinary seals.4 In 1932 during his residence in Tsinan, Shantung, Mr. Nixon committed his collection to the late Dr. J. Mellon Menzies of Shang dynasty fame, then professor of Chinese Archaeology at Cheeloo University, for study and classification. The result was embodied in a monograph entitled Chinese Nestorian Bronze Crosses which was published with the help of a grant from the Harvard-Yenching Institute in December 1934 as a double number of the Cheeloo University Bulletin 齊大季刊,第三、五合期, 青銅十字專號。The volume consists of impressions in red (somewhat in the manner of Chinese rubbings, but not true rubbings) of each of the crosses and seals in the collection, to the number of 979, followed by tables giving the number, weight, measurements and description of each cross, and where possible the provenance of each, the whole being classified in certain clearly defined groups, together with two essays in Chinese: 'Christianity in China in the time of Marco Polo' by Dr. Menzies; 'The Swastika Cross Badges Unearthed in Sui Yüan Province, China' by Professor P. Y. Saeki; and a short Introduction in Chinese on the Nixon Collection by Dr. Menzies. This volume has long been out of print, and Cheeloo University itself has been disbanded, The Institute of Oriental Studies at the University of Hong Kong hopes, when funds are available, to publish a complete set of photographs and rubbings of the whole collection with Dr. Menzies' tables, classification and enumeration. 4 Dr. Menzies classified the crosses, which measure from 11 to 31 ins. across, first according to shape into four main groups, 1 Moule, Christians in China before the Year 1550, London, S.P.C.K., 1930, p. 92; Saeki, Nestorian Documents and Relics in China, Tokyo, 2nd ed., 1951, p. 423; Menzies, Chinese Nestorian Bronze Crosses, Cheeloo University Bulletin, 1934, pp. 92-3. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NESTORIAN CROSSES 13 each of which was further subdivided into several types, making in all nineteen types. He then arranged them within each group and type according to the central design at the crossing of the arms (where this was applicable), of which he differentiated eight types. This still seems to be the best mode of classification. The Four Main Groups are: I, Cruciform with flat ends (Pl. I); II, Cruciform with circular ends (Pl. II); III, Bird-shaped (Pl. III); IV, Geometrical and Miscellaneous (Pl. IV). The Types into which the Four Groups are subdivided are as follows: the two Cruciform Groups (I and II) are subdivided according to the increasing complexity at the centre—Type 1 is a simple cross (Pl. I, Fig. a and Pl. II, Fig. a); Type 2 has four petals radiating from the centre (Pl. I, Fig. b); Type 3 has four single bands connecting the arms of the cross diagonally (Pl. I, Fig. c and Pl. II, Fig. b); Type 4 has four petals radiating from the four diagonal bands (Pl. I, Fig. d and Pl. II, Fig. c); Types 5 and 6 repeat Types 3 and 4, but with double instead of single bands (Pl. I, Figs. e and f, and Pl. II, Figs. d and e). The Bird-shaped Group (Group III) is divided into five Types: Type 1 consists of those in which a bird-form or forms is combined with a cross or part of a cross (Pl. III, Fig. a); Types 2 and 3 consist of a single bird, facing to the left or to the right (Pl. III, Fig. b); Type 4 consists of a bird with two heads (Pl. III, Fig. c); and Type 5 consists of two birds joined together (Pl. III, Fig. d). The Geometrical and Miscellaneous Group includes many forms, which in general can be arranged under four types: Star-shaped types and Rosettes (Pl. IV, Fig. a); Circular Types (Pl. IV, Fig. b); Square or Oblong Types (Pl. IV, Fig. c); and Miscellaneous, as the p'i-p'a (mandoline) shape shown on Pl. IV, Fig. d. The Star-shaped types and Rosettes may have been derived from the enlargement of the petals between the arms of the cross. But there is nothing in the shape of the Circular and Square types to indicate a Christian origin; still less in the Miscellaneous types, such as the p'i-p'a, which appear to be ordinary Mongol seals, known to curio dealers as Yüan-ya I. The differentiation according to eight types of Design at the centre, proposed by Dr. Menzies, is as follows: Types 1 and 2, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NESTORIAN CROSSES 15 evangelized the West. To this day there are Churches of St. Thomas on the Malabar coast of India, claiming the Apostle Thomas as their founder. Whether or not the evidence is sufficient for this claim, it certainly indicates a very ancient date for the origin of these Churches of the East. As the branch of the Church that moved westwards into Europe wrote its Scriptures in colloquial Greek—the lingua franca of the Roman Empire, so the branch of the Church that moved eastwards first with Antioch then Edessa as its centre, used Syriac as its common language; it was at Edessa that its Scriptures were translated into Syriac, and it was at Edessa that its scholarship developed and a School of Theology was founded. To this day Syriac is the liturgical language of the ancient Churches of South India, During the fourth century a Theological controversy arose in the Eastern provinces of the Roman Empire concerning the manner in which the Divine and the Human natures were related in Jesus Christ. The leadership of the thought of the Church at the time was with the Church of Alexandria in Egypt, where great emphasis was laid upon the Divine nature of Christ. In the province of Syria the Christian leaders feared lest in the current trend of thought the Humanity of Jesus should not be sufficiently recognized. A presbyter in the Church at Antioch, Nestorius, who was soon afterwards made Patriarch of Constantinople—the highest position in the Eastern Church—began to preach the doctrine of two complete natures—the Human and the Divine—existing side by side in the person of Jesus Christ. This doctrine which became known as 'Nestorianism' was rejected by an irregular Council of the Church held at Ephesus in A.D. 431, and Nestorius was deposed and driven into exile. His followers were persecuted and fled eastwards, first to Edessa the headquarters of Syrian Christianity, beyond the Euphrates, then across the frontier to Nisibis in Persia, where the scholars gathered and where a Theological School essentially Nestorian in character was established. The Nestorian doctrine, partly perhaps because Persia was at enmity with Rome, found favour with the Persian Churches. + 嗡 + Adency, The Greek and Eastern Churches, T. & T. Clark, 1908, p. 461. "Ibid., p. 480. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 16 F. S. DRAKE In A.D. 489 the Theological School at Edessa was closed by the Roman Emperor Zeno. In A.D. 496 the Nestorian Catholicos (or Archbishop) of Nisibis was made Patriarch of the East with his seat at Seleucia-Ctesiphon, the capital of Persia on the Tigris, and the Persian Churches with their own Patriarch were henceforth independent of the Patriarch of Antioch. 4 It is doubtful how far the split was due to theological differences, and how far to patriotic motives. Although the name 'Nestorian' is commonly applied by others to this ancient independent Syro-Persian Church, it is not the name by which they describe themselves. And in fact they were probably little conscious of the theological differences indicated by the name. They were conscious rather of being a Church outside the bounds of the Roman Empire; their Patriarch was the Patriarch of the Christians of the East, and they called themselves the Church of the Chaldees. Some still call them the Chaldaean Church. But this name has now become attached to a section of them that has become incorporated in the Church of Rome. Some call them the Assyrian Church, and this perhaps is the name least liable to cause confusion. Their centre was in fact, and is, the mountainous country of Kurdistan, east of Mosul (the ancient Nineveh) and of Arbela, where Alexander defeated Darius and commenced the conquest of Persia (331 B.C.). The sturdy peasants, who under the Persian Empire after an initial acceptance, endured a period of bitter persecution, and who maintained their primitive faith and life derived from the early days, are in all probability the descendants of the ancient Assyrians. After the conquest of Persia by the Moslem Arabs, the seat of the Patriarch was moved in A.D. 762 to Bagdad, the new capital, at that time a centre of learning and science, where at first they lived on good terms with the Mussulman despot. During the next five hundred years the Nestorian Church was allowed to go on its own way, sometimes with kindly recognition from liberal caliphs, sometimes harassed by harsh tyrants, but still all the time a recognized institution within the territory of Islam. With the Mongol invasion Hulugu, grandson of Genghis, took Bagdad in A.D. 1258 and put an end to the Eastern Caliphate. 7 Adeney, op. cit., p. 494. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NESTORIAN CROSSES 17 He himself was the son of a Christian mother and he had a Christian wife, both from the Kerait tribe in north-eastern Mongolia, whose king had been converted by Nestorian missionaries in A.D. 1007. The era of communication between the Mongol Khans and the Popes and Princes of Europe commenced. At the end of the 14th century Bagdad was sacked by Tamerlane, as also were Aleppo and Damascus. He savagely attacked the Syrian Christians many of whom fled to the inaccessible mountains of Kurdistan, where they have lingered to the present day. It was the break-up of the ancient Syrian Church. About which Harnack writes: The Syro-Persian Church deserves our unqualified sympathy. It was the only large Church which never enjoyed the official protection of the state. It maintained the traditions of Antiochene exegesis, it translated the works of Christian antiquity into Syriac with great assiduity... It also assimilated Greek philosophy and science which it transmitted to the Arabians. At the present day it is crushed, impoverished, and down-trodden, but it can face its downfall with the consciousness that it has not lived in vain, but upon the contrary that it has filled a real place in the history of civilization. Claudius Rich visited the remnants of this Church in the mountains north-east of Mosul in 1820, including the 4th century Convent of Rabban Hormuz in its rocky gorge, and left a graphic description of the austere life and primitive worship of the dusky monks pursuing their manual labour in the remote solitude.10 Henry Layard made a more extended visit to the same region a few years after the great massacre of the Assyrian Christians in 1842 by a fanatical Turkish Bey, when the threat of a second attack was already impending. He saw the ruined homes and churches, and the bleached bones still lying at one of the worst scenes of massacre; and he attended the simple worship and sacrament of the people a few days before a second indiscriminate massacre took place. He described with approbation the 'unadorned and imageless walls', the 'simple and primitive rites', 'the hospitality and simple manners of the priests' * Adency, op. cit., p. 495. Harnack, The Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries, Vol. 2, p. 150. 10 C. R. Rich, Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan, London, 1836. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NESTORIAN CROSSES 21 Nestorian community in his letters, and their king George, whom he converted from Nestorianism to the Catholic faith. The scattered references to the Nestorians in the accounts of the friars are confirmed by Marco Polo (1271-1295) who with his father and uncle can represent for us the second group of travelling merchants. Everywhere through Central Asia and China Marco found Nestorian Christians, usually in the service of the Court, and probably more often than not of Syrian, Persian or Turkish race, employed as administrative officials by the alien government on account of their high standard of literacy. Marco Polo also confirms the existence of a Nestorian Christian tribe with their Christian king George (whom he confuses with Prester John as Odoric also does) at the Yellow River bend. It seems likely that the name 'Tenduc' which he gives to the region is the early pronunciation of T'ien-tê which was an old name of the present city of Kuei-hua{ in that region, near which is the important market town of Pao-t'ou in which Mr. P. M. Scott found the first fourteen crosses of our paper. Similarly the Tozan of Odoric may be identified with Tung-sheng, an early name for the same region. The Christian Mongol tribe situated by the Ordos bend of the Yellow River is known from various sources to have been the Onguts (Wang-ku people), to which Marco Polo refers, though confusedly, in calling their king Ung-Khan. These facts are confirmed in a remarkable way by a Syriac document describing a pilgrimage of two Eastern Nestorian monks—one an Ongut, the other of Uigur stock—from their monastery near Peking to the seat of the Nestorian Patriarch in Mesopotamia in A.D. 1278. In the course of their journey they visited the Christian Ongut tribe by the Yellow River bend, and from them received a touching farewell.19 IV. NESTORIAN RELICS IN CHINA AND MONGOLIA With the expulsion of the Mongols from China at the fall of the Yuan dynasty in A.D. 1368, the Christianity both Nestorian and Franciscan that had been associated with their regime disappeared. 17 Letters of Montecorvino, see Yule, op. cit., and Moule, op. cit., pp. 171 ff. 18 Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, revised by Cordier, London, Murray, 1903. 19 Budge, The Monks of Kublai Khan, London, R.T.S. 1928. Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NESTORIAN CROSSES 23 From this time on discoveries were frequent. In 1885 two Nestorian cemeteries were discovered in Tokmak (Semirechinsk) with stones from about 610 graves, some engraved with the outline of the now familiar Nestorian Cross, associated with inscriptions in Syriac dating from A.D. 1267 to 1316.3 In 1890 stones engraved with Nestorian Crosses were found at Hsi-wan-tzu in Sui-yüan province, north-west of Kalgan.23 But perhaps the most important Nestorian relics in China, after the Tablet of Sianfu, are the T'ang dynasty manuscripts found in 1908 in the sealed cave-library at Tun-huang, commencing with the 'Gloria in Excelsis Deo' with its important List of Scriptures and Historical Note (probably dating from about A.D. 781), the 'Jesus Messiah Sutra' dated A.D. 641, the earliest Nestorian document preserved in China, and three other T'ang Nestorian manuscripts, written probably between that date and the period of the Sianfu monument (A.D. 781).24 + In 1919 two beautifully carved Nestorian crosses, with short Syriac inscriptions, possibly from the chancel of a church, were found at Fang-shan in a Buddhist monastery called to this day 'The Monastery of the Cross' + (perhaps the one where Mark and Barsauma dwelt) south-west of Peking.25 In 1933 several Chinese scholars sought for and found the ruins of a 'Ta-ts'in Monastery' ★ (Nestorian Monastery) at Chou-chih in Shensi province, described in poems by the famous Sung dynasty poet Su Tung-p'o in 1062.26 In 1935 gravestones engraved with Nestorian crosses similar to those from Fang-shan were found at Pai-ling Miao TEM in Sui-yüan province (on the edge of Mongolia).27 In a number of places, too numerous to note in detail here, stone tablets have been found engraved with dated edicts of Yüan dynasty times, sometimes in the Mongol language, sometimes in Chinese, and sometimes in both, for the protection of 22 Saeki, Nestorian Documents and Relics, 2nd ed., 1951, Part II, chap. 4. 23 Saeki, op. cit. p. 426. 24 Moule, op. cit. p. 53; Saeki, op. cit. chs, III to XIII. 24 Saeki, op. cit., p. 430, and Moule, op. cit., Fig. 12. 24 Hsiang Ta, Tang-tai Ch'angan yû Hsi-yü wên-ming, App. II, 'Notes on the Ta-ts'in Monastery at Chou-chih' 向達著,唐代長安與西域文明, Yenching Monograph Series II, 1933. 27 Saeki, op. cit., pp. 423-4. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 24 F. S. DRAKE the property and exemption from taxes of members of religious orders, including the Nestorians, called by the Mongols 'Yeh-li-k'o-wen' 2* These and other scattered references to Nestorianism and to Nestorian Christians mentioned in Chinese records of the Yüan dynasty have been collected and published by Dr. Ch'ên Yüan in Yuan Yeh-li-k'o-wen k'ao 29 V. THE CH'ÜAN-CHOU CROSSES 29 The latest discovery of Nestorian relics in China is a remarkable one and takes us back to Ch'üan-chou once more, the great international port of Ibn Batuta and Chao Ju-kua, the Zayton of Marco Polo and Odoric, with its Buddhist monasteries and Twin Stone Pagodas, its great Mohammedan mosque, and two Franciscan houses, and as we shall now see, its many Nestorian relics. Here a local scholar, Mr. Wu Wen-liang, became interested in the many fragments of stone with foreign writing and designs that strewed the ground, 'the very pavement stones mingled with inscribed Arab tomb slabs' (Ecke and Demiéville, p.4). For some thirty years, commencing in 1928, Mr. Wu collected these inscribed stones for his private study. During the war, it appears that the city wall of Ch'üan-chou was demolished, and from it many inscribed stones came to light, which added greatly to Mr. Wu's collection. By 1957 the number had reached 160 and included those with Islamic, Nestorian, Manichee, Brahman and other inscriptions. He made rubbings and photographs of these, which he published in that year with explanatory text in Chinese: Ch'üan-chou tsung-chiao shih-k'o ("Stones from Ch'üan-chou with Religious Inscriptions").30 In this book he illustrates twenty-seven stones with Christian inscriptions or designs. Foremost among these are four slabs carved with Christian Crosses, of which two (Nos. 72 and 73) are the very ones illustrated by wood-cuts in Emmanuel Diaz's book on the newly discovered Nestorian Tablet, published in 28 Saeki, op. cit., pp. 418 and 420. 29 Chên Yüan, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1923. See also Moule, op. cit., and T'oung Pao, Vols. XVII, XVIII, 1916-17: Cordier, 'Le Christianisme en Chine et en Asie sous les Mongous; and Vols. XII, XXI, 1914 and 1934: Pelliot, "Chrétiens d'Asie Centrale et d'Extrême Orient". 30 Peking, K'ê-hsüeh ch'u-pan shê, 1957. 30 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f THE BUDDHIST CAREER 39 intention to become a monk under the auspices of a master (not necessarily the same one with whom he might have taken the Refuges). "Leaving home" was a simple ceremony. The layman went to a barber, had his head shaved, except for a patch of hair on top, and repaired to his future master's temple, where he burned some incense and kowtowed first to the Buddha image and then to the master. Thereupon the latter shaved off the remaining patch of hair in the presence of witnesses and at this moment the layman became his disciple. There are several kinds of master-disciple relationships, but when a Buddhist monk speaks simply of his "master" or shih-fu, he means his tonsure-master, or t'i-tu en-shih #1824p, that is the one who shaved his head. By leaving home he became a novice, or sha-mi, which is the Sanscrit word sramanera (not to be confused with a sha-men, that is, the sramana, or advanced monk). Notice that he had not received the novice's ordination (as he would have at this stage in a Theravadin country), but he was already called a novice and lived as one; that is, he wore a monk's robe, ate vegetarian food, and observed all the Ten Vows. These vows are, besides the first five mentioned above, not to attend theatricals or dancing parties, not to wear perfume or adornment, not to sleep on a high or large bed, not to accept gold or silver, and not to take food after noon (this last prohibition was ignored by most monks in China on the grounds that the climate was too cold). The disciple lived with his tonsure master in the latter's small temple for a period of training that, according to the rules, lasted three years, but was often shorter in practice. He learned not only ritual and liturgy, but also what it was like to be a monk. It was a trial period, from which he could withdraw at any time without embarrassment, and some did withdraw. At the end he was taken by his master to a big public monastery, shih-fang ts'ung-lin, for ordination. If he lived in the north, he might go to the Kuang-chi Ssu in Peking. If he lived in the south, he might go to Pao-hua Shan, which is not far from Nanking. These two were very strict and he could be sure that if he were ordained there, it had been done correctly. At Pao-hua Shan four or five hundred novices would come to be ordained every autumn and in the spring another four or five hundred would come. Sometimes as many as a thousand came ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 40 HOLMES WELCH and, as there were two hundred monks living on the premises all year round, you can imagine what an enormous place it was. According to the rules, ordination lasted fifty-three days and included an intensive period of study, repentance, and purification, as well as three rites, that is, first the novices' ordination sha-mi chieh; then about ten days later the bhikkhus' ordination pi-ch'iu chieh; and finally the bodhisattvas' ordination, or p'u-sa chieh. At the end of the latter, six to eighteen pieces of moxa were placed in two rows on the ordinand's shaven head and set afire. They burned down to the scalp and left permanent scars. If you ever want to tell a monk from a layman, look at his head. If he has the marks, he is a monk. If there are no scars, he may still be a monk, but he was not ordained in China. Ordination meant a complete break. One no longer had his mother and father, wife and children. One had instead his master and brother disciples. All former responsibilities were dissolved. There was only one responsibility: to seek out salvation with diligence. Ordination was usually irrevocable. A monk could not be released from his vows except for some very good reason, as, for instance, if he were an only son and his parents fell ill. In practice very few monks returned to lay life. I said at the beginning that one seldom went through all stages of the Buddhist career. Most lay devotees did not go on to become monks; and many monks entered the Sangha without having first taken the Three Refuges or the Five Vows. This happened, for example, in the case of the person who "left home" in childhood. Usually he was given to a temple by his parents, sometimes because he had fallen ill and they had made a vow that if he were healed, he would become a monk, sometimes because they were too poor to raise him or took a pessimistic view of human life. I know of one monk, for instance, who was given to a temple when he was ten years old because his father had repeatedly failed his civil service examinations and did not want his son to be exposed to the same disappointments. I can think of another ten-year-old who was literally kidnapped by a wandering mendicant, but who lived to bless him for this act of anomalous charity. 44 Some "left home" in their late teens or twenties and of their own volition. They did so for a variety of reasons. Often ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 58 HEROLD J. WIENS mountainous regions of south China but also across the southern borders in Burma, Laos and Vietnam. The Yao, like the Miao, also are mountain-loving people, but appear to have originated as ethnic groups in the hill country of east-central China, in such regions as the present provinces of Anhwei, Chekiang and Kiangsu. They were here as early as Chinese records mention them, but they appear to have gradually abandoned these areas, as Han-Chinese settlement increased in density, and friction over land and other matters led the Yao to seek more isolated mountains. Since they were like the Miao in their type of fire-field or forest-burning, shifting cultivation, they inevitably came into close contact with the Miao and have many cultural features in common with the Miao. Elements of the language also appear similar. Some Chinese ethnographers have considered the Wu-ch'i Man a Yao rather than a Miao group, and others believe them to have common origins. This confusion is probably due to strong Mon Khmer influences originating from India and Southeast Asia in the earliest times. 4 One of the supporting arguments for the common origin of Yao and Miao is the common cult attached to the dog and the tiger. The Yao trace their ancestry mythically to the union of a princess with a supernatural dog-hero called P'an-hu. Yao myths trace their movement southward from both the central Yangtze valley regions and from the Chekiang-Fukien mountains. Folk songs of the Yao indicate further that they crossed over the Nan-ling mountains in great numbers during the period of Huang-ch'ao's rebellion in the reign of the T'ang Emperor Hsi-Tsung (A.D. 874-889),4 When the Miao moved into the Kweichow region in the earliest times, they probably found the Yi or Wu-man peoples already in occupation of western Kweichow. The Yi certainly preceded the Han in this part of China, and the Han Chinese have known of the Yi in their present habitats in southwest China for over 2,500 years. The peculiar manner in which the * Chiang Ying-liang, Hsi-nan pien-chiang min-tsu lun-ts'ung (A discussion of the peoples of the southwest borderlands), Canton, 1948, 74-79; see also Ling Shun-sheng and Jui Yi-fu, Hsiang-hsi Miao-tsu t'iao-cha pao-kao (Report of research on the Miao of west Hunan), Academia Sinica, Shanghai, 1947. 4 Hsu Sung-shih, Yueh-chiang liu-yü jen-min (The peoples of the Yueh river drainage), Shanghai, 1939, 130-135. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE 63 Among the Wu-man or Yi people, settlement tends to be more sedentary than among the Miao and Yao, although where forests existed, fire-field cultivation also has been practised. Dry-land crops such as corn, buckwheat, wheat, barley, beans and (since its relatively recent introduction) white potatoes are the main crops. In the higher altitude, horses, sheep and cattle, including yak, are raised on the grasslands. Hunting and fishing are practised where feasible. The material culture includes wooden houses with shingle or slat roofs, but traditionally, beds are on the floors with skin or felt bedding. Clothes of felt or coarse wool accompany the use of leather shoes and leggings. The hair of the noble men (Black-bone) is worn in a forward pointing horn. The beard is plucked out. Weapons include cross-bows, shields, armour, bows, swords and lances. As with the Tibetans, the Yi use milk, butter and tea.12 The Yi possess their own writing, but the written language has been used mainly for religious or superstitious purposes rather than for ordinary communications. Sorcery is a strong part of their religion, and animal sacrifices are made in connection with it. Divination is accomplished through the use of plant stalks. In the social organization are signs of an early matriarchal system which is reflected in the significant status of women in Yi society. A caste system of nobility and commoners differentiates them from most other non-Han tribes of southwest China.13 An interesting amplification of the Yi social system as well as those of the Wa or K'a-wa † and Ching-p'o 景颇 is provided by Alan Winnington14 who purportedly travelled under Chinese Communist auspices in western Yunnan in 1956. Although the book parrots the Communist line in making overmuch of Communist achievements and in vilifying the Kuomintang handling of the minorities problems, there is much useful information if the reader is careful to discard the chaff. The purported intention of the writer was to investigate slavery and this no doubt limited his observations of tribal society. Concerning the Black-bone Yi, Winnington found that, without a central administration among them, each family was a law unto itself. Nevertheless, 12 Ibid., 50. 13 Ibid. 14 Alan Winnington, Slaves of the Cool Mountains, Lawrence and Wishart, Ltd., London, 1959. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 66 HEROLD J. WIENS Moreover, in return for the slave helping his former master over economic difficulties, the slave inherits the master's property when the master dies without children. Thus, it would seem that this so-called slave system is more like that of adoption of children. It is readily understandable that in such a society as that of the Black-bone Yi, the Chinese Communist cadres would find a ready response among the slaves and bondsmen for a change, even to a system of society where the state limits freedom to the extent that a Communist society does. However, among the Ching-p'o or Kachins the Communist cadres found no enthusiasm for their reforms. The Ching-p'o are among the least restricted of societies and apparently found it hard to understand the Communist rationale for reform. The proselyting cadres found it most annoying that the Ching-p'o youths spent so much of their time in all-night singing and love-making sessions in the village communal houses, so that they had little labour power until they were married. Among the Ching-p'o there is no social discrimination against such promiscuity, although the chances for a good match are sharply reduced for a pregnant unmarried girl. Moreover, fathers of children of unmarried mothers may get out of marrying the girls concerned by sacrificing a buffalo and thus providing a general feast. 44 Even the cadres could find little evidence of oppression of the tribesmen by the Ching-p'o chiefs whose public services amply required any gifts or dues given them by the villagers. The cadres, it would appear, were disappointed in the lack of a bourgeois acquisitive sense among the Ching-p'o who freely gave as they freely received. In trying to apply the collective principles of their home areas, the Chinese Communist cadres wanted the Ching-p'o to count their work-hours and divide up their produce according to the amount of work done in a collective which the cadres tried to organize. The young Ching-p'o leader put in charge of this cooperated, per force, but seems to have been unconvinced in heart despite outward acquiescence. He expressed the Ching-p'o attitude to Winnington: "Our custom is to look down on people who haggle over what one person does for another. We think it shows a bad heart. I may help you build ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE 67 a house or open a field. But afterwards I forget it. You are not obliged to do the same for me. You don't owe me anything. What grows on my land is mine, but you are welcome to come and eat it as my guest. We never heard of dividing the crop equally and giving people who work harder more grain. Counting work done seemed nonsense to us and rather unfriendly.” What irked the cadres in addition was the inefficiency of the primitive economy and light-hearted attitude toward mutual help in which, it seems, the Ching-p'o were already adept. This was a communal system which had its appeal, but the Ching-p'o operated it in a manner not approved by the cadres. Among the Ching-p'o nobody apparently believed in debts. As long as someone in the vicinity had food, no one went hungry. One merely went calling on the person who had food. When a family which ran out of food went to eat with another family until that one ran out of food there appeared to be no thought of debt or payment involved. The Ching-p'o also found that it was a lot more fun to get up a work party to do a job cooperatively than to do it individually. When a Ching-p'o needed help, he merely made a large crock of rice wine or beer and invited other families to help him drink it and to give him a hand with the job to be done. There was no payment for the labour contributed nor had the host any feeling of obligation to return labour in kind. Nevertheless, since most Ching-p'o usually are quite ready for a social party, with or without work, formal sense of obligation is not required to get up a work party of neighbours. The foregoing sections giving us some notion of the great variety of interesting differences that exist among China's non-Han ethnic groups. To complete our picture, we should also examine the present numbers and distribution of the non-Han peoples in southern and southwest China. No one knows what the history of tribal demography has been in southern China. Without writing, these peoples have left no written records of population numbers at different times. Han Chinese records only vaguely provide clues of relative sizes of populations. It is difficult, therefore, even to speculate rationally on whether the non-Han peoples have increased or decreased during the last century. Where acculturation and Sinicization have been strongly effected, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE 69 Table II lists the numbers of people in each ethnic group distributed by provinces in south and central China. In brief, the T'ai-related groups lead with some 10 million people at present. They are followed by the Tibeto-Burman related group with some 8.4 million, followed by the Miao-Yao related group with about 3.4 million. The greatest concentration of minorities in any one group is among the Chuang in the Tai group. The Chuang live in a compact body numbering some seven million in Kwangsi. The Miao, however, are the most widely distributed of all ethnic groups, being found in significant numbers in every province of south and central China except Kiangsi, although their chief strength is in Kweichow. Yunnan, by all odds, is the most complex province ethnically. Of the 30 national minorities listed by the Census for 1953, some twenty-four are found in Yunnan. This Census apparently may need considerable revision when the minorities are scrutinized more closely. Thus, it listed only 90,000 so-called T'u-chia, which was proclaimed to be a newly discovered ethnic group hitherto confused with Han Chinese and Miao because of their degrees of acculturation. A personal check by Fang Jen revealed over 300,000, and a still more detailed check in subsequent years disclosed that actually these were 549,000 that should be so classified and, from their original cultural traits, they belonged in the Yi-related group. They occupy an area in northwest Hunan. 44 The Yi comprise so many sub-groups under different names (there are 40 sub-tribes in Yunnan alone) that confusion is understandable. In northwest Yunnan such sub-groups of the Yi as the Na-khi or Na-hsi and Li-su live in the region between the great bends of the Chin-sha river and the Burma border. In the western part of this region are the Nu, Tu-lung, and Ching-p'o, occupying parts of the Salween and Mekong drainage of north Yunnan. Farther south in the drainages of these rivers are the related La-hu and A-ch'ang. The Pai people, in a solid bloc on the plain of Erh Hai (Lake Erh), have been thought by some writers, including this one, to be a T'ai-related people, but are listed by Bruk as a Yi sub-group. In the west bank region of the Red river of Yunnan are the sub-group known as the Han-yi. The Yi proper are scattered over the three southwestern provinces, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE TABLE 1 73 CHINA'S MINORITY POPULATIONS IN ORDER OF SIZE, 1. Chuang 2. Wei-wu-erh (Uighur) 3. Hui (Dungan) 4. Yi (Lolo, etc.) 1953 5. Tsang (Tibetan) 6. Miao 7. Man (Manchu) 8. Meng-ku (Mongol) 9. Pu-yi 10. Ch'ao-hsien (Korean) 11. Tung 12. Yao 13. Pai (Pai-man) 14. Ha-sa-k'e (Kazakh) 15. Ha-ni 16. T'ai 17. Li 18. Li-su 19. Tu-chia 20. She 21. K'a-wa (Wa) 22. Kao-shan (Malay-Polynesian) 23. Tung-hsiang 24. Na-hsi (Na-khi) 25. La-hu 26. Shui 27. Ching-p'o (Singpho, Kachin) 28. Ko-erh-k'e-tzu (Kirghiz) 29. T'u (Mongor) 30. Ta-kuan-erh (Daghor) 31. Mo-lao 32. Ch'iang 33. Pu-lang (Palaung) 34. Sa-la (Salar) 35. Ngo-lo-ssu (Russian) 36. K'e-lao 37. Hsi-po (Sipo) 38. Mao-nan 39. A-chang 40. T'a-chi-k'e (Tadjik) 41. Wu-tzu-pieh-k'e (Uzbek) 42. Nu 43. T'a-t'a-erh (Tatar) 44. O-wen-k'e (Evenki) 45. Pao-an 46. Yü-ku (Sara Uighur) 47. Peng-lung 48. Tu-lung ... 7,000,000 3,640,000 3,559,000 3,250,000 2,775,000 2,511,000 2,418,000 1,463,000 1,247,000 1,120,000 712,000 665,000 567,000 509,000 481,000 478,000 360,000 317,000 300,000 * 286,000 210,000 200,000 155,000 143,000 139,000 133,000 101,000 70,000 53,200 44,100 43,100 35,600 35,000 30,600 22,600 20,800 19,000 18,400 17,700 14,400 13,600 12,700 6,900 6,200 4,900 3,800 2,900 2,400 2,200 450 O-lun-ch'un (Orochun) 50. Ho-che (Nanai) * Found by Fang Jen in 1955 to be 300,000, but Bruk listed 49,000. † From April 19, 1957 issue of Kuang-ming Daily News. † An estimate. § Collectively including the So-lun (4,900), T'ung-ku-ssu (Tungus: 1,205), and Ya-k'u-te (Yakut; 137). Here is the revised response in HTML format using Markdown table syntax for the table: Order Minority Population Population (1953) 1 Chuang 7,000,000 2 Wei-wu-erh (Uighur) 3,640,000 3 Hui (Dungan) 3,559,000 4 Yi (Lolo, etc.) 3,250,000 5 Tsang (Tibetan) 2,775,000 6 Miao 2,511,000 7 Man (Manchu) 2,418,000 8 Meng-ku (Mongol) 1,463,000 9 Pu-yi 1,247,000 10 Ch'ao-hsien (Korean) 1,120,000 11 Tung 712,000 12 Yao 665,000 13 Pai (Pai-man) 567,000 14 Ha-sa-k'e (Kazakh) 509,000 15 Ha-ni 481,000 16 T'ai 478,000 17 Li 360,000 18 Li-su 317,000 19 Tu-chia 300,000 * 20 She 286,000 21 K'a-wa (Wa) 210,000 22 Kao-shan (Malay-Polynesian) 200,000 23 Tung-hsiang 155,000 24 Na-hsi (Na-khi) 143,000 25 La-hu 139,000 26 Shui 133,000 27 Ching-p'o (Singpho, Kachin) 101,000 28 Ko-erh-k'e-tzu (Kirghiz) 70,000 29 T'u (Mongor) 53,200 30 Ta-kuan-erh (Daghor) 44,100 31 Mo-lao 43,100 32 Ch'iang 35,600 33 Pu-lang (Palaung) 35,000 34 Sa-la (Salar) 30,600 35 Ngo-lo-ssu (Russian) 22,600 36 K'e-lao 20,800 37 Hsi-po (Sipo) 19,000 38 Mao-nan 18,400 39 A-chang 17,700 40 T'a-chi-k'e (Tadjik) 14,400 41 Wu-tzu-pieh-k'e (Uzbek) 13,600 42 Nu 12,700 43 T'a-t'a-erh (Tatar) 6,900 44 O-wen-k'e (Evenki) 6,200 45 Pao-an 4,900 46 Yü-ku (Sara Uighur) 3,800 47 Peng-lung 2,900 48 Tu-lung 2,400 49 O-lun-ch'un (Orochun) 2,200 50 Ho-che (Nanai) 450 * Found by Fang Jen in 1955 to be 300,000, but Bruk listed 49,000. † From April 19, 1957 issue of Kuang-ming Daily News. † An estimate. § Collectively including the So-lun (4,900), T'ung-ku-ssu (Tungus: 1,205), and Ya-k'u-te (Yakut; 137). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 74 HEROLD J. WIENS TABLE II (Population in 000's) Provincial distribution of South China peoples Szechwan Kwangsi Kweichow Yunnan Hupei Chekiang Fukien Kiangsi Kwangtung Hunan Chuang 6,445 43 1 18 Molao 116 14 1 Maonan 14 Pu-yi 1,233 479 T'ai 439 1,333 T'ung 360 1,425 Shui 84 204 378 Li 469 Miao 453 150 1,233 70 21 72 K'e-lao 41 Yao 358 14 1 14 28 14 She 25 96 52 2 Tibetan* 713 67 Ch'iang 36 Nu 13 Tu-lung 2 Ching-p'o 102 Yi 275 1,852 Ha-ni 481 Li-su 317 Nakhi 143 La-hu 139 Achang 18 Pai 567 T'u-chia 549 1,123 K'a-wa or Wa 286 Peng-lung 3 Pa-lang 35 Kao-shan (found only in Taiwan 200,000) Ching 4 (Vietnamese) 2 * In Tibet proper and in the Chamdo region there is an additional Tibetan population of about 1,274,000. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES 95 2 Extracts from the Report are given between pages 181-209 of Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1899, (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1900). For this quotation see p. 198. Lockhart was referring specifically to development which was noticeably lacking. The same cannot be said of the population during this period. The evacuation of the coastal areas (1662-69) caused a great disruption to the villages at the time. For a brief mention in English, based on Chinese authorities, see S. F. Balfour, "Hong Kong before the British", an article in T'ien Hsia, Vol. XI, No. 4, 1941, p. 334. In any case there has been a continuous inward flow of both Cantonese and Hakka since then, more especially of Hakka in the 19th century, from which time many of the hill villages in the Colony take their origin. It is interesting to compare this report with a book on Wei Hai Wei, Lion and Dragon in North China (London, John Murray, 1910) which was written by a junior colleague from Hong Kong, R. F. Johnston (1874-1938) who went to Wei Hai Wei as Magistrate and Secretary to Government in 1904, probably at Lockhart's request. Johnston, later knighted and Professor of Chinese in the University of London was a man of great application and erudition who became tutor to the deposed boy emperor, P'u Yi, (1919-25) and wrote the well-known book Twilight in the Forbidden City, (London, Gollancz, 1934). He was himself Commissioner of Wei Hai Wei 1927-30. His detailed description of Wei Hai Wei, its people and their customs leaves an impression of the striking similarity of life and thought between that remote part of Shantung and this small corner of Kwangtung. The means of government was of course the same, but so also are the ways of doing and thinking which seem, in my own experience, hardly to differ at all despite the different agricultural background. To anyone interested in the Chinese peasant Johnston's book is a mine of information. The annual reports on Wei Hai Wei presented to both Houses of Parliament are, too, an interesting commentary on life in this northern leased territory. The market towns of the New Territories in 1898 were Tai Po, Yuen Long, Tai O, Cheung Chau, Sai Kung and Tsuen Wan. A despatch of 1905 in connection with the Kowloon-Canton Railway No. 59 dated 11th January 1905 from Governor Sir Matthew Nathan to the then Secretary of State, Mr. Lyttelton gives some figures. Yuen Long had "seventy-four shops of which twenty-five are large and deal in rice, oil, samshu etc. The remainder belong to barbers, doctors, jewellers, vegetable sellers, piece goods dealers etc." Tai Po Market consisted of twenty-three large shops and fifteen smaller ones, Tsuen Wan had a few shops supplying the local needs". No figures are given for Cheung Chau or Tai O with which the railway was not concerned, but an inscription of 1878 inside the grounds of the Fong Pin Hospital at Cheung Chau states that there "used to be over two hundred shops trading here". Lockhart Papers 1899, p. 207 gave Cheung Chau a population of 5,000, whilst Tai O with its fisheries and salt pans was reported to have about 3,000. These were larger towns than Yuen Long (no figure given), Tai Po (280), Sai Kung Market (800) and Tsuen Wan (900). The present New Territories towns were not the largest in the San On district. Pride of place went to Sham Chun, now on the Chinese side of the border, with sixty-one large shops and three hundred and twenty-three medium sized shops, and to Kun Lan Hui, also north of the border which was the cattle centre of the whole district with fifteen large and one hundred and thirty-six medium sized shops. (Enclosure C to No. 59). See Eastern No. 88 Correspondence relating to the Kowloon-Canton Railway (London, Colonial Office, 1907). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 96 5 J. W. HAYES See a tablet in the Chow-Wong School at Kam Tin. * Papers 1899 p. 188. * Papers 1899 p. 188. 'Lockhart's figures, given in Appendixes 3 and 5 to his Report are not exact, and he has emphasised his sketchy estimate of the land population "in default of any reliable statistics possessed by the Chinese Government" and said he had been unable to obtain even an estimate of the boat people Papers 1899 pp. 187,189. Taking areas within my own detailed knowledge I have found that villages established long before 1898 have not been included in the returns or else have been linked with other villages without special mention, The population figures for the Islands, in particular, are not above suspicion and are probably greater than shown in Appendix 5. * Papers 1899 p. 189. Papers 1899 p. 189. 10 Universal ownership was clearly shown by the land survey which followed the lease of 1898. This was carried out by surveyors and staff on loan from the Government of India, and was followed by a registration of titles which was enlivened by land courts which sat to determine possession in disputed cases. The survey sheets and the Crown Rent Rolls which form the schedules to them can be found in the District Offices of the New Territories Administration and they are a valuable record of land ownership and land classification at the time of the lease. At Shek Pik and Fan Pui in 1958 out of sixty-six families four owned between 3-4 acres, nine between 2-3 acres, nineteen between 1-2 acres, fourteen owned between a half to one acre, twelve owned between a quarter to a half, and eight between 10 to 25 acres. Except a few late arrivals, therefore, every family owned land of its own. The position was much the same as in 1898. The same was true of Wei Hai Wei, of which Johnston wrote Lion & Dragon, p. 148, "Whatever the faults of the Chinese social system may be there is no doubt that in Wei Hai Wei it very largely accounts for the complete absence of pauperism (though no one is rich) for the orderliness of the people (nearly everyone has a stake in the land and has nothing to gain and everything to lose from disorder), for the uninterrupted succession of father and son in the homesteads, and for the long pedigrees attested by family graveyards and ancestral tablets". 11 See Johnston Lion and Dragon pp. 134-54. I have compared customary deeds of sale and mortgage from the New Territory between the years 1898 and 1958 with those cited by him and find that they invariably follow the same form (see especially Johnston pp. 144-145). These deeds are known as white deeds (as in Ching times) and had not been put through the formal process of registration in the District Office which would turn them into legal documents; or, as formerly in Ching days, in the Magistrate's yamen when they became red deeds (RI #). They were common until the Pacific war and even now are occasionally known to be drawn up in addition to the Memorial registering the conveyance in the Land Office. To select an example at random here is one from Shek Pik on Lantau Island dated the second year of the Republic (1913) which reads ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 98 J. W. HAYES approval. This authority, with powers of discretion, was given to the D.O. to help preserve the traditional way of managing land within the clan, and to provide a cheap and impartial arbiter in case of dispute. 13 In Shek Pik village the TSUI, CHEUNG, HO and CHI clans owned 1.1, 0.39, 0.55, and 0.04 acres of agricultural land in 1898. With the exception of the HO clan, they were intact in 1959. The TSUI tso probably dates from the fifteenth generation, and is therefore three hundred years old. The FUNG clan in Fan Pui owned 9.2 acres in 1898 but this was sold in 1953. 14 At Fan Pui I dealt with a disputed case of ownership in which the defendant stated that eight lots totalling 9,581 square feet of agricultural land had been specially set aside as joss and oil fields (shen you tian). Fields are also set aside for the worship of earth spirits. At Cheung Kwan O village in 1898 the two clans of CHAN and NG administered 1.41 acres of agricultural land under the name of a to tei wui. The rentals were originally devoted to the maintenance of the to tei or earth spirit who looked after the village, but for many years the revenue has simply gone to the clans. Many other cases are known at Mui Wo and Tung Chung. 15 See Chapter III (iii) and (iv) of H. B. Morse The Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1908) which is based on an article by Byron Brenan "The Office of District Magistrate in China” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society XXII, (1897-98), 36-65, and incorporates his own wide experience of China and her officials in the course of over thirty years' service in the Imperial Maritime Customs. Brenan himself (1847-1927) had served in China from 1866 and was H.B.M.'s Consul-General in Shanghai 1898-1901. Of the district magistrate Brenan wrote, "The magistrate is the unit of government; he is the backbone of the whole official system; and to ninety per cent of the population he is the Government"; op. cit. p. 37. 16 Papers 1899 p. 583. The text of the stone tablet outside the Tin Hau temple at Kat O, referred to elsewhere in the article, uses this picturesque phraseology. Contrasting their sorry lot beside the power of the yamen officials they had written in their petition to the Viceroy "We, civilians, whose lives are cheap as ants... who are we to start a lawsuit against the district yamen's worms?" An interesting feature of this inscription is that it follows the customary form of Ch'ing document in which reference is made in the text to other papers, by summary or quotation, instead of the western method of adding enclosures. See John K. Fairbank, Ch'ing Documents, an introductory syllabus, (Harvard University Press 1952) p. 21. 18 When I asked an old gentleman who graduated sau choi in 1896 about extortion and venality among magistrates, he replied in distinctly extenuating tones "Some did; but then they had so many people to look after". He observed that there were some rich districts in Kwangtung in which a magistrate had to do nothing to obtain money as it came rolling into the Office in the way of presents, inducements, additions to land and other taxes etc., whilst there were others which were so poor that the magistrate could squeeze very little from them even if he tried very hard. This is curiously echoed in Morse, Trade and Administration p. 92 “In Kwangtung we (the Imperial Maritime Customs) have regularly applied to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES 99 three districts in the vicinity of Canton the phrase shui shui, tso shui, tsou shui (£££) literally "sleeping in-come, sitting in-come, walking in-come" which may be thus explained: the incumbent of the first may go to sleep, whilst his emoluments come rolling in; in the second he may sit still, and his emoluments come rolling in; and in the third he must trot around, but his emoluments come rolling in". 12 Lockhart calls these officers assistant and deputy magistrates, Papers 1899 p. 191 and so does Consul Allen in his Trade Report for Pakhoi 1896, FO No. 1983, but there appear in fact, to have been no such titles. There were one or two yuen shing (B) in each district styled to ye (*) who were officers of the sixth and seventh rank and were graduates of kam sang (1) degree. These were appointed from Peking and were transferable every three years like the magistrate himself. They were stationed at places in the district and their powers were very limited. 20 He does not mention officers other than those at the two Lantau forts, but there was another fort on Lantau at Fan Lau, still standing, which may or may not have been occupied at this time, and there were posts on Lamma and Cheung Chau officered by shun tei kun (MILF) (information from Mr. CHEUNG Yau (4) of Tai Ping, Lamma Island, and from a list of donors inscribed on a tablet in the Tin Hau temple on Cheung Chau). There must also have been shun tei kun in the mainland part of the district. More information is sought about their stations and their duties. As far as I know, they were military officers of low rank who controlled ten or twenty men in an out-station, 21 Papers 1899 p. 192. 22 A map showing these divisions, dated July 1899 on the reverse, is to be found in the Registrar-General's Department, in the Supreme Court. It is probably the Map VI referred to on page 192 of the Papers 1899, which was not printed with them. The Councils of the Tung may not have existed in the remoter and more sparsely populated areas. On Lamma for instance the village elders appear to have administered summary justice individually and not in unison. Mr. CHEUNG Yau already quoted, and other gentlemen of similar age, state there was no Council on the island. The map does not assist in this instance, being vague in some details. There were four tung in any district: north, south, east and west. 23 Dyer Ball, The Chinese at Home (London, Religious Tract Society, 1912) p. 189 says "The life of an official in China, if he occupies a high position and rules over a populous district of country, is arduous in the extreme. He knows no hours. His work is never done. He is up before dawn, and official receptions take place in the small or early hours of the morning. The health of many a man is injured by the incessant toil and unremitting anxiety". He calls him "often hard worked, harassed with many cares, and loaded with responsibilities". His is experienced and impartial testimony. 24 Papers 1899 p. 192. 25 Sir Robert Douglas, Society in China (London, Ward Lock & Co., 1901) pp. 120-1 has hard things to say of them. "The mental activity of these men, not having... any power to operate in a beneficent way, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 100 J. W. HAYES exerts itself with unprecedented vigour and hardihood in local affairs. No dispute arises but one or more of these social pests thrusts himself forward between the contending parties, and no fraud on the revenue or wholesale extortion is free from their similar influence". Lockhart (through Governor Blake) says that the New Territory's literati "have hitherto lived by irregular "squeezes" from the people" and he blamed the opposition to British rule to them and to "gamblers and bad characters banished from Hong Kong" and not to the people who were incited by the gentry and elders. See Papers 1899 pp. 520 and 554. 26 Papers 1899 p. 194. 27 Papers 1899 p. 554. 28 Arthur H. Smith Village Life in China (Edinburgh, Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier, about 1900) p. 121. 29 These affected the coastal and riverine regions of Kwangtung. See C. F. Neumann's Translations from the Chinese and Armenian with notes. 1. History of the pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, (London, John Murray 1831). This includes, pp. 97-125, a very interesting account of an enforced stay of eleven weeks and three days with the pirate fleet in 1809 by Richard Glasbrooke, the mate of an East Indiaman. The pirates spent a considerable time on and near Lantau, which must have suffered from their depredations. The clan record of the HO family of San Tsuen, Pui O, on the south side of the island mentions pirate raids and a decision to fortify the village with walls which can still be seen, with several embrasures for cannon. Piracy continued until a much later date. The Cheung Chau police station was attacked and burnt in 1912, necessitating its removal and enlargement, one of the Cheung Chau ferries was pirated in 1923, and in 1925 a band of sixty robbers from the Delta entered Tai O by way of Po Chue Tam creek, killed a woman and made off with young men and a fair amount of booty without any difficulty. The Police Station is situated at the other end of the town and knew nothing of the attack until it was over. See Administrative Reports, District Officer, New Territories 1912, 1923 and 1925. 30 Papers 1899 p. 528. 31 Foreign Office Report 1606 on Trade of Canton 1894. 32 Salt was smuggled into China from Tai O as the government monopoly and price ring made it profitable to do so. See also Enclosure D to Sir Matthew Nathan's despatch No. 59 of 11 January 1905 in Correspondence relating to Kowloon-Canton Railway which mentions rice smuggling from Shum Chun and Deep Bay into Hong Kong. The export of rice from China was forbidden, and checked by the Imperial Maritime Customs. **F O Trade Report No. 1778 for 1895. 34 F O Trade Report No. 1983 for 1896. 33 Papers 1899, p. 540. Brenan, with his thirty-two years' service wrote feelingly "The Chinaman is happiest who never sees an official, who does not even know the name of one". J N CBRAS XXXII (1897-98) 37. 31 Foreign Office Trade Report for Canton No. 1606 for 1894. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES 101 See paras. 38 These feuds, often of long standing, persist to-day. 77-79 of Mr. K. M. A. Barnett's annual administrative report for 1955-56 as District Commissioner New Territories for a good instance of traditional hostility. For other cases see paras. 97 and 43 of the annual departmental reports for 1957-58 and 1958-59. See Smith Village Life in China p. 286, also p. 222 "The local Magistrates take care not to intervene too soon or too far, lest it be the worse for them. When the fight is over the officers put in an appearance, arrests are made, and the machinery of government recovers from its temporary paralysis", and pp. 282-86 for a northern instance of clan violence. 40 According to Dyer Ball Things Chinese (Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1903) p. 326 "a dreadful internecine strife, in which 150,000 at least, perished, took place between the Hakkas and the Punteis in the south-western districts of the Canton province, from A.D. 1864 to 1866, and arms and even armed steamers, were procured from Hong Kong by both parties". See also pp. 369-70 of B.C. Henry's Ling Nam (London, Partridge, 1886), 41 From information supplied by elders of Ho Chung village who were at school during or before 1898. 42 See the section on Disasters in the San On Yuen Chi. 43 See stone tablet outside Tin Hau temple, Kat O, Tai Po district. 44 From a stone tablet dated Ch'ien-lung 42/4/26 (1777) at Yuen Long Old Market. 45 From a stone tablet dated Chia-ch'ing 7/3/23 (1802) at the Tin Hau temple, Kat O. 46 From a stone tablet dated Ch'ien-lung 42/lucky month, lucky day (1777) at the Hau Wong temple, Tung Chung. 47 From a stone tablet dated Tao-kuang 21/7/19 (1841) at Tin Hau temple, Peng Chau. 48 From a stone tablet whose date is uncertain, at the Tai Wong temple, Yuen Long Market. 49 Variously, as above. 50 Reminiscences of Mr. TANG Kiu Fong of Fui Sha Wai near Yuen Long, in an article in the New Territories Weekly for January 1962. 51 Tree spirits are quite common in the New Territories where many old trees have joss sticks and red paper inscriptions placed under them on a rough altar. There is, in particular, a very large old banyan tree at Long Kang a few miles east of Sai Kung Market which must surely be the oldest tree in the Southern District. This is visited regularly by devotees. From personal experience of every part of the old Southern District I can say with confidence that belief in tree and earth spirits still exists to-day, and might indeed be said positively to flourish. 52 An ancestral temple is not open to the public: it is for the private use of the clan, for whom alone it has any meaning. Most villages of any age and consequence have ancestral temples, and in multi-clan villages ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NOTES AND QUERIES 123 group belonging to the K'ai Yuan period of the Tang Dynasty (713-742), and a few other coins from the Tai P'ing period of the Liao Dynasty (Tartars) which date from 1020-1031. A find of T'ang coins in conjunction with Sung coins shows that the former were in circulation in late Sung times. Unfortunately, as I hinted at the beginning of this note, there is no doubt that the delay in reporting this find has led to the loss of the greater part of both coins and porcelain. To give a known instance, it was reported from Macau, after a newspaper man there had seen the official press release which appeared in the Hong Kong papers, that over 1,000 coins had been bought recently from Hong Kong by a curio merchant. There is little doubt that these coins also came from Shek Pik, since it was reported that the coins were all of the Sung Dynasty and were covered with earth, which showed that they had been recently excavated. Many other coins must also be in the possession of workmen on the site or in the hands of people to whom they have sold them. An attempt has been made to recover these by means of a letter to the Chief Resident Engineer, but there has been no response so far to the appeal, despite his ready assistance. The same is true of the porcelain, of which there appears to have been some quantity. Not surprisingly, the bulldozers smashed the porcelain to pieces and scattered it over a wide area. Some of the broken pieces are in the hands of persons at Shek Pik; others are still buried under the earth moved by the bulldozers, which extends over several acres of hillside; and about a hundred small fragments were recovered by the Team from Shek Pik. Portions of about twenty pieces of porcelain have been recovered to date; very small for the most part but enough to show by colour and shape that they were part of different pots. These fragments are characterised by their fine colour, good shape and the thickness and brilliance of the glaze. To which period can the find be attributed? The last reign date recovered so far is of the period 1241-1253, which brings us to within twenty-five years of the fall of the dynasty. In the normal course of events it would, I think, be unlikely for porcelain of this quality to be found on Lantau which, so far as we know, was at this time barely inhabited by a handful of Chinese peasants ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NOTES AND QUERIES 125 CHINESE BOOKS IN THE LIBRARY OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY LONDON Volume I of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society contained a short account of a collection of Chinese books presented by Sir George T. Staunton to the Royal Asiatic Society in 1824. In this note I suggested that it would be valuable if a catalogue of these books together with their titles in Chinese was to be compiled. As a result of this note I have now received further information on this subject. Mr. J. D. Pearson, Librarian of the School of Oriental and African Studies in the University of London, who spent three months in Hong Kong early in 1962, informed me that the Rev. Samuel Kidd, Professor of Chinese at University College London, compiled a Catalogue of the Chinese Library of the Royal Asiatic Society which was printed in 1838.* Also I received a letter from Mr. P. van der Loon, Lecturer in Chinese at the University of Cambridge, drawing my attention to an article printed in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1890 which gives information on the sources through which the Chinese books in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society in London were obtained. Thus my original note fulfilled the intention of this section of the Journal devoted to Notes and Queries, namely that of bringing certain information to the notice of readers and stimulating them to contribute further information on these subjects. It is hoped that other notes printed in this section will provoke similar information in the future. J. L. CRANMER-BYNG. * London, John W. Parker, pp. 58. The edition was limited to 500 copies. The Chinese titles are given in a form of romanization but without any Chinese characters. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 127 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members at 16th May, 1962. ABRAHAM, R. D. · AIDE-DE-CAMP - ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. · BAIRD, John W. BARD, Dr. S. M. BARNETT, K. M. A. BARON, D. W. B. BARR, John S. · BARTON, Hon. H. D. M. BASTO, Gerald De. - - 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, Hong Kong. Government House, Hong Kong. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, Hong Kong. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. Hong Kong. Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, Hong Kong. P. O. Box 248, Hong Kong. 361 The Peak, Hong Kong. c/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, Shatin. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. Hong Kong. 604 Fu House, 7 Ice House Street, Hong Kong. BEDWELL, Miss Elizabeth c/o H.K. Housing Authority, G. P. O. BERTUCCIOLI, Giuliano BIRNBAUM, Mrs. Sylvia Daniels BLACK, Donald BLACKMORE, Michael BLUE, A. D. - BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. BONSALL, G. W. BORGEEST, Gus BRAGA, J. M. - BREUIL, N. du Mrs. BROOKS, D. E. BRUUN, Frederick T. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. - BYRNE, Desmond J. Building, T/F. · Italian Embassy, Tokyo, Japan. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Peat, Marwick Mitchell & Co., Alexandra House 8/F. Dept. of History, H.K. University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o China Navigation Co., Butterfield & Swire. The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, Hong Kong. Flat 3, 94-D, Pokfulum Road, Hong Kong. P. O. Box 1058, Hong Kong. P. O. Box 951, Hong Kong. 86, Main Street, Stanley, Hong Kong. Radio Hong Kong, Hong Kong. 908, Takshing House, Hong Kong. 86, Main Street, Stanley, Hong Kong. c/o China Light & Power Co., Ltd. Argyle Street, Kowloon. BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., Hong Kong. CALCINA, P. G. Commercial Investment Co., Ltd. Union House, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 128 CHAN, Dr. H. C. - CHAN, Hok-lam, William CHAU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin CHENG, T. C... CHEONG-LEEN, Hilton · CHEUNG, Oswald - CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph CHIU, Ling-yeong CHOA, Dr. Gerald H.- CLARK, Mrs. N. E. COHN, Dr. A. J.- COLE, Martin + CRANMER-BYNG, J. L. CUMINE, E. · - + T Bank of Canton Building, 5th floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, Shatin, New Territories, 8, Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. c/o S.C.A., Fire Brigade Building H.K. G.P.O. Box 584, 310 Yu To Sang Bldg., Hong Kong. 1002, Alexandra House, Hong Kong. 9, Village Road, 1st floor, Hong Kong. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 167, Yee Kuk Street, 3rd floor, Shumshuipo, Kowloon. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Leisham Court, 6/F., "F", Hong Kong. 16, Conduit Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong. 14, Embassy Court, Hong Kong. CUMMING, Mount Stephen e/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union DAIKO, Paul - T DAVIES, Miss Ann Carol DAVIS, Dr. S. G.- DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. - DENNYS, Miss Sylvia M. DJOU, G. G. - DONOHUE, Hon. Peter DRAKE, Mrs. F. S. DRAKE, Prof. F. S. L House. L P. O. Box 201, Hong Kong. ■ J L + DRAKEFORD, Louis Samuel DUNCANSON, J. D. - + DUNT, Percy EDWARDS, O. P. ENDACOTT, G. B. ENGEL, Dr. D. - 2, Friston, 15, Old Peak Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Geography and Geology, Hong Kong University, c/o Education Department, Battery Path, Hong Kong. c/o Economic Survey Section, 804 Man Yee Bldg., H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. 12/14 Queen's Road, Central, Hong Kong. Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. 92 Bonham Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Chinese, Hong Kong University, Hong Kong. 25, Chatham Road, 11th floor, Front, Kin. c/o Barclays Bank (D.C.O.), 1 Cockspur Street, London, S.W.1. England. P. O. Box 94, Hong Kong. c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Dept. of History, Hong Kong University, Hong Kong. 542 Alexandra House, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 129 EWING, Miss E. FABER, Mrs. Audrey FABER, S. E. FEARON, Joseph FITZGIBBON, Desmond J. FOORD, Dr. Roy D. FRIEDMAN, Jack - FUNG, K, S.- + FUNG, Hon, Ping-fan- - - GABBOTT, Francis Ridyard GAIFFIER D'HESTROY. Baron P. de GALVIN, J. A. T. GIBB, Hugh GIEDROYC. Michal GILES, R. - GOLDNEY, C. M. Miss - J 9-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 10, Cooper Road, Jardines Lookout, H.K. 1, Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong. 41, Thorny Road, Thornhill, Cumberland, England. c/o P.W.D. Central Government Offices, H.K. C4 Ridge Court, 21 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. c/o Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd. 20, Queen's Road, C. Bank of East Asia Ltd. 10, Des Voeux Rd., C. P. O. Box 232, Hong Kong, + Belgian Consul-General, 105 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, Hong Kong. c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13th floor. c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., Hong Kong. Vantage House, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. c/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., Hong Kong. c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. GOOD, Major Donald Arthur CRE Hong Kong, British Forces Post Office GOTTSCHALK, Ernst GUADAGNINI, Dr. Piero + I, H.K. 6, Macdonnell Road, Apt. 15, Hong Kong. Italian Consul-General, 705 Chartered Bank Bldg. Headquarters Land Forces, Hong Kong. HALLIDAY, Lt. Col. P. A. T. HARMAN, Anthony Lisle HARRISON, Prof. B. HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J. C.B.E, HAYWARD, G. W. HEDLEY-SAUNDERS, Mrs. Joanne HELLBECK, Dr. H. 7 T - Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., Hong Kong. Dept. of History, Hong Kong University, Hong Kong. -c/o The Supreme Court, Hong Kong. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. Economic Survey Section, 804, Man Yee Building, Hong Kong. 11-B, Bowen Road, Hong Kong. c/o German Consulate-General, 1 Duddell Street 4/F. : : ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 130 HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha - Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. HINDMARSH, Robert Henry c/o Hong Kong Club, Hong Kong. HO, Hung-pong HO, Teh-kuei - c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., Hong Kong, 61, Fort Street, 3/F., North Point, H.K. HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, D. R., C.B.E. HORSMAN, Miss A. M. HOWORTH, J. F. HSIA, Tung-pei HUANG, Sheng-fu HUGHES, G. M. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. (Marion) HUGHES, Prof. W. Ieuan HUNG, C. S. INGLES, Miss J. M. JACKSON, R. N. JONES, J. R., C.B.E. KAY, Bernard H. KEOWN, W. C. - N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. KEYES, Michael Patton - Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. KHAN, Dr. Latif Ahmed - c/o Leigh & Orange, P. & O. Building, H.K. KIDD, S. T. - 131B Wanchai Building, 8/F, 131 Wanchai Rd.. H.K. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. KNOWLES, W. C. G. - P. O. Box 6870, Kowloon Post Office, Kln. L KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. - c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. KVAN, Rev. Erik - American International Assurance Co. Ltd. American International Building, H.K. KWOK, Hon. Chan - RBL 175, Sassoon Road, Hong Kong. KWOK, Miss Rose Y. KWOK, Walter - Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. LACEY, John A. - 19, Hee Wong Terrace, 1/F., Hong Kong. LAI, T. C. - Government House. Garden Road, H.K. St. John's College, H.K. University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Hong Kong. 7 Arbuthnot Road, Hong Kong. 39-B, Estoril Court, Hong Kong. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. No. 3, Church Bank, Richmond Road, Bowdon, Cheshire, England. 131 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 131 LAMBIE, Dr. J. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAW, Chung-kam LAWRY, R. E. LEE, J. S. LEE, Harold W. LEE, Hon. R. C., O.B.E. LeFEVOUR, Dr. Edward LE MARE, J. R. LI, Dr. Tsoo-yiu LIDDELL, Mrs. Marion LINDSAY, T. J. LINDSAY, Mrs. T. J. LIU, D. H. LIU, Dr. Tsun-yan LLEWELLYN, John LO, Chin-tang LO, T. S. LOTHROP, Francis B. LUM, Miss Ada LUPTON, G. C. M. MA, Meng McBAIN, E. B. 2 MACKENZIE, Lt. Col. B. D. McKERNESS, Miss Joan. McCRARY, Michael McDOUALL, Hon. J. C. McGRATH, David B. MACK, A. M. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J. MANEELY, R. B. MARTIN, Rev. Canon E. W. L. c/o Director of Medical & Health Services, H.K. 1701 Beach Drive. Victoria, B.C., Canada, Institute of Oriental Studies, H.K.U. Victoria Heights, 43-A Stubbs Road, Flat I-A, H.K. British Council, 1/F., Gloucester Bldg., H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, Hong Kong. 604, Edinburgh House, Hong Kong. Lee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. Dept. of History, H.K.U. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 1-C-3-C, Broom Rd., Hong Kong. 10-F, Headland Road, Hong Kong, c/o Butterfield & Swire, H.K. 1, Mercury Street, 1/F., Causeway Bay, H.K. 83 Sincere Terrace, Ground floor, Tai Hang Road, H.K. Dept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U. Dept. of Chinese, H.K. University. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., H.K. c/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass. U.S.A. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon. The District Officer, Taipo, New Territories, Institute of Oriental Studies, H.K.U. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. CRE, Victoria Barracks, Hong Kong. 5, Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. 25-A, Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K. SCA., Connaught Road, Central, H.K. MINETT, Major F. R. D. MORGAN, L. G. MOYLE, G. C. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, Hong Kong. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Maryknoll Fathers, Stanley. Anatomy Department, H.K. University, H.K. St. John's College, 82 Pokfulum, H.K. Garrison Clinic, Whitfield Barracks, Kln. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 132 MURRAY, Douglas P. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Peter Y. L. NIXON, F. A., O.B.E, NOBLE, Herbert O'CONNELL, Miss S. E. PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, Oleg P. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. J. R. PRATT, Mark S. PRESCOTT, Jon A. RAE-SMITH, W. B. RICHARDS, G. RIDE, Dr. L. T., C.B.E. RIDE, Mrs. L. T. ROFE, Fevzi Husein ROOKE, Miss Barbara E. RUTTONJEE, Mrs. Anne RUTTONJEE, Hon. Dhun RYAN, The Rev. Father T. F. RYDINGS, H. A. SARGENT, G. E. SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHOYER, B. Preston SELLERS, David SHEPHARD, A. J. SHU, Dr. H. T. SHUI, Chientung SIDBURY, Henry SIDWA, Mrs. M. C. SIMPSON, R. F. SKELSON, Mrs. Margaret Clare SKELSON, Robert Ernest SMALL, C. J. 41-B Granville Road, 1st floor, Kln. c/o Jardine, Waugh (Malaya) Ltd. P. O. Box 304, Kuala Lumpur, Federation of Malaya. Dept. of History, Hong Kong University, H.K. Room 42, Hong Kong Club, Hong Kong. Ying Wah College, Bute Street, Kowloon, c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. c/o S.C.M.P., Wyndham Street, Hong Kong, P. O. Box 1382, Hong Kong. 46, Stubbs Road, Hong Kong. U.S. Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of Architecture, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. The British Council, 2nd fl., Buckingham Bldg., Kln. The Lodge, 1, University Drive, H.K. The Lodge, 1, University Drive, H.K. 5, Tai Hang Road, Hong Kong. 3-B 3, University Drive, Hong Kong. 2, Conduit Road, Hong Kong. 2, Conduit Road, Hong Kong. Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, E., H.K. The Library, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon, c/o Labour Department, 22 Ice House St., H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. P. O. Box 1213, Hong Kong. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. Hong Kong. address not known yet. Dept. of Education, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. 34 Arundel Avenue, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 133 SMITH, Leslie, O.B.E. SMITH, Lloyd A. + SMITH, Stanley Herbert - SOONG, Norman SPERRY, Henry Muhlenberg STANLEY, Major Henry, F. STANTON, William T. STARBIRD, Linwood R. - STENTON, Prof. Harry STOCK, Prof. F. E., O.B.E. - STOKES, John ז J . 23-A, Robinson Road, Hong Kong. 2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A. (Local address: c/o R. S. Fountain, Esq., 309, Prince's Building, H.K.) c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, C., H.K. 2, Queen's Road, Central, Hong Kong. Flat 12, Tjibatoe, 9 Plunketts Rd., H.K. Dina House, Duddell St., Hong Kong. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Rd., H.K. Dept. of Botany, H.K. University, H.K. Hong Kong University. Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. STRICKLAND, Mr. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd. H.K. SWIRE, A. C. TALBOT, Henry D. TANG, Shiu-kin, C.B.E. THOMAS, Louis F. THOMPSON, R. W. TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TREGEAR, Miss Mary TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, The Hon. Sir Michael VETCH, Henri VETCH, Mrs. Henri VIO, Dr. Eric George VISICK, Mrs. Mary WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, William L. WATSON, K. A. WEI, Dr. Tat, M. A. · c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Dept. of Geography, H.K. University, H.K. 505, Pedder Building, Hong Kong. 8, King's Park Flats, Kowloon. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K. 6, Peak Mansions, Hong Kong. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford University, Oxford, U.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Man Yee Bldg., 9/F., H.K. China Building, 4th floor, Hong Kong. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., London. H.K.U. Press. H.K.U. Press. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, H.K.U. c/o Commerce & Industry Dept. Fire Brigade Bldg., H.K. Apt. 3, 7 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. H.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Association, Queen's Rd., E., H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 134 WEISS, Karel - WELCH, H. H. WILSON, B. D. - WONG, Dr. Man WONG, Pao-hsie - - WONG, Prof. Po-shang WOO, Dr. Arthur W. - WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. YAO, Pe-chun YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, Walter YU, Ping-kuen ZIGAL, Mrs. Irene - P. O. Box 718, Hong Kong. The Pink House, B-9, Shatin Heights, New Territories. Urban Services Dept., Secretariat Bldg., H.K. Room 108, China Building, Hong Kong. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. B-5 Wah Kiu Mansion, 1/F, 80 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. Woo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1/F., H.K. 204 China Building, Hong Kong. Hong Kong Club, Hong Kong. I. L. 7635 Cooper Road, Block 2, East 2/F,, Jardine's Lookout, Causeway Bay, H.K. Mental Hospital, Hong Kong. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Bldg., Hong Kong. Dept. of Chinese, H.K.U. 12, Bowen Road, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v ACC. NO. / 31 253 DATE OF ACC. 4 JAN 1964 CLASS NO. AUT. OR NO. REBOUND HK-5 950 ته مادر The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in July 1963. 1,000 copies Price per copy: HK $12 US $2 postage extra UK 16/- Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by YE OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E., M.A., Governor of Hong Kong. THE COUNCIL, 1962-63: President: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: The Hon. Sir Tsun-nin Chau, C.B.E., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. Hon. Secretary: R. E. Lawry, M.A., F.R.G.S. Hon. Treasurer: T. J. Lindsay, M.A. Hon. Editor: J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* Hon. Librarian: H. D. Talbot, B.Sc. Councillors: Marjorie Topley, PH.D.* Holmes H. Welch, M.A.* N. du Breuil * The Hon. W. C. G. Knowles, M.A., J.P. Ma Meng, B.A.* * Member of Editorial Committee ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v # OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. # NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS The Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v The keen and active interest in the Society shown by our patron, Sir Robert Black, and members of his family is very gratifying and is warmly appreciated. Despite the exacting calls on their time they have been attending our meetings, and this is a noble example to other busy people in the Colony. We appreciate also the zeal of many other prominent personages including the Chief Justice, Sir Michael Hogan, and the Hon. W. C. Knowles who is a member of the Council and whose business house has provided us with both an Honorary Treasurer, Mr. T. J. Lindsay, and an Honorary Librarian, Mr. John Le Mare. I should like also to refer to the interest in the Society taken by members of H.M. Forces and particularly to the interest taken by Col. Halliday and Col. Mackenzie, both of whom have now left the Colony, but it is greatly hoped that this interest will be sustained by their successors. In this connection it may be interesting to mention the first office-bearers of the Society in 1847: President: Sir John Francis Davis (Governor); Vice-Presidents: Major-General D'Aguilar, Major H. P. Burn, John Stewart, Dr. Kinnis; Council: Lt.-Col. Brereton, Peter Young (Colonial Surgeon), W. T. Mercer (Colonial Treasurer), J. C. Bowring (Son of Sir John Bowring); Secretary: A. Shortrede; Corresponding Secretary: Capt. Clark Kennedy; Chinese and Foreign Secretary: Thomas Wade;* Treasurer: F. Bevan; Curator: C. T. Watkins. In conclusion I wish to thank all the officers and members of the Society for their loyal and wholehearted support. I am probably in a better position than anyone to appreciate and also to pay tribute to my colleagues on the present Council, in whom you have a hard working and active body, and each of whom pulls his or her full weight in the furtherance of the objects of the Society. * Afterwards Sir Thomas Wade, K.C.B., G.C.M.G., British Minister at Peking from 1871 until 1883, and later first Professor of Chinese in the University of Cambridge. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO explore trade possibilities outside the Americas. 13 The New England states especially took the lead in this expansion of maritime trade, and towns like Salem and Boston soon became busy ship-building and overseas ports. Boston ships sailed east to the Pacific via the Cape of Good Hope, while those from Salem sailed west round the Horn; when, as was inevitable on a globe, east met west in the Far East, they agreed to an east-west boundary line which ran south of Canton and the Philippines; the area of South China was thus in the Salem sphere, and hence most of the early American traders in this area belonged to early Salem, Beverly, and Danvers families. The procedure that had to be followed by foreign ships trading with Canton was briefly this. They made their first China landfall amongst the Ladrone Islands; here they took on a pilot from a junk, and he brought them to Macao; anchoring in the roads off Taipa, they made contact with the Chinese officials who were at that time established on the Praya Grande at Macao; on being cleared by them for Canton, the ships were allowed to proceed to Bocca Tigris at the river mouth, where, after a further delay, they were eventually given a Grand Chop, which was the permit to sail up river. The ships anchored at Whampoa, and the almost endless negotiations for discharging their cargoes and reloading with their purchases began. In the early part of the nineteenth century, the foreign floating population of Whampoa ran into thousands, and the sickness, accident, and mortality rates were very high. Up river, disposal of the dead was one of the easiest of all local business transactions; the Chinese had no such things as enclosed cemeteries, and neither had the foreigners; burials involved no legal or civil procedures; one merely negotiated with a Chinese landowner for a hillside plot and hired a few labourers. On Danes Island, French Island, at Whampoa, Lintin, Capsingmoon, and Cumsingmoon, there lie buried thus hundreds of foreigners whose frail memorials, if they ever existed, have long since disappeared.* In westernized Macao, however, the situation was different. There were enclosed cemeteries there, but they were consecrated by the Roman Catholic Church and therefore were not available to the other Europeans who were *For a map of the Pearl River estuary see p. 93. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 22 D. LINDSAY RIDE DAVID, J. Ferdinand DAVIES, Joseph DE VOGEL, Emile Willem Eugene DANIELL, Edmond Murray DENSON, Thomas A. DINNEN, John ++ DRINKER, Sandwith DUDDELL, Frederick DUDDELL, Harriet DUFF, Daniel DUNCAN, George H. DUNCAN, J. George DURANT, Euphemia DYER, Samuel ++ + J ייי ייי E. ELLIS, William tr ENDICOTT, Fidelia Bridges ENDICOTT, James Bridges ENDICOTT, Rosalie ENGLE, Isaac E. + EVANS, William Thomas Bowen F. FEARON, Elizabeth FITZGERALD, Edward FRASER, Sir William FRENCH, Maria Ball FORBES, Thomas T. FORREST, Andrew ... G. GANTT, Benjamin GILMAN, Agnes GAILLARD, Helen Baptista GANGER, Charles F. +r. GILLESPIE, Elizabeth McDougal ++ rr GOVER, Samuel +++ GRAHAM, Charles GRIFFIN, John P. H. HADDON, Elizabeth Lewis +++ Fr - HAMILTON, Lewis HARRISON, George W. HAVELOCK, William HAWKINS, Charles HICKMAN, Washington F. HIGHT, John Francis + HIGHT, Matthew James HOOKER, James +++ + J - r + ++ T 125 L 130 L 25 U 97 L LL+ 5 U + 17 U + 39 U 27 U - +++ 21 U + 138 L 14 U 48 L J -- 111 L 146 L --- 9 U 33 U 165 C 34 U 73 L J 10 U + 84 L 132 L 62 L J 26 U 56a L 123 L 32 U 77 L + J 6 U 92 L 30 U + 53 L J ++ 66 L 64 L rrr +++ 28 U TH - 72 L rrr L 103 L T rrr rtr 47 L H TH ++ FFF 51 L 18 U + 102 L 118 L + + 139 L 149 L 110 L + J TI 57 L + 137 L --- J + 20 U HOWARD, Jane L. ILBERY, Frederick ILBERY, Louisa INNES, James J. JPLAND, Christian + JPLAND, Christian Johann Friedrich JONES, Henry +4 L + 16 U 3 U ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v K. PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO KENNEDY, George KERR, Abby L. ... KEY, Peter KINSMAN, Nathaniel ++ 110 L. LARKINS, Edward G. ... LARKINS, John Henry LEACH, Benjamin Ropes LEATHLEY, John --- LEGGETT, William Henry LIVINGSTONE, Charlotte M. LJUNGSTEDT, Anders M. MACKENZIE, Donald MARKWICK, Richard MARGESSON, Henry Davies MARQUIS, William --- 223 ... T 83 L 29 U 107 L 112 L LLL J 90 L 122 L 52 L +++ ++t -- 111 L Itt 78 L 70 L - 41 L - 60 L 86 L 104 L г г г г г 164 C Lr --- J 124 L + ILL 126 L 148 L Pr 119 L 111 гг. 129 L -L 35 U Pri L 91 L MARTIN, Robert Francis McCALLY, Arthur Hamilton McCARTHY, Robert McDOUALL, James MEDHURST, MILNER, Emily MITCHELL, Oliver MONSON, Samuel H. MORGAN, William --- MORRISON, John Robert MORRISON, Mary MORRISON, Robert + + LIL ייי +++ --- J PII N. NAPIER, William John O. ORTON, Maria J. OSBORNE, Henry James OSBORNE, Thomas J. P. PATERSON, Andrew PATTLE, Thomas Charles PIEROT, Jacques LLL J-J rrr ... +++ J PLOWDEN, Catherine PLOWDEN, R. Chicheley PRESTON, Charles Hodge RABINEL, John Henry J P L - R. RAWLE, Samuel Burge LL JL REES, George REES, Maria REYNVAAN, Clazina van Valkenburg RIDDLES, Thomas William RITCHIE, John Hamilton г г г ROBARTS, James Thomas ROBERTS, Edmund ROBERTSON, Roderick Frazer J -- Irr ILL ггг J ייי ... ... 1 U 56 L 120 L 143 L 142 L 141 L rt 141a L 85 L + + 71 L 69 L 82 L +++ + 42 L 45 L I rrr 161 L 158 L 31 U 43 L JJ 134 L 127 L 109 L 106 L 63 L 61 L ILI LLL 157 L 88 L 54 L ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 24 LINDSAY RIDE S. SCHAEFFER, Walther 24 U SCOTLAND, Thomas 80 L SCOTT, Frank 50 L SENHOUSE, Humphrey Le Fleming 136 L SENN VAN BASEL, Hugo Rudolph Jacobus 99 L SETH, Dishkoonc 8 U SIMPSON, Nathaniel 128 L SLATE, Shamgar H. 13 U SMITH, Frederick 135 L SMITH, Samuel SPEER, Cornelia Brackenridge SPEER, Mary Cornelia SPENCER, Jane 147 L 140 L 140 L 81 L STEWART, Louisa 44 L T. STEWART, Patrick SUTHERLAND, Isabella SUTHERLAND, Mary Clark SWEARLIN, Valentine T TARBOX, Hiram TEMPLETON, Isabella Anne TURNER, Richard 44 L H 113 L 15 U 65 L 101 L 76 L 153 L + 93 L U. UNKNOWN 156 L URMSON, Arthur Wilham URMSTON, George B. 37 U 115 L V. VROOMAN, Elizabeth C. 36 U W. WALDRON, Thomas Westbrook 75 L WALKER, Christian Cathro 144 L WARREN, R.V... 74 L WEDDERBURN, Eliza S... 145 L WEST, Joseph James 4 U WHELER, Charles J. 152 L WILLIAMS, John P. 23 U WILSON, John WINTLE, Frederick 67 L 155 L WISHART, John Key 117 L WOODBERRY, Charles 19 U WOODBERRY, Joel 163 L Y. YOUNG, Margaret Hutchison 150 L 2. ZEEMAN, Bernardus 114 L ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 26 LINDSAY RIDE UPPER TERRACE — Cont'd. No. Name Sex Row Age Date of Death Nationality 16. JPLAND, Johann Friedrich Christian M Eastern 39 5 Oct. 1857 Dan. 17. DINNEN, John M Eastern 29 20 June 1855 Amer. 18. HICKMAN, Washington F. M Eastern 32 21 June 1855 Amer. 19. WOODBERRY, Charles M Eastern 36 26 June 1854 Amer. 20. JPLAND, Christian M Eastern Adult (Ship's Captain) 5 Oct. 1857 Dan. 21. DUDDELL, Harriet F Eastern Adult 31 July 1857 Br. 22. COOPER, Mark Beale M Eastern Adult (Major) 26 July 1857 Br. 23. WILLIAMS, John P. M Eastern 31 25 July 1857 Amer. 24. SCHAEFFER, Walther M Eastern 28 1 July 1857 Ger. 25. DE VOGEL, Emile Willem Eugène M Eastern 19 11 Jan. 1857 Dut. 26. FRENCH, Maria Ball F Eastern 1/12 18 Aug. 1857 Amer. 27. DUDDELL, Frederick M Eastern 38 1 Nov. 1856 Br. 28. HADDON, Elizabeth Lewis F Eastern 28 1 Sept. 1856 Br. 29. KERR, Abby L. F Eastern 26 26 Aug. 1855 Amer. 30. GILMAN, Agnes F Eastern 11/12 8 Sept. 1889 Amer. 31. PRESTON, Charles Hodge M Eastern 2/12 6 Dec. 1857 Amer. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO 29 LOWER TERRACE - Cont'd. No. Name Sex Row Age Date of Death Nationality 60. LJUNGSTEDT, Anders (Andrew) M Bamboo 76 10 Nov. 1835 Swed. 61. RITCHIE, John Hamilton M Bamboo 12/12 14 March 1844 Amer. 62. FRASER, Sir William M Bamboo 40 22 Dec. 1827 Br. 63. RIDDLES, Thomas William M Riddles 41 21 Aug. 1856 Br. 64. GRIFFIN, John P. M Riddles 35 19 June 1849 Amer. 65. SWEARLIN, Valentine M Riddles 27 20 June 1849 Amer. 66. GRAHAM, Charles M Riddles 50 3 Oct. 1821 Br. 67. WILSON, John M Riddles 21 21 Nov. 1844 Br. 68. BROOKE John F. M Riddles 59 17 Oct. 1849 Amer. 69. OSBORNE, Thomas J. M Riddles 30 2 June 1847 Br. 70. LEGGETT, William Henry M Riddles 43 23 Sept. 1845 Br. 71. OSBORNE, Henry James M Riddles 26 23 July 1845 Br. 72. HAMILTON, Lewis M Riddles 67 14 May 1845 Amer. 73. ENGLE, Isaac E. M Riddles 46 3 Nov. 1844 Amer. 74. WARREN, R. V. 75. WALDRON, Thomas Westbrook M Riddles 30 8 Sept. 1844 Amer. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 38 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH Tibet, Paris, 1940, p. 161.) Actually from the last named (see p. 129, n. 5) and from other sources (such as S. Lévi, Le Népal, II, Paris, 1905, p. 148), we learn that writing was just then being introduced to Tibet. This is a far cry from China's experience of two millennia of writing (before A.D. 600), and the great urge for multiple copies of texts on the part of all sections of the literate community. The first known example of wood-block printing came from Japan during the years 764-770. This is explained by the constant coming and going of Japanese students to T’ang China, and some scholars and Buddhist priests from the mainland to Japan. We learn, for example, of one Chinese scholar becoming head of the new University at Nara in 735, and of one Japanese who, after 19 years in the Chinese capital, returned to Nara, and in 735 became tutor to the empress Shotoku. It was she who ordered the production of one million three storey stupas, in each of which were to be placed six charms. (Only last spring I saw at Horyuji # 96 of these reliquaries, together with six copies of the printed dharani.) The first recorded notice in China is dated 835. It tells of a memorial to the throne suggesting an edict forbidding the printing of calendars from wood-blocks. After this the notices and dated materials recently discovered multiply. I list some of these: 1. Under the date of 839 Ennin mentions seeing one thousand copies of the Nirvana Sutra at Mount Wu-t'ai § J. This is so large a figure one may well wonder if they were printed. 2. It has been suggested that the Vinaya was first printed before 845. We know that the wood-blocks were burned in a fire at Ching-ai ssu in Loyang. So the poet Ssu-k’ung T'u (837-908) proposed the preparation of a fresh edition. 3. Fan Shu, who flourished during the years 860-874, is authority for the statement that Ho-kan Chi T✯ who was active in Kiangsi ⇓ in 846-851, printed several thousand copies of a book concerned with alchemy. 5 4. A beautiful copy of the Diamond Sutra &♬Į✯, printed 868 (it is 174 feet long and 10 inches wide) on white buff paper, was discovered in 1907 at Tunhuang and is now in the British Museum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v PRINTING IN CHINA 43 Tsao chih ti ch'uan-po chi ku chih ti fa-hsien ✯ ✯ 6 #BA÷* ♣, Hsüeh-shu chi k'an $i$i] VI, No. 2 (Dec. 30, 1957), pp. 1-12. T'ang-tai i-ch'ien yu wu tiao-pan yin-shua ARR★T***? , The Continent Magazine ✯✯✯✯ XIV, No. 4 (Feb. 28, 1957), pp. 101-107. Yin-shua fa-ming ti shilrch'i wên-ti * B*A64AM M. ibid. XVII, No. 5 (1958), pp. 133-138; No. 6 (1958), pp. 177-182. Wu-tai shih-ch'i ti yin-shua £ R ★ ép 8), ibid. XXI, No. 3 (Aug. 15, 1960), pp. 107-115, Tun-huang fa-hsien yw-nien-tai ti yimpen ✯UELTIRAP $ ibid. XXI, No. 11 (Dec. 15, 1960), pp. 367-373. Paik, Dr. Nak Choon # #, Tripitaka Koreana ZRAKA, Seoul, 1957. Tsien, T. H. . Written on Bamboo and Silk. The beginnings of Chinese books and inscriptions, Chicago, 1962. For the latter part of my paper I have leaned heavily on K. K. Flug, The history of the printed book in China during the Sung (in Russian), Academy of Sciences, Institute of Orientology, Moscow-Leningrad, 1959. I am grateful to Mrs. Leah Kisselgoff of New York for making its contents available to me. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 51 RECENT CHANGES IN THE CHINESE LANGUAGE A lecture delivered on 18th June, 1962 MA MENG, B.A.* *Mr. Ma Meng is Principal of the Language School of the Institute of Oriental Studies in the University of Hong Kong. Recent changes in the Chinese language, so far-reaching in many respects, should not escape attention by anyone interested in studying China. Comments on this subject, both in Chinese and other languages, have appeared quite regularly in recent years.† Most of these deal directly with the simplified characters and the adoption of romanization in place of the traditional ideographs — radical changes, which, however, form only one part of the latest developments in Chinese language reform. Although the extent of these changes has varied in different historical periods, the long process which led to the drastic reforms of recent years began only after China's contacts with the West in the late nineteenth century. The limitations imposed by the traditional language were felt more keenly as the demand for Western knowledge increased. As the traditional language seemed no longer adequate to cope with the new situation, the need to reform it began to appear imperative. The first efforts aimed at language reform came from a small number of intellectuals, including Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, a leader of the 1898 reform movement who also advocated radical political changes aimed at westernization. Their efforts soon bore fruit. Between 1890 and 1913 there appeared no less than six plans for language reform, all aimed at standardizing the spoken language and simplifying the written one. Both of these measures were considered necessary preliminaries to more thorough reforms. The last of the six plans for reform provided for a script based on the Peking dialect and was very similar to the Japanese Kana. This plan proved quite practicable and has therefore been adopted. *I should like to express my gratitude to Miss Li Chi of the University of California from whose work, Studies of Chinese Communist Terminology (Berkeley: University of California, Institute of International Studies, East Asia Studies, Nos. 1 and 2, 1956; Nos. 3 and 4, 1957) I have drawn information in preparing this paper. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v CHANGES IN CHINESE LANGUAGE 55 and as te-mo-k'e-la-si #or te hsien-sheng ✯ (Mr. Democracy"). But now these transliterations have become antiquated and replaced by i-hui for parliament, kê-hsüeh ** for science, and min-chu R± for democracy. But a few good transliterations have survived such as chi-he for geometry, lo-chi for logic, yu-mo ✯✯ for humour, wu-t'o-pang ✯‡₺ Ħ for utopia, sha-wen chu-i ✯✯‡ for chauvinism. Yet even in Hong Kong, where many Chinese use English, transliteration remains the less common method for introducing terms of foreign origin. Some popular transliterations are, however, in use such as pâk-ch'e for parking a car, in-shoh for insurance, sz-toh ✰✰ for store, fei-lam for film and chak K for cheque. The Chinese living in multi-lingual communities like Malaya or Singapore resort more frequently to transliteration; but their tendency to do so has not exerted a significant influence on the language as a whole. Transliteration of Western terms having in general been found to be a clumsy practice, many Chinese translators, especially before the May 4th Movement, have preferred to borrow certain terms from the Japanese. In Chinese, many words can be used in more than one grammatical function, having either completely different meanings or different connotations of one meaning, depending on their position in the sentence. This peculiarity has sometimes been thought to make for a lack of that precision needed in scientific usage. But this so-called imprecision also makes for elasticity in the creation of new terms. For instance, the character pi # can, depending on its place in a sentence, signify "writing brush", "to write", "writing" or "handwriting"; moreover, it can be found in combinations such as kang-pi meaning pen; sui-pi M. sketch or essay; pi-chi . to take notes; ch'in-pi #, one's own handwriting; or finally chu-pi, editor or editorial writer of newspaper. How widely the meaning of a character may vary is best shown by the character su originally meaning "plain and unadorned". However, Chinese dictionaries usually list about ten meanings under this character, as well as numerous combinations in which it forms a part, such as su-shih . vegetarian diet; su-miao ✯, sketch; yin-su #, factor; and yüan-su ƒ‡. chemical element all newly coined expressions. Similar combinations in common use are: ke-ming, revolution; ¡ ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 58 MA MENG In 1956, a new term, p'u-t'ung-hua, meaning common language, became the official term for the standard language used on the Chinese mainland. Henceforth the term Kuo-yü fell into disuse, except on Taiwan and among the overseas Chinese. Strictly speaking, p'u-t'ung-hua is not a new term, having been used over many years to denote any form of the language that approximated the standard spoken language. Though now the official term, p'u-t'ung-hua thus has essentially the same meaning as Kuo-yü, for like Kuo-yü it is based on the Peking pronunciation and on a grammatical structure close to that of the modern vernacular. It will thus serve to bring about the complete unification of the Chinese language, accomplishing the process already begun by the adoption of kuan-hua and Kuo-yü. Since 1949 the Chinese Communists have taken two major steps to reform the traditional character script. In 1955 they put out a series of lists containing altogether 798 simplified characters and 54 simplified radicals. These simplified characters and radicals have been used ever since. Thus it has not only been made easier to learn how to write, but the simplified characters already in use have also been standardized. This standardization has ended a tradition which allowed anyone to improvise his own simplifications of the script. As a result, many characters could be written in different forms. This freedom to improvise had naturally asserted itself most in times of confusion, as after the last war. The Communists have now tried at least to limit this freedom; but they have not succeeded in wholly stopping spontaneous improvisation of simplified characters. Pages of the People's Daily frequently contain critical comments on such unauthorized simplifications. Originally, character simplification was considered only a stop-gap measure to be abandoned as soon as a final solution could be found in a romanised script. Attempts to transcribe the sounds of the Chinese language by using the Roman alphabet had already been made by Western missionaries in the late Ming dynasty. In the late nineteenth century, other systems of romanization were developed. Some of these—notably the Wade-Giles system—remain in use to the present day. But none of these systems served more than a limited purpose; none of them constituted a final solution of the problems of language reform. The first ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING 63 These extracts give the official Chinese version of how the British came to occupy their first Legation quarters, and agree closely with Lord Elgin's own account contained in a despatch to Lord John Russell, the Foreign Secretary, dated Tientsin, 13th November 1860: On the 7th instant Mr. Bruce reached Peking, having hastened up from Shanghae in compliance with my request. His arrival was most opportune, as it was very important that before my departure from the capital I should be able to confer with him on various matters, and more especially on the subject of the place of residence for the future of Her Majesty's Representative in China. Mr. Bruce informed me that he was perfectly willing to take up his abode in Peking at once. On consultation with Baron Gros and General Ignatieff, however, I found that the latter was about to leave Peking for the winter, and that the former was of opinion that it would not be advisable that M. de Bourboulon should establish himself in the capital until the spring. I considered it, therefore, to be my duty to advise Mr. Bruce to return with me for the present to Tien-tsin, and to remain there until a suitable residence should be provided for him in the capital. In order, however, that there might be no misapprehension on the part of the Chinese Government in reference to this point, we selected a house which we thought might be adapted to the purpose, and which was procurable on easy terms, and we accepted the services of Mr. Adkins, one of the Student Interpreters, a very promising young man, who volunteered to remain at Peking, and to superintend the arrangements necessary for putting it in order. Harry Parkes, who was Lord Elgin's interpreter at this time, writing to his wife on November 17th 1860 gave a few more details: Peking is in a wretched state of dilapidation and ruin, and scarcely one of their palatial buildings is not falling into decay. We have obtained one of the best, and yet it is quite * Elgin to Russell, 13 November 1860. Parliamentary Papers, “Correspondence Respecting Affairs in China 1859-60", 2754 of 1861, No. 119, p. 254. See also ibid. p. 259 for a note from T. Adkins to Frederick Bruce dated Peking, 12 November 1860, reporting that the capital was returning to normal and that he had found no opposition to his residence there. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING 71 1866 the student-interpreters put on an amateur theatrical performance, consisting of Our Wife, and To Paris and back on £5. The female parts were all taken by the students, and it was voted a great success. The faces of the Chinese servants, watching from the back of the hall, gave Mitford a lot of quiet amusement. The next summer he was staying in a temple which he calls Ta Chio Ssu or "Temple of Great Repose", about twenty-three miles from Peking, having moved there with all his furniture together with chickens and a cow and its calf. But even there he could not entirely escape the despatches. "Copying despatches with the thermometer at 100° in the shade, with a basin of water and a towel at one's side for very necessary hand-wiping, and a pad of blotting-paper over the blank part of one's paper, is indeed an affreux métier." The climate took its toll, and Mitford mentions two of his young companions who died of fever. Mitford left Peking for Japan in 1866. In the same year Major Crossman of the Royal Engineers was sent out from England by the Government to inspect the British Legation and Consular Buildings in China and Japan. From one of his reports, written at Shanghai in July 1867, we can glean some more information about the early development of the Legation at Peking. For instance he gave a hint as to the origin of the Legation Chapel when he wrote: "There is a large house opposite to the Chinese secretaries' quarters, used partly as a theatre and partly as a lumber-room, well and solidly built, which can be converted into a good church by the addition of an external porch, removing the flooring of the upper storey so as to throw it open to the roof, and by the addition of some wood work and ornament, to give it a somewhat ecclesiastical appearance." He also mentioned that the number of student-interpreters was shortly to be increased to thirteen. Meanwhile Sir Frederick Bruce had been succeeded by Sir Rutherford Alcock at the end of 1865, while Sir Thomas Wade was promoted to be Minister in 1871, a post which he held for the next twelve years. In 1883 he was succeeded by another ‘old 14 Parliamentary Papers, "Reports from Major Crossman and Correspondence respecting the Legation and Consular Buildings in China and Japan", 315 of 1868, No. 7, p. 22. ! 1 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING 81 the death of Sir Robert Hart during the siege, and on July 21st it carried a long letter from the President of Queen's College, Belfast, which served as a somewhat premature obituary notice for Hart, who, in fact, lived until 1911.** The relieving troops finally entered the British Legation on August 14th, when a Company of mounted Sikhs rode in at about 3 p.m. accompanying General Gaselee and his staff. So ended the siege which had lasted from June 20th until August 14th, a total of 55 days. Fortunately no overwhelming damage had been done to the British Legation, though many of the roofs were badly smashed about and bullets and shells had gone through most of the buildings. One last ironic touch; immediately after the raising of the siege the commissariat functioned so inefficiently that the besieged had to forage for themselves and for some days got less to eat than during the fighting. Meanwhile those who had 'enjoyed' the hospitality of the British Legation during the siege departed and the work of clearing up and repairing the damage began. The actual damage suffered by the British Legation buildings was slight in comparison with the damage done to the other foreign Legations. The outer walls were badly damaged and had to be rebuilt, but one small section on the north-east corner facing the Imperial Canal was sufficiently unharmed to be left intact, and on its surface someone painted in black nine-inch letters the words "LEST WE FORGET”. Most of the buildings in the compound were soon repaired and the Legation again looked substantially the same as before the siege. However, as part of the settlement after the Boxer troubles and the siege of the Legation Quarter Britain acquired considerable ground on the northern and western sides of the old Legation. This consisted of land formerly occupied by the Mongol market, by the Imperial Carriage Park and by the Hanlin Academy, which was burnt out during the fighting. This newly acquired land was later used for 28 Born in 1835 Hart came out to China in the Consular Service in 1854 and spent his first three months as an interpreter at Hong Kong. After various consular appointments he was permitted by the British Government to resign from the consular service in 1859 and to join the newly formed Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs service as Deputy-Commissioner of Customs at Canton. In 1863, at the age of twenty-eight, he was appointed Inspector-General of the Maritime Customs, a post which he held until his resignation in 1908. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 84 J. L. CRANMER-BYNG north-west gate of Peking I took a pedicab, but when we reached the Wangfuching and ran into columns of marching children the driver began to show signs of fright, so I paid him off and started to walk. By now I realized that I had left it too late to reach the Legation gate before the demonstrators arrived, so I made a wide circuit and eventually reached the Hsinchiao Hotel near the Chungwenmen (Hatamen Gate). Having been told that the demonstration would probably end by about 10 p.m., because a previous demonstration over the Suez episode had lasted until that time, I decided to wait at the Hsinchiao Hotel until the coast was clear. Just before 11 p.m. I walked to a point near to the entrance of the British Legation and mingled with the sightseers, but found the demonstrators still hard at work. It was rather like a rowdy Bank Holiday evening on Hampstead Heath. There were large crowds strolling about watching the demonstrators who were still queueing up five or six abreast and moving forward very slowly towards the gate of the Legation. Once opposite the open gate they performed their slogan-shouting, sometimes accompanying their shouts with gesticulations and a series of jumps, before being waved on by cadres who appeared to be controlling the demonstration. All along the road facing the wall of the Legation ran a water pipe with taps every few yards so that in the summer heat of Peking no one need go thirsty. Among the bushes growing down the centre of the street (where once the Imperial Canal flowed) were canvas latrines, while the whole area was lit up at night by arc lamps fixed among the trees, and the front of the Legation gateway was picked out by powerful spot-lights. Nests of amplifiers had been fixed to the trees near the gate so that the inhabitants of the Legation had no difficulty in hearing the slogans being chanted, such as 'Ying-Kuo lang kan ch'u-ch'u' 'English wolves get out'. Since the demonstrators seemed particularly fiery at this stage I decided to retreat and try again at dawn. After a few hours sleep at the Hsinchiao Hotel I again approached the Legation gate only to find a long queue of new demonstrators, refreshed by a night's sleep, taking some vocal exercise before going to work. At this stage I decided that it was quite safe to enter the gate of the Legation, and joining the queue I moved forward gradually until opposite I ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 100 J. W. HAYES NOTES The notes are intended to amplify the text. The subjects of the longer notes are chosen rather arbitrarily and represent my particular interests, J. W. H. 1 A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories. (Hong Kong Government Printer, 1960) p. 88. 2 Crown Rent Rolls, District Office Islands, New Territories Administration. * Under the Convention of Peking signed on 9th June, 1898, *Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, hereafter styled Sessional Papers. (Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1911) p. 103 (22) and (26). This article is mainly concerned with the land population, but for a good short description of the life, work and general background of the boat people, see G. N. Orme "Report on the New Territories 1899-1912" in Sessional Papers 1912, pp. 53-55. 5 The help of the Chairman, Vice-Chairmen and members of the Cheung Chau Rural Committee in tracing and gaining access to these tablets is gratefully acknowledged, and the great assistance given with transcription and translation by Messrs. LO Chi-chung, LEUNG Kun-siu and LEW Pang-fei, my former colleagues in the District Office. * I have translated shue-shat as study, rather than school, since it was intended for the private use of members and their children and not for outsiders. The association became known as the Tung Kwun Wui So on 16th September, 1926 (see Land Registers), previous to which it had been registered as the Po On Shue Shat. I have presumed that with such a name, a school was operated as well as the office and ancestral temple. (See note 26 and text to which it refers.) For the distinction between the names Po On and San On see Notes and Queries, p. 146 below. The character inscribed on this tablet is a simplified form of the character. Local trades included shipbuilding: see Orme's report in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 55. — * The number of Cheung Chau shops subscribing to the various schemes recorded on the tablets is as follows: Po On study (1866) 38; Defence Office (1863-70) 66; Fong Pin hospital (1878) 98, and Tin Hau temple (1879) 125, from the 200 odd mentioned in the Fong Pin preamble. * Many shops are mentioned on the tablets, but they are all listed by their business names and not by the names of the owners, in which custom the Chinese does not follow the English. 10 The Tong has a substantial genealogical record, last produced between eighty and a hundred years ago and printed from stone blocks on hand-made bamboo paper. I am indebted to Mr. WONG Shing Yip of Cheung Chau who very kindly let me see his copy. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v CHEUNG CHAU 101 11 "The whole of the island (Cheung Chau) was adjudged to belong to the WONG family and it is let out to various tenants on leases renewable every five years. All these leases were registered in 1906". Administra-tive Report for 1909, District Officer, New Territories. But see also G. N. Orme's unfavourable opinion of the initial survey and Crown rent roll in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 46. 12 For example, before its tax-lord rights were extinguished (along with others') by the Hong Kong Government after 1898 as "not compatible with the principles of British administration" (Orme, Sessional Papers 1912, p. 46), the LI Kau Yuen Tong of Sha Wan appears to have owned a considerable proportion of all the cultivated land on Lantau island under an imperial grant made in the Sung dynasty (see LO Hsiang-lin "The Sung Wang T'ai and the location of the Travelling Courts by the sea-shore in the Last Days of the Sung", Journal of Oriental Studies III No. 2 (July 1956) p. 217, note 29). Nineteenth Century land deeds from the village of Shek Pik show that much of the village land paid tax to the LI family, a burden which was passed on to the purchaser when a "sale" took place. It is not known whether this Tong owned land elsewhere in the present New Territories but its main estates lay elsewhere. It is curious how the WONG Wai Chak Tong maintained its tax-lord position whilst the LI family's was extinguished. It is a pointer to the island's increasing prosperity, as well as to its favoured geographical situation, that when the Chinese Maritime Customs first began to operate in the Hong Kong region in 1887 they set up a post on Cheung Chau. This had previously been operated by the Canton authorities as part of the "blockade" system set up in 1868-71. See Stanley F. Wright, Hart and the Chinese Customs (Belfast, William Mullan & Son, 1950) pp. 385-6, 584-6 and 708, and his earlier Hong Kong and the Chinese Customs (Shanghai 1930) which I have not yet seen. See also note 15. Old villagers on the Lantau coast opposite Cheung Chau can remember having to pass through the customs every time they came to the island to buy daily necessaries and sell their produce in the market. It is not the place to discuss whether Cheung Chau's expansion was due to the rise of Hong Kong, or whether it was already in a flourishing condition by the time Hong Kong's expansion began in the 1840's, but available information points to a community which was already well-established and prosperous by the Hsien-feng period (1851-61), which would be rather early for Cheung Chau to owe its rise mainly to Hong Kong. The preamble to the tablet in the defence bureau mentions that "our forefathers came and lived in Cheung Chau several hundred years ago"; whilst the attention of pirates in the early years of Hsien-feng, also mentioned in the same tablet, seems more conclusive proof of the island's established prosperity than any other. A spate of repairs and expansion seems to have been going on apace in the T'ung-chih period (1862-75) when most of the island's temples were repaired, the CHU family ancestral hall enlarged, many old houses were built or reconstructed, and the public buildings erected which these tablets commemorate. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v CHEUNG CHAU 103 20 See T'ung-tsu CH'U Local Government in China under the Ch'ing (Harvard University Press 1962) chapter 9, especially pp. 161-164. I am indebted to Mr. W. Schofield, a former District Officer, and Cudet Officer, Hong Kong Government, for a reference to an inscription, now lost, relating to the foundation of the Lung Chun Yee Hok *** in 1847. The school, which is still standing inside the former Kowloon walled city, was opened by the district magistrate WONG Ming Ting after the sub-district deputy magistrate HUI Man Sham had reported that it was being built. Orme in his "Report on the New Territories 1899-1912” in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 63, Appendix G, gives a school census for April 1912, by which time there had apparently been little change since 1898. There were 10 schools on Cheung Chau, average attendance 20, average monthly fee 38 cents. 21 See HSIAO op. cit. pp. 235-240 and CH'U, op. cit., pp. 161-162. Occasionally government-sponsored schools were granted land for their maintenance. In the 28th year of Kuang-hsü (1902-3) four years after the lease of the New Territories to Great Britain, land inside the boundary, previously used for the purpose of aiding a school still in Chinese territory, was sold by order of the Commissioner of Education for San On district. Part of the proceeds had also been used for offerings at the Confucian temple (in Nam Tau). 22 The group of titles on the defence bureau tablet is another demonstration of the widespread sale of degree titles and positions in the late Ch'ing period already remarked in several places. (see HSIAO Kung-Chuan Rural China p. 415 and chapter 10 of CH'U's Local Government in China under the Ch'ing op. cit., pp. 168-173 and notes and, in more detail, Chung-li CHANG, The Chinese Gentry. Studies on their Role in Nineteenth Century Chinese Society, (Seattle, University of Washington Press 1955) pp. 102-111. For contemporary notices see Rev. Krone "A Notice of the Sanon District" in Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong), Part VI (1859) p. 84 and Arthur H. Smith Village Life in China (Edinburgh, Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier c. 1900 p. 121, amongst others.) No fewer than twenty-one persons have titles prefixed to their names, many of them minor ones, of which three-quarters were probably purchased. the first Of the purchased titles and posts five were chien-sheng degree by purchase, which was the prerequisite to purchasing any superior post, such as that of district magistrate or prefect. It was the most commonly purchased degree. Two others were styled chih-chien and chih-sheng. There were four chin-kung and four chih-yüan 職員。 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 104 J. W. HAYES There were also examination titles among the organisers and subscribers to the defence office. There were three scholars, who held higher grades of the hsiu-ts'ai or first degree by examination. One was a kung-sheng, another a sheng-yüan, and the third held the grade of lin-sheng, all normally obtained by additional examinations by a literary chancellor appointed from Peking to examine hsiu-ts'ai in the provinces, though occasionally granted for merit. Another was a wu-sheng ±, a military hsiu-ts'ai, an officer by examination, not purchase. These four were WONGs, almost certainly members of the Tong. A fifth, named TSUI, was a tu-szu or first captain and was probably a serving military officer in the locality. The final title is ching sheng #. Of these various degree and title holders sixteen were named WONG *. The coincidence is probably too great to be accidental and the number of purchases testifies to the Tong's wealth, whilst the presence of genuine scholars, probably from the Cheung Chau branch, and the genealogical record, confirm its gentry status in the late Ch'ing period. There is no doubt that the main Tong was well entrenched and able to exert an "interest" with the district ruler and perhaps also with the prefect and viceroy at Canton. 23 HSIAO illustrates the slight degree of local control on another island, Ch'a K'eng, off the coast of Sun Wui district, Kwangtung, in Rural China, pp. 344-348. For his views on the effectiveness of imperial control see pp. 320-322 and pp. 316-320 for the role of the gentry in local affairs. CH'U, op. cit., chapter 10, also examines the problem in general. Krone's article (see note 22), apparently written from long, first-hand knowledge of the western part of San On shows that the district magistrate and his deputy and sub-magistrates had little control over the population (see especially p. 81), and perhaps wanted it less, e.g. "... the Mandarin of Fuk Wing (a sub-magistrate) confided to me, in a conversation that I had with him that he had nothing to do but to eat, to drink and to smoke”, though over 200 villages were in his charge. 24 The district association is of considerable antiquity in China. They were known in Sung times: see J. Gernet, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion 1250-76 (London, Allen and Unwin 1962) p. 222; see also Y. K. Leong and L. K. Tao Village and Town Life in China (London, Allen and Unwin 1915) pp. 78-9 for "the guild of co-provincials" and H. B. Morse, The Gilds of China (London, Longmans, Green 1909) pp. 35-48 for the provincial club with a mercantile bias. 25 With consequent language difficulties. See R. A. D. Forrest (a former Hong Kong Cadet Officer) "The Southern Dialects of Chinese", Appendix No. 1 to V. Purcell The Chinese in South East Asia (Oxford University Press 1951). 26 The word "member" may have too strong a connection with the modern club where one pays an entrance fee and monthly subscriptions. In fact, one was born into membership of these early district associations and participated in their activities by subscription, as required. Mr. LEUNG Yau (see note 28) confirms this for his own association, the Wai Chiu. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 107 EUROPEAN NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE A. D. BLUE * The Yangtse is the greatest river in China, and has been of much greater importance in the history of the world than the Amazon and the Mississippi, which are superior in length and volume. In this respect it ranks with the Nile and the Euphrates, but unlike them it has always had a much greater population living along its banks. The Chinese know the Yangtse as the Long, or Great, River. Marco Polo may not have been the first European to see the Yangtse, but he was certainly the first to appreciate its importance, and to bring it to the notice of the Western world. Of the Yangtse in general Marco Polo said "the multitude of vessels that invest this great river is so great that no one who should read or hear would believe it. The quantity of merchandise carried up and down is past all belief. In fact it is so big, that it seems to be a sea rather than a river". There is no doubt but at that time, the second half of the 13th century, the Yangtse carried a greater volume of traffic than any other river in the world. Marco Polo was correct in thinking that no one would believe his reports on the Yangtse, or on China, and it was left to later generations to appreciate the accuracy of his observations. It was the missions to China of Lord Macartney and Lord Amherst in 1793 and 1816 respectively, that made Europeans realise the importance of the Yangtse. Then in 1842, during the First China War, a British naval force entered the Yangtse, and was on the point of attacking Nanking (182 miles from the mouth) when the Chinese sued for peace. Sixteen years later, after the Second China War, one of the clauses of the Treaty of Tientsin * The author served as an Engineer Officer with the China Navigation Company from 1928 until 1938, and was on the Yangtse in 1930 in the Shengking and again in 1934 in the Wuhu. He was captured by pirates in the Newchang river in Manchuria in 1933 and held prisoner for five and a half months. During and after the War he was in the Colonial Service in West Africa, but in 1958 he returned to service with the China Navigation Company, and this has enabled him to revisit a number of the former Treaty Ports. 1 Chinese records mention the visit of a 'Roman merchant' to Nanking about 230 A.D. See G. F. Hudson, Europe and China (London, 1931), p. 90. Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE 115 journey by chair. He was the first Englishman to travel by this route, which it was hoped would develop into an important trade route from Upper Burma and West China. In 1872 John Swire of London formed the China Navigation Company to trade on the Yangtse, and started by purchasing the two steamers of the Union Steam Navigation Company, following this up a year later with three ships of their own specially built on the Clyde. In this same year of 1873 the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company was formed, a Chinese company partly under government control and direction. This company purchased the steamers of the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company in 1877, and so became the owners of the largest river fleet. A few years later Jardine returned to the Yangtse with the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company, and by the early 1880's the greater part of the Yangtse trade was shared between these three companies: the China Navigation Company, the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company, and the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company. The formation of the China Navigation Company in 1872 was a logical development from that of the Blue Funnel Line by Alfred Holt in 1866. Alfred Holt and John Swire were close friends and business associates, and when the latter opened an eastern branch of his company in Shanghai he took over the agency of the Blue Funnel Line ships. One reason behind the formation of the China Navigation Company was to provide cargoes for the Blue Funnel ships to and from the Yangtse. Alfred Holt was unwilling to operate ships so far from his personal control, but was willing to support the Swire enterprise. The inauguration of the Blue Funnel Service to the Far East, the opening of a Far Eastern branch of John Swire and Company in Shanghai in the same year, and the formation of the China Navigation Company six years later, meant the introduction of a new and powerful combination to the China coast. Holt and Swire, in association with the Clyde shipbuilding family of Scott, were soon to play a very important part in the China trade, and in the shipping of the whole of the Far East. Malaya, the Dutch East Indies, Japan, and Australia, were all to come within their orbit before many years had passed. In 1881 the various shipping interests of Jardine were merged into the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company, of which Jardine were made permanent managers. For a list of the main shipping companies plying on the Yangtze see Appendix on p. 130. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 116 A. D. BLUE There was intense rivalry between John Swire's China Navigation Company and Russell's Shanghai Steam Navigation Company in the years before the latter's ships were sold to the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company. John Swire seems to have adopted and improved on Russell's methods of soliciting business from Chinese merchants, and making his shipping services and godown facilities as attractive to them as possible. This was a policy which the "Princely Hong" were much slower in adopting in their shipping services. It is amusing to read F. B. Forbes's exasperated comments on a dinner party which Swire's compradores gave for their Chinese freight brokers, and at which their European clerks were present and assisted in the hostly duties.12 Forbes thought this undignified, but one imagines his real grievance was that he had not thought of this himself. The Chefoo Convention between Britain and China was signed in 1876, following the murder of A. R. Margary, a British consular officer, on the border between Burma and China. The connection between the two events may appear remote, but at this time the murder of a foreigner, or any untoward outburst of xenophobia on the part of the Chinese, was often followed by China being compelled to surrender some of her territory or sovereignty to the foreign power concerned. In this instance the Chefoo Convention provided for the opening to foreign trade of several more ports on the coast, and a further 340 miles on the Yangtse, the section between Hankow and Ichang known as the Middle River. Ichang, at the upper end of the Middle River, became a treaty port, and also Wuhu, a port between Nanking and Kiukiang. At the same time, Anking, Hichow, Luhchow, Tatung, and Wusueh, were opened to foreign trade as ports of call. These were ports where passengers and cargo could be loaded and discharged, but where foreigners had no rights of residence. All these ports of call, except Luhchow, were below Hankow; Luhchow being on the Middle River 70 miles above Hankow. F. B. Forbes was a nephew of P. S. Forbes, a former head of Russell and Company in America. He was a director of the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company from 1863 to 1866, and from 1868 to 1872, and president from 1872 to 1874. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE 119 The restriction about navigation beyond Ichang was abolished after the Sino-Japanese War by the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895, and three years later the indefatigable Little had the satisfaction of taking his Leechuan from Ichang up to Chungking, the first steamer to navigate the Upper Yangtse. The Leechuan was a twin screw, wooden, steam launch only fifty-five feet long, and too small to carry any cargo. Little acted as his own captain and chief engineer, and the Leechuan had to be pulled up the strongest of the rapids by trackers. Two years later, however, a larger paddle steamer Pioneer, built by Little and a group of associates, made the first commercial passage to Chungking. The Pioneer was built by Denny of Dumbarton, and was 180 feet long, 60 feet beam over the paddle boxes, and had a draft of 6 feet. She carried 150 tons of cargo and many deck passengers, and took seven days between Ichang and Chungking on her first trip. There is a photograph of her in Gleanings from Fifty Years in China by Archibald Little (Philadelphia, 1908), p. 141. Shortly afterwards the Pioneer was commandeered by the British government to bring British subjects down the Yangtse during the Boxer troubles, and she finished her career as H.M.S. Kinshi, the headquarters ship of the Senior British Naval Officer on the Yangtse. In that same year of 1900 the British river gunboat Woodlark, which was 145 feet long, by 23 feet beam, but had a draft of only 3 feet, also reached Chungking, and in the following year Woodlark and her sister ship Woodcock reached Sui Fu, 100 miles beyond Chungking. It was in the December of that year that the first of many serious accidents occurred on the Upper Yangtse, when the German steamer Suichsiang went on the rocks at the Tungling Rapids, 36 miles above Ichang, and was a total loss. The Yangtse has its source in Tibet, not far from the headwaters of the Yellow, Mekong, Salween, and Irawaddy Rivers. When this became known to Europeans it became the ambition of many travellers to go up the Yangtse as far as possible, and then to cross over the Himalayas into Burma or India. This journey had a fascination for Europeans very similar to that exercised by the Nile and Niger over their fathers and grandfathers. The naval expedition of 1861, which went up the river as far as Yochow, landed three Englishmen there who intended to follow the river to its source in Tibet, and then cross over the Himalayas into India. Captain Blakiston, Lieutenant Saral, and Doctor Barton of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE 121 A mere recital of the dates on which the different ports and sections of the Yangtse were opened to foreign trade gives little idea of the difficulties encountered in establishing regular steamer services on the river. Some of these difficulties were political, some economic, and some technical. Physical factors inclined to divide the river into three sections - Lower, Middle, and Upper. The Lower River was the 600 miles from the mouth to Hankow, navigable for ships of up to 10,000 tons in the high water season, and for ships of about half that size all year round. The Middle River was the 340 miles from Hankow to Ichang, and this was navigable for 3,000 ton ships in the high water season, and for slightly smaller ships all year round. The third section was the Upper River, the 400 miles from Ichang to Chungking, which included the famous Yangtse Gorges. At Chungking the bed of the river is 600 feet above sea level, as compared with 130 feet at Ichang, and it is this fall of 470 feet in 400 miles, 1.17 feet per mile, which is the cause of the strong currents and rapids in this section of the river. Only small, very powerful, and specially designed ships could navigate the Upper River. There are some seventy gorges and rapids on the Upper Yangtse, and at some places the river is only 150 yards wide. It is probably the most dangerous stretch of water in the world, and the Chinese estimated that one in ten of junks going through were seriously damaged, and one in twenty lost, while a thousand lives were lost each year. Judging by the many accidents and near accidents, and the callous disregard of life shown by junk men, this is probably an under-estimate. There is some justification, therefore, for an old Chinese saying that "it is more difficult to ascend to Szechuen than to heaven". During the high water season ships of up to 1,400 tons could navigate the Upper Yangtse between Ichang and Chungking, but in the low water season ships of less than half that size could do so. Companies operating on the Upper Yangtse, therefore, had two types of ship, one for the high water and one for the low water season. There was a bewildering variety of native craft operating on the different sections of the Yangtse, ranging from the large ocean-going junks which sailed on the Lower River and to coast ports, to the smallest junks on the highest reaches of the river above Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 144 NOTES AND QUERIES these removals, again from long established locations and substantial houses, is also said to have been mainly on fung shui grounds following a long period of decline, reduced births, infant deaths, and other difficulties. These removals all took place within the last fifty years, that is, within the period of British rule in the New Territories, and it would be interesting to know if there were similar cases in other districts during this period. It is, of course, extremely likely that these periodic removals were a feature of village life in the past. J. W. HAYES. AN OLD FORT AT TUNG CHUNG ON LANTAO ISLAND If you take a ferry-boat from Hong Kong to Lantao and land at the bay of Tung Chung it is worth while looking at the old fort which still exists near the hamlet of Lung Ching Tau. The walls are still in good preservation and inside there is a broad gun-platform with six cannon in position, one of which has an inscription on it showing that it dates from the middle of Chia-Ch'ing's reign. It is known that a fort and garrison was maintained at Tung Chung during most of Chia-Ch'ing's reign (1796-1821) when a large and successful fleet of junks manned by Chinese pirates terrorized the coasts of Kwangtung and Kwangsi. There is documentary evidence that a fort was constructed at Tung Chung in the twenty-second year of Chia-Ch'ing's reign (1817).1 In 1834, during the few months when Lord Napier was Superintendent of British Trade at Canton and relations between the two countries were very strained, the fort at Tung Chung was again mentioned in Chinese documents. The Governor-General of the two Kwangs at that time, Lu K'un, in a 'memorandum' to the throne submitted at the beginning of 1 See Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, Chinese text (Institute of Chinese Culture, Hong Kong, 1959) footnote on p. 236. An English translation of this book published under this title in May 1963 omits the footnotes. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v NOTES AND QUERIES 145 September 1834 stated: "The English barbarians have always been very cunning. Hitherto they have squatted in Macao and have coveted Ta Yu Shan.1 Towards the end of this memorandum he wrote: "Moreover your minister has dispatched three hundred picked troops from [his] Regiment and appointed the tu-ssu2 (? 'Captain') Hung Fa-k'e to go to Macao to reinforce the garrison. As to the fort[s] on Ta Yü Shan we have sent an officer there to take measures for defence and secretly to make dispositions at every place, without arousing suspicion. As soon as it is ascertained that the barbarians are peaceful we will withdraw them." These precautions were confirmed by an edict issued to the members of the Grand Council dated the 28th day of the 8th month of the 14th year of Tao-kuang's reign (30 September 1834) which contained the following words: "Junior officers and men must be dispatched to the places both inside and outside the provincial capital and to the neighbourhood of Macao and to the forts of Ta Yü Shan, and patrolling must be increased without arousing suspicion, and precautions taken unostentatiously. Inside the walls of the old fort there is now a flourishing Government-subsidised school and it all looks very neat and peaceful; very different from the time when active preparations were made there to repel a possible attack from the British. It would be interesting to know more about this fort and also the one at Fan Lau. Can anyone add any further information? J. L. CRANMER-BYNG. 1 The Chinese name of the island called by foreigners Lantao. Text in Shih-liao hsün-k'an, #21, 765b, column 6. 2 Ibid., 766, columns 11-12. 3 There was another fort on Lantao at Fan Lau on the Southwest corner of the island, 4 Tung-hua hsü-lu. Reprinted in Chiang T'ing-fu, Chin-tai Chung-kuo wai-chiao shih tzu-liao chi-yao, Vol. I, p. 10, columns 12-13. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 148 NOTES AND QUERIES David Lopes, in his Expansão da lingua portuguesa nos séculos XVI, XVII e XVIII, showed that a pidginized Portuguese was the Europeans' lingua franca in the East up to the nineteenth century. This may have been the jargon from which the English sailors found their lingo and taught it to the low life of English sea ports. If this is so, it may have entered one level of our language at approximately the same time as savvy, probably Portuguese sabe, though the OED says Spanish, and Partridge (Origins) says Sabir; dodo, Portuguese doudo: OED, 1628 E. ALTHAM Lett. to Sir Edw. Altham "18 June in the Iland Mauritius, called by ye Portingalls a DoDo... P.S. Of Mr. Perce you shall receue a iarr of giner... and a bird called a DoDo, if it lives"; pickaninny Portuguese pequenino: OED 1657 R. LIGON Barbadoes, 48 "When the child is borne (which she calls her Pickaninnie) she (a neighbour) helps to make a little fire neve her feet... In a fortnight, this woman is at work with her Pickaninny at her back." But even if lingo did enter English cant from Sabir, it would be likely that it was later reinforced by a similar form in sailor's Portuguese. The same could be said, of course, of savvy. | ROBERT WALLACE THOMPSON, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v # ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY # HONG KONG BRANCH ## List of Members on the 9th April, 1963 ### Patron: His Excellency Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E. ABRAHAM, R. D.* - 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. AIDE-DE-CAMP, The - Government House, Garden Road, H.K. ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. - University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. ARMERDING, L. E.* - 11, Creasy Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. BADAMS, P. W. M. - c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, H.K. (Trustee) BAIRD, John W. - Ltd., Shell House, 6th Floor, H.K. BARD, Dr. S. M. - c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. BARNETT, K. M. A. - University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. BARON, D. W. B. - P. O. Box 248, H.K. BARR, John S. - 30 Severn Road, H.K. BARTON, Hon. H. D. M. - c/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. - Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. BASTO, Gerald De - c/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K. BEDWELL, Miss E. - 604 Fu House, 7 Ice House Street, H.K. BENANZIO, Dr. M. - c/o H.K. Housing Authority, G.P.O. Bldg., Top Floor, H.K. BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. - c/o Italian Embassy, Djalan Diponegoro 47, Djakarta, Indonesia, BERTOVICH, Miss Ruth C. - Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Road, H.K. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G. - c/o The American Consulaic-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. + - Italian Embassy, Tokyo, Japan. BLACK, D. - 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon. BLACKMORE, M. - "Hacienda", Crieff, Perthshire, Scotland. BLUE, A. D. - Department of History, The University, H.K. BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. - "Upper Woodburn", 19 Millig Street, Helensburgh, Scotland. BONSALL, G. W. - The University, Pokfulum, H.K. BORGEEST, G. - Flat 3, 94-D Pokfulum Road, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 165 Page 166 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 150 BOYD, J. D. I. BRAGA, J. M. - BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BRUUN, F. - A-1 9th Floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. - P. O. Box 951, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Fisheries Research Station. The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen. Radio Hong Kong, Rodney Block, G/F., Wellington Barracks, H.K. 908, Takshing House, H.K. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. - 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. BYRNE, D. J. - CALCINA, P. G. * CHAN, Dr. H. C. - CHAN, Hok-lam CHAN, Leonard + CHAU, Hon. Sir T. N. *- CHAU, Wah-ching CHENG, T. C.. CHEONG-LEEN, Hilton + c/o China Light & Power Co., Ltd. Argyle St., Kowloon. Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th Floor, H.K. Bank of Canton Building, H.K. c/o Department of History, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o Pâzer Corporation, G.P.O. 323, H.K. 8, Queen's Road, West, H.K. English Department, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. United College of H.K., Bonham Road, H.K. G.P.O. Box 584, 310 Yu To Sang Building, H.K. CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. 4 Felix Villas, Pokfulum, H.K. CHEUNG, O. CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph - CHIU, Miss B. T. CHIU, Ling-yeong CHOA, Dr. G. H. CHOW, Edward T. CLARK, Mrs. N. E. COHN, Dr. A. J. - COLE, M. 1002, Alexandra House, H.K. 9, Village Road, 1st Floor, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Department of Botany, The University, H.K. 167, Yee Kuk Street, 3rd Floor, Shumshuipo, Kowloon. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3 Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. 71, Peak Road, H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th Floor, "F", H.K. 16, Conduit Road, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v IJ 151 CRANMER-BYNG, J. L. CUMINE, E. CUMMING, M. S. DAIKO, P. + D'ALMADA, C. P. DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. DAVIES, Miss A. C. DAVIS, Prof. S. G. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. DJOU, G. G. DONOHUE, Hon. P. DRAKE, Prof. F. S. DRAKE, Mrs. F. S. DRAKEFORD, L. S. + DUNCANSON, J. D.* DUNT, P. EDWARDS, O. P. ELWOOD, J. O. ENDACOTT, G. B. ENGEL, Dr. D. EVANS, P. J. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EWING, Miss E. FABER, Mrs. A. - - P - - - Department of History, The University, H.K. 14, Embassy Court, H.K. c/o M/S. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. P. O. Box 201, H.K. Supreme Court, H.K. Government Ophthalmic Centre, Arran St., Mongkok, Kowloon. c/o The European Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Rd., Kowloon. 2, Friston, 15 Old Peak Road, H.K. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy 11 ! ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 152 FABER, S. E. FAERBER, M. + FAERBER, Mrs. M. FEARON, J. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. - FOERSTER, E. J FOORD, Dr. Roy D. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. FRIEDMAN, J. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan * + GABBOTT, F. R. GALVIN, J. A. T. * GARCIA, A. GEORGE, Mrs. R. M. GEORGE, T. J. B. GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H. GILES, R. GLOVER, G. F. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOOD, Major D. A. - - + I. Repulse Bay Road, H.K. + c/o Paragon Book Gallery, 140 East 59th Street, New York 22, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o Paragon Book Gallery, 140 East 59th Street, New York 22, N.Y., U.S.A. 41, Thorny Road, Thornhill, Cumberland, England. c/o Education Department (H.K. Sub-Office), Fung House, H.K. c/o P. W. D., Central Government Offices, H.K. c/o P. O. 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CRE, Hong Kong, British Forces Post Office 1, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 153 GOTTSCHALK, E. GREEN, Mrs. M. GUADAGNINI, Dr. P. - 6, Macdonnell Road, Apt. 15, H.K. 3, Barker Road, H.K. Italian Consul-General, 705, Chartered Bank Building, H.K. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de 5, Coombe Road, H.K. HARMAN, A. L. HARRISON, Prof. B. HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J. * HAYWARD, G. W. + HEDLEY-SAUNDERS, Mrs. J. - HELLBECK, Dr. H. - HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha + HERRIES, M. A. R. D'HESTROY, Baron P. de Gaiffier HINDMARSH, R. H. HO, Hung-pong HO, Kuang-chung HO, Teh-kuei HOFFMAN, Mrs. D. P. - HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M., Kt. HOLMES, Hon. D. R. HORSMAN, Miss A. M. HOWORTH, J. F. + c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Department of History, H.K. 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HSIA, Tung-pei c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2013 Union House, H.K. 131-B, Wanchai Building, 8th Floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 154 HSUEH, Dr. C. T. HUGHES, G. M. - HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. * HUGHES, W. I. - HUNG, C. S. INGLES, Miss J. M. INGLETON, N. J. C. JACKSON, R. N. JONES, Dr. J. R.* KELLY, Miss E. KEOWN, W. C. - KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. KNIGHTLY, F. J. H + - + Department of History, The University, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Bldg., H.K. RBL 175, Sassoon Road, H.K. Department of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. 19, Hee Wong Terrace, 1st Floor, H.K. Government House, Garden Road, H.K. Tung Hai Navigation Co., 802, Grand Building, H.K. The Registry, H.K. University. H.K. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. c/o Butterfield & Swire, (H.K.) Ltd., Union House, H.K. c/o Jardine. Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. M. O. Tai Lam Prison, N.T. N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magis- tracy, Kowloon. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. - 2, University Drive, H.K. The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn.. H.K. KNOWLES, Hon. W. C. G.* c/o Butterfield & Swire Ltd., Union House. H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* c/o Butterfield & Swire Ltd., Union House, KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. KVAN, Rev. E. * KWAN, Hon. C. Y. * KWOK, Hon. Chan * KWOK Miss Rose Y. KWOK, W. LACEY, J. A. L - - - H.K. Pink House, 8-B Shatin Heights, N.T. St. John's College, Hong Kong University. Pokfulum, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Hang Seng Bank Building, Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 7 Arbuthnot Road, H.K. 39-B Estoril Court, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v LAI, T. C. LAMBIE, Dr. J. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. - LAU, Wai-mai - LAW, Chung-kam LAWRY, R. E. LEE, H. W. - LEE, J. S. LEE, Hon. R. C. LEFEVOUR, Dr. E. LEHMANN, Miss I. H. LEMARE, J. R. LI, Dr. T. Y.* LINDSAY, Mrs. B. E. - LINDSAY, T. J. LIU, D. H. LIU, Dr. T. Y. LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Chin-tang LO, T. S.* LOSEBY, Miss P. - LOTHROP, F. B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. LUM, Miss A. + • - - Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. 155 c/o Director of Medical & Health Services, Tower Court, Hysan Avenue, H.K. Brentwood College, Cobble Hill P.O., Vancouver Island, B.C. Canada. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. Victoria Heights, 43-A, Stubbs Road, Flat 1-A, H.K. The British Council, First Floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. 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I - ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 156 LUPTON, G. C. M. MA, Meng MCBAIN, E. B. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J MCCRARY, M. * McDOUALL, Hon. J. C. MCGRATH, D. B. MACK, A. M. The District Officer, Taipo, N.T. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. New Tregunter Mansion, Old Peak Road, H.K. 25-A Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K. c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, Central, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3, U.K. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. Maryknoll Fathers, Stanley, H.K. MALLORY-BROWNE, W. MANEELY, R. B. MARTIN, Rev. Canon E. W. L. MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W. 2, Old Peak Road, H.K. Anatomy Department, The University, H.K. 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Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. 301, Grand View Mansion, 1 Wang Fung Terrace, H.K. 301, Grand View Mansion, 1 Wang Fung Terrace. H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 159 STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., H.K. SWIRE, A. C. * TALBOT, H. D. TANG, Shiu-kin * THOMAS, L. F. + THOMAS, Dr. O. L. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Department of Geography, The University, H.K. The Kowloon Motor Bus Co., (1933) Ltd., 505, Pedder Building, H.K. Co-operative Development & Fisheries Department, Li Po Chun Chambers, 11th Floor, H.K. 17, Magnolia Road, Yau Yat Chuen, Kowloon. THOMPSON, Lt. Col. P. H. CRE Hong Kong B.F.P.O.1, H.K. THOMPSON, R. W. - TILL, The V. Rev. B. * - TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TREGEAR, Miss M. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. - TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir M. * VETCH, H. - VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. VISCHER, Mrs. H. B. VISICK, Mrs. Mary WADDINGTON, Mrs. A. WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, Miss J. E. A. WARD, W. L. - WARNER, J. M. WATSON, K. A. WEI, Dr. Tat + Dept. of Modern Languages, The University, H.K. The Dean's House, H.K. 6, Peak Mansions, H.K. c/o Ashmolean Museum, Oxford University, Oxford, UK. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Queen's Road E., H.K. China Building, 4th Floor, H.K. "Whispers" Riversdale, Boume End, Bucks, U.K. c/o H.K. University Press, H.K. c/o H.K. University Press, H.K. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. A-23, Estoril Court, 15 Garden Road, H.K. Department of English, The University, H.K. 9, Middle Gap Road, H.K. c/o Commerce & Industry Department, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. 51, Buxey Lodge, Conduit Road, H.K. Apt. 3, No. 7, Magazine Gap Road, H.K. City Hall, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. H.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Association, Queen's Road, East, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 160 WEINREBE, H. M. WEISS, K. WELCH, H. H. * WILLIAMS, P. B. WILSON, B. D. WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Dr. Man WONG, Pao-hsie WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WOO, Dr. A. W. - WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Miss P. YAO, Pe-chun YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, W. T, YOUNG, Dr. R. S. YOUNG, Mrs. S. YU, Ping-Kuen YU, Yin C. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103/4 Yu To Sang Bldg., 37, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. P. O. Box 718, H.K. 1. Austin Road, 10th Floor, Kowloon. c/o Colony Headquarters, Arsenal St., H.K. c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. 402, Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. Rm. 108, China Building, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. B-5, Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st Floor, 80, Tai Po Road, Kowloon, 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st Floor, H.K. Woo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1st Floor, H.K. 204, China Building, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. 90, Mt. Nicholson, H.K. I.L. 7635 Cooper Road, Block 2 East, 2nd Floor, Jardine's Lookout, Causeway Bay, H.K. c/o Mental Hospital, H.K. 60-B, Conduit Road, Ground Floor, H.K. Clinical Pathology Unit, Department of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K. Clinical Pathology Unit, Department of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K. Department of Chinese, The University, H.K. 205-207, Gloucester Building, Hong Kong. No. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. * Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy 1 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r ACC. NO. 5.00860 DATE OF ACC 24.9. 65 CLASS NO. HKS 950 AUTHOR NO PA & M X H Z REBOUND The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in April, 1965. 1,000 copies Price per copy : HK $12 US $2 postage extra UK 16/- Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by Ye Olde Printerie, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r Volume III (contd.) No. of copies in stock J. L. CRANMER-BYNG. The Old British Legation at Peking, 1850 - 1959. 28 pp. 2 plates. $6.20 J. W. HAYES. Cheung Chau 1850-1898: Information from Commemorative Tablets. 19 pp. $3.80 CLIVE ROBINSON. Kashmir Holiday. 5 pp. 2 plates. $1.60 Volume IV E. W. ELLSWORTH. Journal of Occurances at Canton, 1839. 33 p. 2 plates. $7.20 K. M. A. BARNETT. Hong Kong before the Chinese. 26 pp. $5.20 25 15 24 18 76 HO TICKON. Introduction to Chinese Painting. 3 pp. $0.60 78 J. W. HAYES. Peng Chau between 1798-1899. 26 pp. 1 plate. $5.50 80 V. R. BURKHARDT. Hong Kong Butterflies. 9 pp. 7 Col. plates. $5.30 75 J. L. CRANMER-BYNG & A. SHEPHERD. A Reconnaissance of Ma Wan and Lantao Islands in 1794. 15 pp. 5 plates. $4.50 53 D. LESLIE. Forke's Translation of the Lun Heng. 8 pp. $1.60 37 F. B. L. George Chinnery 1774-1852, Artist of the China Coast. 5 pp. $1.00 130 Knight BiggerSTAFF. University of Hong Kong: The First 50 Years, 1911 - 1951. 3 pp. $0.60 21 T. C. LAI. The Art of Chinese Poetry. 3 pp. $0.60 A. ST. G. WALTON. An Introduction to the Birds of Hong Kong. 2 pp. $0.40 220 21 22 E. MANEELY. Asian Perspectives. 2 pp. $0.40 J. L. CRANMER-BYNG. A Collection of Chinese Books from the Royal Society now in the Library of Leeds University. 1 p. $0.20 J. W. HAYES. The Tung Chung Fort. 4 pp. $0.80 C. Y. NG. Some Notes on Tung Chung. 3 pp. $0.60 K. M. A. BARNETT. Loan-words in the Chinese Language. 2 pp. $0.40 31 19 19 16 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E., M.A., Governor of Hong Kong. THE COUNCIL, 1963-64: President: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: The Hon. Sir Tsun-nin Chau, C.B.E., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. Hon. Secretary: R. E. Lawry, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: T. J. Lindsay, M.A. Hon. Editor: H. D. Talbot, B.Sc. Hon. Librarian: H. D. Talbot, B.Sc. Councillors: Marjorie Topley, Ph.D.* W. Mallory-Browne N. du Breuil* Ma Meng, B.A.* The Hon. W. C. G. Knowles, M.A., J.P. * Member of Editorial Committee ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r # OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. # NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS The Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 2 May 13th June 17th August 19th Professor C. P. FitzGerald "The Succession Crises in the Manchu Dynasty after the Death of the Tung Chih Emperor" Professor Yao Hsin-nung "K'un Ch'u — The Classical Chinese Drama” (Illustrated with colour slides and a demonstration by Miss Hsiao Fang-fang in full make-up and costume) Mr. Ho Tickon "Method and Technique of Chinese Painting" (Illustrated by the artist/lecturer) September 30th "Conquest of Everest"-film (British Council) October 20th Expedition to Tung Chung, Lantao island to visit the old fort. October 25th Dr. W. Hellmich "Tasks and Results of the Research Scheme Nepal Himalaya” (In co-operation with the Faculty of Science, University of Hong Kong) November 18th Mr. K. M. A. Barnett "Hong Kong before the Chinese — the Puzzle and the Missing Pieces" December 10th Documentary films on Hong Kong:- "This is Hong Kong" "Sea Festivals of Hong Kong" "The Boat People" the Frame, It is no mean tribute to the standing of the Hong Kong Branch of the Society that it has succeeded in attracting as guest speakers such eminent and world-wide authorities as Professor Hansford, Dr. Freedman, Professor Fitzgerald and last month Professor Fairbanks. It is equally a tribute to the rich local talent of the Society that six of the addresses — all of high standard and of great interest — during the year were given by local members, while the more recent address by Mr. Cranmer-Byng proved to be one of the most appreciated of all. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 11 in the Pearl River estuary. This estuary formed a great bay on the eastern edge of which was Hong Kong and on the western edge the Portuguese city of Macao. Many of the ships whose cargo were destined for Canton stopped first at Macao and the city was the summer home of a considerable number of foreign merchants trading to Canton. The island of Lintin, consisting of little more than a sharp peak rising in the center of the bay, was the entrepôt of the opium trade. At the mouth of the Pearl River a series of forts known as the Bogue dominated the estuary, at its widest three miles and at its narrowest one mile.* European ships were required to stop at the fortifications and receive permission from the Chinese authorities to proceed up the Pearl River. They then sailed on thirty miles to Whampoa, an island in the river where they anchored and discharged their cargos which were taken by barges and smaller ships thirteen miles to Canton, Neither the depth of the river nor the Chinese government permitted the "Foreign Devils" to bring large ships to the provincial capital. On March 28, 1839 Elliot agreed to turn over to Commissioner Lin the entire holdings of opium which he stated as 20,283 chests. As each major consignment of opium was delivered restrictions on foreigners were eased in regard to food supplies and employment of Chinese workers. By early May conditions outwardly had returned to normal, the embargo lifted and the river opened to commercial traffic. The first crisis was over but the basic problem had not been settled. The journal of William Hunter covered the critical days of siege from March to May 1839. Hunter graphically presented the dangers and concerns of the western community in Canton yet more significantly he showed the necessary patterns of life which develop even in the midst of agonizing uncertainty. In short the routine of peace was exchanged for the routine of confinement. All in all, tension produced by a state of siege, rumor, and the anticipation of an unknown fury ready to be unleashed by Chinese authorities were key ingredients of the spirit of the beleagured foreign community in Canton in 1839. Hunter was not concerned about the morality of opium trade. Apparently he saw no justification whatsoever for the action of the Chinese government. * For places mentioned here and in the Journal see the map facing p. 27. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 12 W. C. HUNTER The Hunter Journal was presented to the Boston Athenaeum by Dr. Robert W. Hooper on March 27, 1858. Hooper was born in Marblehead, Massachusetts in 1810, graduated from Harvard College in 1830, received a medical degree from the same institution six years later, and thereafter became a prominent surgeon in Boston. Hooper was also a bibliophile and a trustee of the Boston Athenaeum who added substantially to its holdings by gifts. It is impossible to establish definitely how he obtained the Hunter Journal, but it seems probable that it came from his wife's family. In 1837 he married Ellen Sturgis, daughter of William Sturgis who was active in the Orient trade. Many Massachusetts men engaged in the China trade were related. In 1788 Thomas Handasyd Perkins went to China on the Astraea and launched a commercial venture with the aid of his elder brother James. 1803 their nephew J. P. Cushing also travelled there and managed the business until 1828. Other nephews of T. H. Perkins, James Sturgis, and Charles Bennet Forbes also prospered in the China trade. In 1833 the third generation of the family left Boston for the Orient and for the next decade divided his time between Manila and Canton. William Hunter was a business associate of both R. B. Forbes and Russell Sturgis and mentioned the latter in his Journal, Julian Sturgis, son of Russell had vivid memories of Hunter. In I remember Mr. Hunter visiting my parents at Walton (England) when I was a boy, a handsome, courteous man with a brown face and white moustache, like a fine type of Anglo-Indian, and speaking Chinese for our amusement with so soft a voice that I have often wondered how much of that soft musical quality was due to him and how much inherent in that unknown tongue.2 Hunter finally left Canton and closed Russell and Company in May 1841. This move was recorded in the letters of William Henry Low, a young man in his twenties who arrived in Canton in September 1839 and joined his brother A. A. Low in Russell and Company. 1 Russell Sturgis joined Baring Brothers and Co. of London after he ended his commercial ventures in China about 1849. He became senior partner of the English firm in 1873. 2 Julian Sturgis, From Books and Papers of Russell Sturgis (Oxford, 1893), p. 206. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 14 W. C. HUNTER Linguists were licensed Chinese interpreters. (See note 39). Compradore was a Chinese national in charge of workers in a factory. Coloured buttons attached to caps determined the rank of Chinese officials. The term Hoppo was coined by Westerners to designate the official appointed by the Emperor to look after trade at Canton and to remit the resulting revenue to the Board of Revenue (the hu-pu) at Peking. His full title was Yüeh Hai-kuan-pu which means "Superintendent of Customs for the province of Canton”. Chop was an official pronouncement by Chinese authorities. Chop boats carried cargo from Whampoa to Canton; in design they resembled a melon with circular decks and sides and could provide for 500 chests of opium. JOURNAL OF OCCURRENCES AT CANTON 1839 March 24, Sunday The Chinese are building bridges across the street in the rear, to the roofs of our Hongs in order the better to keep a lookout. Our servants, coolies, cooks, and compradore as well as those from all other Factories, quit the Hongs this evening. It looked as if they were running from a plague, each person carried off his bed, trunk, or box, and for a short time the Square was all in confusion. The linguists permitted ours to remain till the last moment, and from the time the order for them to quit was received, which was about 8 p.m., till after 8 when not a Chinese was left in any Hong, the coolies made out to secure for us outside and bring in about 60 fowls, 15 tubs of water, a tub of sugar, some oil, a bag of biscuits, and a few other things. The Square now is one blaze of light, innumerable lanterns from the different Hongs are disposed all over it, and the noise of some three or four hundred coolies stationed to guard any foreigner from leaving Canton makes it resemble a large wild encampment. Captain Elliot landed at the Factory steps about 5 p.m., hoisted the British colors and called a meeting of all the foreigners in Canton. He then went to Mr. Dent's Factory and took him to the hall. Thousands of Chinese in the Square greatly excited ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 17 and Bengal, except the Turkey which belongs to Baring Brothers and Company, London. At night the linguists took me on board their boat stationed in the creek opposite the Factories and gave me supper, after which I was returning home to turn in when two of Houqua's13 coolies on guard at the gate contrived to slip inside the gate a small bag containing two boiled capons, a boiled ham, three loaves of bread and some crackers tied up in leaves. I paid them half a dollar. The articles were brought by order of Houqua. 29th Two sheep, four pigs, sixteen hams, ten fowls, sixteen geese, and six bags of rice were brought today for distribution amongst the American residents. The linguists say they are from the Commissioner* and deputy Governor* and a mark of Imperial favor for having consented to deliver up the opium. Our situation is one of great mystery. Although the Chinese say that having promised to deliver up the opium we have risen in the Commissioner's esteem yet today no foreigner is allowed to pass up China Street which we were allowed to do till this morning, and a strong guard has been posted there of about fifty men with pikes, staves, shields and so on. 30th 10 p.m. Houqua's head man came in just now in a great fright and told me that our cook and coolie, who have been in our Factory since last evening and who contrived to get in over the roof of the rear Factory, must immediately leave as the Commissioner had just issued another edict threatening with death any native who sold a particle of food to, or who served a foreigner in any way inside his Factory. I communicated this to the cook and coolie who consent to remain till morning. 31 March, Sunday This morning at 9 a linguist from Old Tom's establishment brought us a basket of bread and eggs. Every night the force stationed to guard the Factories consists of about 500 men drafted from the different Hongs and armed principally with pikes or lances and long heavy staves. Word illegible. Each ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 20 W. C. HUNTER there was a large Chop posted on the wall of the Company's Factory giving a review of the correspondence between the Commissioner and the foreigners up to this time. At 5 p.m. the coolies brought us 6 buckets of water and 4 bundles [of] hay for the cows and promised to bring us some spring water tomorrow. April 2, Tuesday New China Street, Hog Lane and the alley in front of Cox's house have been built up with bricks for the double purpose of preventing the escape of foreigners and to keep all Chinese out of the Square. None but those on duty are permitted to come in front of the Factories. The guards are erecting more mat sheds by the water side. Supplies of bread, fruit, spring water and other things brought to each Factory. Everything very dull in the day time. The Factories, deserted by the Chinese who used to live in them, are as desolate as possible, and at night dark and dreary. We have, however, quantities of food supplied us by the Consoo. Hired six of the coolies on guard at our Factory gate to wash out the Hong, and paid them 25 cents each. We have a fellow to look after our cows who comes in and goes out at pleasure, the linguists having furnished him with a pass. All the coolies, police and soldiers stationed around the Factories are each supplied with a pass which they are obliged to show on passing in and out of the gate at the end of Old China Street which is the only entrance into the Square, all the other avenues having been bricked up. The pass is a small piece of wood attached to a red string with the characters Yaou-Pae, meaning "a pass attached to the waist" where it is fastened. Beneath these characters are others, private marks. The washerman came yesterday and brought our clean clothes and took some away to be washed, having no pass a linguist came in with him and remained till he went away. Everything taken from the Factories, I am told, is first carried to the Consoo House, where, with the carriers, all are examined. A precaution taken to prevent any letter or note being carried out of the Hongs which might be sent to the vessels at Whampoa, at Lintin, or Macao. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 21 Our greatest fear is that the boats from the shipping at Whampoa where there is a force of eight or ten hundred men may attempt to force their way to Canton to relieve us, in which case the Chinese would probably fall upon and massacre us. It is to be hoped, however, that all the foreigners there are too well aware of the imminent danger in which we would be placed by attempting to come up while matters remain in so very ticklish a position. We also expect the daily arrival of our two vessels of war, the Columbia and John Adams, and hope they will not do any act or aggression outside or at the Bogue, April 3 Captain Elliot issued a circular today which I refer you to. Johnston, the Second Superintendant, and Thom are to accompany Pwankeikua and Saoqua to Macao and from thence to the shipping to attend to the delivery of the opium to the Chinese officer who also goes down as a special messenger from the Commissioner to receive it. They are to start at 4 p.m. in Chop boats. At one after five Thom and Johnston, attended by Alantsae, the linguist, one of the Houqua's servants, and a Malay and a Chinese servant left the point in front of the Creek Hong in Houqua's boat and were taken to a large Chop waiting for them at anchor in front of the Factories, when they immediately got under way for Macao. Friday 5 Still prisoners and hostages for the delivery of the 20,282 chests of opium surrendered by Captain Elliot to the Commissioner. We are promised that the servants shall be restored when one fourth is delivered, the passage boats be allowed to leave when one half's delivered and our guard to be removed, and that when three fourths is delivered the trade shall be commenced, and matters shall resume their former course when all is delivered. My present intention is to leave Canton so soon as the first 1,000 chests are delivered, for if there is any difficulty in completing the entire delivery we may be retained as prisoners yet a long time, and there are doubts of the entire quantity being at hand to deliver. Our breakfast and dinner is now prepared at Old Tom the linguist's house, and brought to us by coolies in covered boxes. Captain Elliot sent a letter to Macao today. Old Tom who Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 22 W. C. HUNTER forwarded it let me send a small chit to Mr. Sturgis by the same conveyance.23 Weather very warm. 9 p.m. Houqua came in this evening with a Chop from the Commissioner for Mr. Snow, the Consul, which orders him to give up 1,500 and odd chests of opium which he says he knows are held by American merchants, and does not believe the statement sent him three days since by Mr. Snow wherein was clearly stated that this opium which was held by American merchants had been surrendered to Captain Elliot by his order as it was British property. A quantity of large Chops left Canton today for Lankeel to receive the opium and bring it to Canton. It appears the vessels outside are to come up to Lankeel and there deliver it, two vessels at a time, so that it may be a month yet before we are released from imprisonment, if so soon. The Chinese do things of this sort very slowly. All the vessels at Whampoa remain as before. On the day the Commissioner laid his paw upon us, stopped the trade, surrounded us with soldiers, and deprived us of our cooks, coolies and servants and of all intercourse with the Chinese there were 7 or 8 vessels ready for sea and on the point of sailing, amongst them are three consigned to us, Vancouver, Niantic, and Francis Stanton all loaded except the last and she only wanted a few tons more to complete her cargo. It is to be hoped the Chinese government will have to pay all this detention with interest, to say nothing of the violent imprisonment of all foreigners in Canton who are not to be released till opium, not their own, is given up to this scoundrel of a Commissioner. It is nothing more nor less than an act of piracy. Not one of us is allowed to quit Canton, innocent or guilty, till the opium is all in his hands. He has caught us this time in a trap, but please God he may be well thrashed for it yet, and if our lives, as he threatens, are to be the penalty for the non-delivery of the 20,282 chests of opium this place may by and by be made too warm for him,24 Sunday 8th* Achun arrived today from Macao and reports that there are * A mistake, Sunday was the 7th and the 8th was a Monday, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 28 W. C. HUNTER One comes and says his cows are starving as the cow-man sent to look after them has run away. Mr. B appears and in great distress begs them to send a few coolies to wash out his Hong, it being unwashed for ten days. Mr. K wants a basket of oranges, and Mr. F comes to complain of some of the guard having been insolent, with threats of his being about to go and annihilate them with his stick, at which the linguists say, "Hae yaw? 42 How can do? Mandarin angry too muchee". Then Mr. C comes in with a bundle in his hand which proves to be a ragged jacket or two which he insists upon it must be mended instantly. Others come to hoax the poor fellows with threats of forcing their way up China Street which alarms them and brings out the usual, “Hae yaw? How can do? No good takee so?" Mr. B runs in and swears the rats are running away with everything movable in his Factory, and Mr. A tells them if they don't make the guard keep out strange dogs and strange cows and calves from wandering up his Hong, half starved and barking and bleating, that he will fire at them and they must take the consequences. A multitudinous (what a shocking long word) quantity of calls of this and every other nature keeps these poor fellows constantly busy and in trepidation. Besides the headmen each has from 6 to 12 clerks or pursers as we call them, and some 8 or 10 coolies constantly by, and they are kept on the go from daylight till late at night running from the tailors to the butchers, from the washerman to the shoemakers, from the market to [the] cow-keepers to supply the wants of some 350 imprisoned foreigners who cannot go beyond the Square in front of the Factories. But these linguists and all their assistants are the best natured set of fellows living. They laugh at us, they cannot help it; our situation is so entirely that of a closely confined prisoner and making known our wants excites their fun. But they do everything they can to relieve us and go on all manner of errands with great good will. Sunday, 14 April, 6 p.m. At 5 this afternoon Captain Elliot issued a circular in which he states he had received a letter from Johnston dated at Chumpee 8 p.m. of the 12th up to which time the Hercules and Austen had delivered 650 chests of opium to the Chinese officers and that they hoped to get on faster when more boats could be procured of which there was a great scarcity. The Commissioner and the Governor were both at the Bogue, and Captain Elliot also received ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 29 a communication from them in which they state that orders had been transmitted for the return of the cooks, coolies, and compradores to our service. Johnston also states that at noon of the 12th he had ordered up to Chumpee the following vessels, Jane, Ariel, Lady Grant, Ruparell, Mithras and Mermaid with their cargoes for immediate delivery. He says that the mandarins did not give any trouble from too close investigation. 10 p.m. Our compradore came in to see us at 9 and has just gone away, there appears to be a difficulty in returning to the Factories. Bonds are required by the officers which involve them in great responsibility, and he says many will not grant them and consequently will not return to the service of foreigners. Monday, 15 April, 1839 There are about 30 sailors, English, American, Malay, and Bengalee in Canton who happened to be here when the communication with the shipping was cut off and consequently could not get down to their ships. Four belong to H.B.M. Sloop Larne, who came up with Captain Elliot. They afford the Chinese a good deal of sport by their antics in the Square every afternoon. Yesterday afternoon one of them climbed up to the top of the American flagstaff, a height of about one hundred feet, much to the astonishment of our guard. In fact it was quite a feat; he had no assistance except from the cleats nailed at long intervals to the mast. 16th April Two of our coolies have been with us for two or three days, and we have transferred to them the duties of setting table, washing dishes and plates, sweeping, making beds and so forth which we have been, in common with all foreigners, obliged to submit to for more than three weeks past. 16th April, 1839* Young Tom's purser A Heang came in today and reported that he had received a letter from his partner dated at the Bogue which communicated the fact of a boat with 100 chests of opium and a Chinese officer in charge having disappeared. No one knew where she had gone, it was supposed that during bad weather that had been experienced she had foundered. * The journal contains two separate entries for 16th April. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 33 being to get rid of the opium as quick as possible and thereby procure our release. The latest accounts from below are that 12,391 chests have now been delivered to the Chinese. We hear also that Saoqua, one of the Hong merchants at Chumpee, met with a serious accident getting into his own boat from one of the ships. While here old Houqua, one of our best friends, has been confined to his house for a week past with dropsy of which he has a bad attack. Nearly all the Factories have now their compradores, cooks, and coolies and here and there a servant. Our imprisonment is the same as before but the guard at night do not keep up such a continual beating of gongs and blowing of horns as they did. Sunday evening, 28 April, 1839 This evening while taking tea at Elmslie's, Houqua and Mouqua came in. They each sat down and ate some jelly and bread and took a cup of tea. The former had just had a letter from Pwankuqua dated at Chumpee yesterday, which said that 13,900 odd chests had been delivered. After half an hour's chat on various matters they went over to see Captain Elliot at the hall. Wrote to J. & P. Sturgis at Macao, gave the letter to Delano to be forwarded. We heard this morning of the arrival of the Cowasjee Family from Calcutta and Singapore with 500 chests of opium. The Columbia and John Adams sailed from the latter place five days before her. The Columbia we understand for Lintin direct and the John Adams to touch at Bankoff. This news was received with great delight throughout our prison as they may in some measure hasten our release or the catastrophe, whatever it is to be. No passage boats or ship boats allowed to run. Monday, 29 April 1839 Several days since we heard that three lascars had been brought from the coast of Chinchoo at which place they probably deserted from some ship and were lodged at the Consoo House. Today they were released and sent out to the Factories. Nothing can be made of their story except that they belonged to an opium vessel on the coast and had landed and were left behind. This was of course carefully concealed from the Name-Hoe who questioned them at Consoo House. We hear today that Mouqua is better and Saoqua also. He requested permission of the Yum Chae to come up which was refused. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 36 W. C. HUNTER morning their rudders which were unshipped and their sails which were unbent and brought on shore six weeks ago were taken off and replaced. At 6 p.m. intelligence was received from the Bogue of 16,702 chests of opium having been delivered. The coolies dispersed, as they have behaved since placed to guard us, with good order and cheerfulness. They have conducted themselves remarkably well and proper. Hog Lane and the street in front of Cox's are to remain blocked up with bricks which is a good thing. Old and New China Streets are to be opened. We are now to wait and see what takes place on the final delivery of the opium. W. C. HUNTER Journal will be continued and forwarded as vessels sail. Canton 5 May, 1839 Sunday night after 11 I forgot to mention that just before the coolies and guard left the Kwang Hup and Nam Hoy came out and set carpenters to work to break up the ... Snipe49 who was taken prisoner by the Government for smuggling. * Word illegible. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 38 10 Linguist purser. W. C. HUNTER See note 39, (J.L.C-B) 11 Elliot's last day. On 25 March Elliot formally requested the Viceroy that passports should be issued within three days for all the English ships and people at Canton and that if passports were not issued he would consider the men and ships of his country as forcibly detained and act accordingly. Blue Book, Correspondence relating to China, 1840, p. 367. (J.L.C-B.) 12 Edward Elmslie. Secretary and Treasurer to the British Superintendents of Trade, Captain Charles Elliot and the Deputy Superintendent, A. R. Johnston, (J.L.C-B.) 13 Houqua. Known to Westerners at Canton as Howqua 7. His family name was Wu Ch'ung-yüeh (1810-1863). He was the fifth son of the famous Hong merchant Wu Ping-chien whom he succeeded as head of the firm in 1843. For his biography see Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 867-8. (F.L.C-B.) 14 Nam Hoe. Also written Nam Hoi. This means Nan Hai Hsien #i.e. the Magistrate having jurisdiction over the western part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included the area in which the foreign Factories lay. (J.L.C-B.) 15 Kwang Hup. The author may be referring to the Kwangchou hsieh "the Canton brigade", and so to its commander. (J.L.C-B.) 16 The Governor. The Governor of Kwangtung province at this time was I-liang (1791-1867). For his biography see Hummel, op. cit., I, 389. (J.L.C-B.) 17 K'an-ch'o (J.L.C-B.) 18 An-tsou (J.L.C-B) 19 Columbia & John Adams. According to the Chinese Repository Vol. 8, p. 56 the Columbia was a U.S. frigate and the John Adams was classed as a sloop-of-war. The Columbia was commanded by Commodore George C. Read. (J.L.C-B.) 20 Johnston, Alexander Robert Johnston, H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade. When the Government of Hong Kong was set up he was deputy first to Elliot and later to Sir Henry Pottinger and in this capacity he administered the Government of the Colony on various occasions from 1841 until 1843. (J.L.C-B.) 21 Pwan Kei Kua. Probably the merchant whose name was also spelt by Westerners at Canton at that time Ponkhequa and Puan Khequa. This was P'an Chengwei (1791-1850). See Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 605, (J.L.C-B.) 22 Saoqua. His family name was Ma Tso-liang and the name of his Hong was Shun Tai Hong A. (J.L.C-B.) 23 Sturgis. Russell Sturgis (1805-1887) of Boston was first named Nathaniel Russell Sturgis, Jr., but he was always known as Russell Sturgis after his name was changed by decree of the Middlesex County Court. He graduated from Harvard in 1823, married in 1828 but was widowed four months later. After an extended tour of Europe he returned to Boston and for a while practised law. He remarried and in 1833 took his family to the orient where he became a partner of Russell & Sturgis of Manila and Russell, Sturgis & Co. of Canton. Later in 1842 when the latter firm became incorporated with Russell & Co., China, he became a partner in 1842. In May 1844 he retired to Boston, his second wife having died in Manila in 1837. Being far too young to give up work altogether he decided to return to China in 1849 but while passing through London he ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 39 was persuaded to join the firm of Baring Brothers & Co. In 1873 he became senior partner of the house, finally retiring in 1882. (L.T.R.) 24 Lin Tse-hsü's fate. Hunter long survived Commissioner Lin. Lin Tse-hsü was dismissed from office in 1840 and later sentenced to exile in Ili in Chinese Turkistan, where he remained for three years. He was allowed to return to Peking in 1845. He later served as Governor-General of Yunnan and Kweichow, and retired from office in 1849. He died in 1850 at the age of sixty-seven. (J.L.C.B.) 25 Heang-shan (Heungshan). Former name of the District in which Macao lies. Re-named Chung-shan in honour of Sun Yat-sen. (J.L.C-B.) 26 Morrison. John Robert Morrison (1814-1843) was born in Macao, the second son of Dr. Robert Morrison and his first wife Mary (née Morton). He had some schooling in England but at the age of twelve he came back to Canton with his father in 1826. He became a fluent Cantonese speaker as well as a Chinese scholar, and on the death of his father in 1834 was appointed Chinese Secretary to H.M.'s Commission in China. In 1838 he became, in addition, Interpreter, and in 1841 succeeded Elmslie as Secretary and Treasurer to the Superintendent of British Trade in China. In 1843 he was appointed Chinese Secretary and member of the Executive Council of the newly founded Colony of Hong Kong and was recommended for appointment, by the Governor, as Colonial Secretary. Before the appointment was approved, however, he died in Macao in August 1843, and was buried in the Old Protestant Cemetery there. (L.T.R.) 27 Kwang Chow Foo. Kuang-chou fu The Prefect of the Prefecture of which Canton was the chief city. (J.L.C-B.) 28 Kam Hay Hue. No such title. But I suspect Hunter intended to indicate the Namhoi Hien which title was sometimes written Nam Hoy Hien. See note 14. (J.L.C-B.) 29 Pwan Yu Hue. Also written Punyu Hien. The magistrate having jurisdiction over the eastern part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included Whampoa and the foreign shipping there. (J.L.C-B.) 30 Fearon, Samuel Turner Fearon was the second son of Christopher Fearon and Elizabeth Noad who were married on 14 May 1818 at the Streatham Parish Church. His father served as a midshipman at the Battle of Trafalgar and after being discharged from the Royal Navy he joined the Honourable East India Company's marine service. In this service he made a number of voyages to Canton and when he decided to take a shore posting there he brought his wife and family out with him. Samuel became a fluent Cantonese speaker and in 1838 was appointed Interpreter to the Canton General Chamber of Commerce. After the cession of Hong Kong he was appointed interpreter and clerk of the Chief Magistrate's Court and a couple of months later were added the duties of Notary Public and Coroner. Three years later he was appointed Assistant Magistrate of Police and on 1st January 1845 he became Registrar General and Collector of Revenue. In July 1845 he was granted a year's sick leave and while in England he was appointed Professor of Chinese at King's College, London, an appointment which he held from December 1846 until December 1852. (L.T.R.) 31 Van Basel. Magdalenus Jacobus Senn van Basel, born in Groningen, Holland on 27 September 1808, was appointed clerk in the Dutch Consulate at Canton in 1826, and Vice-Consul in November 1831. He was later in partnership with G. M. Toe Laer and P. Tiedenan in the firm of Senn van Basel & Toe Laer & Co. In 1848 he became Collector General of Taxes ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 41 40 Fan Kwais. Fan-kuei ₺ A foreign devil. foreign devil. The title of one of Hunter's books of reminiscences was The Fan Kwae' at Canton before Treaty Days 1825-1844, by an old Resident, London, Kegan Paul, Trench & Co. 1882; reprinted Shanghai 1911. (J.L.C-B.) 41 blows them sky high. By a coincidence Eric Partridge in his interesting work A Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English, 4th Ed. 1951 p. 68 defines to blow sky high as "to scold or blame most vehemently" and adds origin U.S. and anglicised ca. 1900. Here we have an American example of the use of the phrase "to blow sky high" in 1839. (J.L.C-B.) 42 Hae yaw? Probably part of the common expression pronounced in Cantonese "hac yao ch'i lei" £À which means literally "there is no such principle!" So it comes to imply "it can't be done”, (J.L.C-B) 43 bond. The bond presented to the American Consul by Commissioner Lin "stipulated that should any opium be found on an American vessel, the ship would be liable to confiscation and its entire crew liable to death. The Consul, moreover, was to be held responsible for his countrymen's behavior." Dulles, F. R., 1930, The Old China Trade, p. 157. (L.T.R.) 44 Pankugua. Probably a reference to P'an Cheng-wei (pidgin Pwan-keikua). (See note 21.) (J.L.C-B) 45 Chinchoo. Ch'üan-chou, a port in Fukien. (J.L.C-B.) 46 the Governor of Macao. Don Adriao Accacio da Silverira Pinto who served as Governor from 1839 until 1843, (J.L.C-B.) 47 16 foreigners. A list is given in the Blue Book, Correspondence Relating to China 1840, p. 403, which states "Supposed names of the sixteen individuals, as given in the list appended to the Kwang Chou fu's letter to Capt. Elliot dated 4 May 1839." "Supposed" because J. R. Morrison in translating from the Chinese had to guess what names were meant by the sounds of the Chinese characters used for transliteration, The names listed were: Dent, Henry, D. Matheson, Daniell, Inglis, Ilbery, Dadabhoy, A. Jardine, Heerjeebhoy, Stanford, Green, Franjee, A. Matheson, Matheson, Bomanjee, Goldsborough. The 16 left Canton with Elliot on 24th May. (J.L.C-B.) 48 the Chung Hup. This may refer to the two characters pronounced in Cantonese Chung Heep. This officer commanded a brigade. (J.L.C-B.) 49 Snipe. She was a brig of tonnage reported variously as 176 to 196 tons, and registered sometimes as British, sometimes American. She was owned by Augustine Heard & Co., and for many years she was commanded by Capt. William Endicott of Boston, and was stationed at Woosung as an opium receiving ship. (L.T.R.) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE 45 is one important point to be cleared up. The Chinese are highly skilled farmers. Their techniques of land-winning and of irrigation change landscapes. So, alas, does their age-long war against trees. But since A.D. 900 the topography of this territory has been changed not only by human technique. There has also been a gradual, small, but identifiable and, I believe, measurable tilt of the surface of the earth along the axis of the four high peaks (the two on Lantao,37 Tai Mo Shan and Ng Tung Shan104) which has altered and is still altering the coast line. I leave it to geologists to say whether this is a necessary effect of what happens when the subsidence of a long straight shore meets a range of hills parallel to the shore (in which case it will be reproduced at many points of the Chinese coast), or whether it is a local peculiarity. It would also be interesting to fill in some of the chronological gaps and find out whether the two clear cases of recent river capture13 took place before or after the Chinese settlement. Until these gaps are filled up, I do not claim that the details of the shore line indicated on the map are authoritative, but they are not far wrong for the northwestern part of the territory, which was the part first settled by the ancestors of the Man94 and Tang.44 You will observe that the present Castle Peak and the mountain attached to it on the north42 were at that time an island, separated from the mainland of the New Territories by a sea channel which in A.D. 900 was probably very shallow but navigable. The traditions of the oldest villages leave no room for doubt that there has been a general uplift in excess of 5 metres in this area. The red line approximately follows the present 5 metres contour. The ground on both sides of the navigable channel was swamp, probably mangrove swamp, dotted about with small islands and intersected by creeks and streams. The first fort of which there is written record was known as Tuen Mun Chan141 and was almost certainly located at a point I have marked on the map,138 about three miles north of the present location called Tuen Mun.141 It would be an advantage if all doubts could be settled by excavation on the site, which can be seen even from the ground (and more clearly still from the air) to have contained old earth-works and possibly buildings. It will be noticed that the present Sham Chun120 River had a much shorter course at that date, and the northern half of what ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 64 K. M. A. BARNETT Ng 103 Ngraahcrinn-chynn, 104 Ngrhtrung-shaann, N. L. 105 Ngrr-droi, £1 (+908—+959, with local variations). 0 106 Obliterated villages:- Nai Tong Kok,101 Pak Hok Tuns and the original Tai Pak,35 some way from the present site. P 107 Phuunniryh, #5. 108 Preangzhaw, , an island five miles west of the western tip of Hong Kong Island. 109 Preangzhaw, H, an island in the north-eastern part of Mirs Bay,41 110 Pre-Chinese languages: I should exempt from this stricture Professor Princeton S. Hsu,23 whose books, "History of the People of South China”72 and "A Study of the Thais, Chuangs and the Cantonese People"133 are of great interest and should be read by anyone anxious to learn more in this field. But I think he goes too far in suggesting a Malay origin for the Tanka-or is it a Tanka origin for the Malays? 111 Prengshaann, Ħ4. 112 Pruunn-gwuur, 1. R 113 River Capture. The break-through of the Kwun Yam Ho62 from the Lam Tsuen74 valley to Taipo:33 formerly it flowed through Fanling48 and Sheung Shui130 into Deep Bay;152 and that of the two streams which now flow into the sea at Sham Tseng,119 the headwaters of which used to flow through Tin Fu Tsai137 into Tai Lam.38 $ Sei-braak, see 35, 114 Shaahtraw-gok, YA★ · 115 Shaahtrinn, 3⁄4w. + 116 Shaahtrinn-xoe, , still better known to the local people as Lik Yuen Hoi. Shaamm-braak, E★ see 35, 117 shaann-ghoh, Hakka saan-go, L. 118 Shaannloo, #. 119 Shamm-zearng, ##. + 120 Shamm-zeon, . The second word means an artificial channel with earth banks and suggests that the present river was cut to drain the swamps to the east and south-east of the present town. 121 Shann Ngrrdroi-sir, ĦARK - Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 90 J. W. HAYES It is hoped that this account of Peng Chau will demonstrate the diversity of settlers and enterprises which appears to characterise even the smaller settlements of this part of the Kwangtung coastline. Peng Chau is a Cheung Chau in miniature, and because of its smaller size a wider treatment than was possible for Cheung Chau can be given, in an article of this length. Again, my intention is to provide no more than an outline, and an indication that, despite their size, such communities could be complex settlements in which traditional lines of division were blurred by proximity and a common environment. NOTES Any statements in respect of Peng Chau and its people which appear to be unsubstantiated are based on information supplied by various elders. I am most grateful for the assistance given by the Chairman of the Peng Chau Rural Committee, Mr. LAM Shue-chun#, and Mr. LO Chi-chung# of the District Office, South, 1 See "The pattern of life in the New Territories in 1898" pp. 75-102 of this Journal, vol. 2 (1962) and "Cheung Chau 1850-1898" in vol. 3 (1963) pp. 88-106. 2 See Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong—hereafter styled Sessional Papers (Hong Kong Noronha & Company, at yearly intervals, in this case 1905) p. 144 in the Report on the work of the Land Court for the New Territories for 1900-1905. 3 See G. N. Orme, “Report on the New Territories 1899-1912” in Sessional Papers 1912, pp. 56-57, for significant changes in wages and the cost of living. 4 A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer 1960) p. 83. In this article characters have not been given for any place names which appear in the Gazetteer, 5 Schedules to the Block Crown Lease for Peng Chau, District Office, South, New Territories Administration. Hereafter styled BCL. 6 Under the Convention of Peking signed on 9th June 1898, 7 Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103(22) and (26). This figure is broken down into 434 males and 208 females, children included. The preponderance of males is noteworthy and may be due, in part, to the number of single men employed in the limekilns. The boat population are not specified separately in the Census returns and cannot be separated from the 4,442 contained in the Cheung Chau district figure. Cheung Chau with Peng Chau and Nei Kwu Chau formed a census district in 1911, but whilst the land population for each place is given separately, the boat populations are not so specified. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r PENG CHAU 91 There are said to be over 230 islands within the Crown Colony of Hong Kong. See Hong Kong Annual Report for 1962 (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1963) p. 319. ? I am not well acquainted with the Chinese records, but there seems to be little information on Peng Chau available in the San On Gazetteer, or Gazetteer of the San On District, last edition 1819, but reprinted by Kwangtung Printers, Canton, 1933. 10 A lucky day of a winter month of the third year of Chia Ching. 11 A lucky day of the third winter month of the 57th year of Chien Lung. 12 It is customary to do so: in fact the 1878 tablet states whether subscribers are local or from various other places. I base this statement on experience of many such tablets, but there are always exceptions to disprove the general rule. Tablets may be considered generally to be reliable, but are subject to occasional errors and omissions. 13 A lucky day of the third winter month of the year, third year of Kuang Hsü (January/February 1878). 14 The nineteenth day of the seventh Moon of the fifteenth year of Tao Kwang. There is nothing on the tablet to indicate that it was the only one erected. If it was, it confirms the island's importance as a fishing centre, 15 This date and the number of boats stated cannot be confirmed. It is given in a short manuscript account of Peng Chau in Chinese, available locally, compiled anonymously a few years ago, 16 On Cheung Chau a Peng On Tong existed in 1898 when, together with two other Tongs, it held a lease of land for a boatshed. These appear to have been organisations of Tanka fishermen. The Peng On Tong and its boatshed still exist, though its affairs have been managed by several generations of a prominent Punti family since at least 1910 (BCL and Land Registers). 17 For some information on the origins of the Tanka see K. M. A. Barnett "The Peoples of the New Territories" in Hong Kong Business Symposium (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 1957) p. 261 and his Introduction, pp. 2-3 to T. R. Tregear's Hong Kong Gazetteer (Hong Kong University Press, 1958). 18 The local name for trawlers is ... The smaller types of Tanka fishing craft using the anchorage in 1898 are described as * and *. Then there are Hoklo boats of a similar type: one usually equipped with cars and styled #, and a variant called, literally "chicken hair claw", which was the type of boat used by Mr. CHUNG and his fellow Hakka fishermen. I am told that the first are principally shrimp boats and the latter mainly used for catching fish. There is a good description of such craft on p. 53 of Orme's Report in Sessional Papers 1912 quoted above, which is also useful for a contemporary account of the boat people. A list of the various types of local fishing craft (modern) is given in Table I, pp. 45-51 of Stanley S. S. Yuan's paper on Fishing Junks, which was read to the Engineering Society of Hong Kong in the 1955-56 session and published in January 1956 in volume IX no. 2 of their Proceedings. A diagram showing six local types is on p. 55. For an interesting account of the Hong Kong fishing fleet before the Japanese War, see Reports on the Fisheries Industries of Hong Kong by S. Y. Lin, apparently written between 1938-48, of which there is a typescript copy in the Library, University of Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 92 J. W. HAYES 19 The Harbour Master's Report for 1906 in Sessional Papers 1907, p. 130, which presumably gives figures for the whole Colony, states that 1,796 native craft were sunk, and in the majority of cases totally lost. The total loss of life, he said, "must have been excessively high, amounting to approximately 5,000, though there are no positive records to show the actual number that perished". The typhoon was not expected, and a few days afterwards a committee was appointed to enquire whether earlier warning could have been given to shipping. A month later its members opined that "reviewing the evidence as a whole, the committee find that prior to 7.44 a.m. on the 18th September 1906 there was no indication of a typhoon approaching Hong Kong... and warning was given as soon as, in the circumstances, was practically possible." The Report of the Typhoon Relief Fund Committee in Sessional Papers 1907, pp. 277-287, gives no information about Peng Chau, though Table 1, p. 283 may include some Peng Chau craft, 20 The system of credit is briefly described on p. 2 of the Report of the Fisheries Department, Hong Kong Government, for 1946-47. "The practice of the laans before the war was to obtain control over the fisherman by granting loans to him for the repairing of his boat, buying of new gear, etc. at certain period during the year. In return the fisherman was expected to market all fish caught through the laan who would make appropriate deductions although, in many cases, the laan would ensure that the fisherman never settled the loan and therefore was never free to market his catch through anyone else." Peng Chau appears to have had several concerns of this type, though they combined their activities in this direction with general shopkeeping. They dealt in a variety of goods and sold also to land customers, besides acting as middlemen for the fishermen's catch and providing them with all their requirements. The big dealers connected with the Peng Chau fishing fleet at the time of the repair tablet of 1878 appear to have been seven Hong Kong laans mentioned on the tablet. This shows that the number of Peng Chau boats was sufficiently large for outside merchants to do business with them, either directly or through the local smaller dealers. One should not, however, take too narrow a view of the fishermen's position vis-à-vis the laan. The same willingness to allow the fishermen goods on credit, and so run up debts and incur obligations which would ensure that they continued to patronise the same shop or laan, was also extended by shopkeepers to the farmers and townspeople. S. Y. Lan op. cit. gives much detail on laans, some of whom were Tankas. 21 For this information see Hong Kong Annual Report for 1899, pp. 14-15, Colonial Reports, Annual, 1899, No. 314 (London, HMSO, 1901). 22 BCL. 23 BCL. 24 Arthur Waley, The Opium War through Chinese Eyes (London, Allen and Unwin, 1958) p. 101. Orme's Report mentions, p. 44, the diversity of the fishing population thus, "The Hoklos, who are a kind of sea-gypsy, only form a very small section of the land population, some 1500 in all, but much of the fishing is in their hands. Of the junk population, the large majority are Puntis (I assume he means Punti-speaking), and of the remainder some Hakka and some Hoklo." 25 Hong Kong Government Gazette, Government Notification No. 557 of 1901. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 94 J. W. HAYES 96 J. W. HAYES Since writing about Cheung Chau I have discovered that the Kaifong there were responsible for a large communal free grave dated the sixth month of the twelfth year of Tung Chi (summer 1873) and repaired in 1901, which takes its history further back than I had imagined; whilst at Stanley * on Hong Kong island the present Kaifong occupies the premises of its predecessor the Sin On Kung Soi2 which were repaired for that body in the twenty-seventh year of Tao Kwang (1847) according to the inscription on the granite lintel over the entrance and a tablet set in the wall outside of the same date. 51 See Administrative Report 1925 of the District Officer, New Territories for a later example, 52 See the Cheung Chau article p. 92, and my earlier "Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898" pp. 86-88 and note 29. In the latter for "HO family" read "CHEUNG family". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r FENG CHAU 95 from his own or adjoining villages worked with him. The Shek Pik people were therefore closely connected with the sea despite the fact that their fields were extensive and well-watered. Elsewhere on Lantau, an old account book of the Hakka CHEUNG Kung Tak Tong at Pui O, which is dated 1897-99 (Kuang Hsu 23rd-24th years), shows that the Tong had a regular income from a fishing sampan. 41 It has been shown that the Peng Chau shopkeepers always contributed to the temple repairs. A more illuminating instance of merchants' concern for the safety of local waters is to be found in the Tin Hau temple at Fan Lau on the south-west tip of Lantau, facing Macau and the mouth of the Delta, a remote area two hours' walk from Tai O Market. Here tablets survive from the Chia Ching and Hsien Feng periods (1796-1820 and 1851-61) and contain the names of many Tai O shops. One imagines that few of the donors would ever visit the temple, but they were obviously intent to ensure Tin Hau's benevolent care. 42 Information received from CHEUNG Kai Chun of Ham Tin, Pui O, Lantau (born 1886). But this was not true everywhere. At Shek Pik several families of Tanka used the anchorage for at least fifty years. There was no remembered animosity during this time and these fishermen were allowed to cut grass and firewood without charge. However, they rarely strayed far from the beach and the two groups did not intermarry or have much to do with each other, except in casual contact at the main festivals and when villagers bought fish from them at the jetty, which was over a mile from the village. The fishermen would not go to the village to sell their catch. 43 Information received from the present leaders of the WONG Wai Chak Tong ✯ of Cheung Chau. 44 This statement is based on close knowledge of the Southern District of the New Territories and of the District land registers. 45 Barbara E. Ward "A Hong Kong Fishing Village”, Journal of Oriental Studies (University of Hong Kong) volume 1, no. 1 (January 1954) pp. 195-214, especially p. 211. See also note 42. 46 See my Cheung Chau article for the Cheung Chau district associations before the British lease. At Tai O in the same period there appear to have been associations of Tung Kwun and San On origin, each with a club-house. 47 The number is wrongly given as 28 in note 14 to the Cheung Chau article. 48 A tablet in the Pak Tai temple at Cheung Chau dated January, February 1906 (a lucky day of the first month of spring of the thirty-second year of Kuang Hsü) shows that Peng Chau people also contributed to its repair. 49 See the Cheung Chau article for this institution. 50 The Kaifong of the Hong Kong region, and their like, are local institutions with a fairly long history. The Peng Chau Kaifong is quite likely to have an early date in relation to the age of the present settlement. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 96 J. W. HAYES Since writing about Cheung Chau I have discovered that the Kaifong there were responsible for a large communal free grave dated the sixth month of the twelfth year of Tung Chi (summer 1873) and repaired in 1901, which takes its history further back than I had imagined; whilst at Stanley * on Hong Kong island the present Kaifong occupies the premises of its predecessor the Sin On Kung Sor2 which were repaired for that body in the twenty-seventh year of Tao Kwang (1847) according to the inscription on the granite lintel over the entrance and a tablet set in the wall outside of the same date. 51 See Administrative Report 1925 of the District Officer, New Territories for a later example. 52 See the Cheung Chau article p. 92, and my earlier "Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898" pp. 86-88 and note 29. In the latter for "HO family" read "CHEUNG family". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r HONG KONG BUTTERFLIES 99 A white, suffused dorsal patch, or smear, is on the fifth and sixth segments, extending down the sides. Half grown the creature is bright moss green and the processes become obsolete. The protective armament of all Papilio larvae is known as the osmeterium. From this gland it can protrude two forked filaments emitting an odour which is highly pungent, resembling certain dried fruits. In the case of P. paris the filaments are orange and it extends them when disturbed or annoyed. The pupa is subangular, the general colour bright green, the dorsal and wing ridges light yellow. The head is cleft very obtusely, forming two projections. It is attached to a twig by a cremestral pad at the tail, and a silk girdle. Its coloration makes it extremely hard to detect, and the pupa is rarely found until the imago has emerged, when the empty case, the shade of skimmed milk, renders it conspicuous. Practically all the Papilio larvae feed on the upper side of the leaf, and are consequently much easier to find than those of other families. Chilasa clytia, whose caterpillars are dark brown with vivid primrose streaks, is a case in point. The food plant is Litsea sebifera, and it seems to affect seedlings so that half a dozen larvae in various stages of growth, vie with each other to attract the human eye. MODEL AND MIMIC Anything in motion attracts the human eye, and butterflies on the wing are conspicuous objects. In nearly every case the upper sides of the insects would make concealment difficult, even at rest were the wings to remain spread. Whereas a moth on alighting chooses a background to suit the coloration, and pattern of its forewings which cover the often more brilliantly marked hind, the butterfly rests with folded members cocked up, and merely exhibiting the under pattern. This is usually marvellously broken up to suit the insect's normal surroundings and confers upon it a cloak of invisibility. In flight the butterfly relies on speed to evade its main enemies the birds, and those species which have a weaker movement such as the Pieridae rely on its irregularity to dodge their foes. If one of these is met by a collector in a ride it will practically always slip over or under the net, and the only assured way of capture is to strike when the insect is past, with a following sweep. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r TOO V. R. BURKHARDT Not content with the normal camouflage to baffle their enemies certain butterflies actually mimic other species which, on account of the feeding habits of their larvae are unpalatable to their predators. It has been stated in entomological works that Danaus plexippus, the Milkweeds Butterfly, enjoys this immunity, but so far no one has offered proof. The Howling Bird, Megalaima virens, or Great Chinese barbet, is found in the Colony and occasionally is kept as a cage bird. It feeds on fruit, but prefers grasshoppers and insects if it can get them. A wasp, or hornet penetrating into its cage is certain to be snapped up, and swallowed after the sting has been knocked out on the perch. A specimen of Danaus genutia, allied to the aforementioned D. plexippus, was dropped in at the top of the Barbet's cage, and eagerly seized. The moment the body was crushed, however, it was dropped on the floor and the bird spent quite a time cleaning its beak to remove the taste. The female praying mantis cannot be called nice in her feeding habits, as she includes even her husband on the menu, but she will not eat one of the Danaidae family and, if one falls into her claws she will release it unharmed if touched with a stick. This immunity from whetting someone's appetite has been capitalised by one of the Nymphalidae, Hypolimnas misippus, a really remarkable insect. The male is black with a large white patch in the centre of each wing, surrounded by brilliant blue. The female does not resemble it in the least, but has taken for her model Danaus chrysippus whose marking and colouring she has closely adopted. The butterfly has a wide distribution, but is nowhere very common except in South Africa where D. chrysippus is also very abundant. The mimic varies in size as does the model, and adopts the same slow, lazy flight in its company where it is almost indistinguishable from the unpalatable species. One of the local Papilios, the common P. polytes has two forms of females. The usual one encountered has the same markings as the male, but a dimorphic form is a very good copy of Papilio aristolochiae whose larva feeds on a poisonous creeper. The model here is shunned by birds its scarlet body giving warning of nastiness. Papilio polytes differs in having a grey body but there are carmine splashes bordering the white on the lower wings, which probably render it some, if not all, immunity from attack. Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 102 V. R. BURKHARDT yellow in the wet season, whilst in the dry the yellow is darker with numerous white and reddish-brown markings. The upperside of the male in the wet form has a broad black border to the hind wing, the dry form has none or very little rim. The upperside of the female varies much, but in the wet forms the ground colour is generally white, with a broad and suffused dark brown border to the hind wings; occasionally almost the whole upperside is dark brown, except the diagonal white marking across the fore wing and a slight whitish patch on the anterior margin of the hind wing towards the base. In the dry form the ground colour of the upperside inclines to yellow, and there is little, if any, dark border to the hind wings. There are two "Whites" corresponding to their counterparts in England, Pieris rapae, and Pieris nerissa. The former is a recent introduction, not recorded till 1952 when it must have been introduced in the larval form in cargoes of Shantung cabbages from the north. In the wet season form the spots on the fore wing are deep black, whilst they are grey in the winter weather. The insect is practically identical with the Small Cabbage White in England and only differs in that the grey scaling at the base of the wings is more pronounced. As a sub-species of P. rapae it is named crucivora from its partiality to cabbages. About ten years ago it swarmed in market gardens and practically displaced the indigenous Pieris canidia, which became very scarce. The use of insecticide spraying has, however, greatly reduced the numbers of both species. Pieris nerissa, which corresponds to the Green-veined White in England, is most abundant in the months of June and July, when the wet season form exhibits the veining deeply marked with brown, and the anal margin of the hind wing is often suffused with yellow. The dry forms are much paler than the wet, both on the upper and undersides. Certain of the Lycaenidae (the Blues) also show seasonal variation on the underside. Probably the commonest Zizeeria maha, which is ubiquitous and never rises above knee height, is chalky white in the wet season, with strongly marked black spotting. In the winter the underside is ochre, and the spots merely darker in shade than the ground colour. In Chilades laius the spotting is black in the wet season and coral pink in the dry. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r A RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN NOTES 117 1 For a more detailed account of British trade to Canton at this period see J. L. Cranmer Byng, An Embassy to China. Being the Journal kept by Lord Macartney during his Embassy to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung 1793-1794 (Longmans, Green, 1962), 4-17. 2 Macartney's own journal printed in J. L. Cranmer Byng, op. cit., For Parish and Alexander see Appendix A, 313-16. 111-112. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, “The Defences of Macao in 1794: a British Assessment" in Journal of Southeast Asian History Vol. 5 No. 1 (1964). 4 Printed in H. B. Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635-1834, 5 Vols. (O.U.P. 1926-9), I., 237. 5 This report is preserved among the Macartney documents in the Wason collection on China and the Chinese at Cornell University, No. 371 (part). I wish to acknowledge my thanks to the Director of Libraries at Cornell for permission to reproduce this document in full. In doing so I have modernized the spelling and the use of capital letters. I also wish to acknowledge permission received from the authorities of the British Museum to reproduce Parish's sketch map from the original preserved in the British Museum, Add. MS. 19822 (art. 13). 6 The Portuguese name of an island close to Macao which also gave its name to the anchorage there. 7 An officer of the Bombay Marine who had been sent to Macao in 1793 in command of the Endeavour brig, one of two surveying ships, which were earmarked for the use of the embassy. The Jackall had sailed from England in 1792 as tender to the Lion. Both the Endeavour and Jackall sailed from Chusan to Canton in October 1793, but I have not discovered why Proctor was transferred to the Jackall or why the original survey ship, the Endeavour, was not used for this purpose. 8 A large island about twice the size of the island of Hong Kong. The east coast of Lantao, although it has at least one good bay- Silvermine Bay is not sufficiently protected from the wind and is too exposed to the sea to make a good harbour for ships. Lantao Peak rises to approximately three thousand feet and is a useful local landmark. The Chinese name for the island is Tai Yu Shan. + 9 Chek Lap Kok *#, a long island just off Tung Chung bay, See map facing page 27. Like other ports of Lantao it appears to have been more prosperous in the past than at present. The 1911 census gave its population as 77, of whom 55 were men. They probably worked in its stone quarries. to This refers to the Tung Chung valley, which included a fort between the villages of Ha Ling Pei and Sheung Ling Pei. Tung Chung ranked as a cheng M. See Rev. Krone "A Notice of the Sanon District" in Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Part VI (Hong Kong 1859) p. 82. + 11 This is correct, since presumably Parish was referring to the head land of San Tau #. From here the coast runs sharply SW to Tai O. 12 Two islands known as the Brothers, consisting of the West and East Brothers. 13 In the vicinity of Tsing Lung Tau "Green dragon head", on the coast of the New Territories between Tsun Wan and Castle Peak. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 118 CRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD 14 They had every reason to be alarmed on account of the continual attacks from pirates on coastal villages in Kwangtung and other places during the period from about 1787 until 1810. See A. W. Hummel: Eminent Chinese of the Ching Period, 446-8. Also C. F. Neuman, History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810. 15 Macartney took with him on the embassy a "gardener and botanist”, David Stronach. For the botanical side of the embassy see J. L. Cranmer-Byng, op. cit., 317-19. 16 These nets are known locally as "stake nets" or tsang pang are lowered and raised by means of a tackle. They are frequently used along the coasts of Kwangtung today. The fishing season is from February to mid-September, 17 The island is now reasonably well covered with pine trees and there are a few small feng-shui woods of deciduous trees. A large number of kites have been observed using pine trees on a ridge in the centre of the island as a roost during the winter months. 18 Parish knew the island, which he had been sent to reconnoitre, under the name of Cowhee. Now he learned that the inhabitants called it Toong Shing-ow-a. However, this name does not appear to have survived and the island is now always known as Ma Wan4 and was so called as far back as 1859. See Rev. Krone, op. cit. (note 8) p. 73. The word Cowhee was probably a phonetic rendering of the name of an island between Ping Chau island and Hong Kong island known as Kau I Chau 交椅洲. 19 By the small island to the south-east Parish presumably meant Tang Lung Chau## which now has a small light-house on it. There is now a small harbour with a jetty at Ma Wan village, and this is the normal place for landing on the island today. 20 This is a doubtful statement. 21 The word as written in the manuscript report is clearly "profil". I can only suggest that Parish meant "profile", and was using it in a technical, military engineering sense, meaning "outline". A reading of Tristram Shandy and other eighteenth century books about sieges and defence works might give a clue to its technical meaning at that time, 22 From the anchorage position marked on the chart this must refer to the bay of Tsing Lung Tau. Today Ma Wan is connected to the mainland by a regular ferry service running from the bay of Sham Tseng, where the Hong Kong Brewery is situated. 23 By the word "bay" in this context Parish appears to refer to the wide bay formed by the northern coast of Lantao from its headland opposite Tsing Lung Tau to Chek Lap Kok opposite Tung Chung bay, but the wording is somewhat ambiguous at this point. 24 Probably the western arm of Luk Kang - · + + on Lantao. 25 Tung Ku #island opposite Tap Siak Kok on the Castle Peak peninsula. It forms part of the Urmston Road. 26 See Charles Tulse, Local Master's Handbook. Seamanship Illustrated (Hong Kong University Press, 1960). 27 See photograph of the "race" between Ma Wan and Lantao on page It is interesting to know that Professor Deryck Chesterman of the Department of Physics in the University of Hong Kong is carrying out research into the currents off Ma Wan and their effects on the sea bed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r A RECONNAISSANCE OF MA WAN 119 In 1897, two years before the lease of the New Territories by China to Britain, the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs set up a small customs house on Ma Wan in order to supervise trade between the Pearl River Delta and Hong Kong. The building used still stands. See photograph on p. 28 Ma Wan and a very small hamlet called Tin Liu. The total population of Ma Wan island at the 1911 census was 473. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong (H.K. Government Printer, 1911) p. 103 (36). 29 Morse, op. cit., I, 178. The name Kapsingmun appears to have been used by foreigners as an alternative for Kapsuimun which should be preferred. 30 Joseph Thomson, Review of Considerations Respecting the Trade with China (London, 1835). At this period both Lord Napier and after him Captain Charles Elliot spoke of obtaining an island and raising the flag somewhere. 31 The Chinese Repository, IV (1835-6), 548. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 120 FORKE'S TRANSLATION OF THE LUN HENG' Reviewed by D. LESLIE2 The Lun Heng of about A.D. 85, is the work of Wang Ch'ung £ (c. A.D. 27-96), one of the most original thinkers of Han China. Many, including Hu Shih and most western scholars, have praised his critical ability. In fact, this praise is not entirely justified. Wang Ch'ung, in this respect, falls far short of the Chou Confucian philosopher Hsüntzu (also Chuangtzu and Hanfeitzu). Han philosophy is generally considered to lack the originality of the classical Chou philosophers, and Wang Ch'ung, as Fung Yu-lan points out, was a child of his time. The most we can say is that he rises head and shoulders above his Han contemporaries in his critical abilities. It is true that Wang Ch'ung demands proofs and verification by experience at all stages in his arguments, but his idea of proof and experience is insufficiently empirical. He does not seek out the facts. He believes some of the weirdest stories (that Duke Ai was changed into a tiger; that Huang Ti, the Yellow Emperor, was twenty months in the womb; that hares give birth via the mouth). As Marcel Granet has expressed it (in his La Pensée Chinoise, 1934, p. 580), "son scepticisme a quelque chose de livresque". Wang Ch'ung's criticism is always based on pre-conceived postulates. Rather than reject the superstitions of his time, he merely reinterprets them in accordance with these postulates. Herein lies both his strength and his weakness. A good example is his denial (in his chapter 15 and elsewhere) of the many supernatural births accepted by his contemporaries. For, together with this denial, he accepts the factual truth of all the omens that accompanied these supernatural births. Omens, such as signs in the sky or lines in the hand (the Lun Heng incidentally gives the earliest extant reference to palmistry in China), the appearance of weird animals and plants, all mark, he believes, the rise and 1 Lun-Hêng. By Alfred Forke. Paragon Book Gallery, New York, 1962. Pt. I, iv+577; Pt. II, vi+536. U.S.$20.00, 2 D. Leslic is a Research Fellow in the Department of Far Eastern History, Australian National University, Canberra, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 126 D. LESLIE annotated. The Lun Heng is over six times the size of Mencius and thirteen times that of the Analects (of which Waley's translation takes up 150 pages with 100 pages of comment). The task is clearly enormous. Until such time as a modern scholar can devote many years to this work alone, Forke's translation will remain indispensable. Forke's "Introduction" (pp. 4-44) is still amongst the finest summaries of Wang Ch'ung's thought. It goes deeper than the wider-ranging general surveys of Chinese philosophy mentioned earlier, and consequently gives a more rounded picture of his contribution. The only comparable western summary is given by Li Shi Yi in his "Wang Ch'ung" T'ien Hsia Monthly 5, 1937, pp. 162-184, 290-307. After reading Forke, one may turn to the more specialised studies by Joseph Needham in his Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. II, 1956, pp. 368-386; and by myself on "Technical Vocabulary" (in my "Contribution" pp. 134-149); on Wang Ch'ung's biological ideas in "Early Chinese Ideas on Heredity" Asiatische Studien: Etudes Asiatiques 1/2, 1953, pp. 26-46; and on "Les Théories de Wang Tch'ong sur la Causalité" (to appear in 1964 in the Mélanges). Since Forke's work appeared, several annotated commentaries to the Lun Heng have been published. The best is undoubtedly the 1938 Lun-heng Chiao-shih by Huang Hui. Unfortunately this is almost unobtainable. A second-best is the 1957 Lun-heng Chi-chieh by Liu P'an-sui, based on work up to 1932. Both include the comments by earlier scholars such as Yü Yüch and Sun Yi-jang; and both give, in extensive appendices, passages from the Chinese works throughout the centuries which mention Wang Ch'ung. However, Huang Hui not only gives a fully punctuated text, but also the pre-Han and Han parallels, rarely given in Liu P'an-sui's edition, but many of which had been found independently by Forke, who also gives a valuable list of Wang Ch'ung's quotations from earlier sources. Huang Hui also includes the brilliant essay on Wang Ch'ung's reasoning by Hu Shih. There is no need to go into details about the many recent books and articles in Chinese on Wang Ch'ung, since Timoteus Pokora has dealt with them in his excellent, mainly bibliographical essay "The Necessity of a more thorough Study of philosopher ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r BOOK REVIEWS 133 The University of Hong Kong has from the beginning been handicapped by mixed aims and by financial difficulties. Sir Frederick Lugard, Governor of Hong Kong from 1907 to 1912 and the first Chancellor of the University, according to Professor Harrison "advocated a university for Hong Kong on various grounds: it would help to serve the higher educational needs of an awakening China; it would be a lighthouse of learning, a symbol of the Western cultural tradition in the Far East and a meeting-place for Chinese and Western cultures; it would help to maintain British prestige in Eastern Asia; and, through its dissemination of modern knowledge and of the English language, it would indirectly benefit British business." The primary aim for many years "was not so much a university of and for Hong Kong itself, as a university in Hong Kong for China.” (p. xiii) Except in the field of medicine, the University of Hong Kong was not able, prior to the late 1940's, to provide a level of instruction that would draw students from China, where a number of universities of at least as high quality were developing at the same time. A large proportion of this University's students therefore have come from Hong Kong itself; and it would appear that as many students were drawn from Singapore and elsewhere in Southeast Asia as from China. Since World War II, particularly since 1949, thanks to the phenomenal economic and cultural growth of Hong Kong and to the active support of both the British and the Hong Kong governments, the University has developed rapidly, both in size and in quality. Today it stands among the recognized universities of Asia and of the British Commonwealth, and its sponsors and staff are determined to achieve an even higher level of educational and scholarly leadership. The colony is populous and rich enough now to justify and to support a great university. The historical narrative is found principally in chapters III (The Beginnings, by George B. Endacott), V (The Years of Growth, by Brian Harrison), VI (The Test of War, by Sir Lindsay Ride), and VII (A New Beginning, by Francis E. Stock). Most of the other chapters are also essentially historical and supply details which elaborate or supplement the basic narrative, although there is some unnecessary duplication. One is impressed with the relative indifference of the colony toward the University during ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r BOOK REVIEWS 141 ASIAN PERSPECTIVES. The Bulletin of the Far Eastern Prehistory Association, Edited by Wilhelm G. Solheim II. Volume VI, Nos. 1 & 2, 1962. Hong Kong University Press, 1962. Illustrated. HK$25 per number. This issue of Asian Perspectives contains much of value for all students of Far-Eastern Prehistory—for the interested layman no less than for the expert. The journal is divided under three main headings: Regional Reports, Topical Report and Notes, and Original Articles. The regional reports cover the following areas: Eastern Asia and Oceania, Northeast Asia, Mainland China, Southeast Asia, Indonesia, Madagascar, the Philippines, Polynesia, New Zealand and Australia. All the reports have detailed bibliographies, invaluable for further reading and for the comparison and co-relation of work in the various fields of research. Especially interesting are the full note on A. P. Okladnikov's report on important archaeological discoveries in Mongolia in the Northeast Asia report, the notes in the Southeast Asia section which include P. I. Borikovsky's report on recent work in Vietnam and the inclusion, for the first time, of a regional report from Madagascar. The author of the report from Mainland China feels that the volume of work being done there and the problem of obtaining published results, make complete coverage difficult at the moment; but to have such a report at all, with a comprehensive list of references is useful. The Indonesian report is detailed and well-illustrated and covers field work and research in Java, Bali and Flores, Sumba and Timor. Those who have seen some of the Neolithic material discovered in Hong Kong will find the illustrations in this section particularly interesting. The topical report is on the linguistic sessions of the 10th Pacific Science Congress held in Honolulu in 1961; again the bibliography is extensive. The range of subject of the articles in the third section, Notes and Original Articles, is wide, but in this issue of the journal, predominantly archaeological. They include articles on the problems of archaeology in Madagascar, on the work of French prehistorians in Vietnam, on archaeology in North Borneo, Easter Island and in India. A. P. Khatri writes on A century of Prehistoric Research in India, paying tribute to the "father" of... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 146 NOTES AND QUERIES A COLLECTION OF CHINESE BOOKS FROM THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY NOW IN THE LIBRARY OF LEEDS UNIVERSITY Volume 1 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society included a note about a collection of Chinese books presented to the Royal Asiatic Society by Sir George Thomas Staunton in 1824. Volume 2 contained a supplementary note headed "Chinese books in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society London". Readers of this Journal may be interested to know that this collection of Chinese books has now gone to the library of Leeds University. Moreover it has been properly listed by Mr. P. van der Loon, Lecturer in Chinese at the University of Cambridge, and a stencilled copy of this shelf list can be consulted in the Brotherton Library of Leeds University. Mr. van der Loon has recorded a total of 734 items and the books have been placed in a systematic order and numbered from 1 to 734. The list shows the title of the work, the number of the volumes and the reference number given in the list of the collection published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1890. I have recently examined this new list and seen the books systematically arranged on the shelves of the library of Leeds University, and I can affirm that Mr. van der Loon has done an excellent job of work and deserves the gratitude of all scholars interested in Chinese collections in Britain. The proper listing of these books by an expert was long overdue. J. L. CRANMER-BYNG THE TUNG CHUNG FORT Mr. Cranmer-Byng has drawn attention to this fort in the Notes and Queries Section of last year's Journal of the Hong Kong ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r NOTES AND QUERIES 151 evacuation (1662-1669). But it is certain that Tung Chung and Sha Lo Wan had a share in the incense trade which terminated with the evacuation. Wild incense trees can still be found but the art of making incense sticks has vanished. The ancestors of the people living in the valley may have migrated into the area from the north in 1669 but the area has been, until recently, notorious for occurrences of malaria which claimed heavy tolls. The entire population may have been completely wiped out several times, as the oldest of the families has a family history of no more than seven generations. Tung Chung came into the limelight again when Cheung Pao Tsai and his pirate band who had been using the bay as one of their bases to prey upon the coastal trade of the South China Sea, successfully repelled a Ching naval contingent after a ten-day battle in the Ping Chung Bay in the twelfth year of Chia Ching's reign (1807). The trouble was finally quelled in 1809 when Cheung Pao Tsai surrendered and his pirates were disbanded. 2 With the suppression of the pirates, trade flourished. The Viceroy at Canton petitioned the Ch'ing Government in 1817 saying that "Ta Yu Shan of San On District, an isolated island, is on the (trade) route of the ships of the "barbarians". Tung Chung and Tai O are the only places where these "barbarian" ships can anchor. A fort at Chi Yi Kok2 with a Captain(?) and soldiers from the Tai Pang Camp has been maintained but there is no garrison at Tung Chung. As the two places are very far apart, eight garrison houses should be built at the mouth of the Tung Chung Rivers and two batteries (the fort), seven garrison houses and one arsenal should be constructed on the foot of Shek Shee ShanJ. "6 The petition was accepted and the work was completed in the same year. Whether the work was carried out as requested by the Viceroy has still to be proved. However, the fort has been relatively well preserved and seven old 2 Fan Lau (), 24 miles from Tai O. 3 Nan Tau (南頭), Po On District, 15 miles to the north of Lantau. 4 The distance is 6 miles across the main watershed and about 9 miles along the coast. 5 The idea was to prevent the "barbarians" from drawing fresh water for their ships. 6 Kwangtung Annals (廣東通志), p. 2,530. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 155 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members on the 30th April 1964 Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: His Excellency Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A. Dept. of History, University of Toronto, Sidney Smith Hall, Toronto 5, Canada. Members: ABRAHAM, R. D.* AIDE-DECAMP, The AKERS-JONES, D. ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. ANDERSON, H. M. Miss ARMERDING, L. E.* BADAMS, P. W. M. BAHR, Mrs. Kay BAIRD, J. W. BAKER, Mrs. Ann. BAKER, W. E. BARD, Dr. S. M. BARNETT, K. M. A. BARON, D. W. B. BARR, J. S. BARRY, Comdr. R. S. BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. BASTICK, Capt. W. G. BASTO, G. de 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. Government House, Garden Road, H.K. c/o District Office, Yuen Long, N.T. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. 14, Chater Hall, 1 Conduit Road, H.K. 11, Creasy Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, H.K. (Trustee) Ltd. Shell House, 6th floor, H.K. 4. Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. H.K. 23, Coombe Road, H.K. c/o The H.K. Electric Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 915, H.K. Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 248, H.K. 30 Severn Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K. Camp Office, Victoria Barracks, H.K. BENANZIO, Dr. M. 604 Fu House, 7 Ice House Street, H.K. c/o Italian Embassy, Djalan Diponegoro 47, Djakarta, Indonesia, * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 156 BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. - Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., BERTOVICH, Miss R. C. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACK, Mrs. W. A. BLACKMORE, M. BLATCHFORD, C. H. BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. BOAK, C. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BOLLMEYER, Mrs. H. BONSALL, G. W. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, B. BOYD, J. D. I. BRAGA, J. M. BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BROWNE, H. J. C. BRUNN, F. BUCKNELL, P. BYRNE, D. J. H.K. R.D. No. 1, Box 220, Masontown, Pa. U.S.A. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. 10-A, Stanley Beach Road, Stanley, H.K. Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. H.K. University, Pokfulum, H.K. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 408/9 Yu To Sang Building, 37 Queen's Road, C., H.K. H.K. University Library, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. 2, Percival Street, 3rd floor, H.K. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. P. O. Box 951, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 908 Takshing House, H.K. Legal Dept. Central Govt. Offices, H.K. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CASHMORE, Miss M. CHAN, Fook-Lam CHAN, Dr. Hee Chi P. O. Box 15118, H.K Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. 75, Deepwater Bay Road, H.K. 9A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 77 Chun Yeung Street, 10th floor, H.K. Bank of Canton Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 157 CHAN, L. CHAN, Hok-Lam CHAPMAN, Dr. G. W. - CHẦU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin CHAU, Wah Ching CHEN, Yih CHENG, Dr. Irene CHENG, T. C. - CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. CHEUNG, Oswald CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph CHIU, Miss Bek To CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHOW, Edward T. CHUN, Dr. C. T. = CLARK, Mrs. E. E. CLARK, Mrs. N. E. + CLUTTERBUCK, Miss A. COBBAN, K. M. COHN, Dr. A. J. COLE, M. CRAGG, N. F. - - CUMINE, E. CUMMING, M. S. DAIKO, P. D'ALMADA, C. P. + - + - c/o Pfizer Corporation, G.P.O. Box 323, H.K. 3327 Graduate College, Princeton University, Princeton, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o The Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Rd., H.K. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. English Dept. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, H.K.L.L. No. 4405, Sam Po Kong, Kowloon. United College, Bonham Road, H.K. 4, Felix Villas, H.K. 1002, Alexandra House, H.K. 9 Village Road, 1st floor, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Rd., H.K. 168 Ebury Street, London S.W.1., England. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3. Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Tytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. Flat 33, Mount Austin Mansions, 8 Mt. Austin Road, H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th floor, "F", H.K. 16 Conduit Road, H.K. 11, Peak Pavillons, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. 14, Embassy Court, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. P. O. Box 201, H.K. Casa Branca, Lot No. 270, Silver Strand, Clearwater Bay Road, N.T. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 158 DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. - Government Ophthalmic Centre, Arran St., Mongkok, Kowloon. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. - c/o The European Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Rd., Kowloon. DAVIES, D. G. - Flat 5, 94D, Pokfulum Road, H.K. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. - Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. - c/o Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. DJOU, G. G. - c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd., 12-14 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. DOLBY, A. W. E. - Flat A1, 9th Floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. DONEGAN, Miss P. L. - American Consulate-General, Hong Kong. DONOHUE, P. - 31, George St., Mablethorpe, Lincs., England. DRAKE, Mrs. F. S. - Lincot, Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. DRAKE, Prof. F. S. - As above. DRAKEFORD, L. S. - 25 Chatham Road, 11th Floor, Front, Kowloon. DUNCANSON, J. D.* - c/o The British Embassy, Saigon, Vietnam. DUNT, P. - P. O. Box 94, H.K. EDWARDS, O. P. - c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. EITZEN, Mrs. J. - 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. ELLISON, K. - c/o Housing Authority, G.P.O. Building, H.K. ELWOOD, O. J. O. - A-4, Royden Court, 129 Repulse Bay Rd., H.K. ENDACOTT, G. B. - Warden, May Hall, The University, H.K. ENGEL, Dr. D. - 542, Alexandra House, Hong Kong. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. - Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. - 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. EWING, Miss E.* - 13, Rodmarton Street, London, W.1. England. FABER, Mrs. A. - 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. FABER, S. E. - 1 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. FAERBER, M. - c/o Paragon Book Gallery, 140 East 59th Street, New York 22, N.Y., U.S.A. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 159 FAERBER, Mrs. M. FEARON, J. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FOERSTER, E. J. FOGG, Miss M. FOORD, Dr. R. D. FRASER, A. N. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* FUSSELL, A. P. GABBOTT, F. R. GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. GEORGE, T. J. B. GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H. GILES, R. GLASGOW, Mrs. J. A. GLOVER, G. F. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GODFREY, G. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. c/o Paragon Book Gallery, 140 East 59th Street, New York 22, N.Y., U.S.A. Flat A, 123 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Education Dept. (H.K. Sub-Off.), Fung House, H.K. Honeysuckle Cottage, Cinder Hill, North Chailey, Sussex, England. c/o P. O. Box 25, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Training School, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Flat 33, Mount Nicholson, H.K. Apt. 6, 88 Pokfulum Road, H.K. London School of Economics & Political Science, University of London, Houghton St., Aldwych, London, W.C.2., England. c/o Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd., 20 Queen's Road, C., H.K. Bank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. "Inspectorate Mess", Wong Tai Sin Police Station, Kowloon. P. O. Box 232, H.K. c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13/F., H.K. c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. c/o American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Vantage House, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. c/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., H.K. 39-E, Burnside Estate, South Bay Road, H.K. 5-A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. As above. Peninsula Court, Kowloon, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy LYRIAU DOVANJ ** ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 160 GOOD, Major D. A. - GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. CRE, Hong Kong, British Forces Post Office 1, H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. GORDON, The Hon, S. S.* Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 701 GOTTSCHALK, E. GRAY, Dr. D. E. - Alexandra House, H.K. 6, Macdonnell Road, Apt. 15, H.K. Dept. of Biochemistry, The University, H.K. GUADAGNINI, Dr. P. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de 5. Coombe Road, H.K. Via Buon compani, No. 16, Rome. HARMAN, A. L. HARRISON, Prof. B. HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. D'HESTROY, Baron de Gaiffier HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. HO, Mrs. Hung Chiu HO, Hung-pong HO, Teh-kuei HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, W. HOGAN, T The Hon. Sir M., Kt. HOLMES, Hon. D. R. + HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E, T ■ H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Dept. of History, The University, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Sevenoaks, Kent, England. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. Belgian Consul-General, 105 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Bldg., H.K. USOM-UD-P, American Embassy, Seoul, Korea. 228 Wang Hing Building, H.K. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 340, King's Road, 3rd floor, H.K. 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. c/o Mme. N. du Breuil, 86, Main St., Stanley, H.K. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. Commerce and Industry Dept. Fire Brigade Bldg., H.K. c/o Legal Dept., Central Govt. Offices, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 161 HORSMAN, Miss A. M. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOWARD, Miss V. HOWARD, W. J. HOWORTH, J. F. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung Pei- HUGHES, G. M. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* HUGHES, Prof. W. I. HULL, G. B. G. HUNG, C. S. HUTCHISON, Miss P. M. HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. INGLETON, N. J. C. JU, Miss S. JACKSON, R. N. JAO, Tsung-i JENKINS, Miss L. W. JONES, Dr. J. R.* JOSS, F. KARNOW, S. KAY, Miss H. KELLY, Miss E. KENNEDY, Lt. A. I. 74, Pelham Court, London S.W.5, England. Peninsula Court, Kowloon, Sisters Quarters, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. P. O. Box 282, Hong Kong. c/o Leigh & Orange, 2013, Union House, H.K. 53, Stanley Village Road, Hong Kong. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd. 12-14 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. 49 Beach Road, Repulse Bay, HK. 19 Hee Wong Terrace, 1st floor, H.K. Room 509, King's Park House, King's Park, Kowloon. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. Tung Hai Navigation Co., 802 Grand Building, H.K. Matron, H.K. Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, The Registry, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Sisters' Quarters, Kowloon, c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o The Chartered Bank, H.K. 3. Headland Road, H.K. Sisters' Quarters, Gascoigne Rd., Kowloon. P. O. Box 117, H.K. Victoria Officers Mess, Victoria Barracks, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 162 KEOWN, W. C. KEYES, M. P. - KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. KNIGHTLY, F. J. c/o Messrs. Butterfields & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 1, Wing Ying Mansion, 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. 57, Humewood Drive, Toronto 10, Ontario, Canada. 2, University Drive, H.K. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. KNOWLES, Hon. W. C. G.* Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. KVAN, Rev. E.* KUMMER, Dr. M. KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* KWOK, Chan* KWOK, Miss R. Y. KWOK, Walter LACEY, J. A. LAI, T. C. LAM, Yung-fai L LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAW, Chung-kam LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. LAWRY, R. E. - + + - L H.K. c/o Sinologische Bibliother Der Universitate Zurich, Florhofgassell, Zurich, Switzerland. St. John's College, The University, H.K. Goethe-Institut, German Cultural Centre, 6th floor, Caxton House, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 7 Arbuthnot Road, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. Brentwood College, Cobble Hill P.O., Vancouver Island, B.C., Canada. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. Victoria Heights, 43-A Stubbs Rd., Flat 1-A, H.K. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. British Council, Building, H.K. *Life Member 1st floor, Gloucester Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 163 LECKIE, J, B. H. LEE, Harold W. LEE, J. S. LEE, Hon. R. C.* LEUNG, Kai-cheong + LI, Shi-yi LI, T. K. LI, Dr. Tsoo-yiu* LINDSAY, T. J. LINDSAY, Mrs. B. E. LIU, D. H. LIU, Dr. Tsun-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Chin-tang LO, Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, F. B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. LUM, Miss Ada* LUPTON, G. C. M. LYM, Miss R. M. - MA, Meng MCBAIN, E. B. MACCABE, Miss E. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. + + + - + P. O. Box 94, H.K. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. c/o Registration Section, Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon. 49, Village Road, Ground floor, H.K. 1C-3C Broom Road, H.K. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 26 Severn Road, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. c/o Faculty of Oriental Studies, Australian National University, Box 197, Post Office, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia. Dept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass, USA. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon. The District Officer, Taipo, N.T. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. New Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 164 MCCRARY, M.* MCDOUALL, Hon. J. C. MACK, A. M. MCELNEY, B. S. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. MACKENZIE, J. MACKENZIE, Miss S. MALLORY-BROWNE, G. E. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3., England. Johnson Stokes & Master, H.K. Bank Building, H.K. St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloontsai, Kowloon, Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 17 Chater Hall, Conduit Road, H.K. 15, Cooper Road, H.K. MALLORY-BROWNE, W. Asta Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. MANEELY, R. B. MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. Anatomy Dept., The University, H.K. Zoology Dept., The University, H.K. P. O. Box 472, Macau. MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. MILBURN, K. MILLER, C. F. O.* Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea, MINETT, Lt. Col. F. R. D. British Military Hospital, Rinteln, Weser, MORGAN, L. G. MOSCROP, Miss M. E. MOYLE, G. C. NABHOLZ, Mrs. M. E. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Peter Y. L. NG, Ronald, C. Y. British Forces Post Office 29, West Germany. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, EC.3., England. 76, Peak Road, The Peak, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. 820-823, Union House, H.K. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Shipping Accounts Dept.) H.K. Dept. of History, The University, H.K. 164, Prince Edward Rd., 1st floor, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 165 NIXON, F. A.* NOBLE, H. NORONHA, J. E. - OGDEN, B. J. N. - OKA, T. OLIPHANT, R. G. L. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Ying Wah College, Oxford Road, Kowloon. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 124 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. OLIPHANT, Mrs. R. G. L. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. OLIVER, J. R. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. PAYNE, Mrs. M. M. - PAYNE, Miss P. M. PELZEL, J. C. + PENNELL, W. V. PERDIEUS, H. PERESYPKIN, O. P. PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. J. R. PICKFORD, J. B. PICKFORD, Mrs. J. P. PIRIE, J. - POLAND, T. D. POLDY, Mrs. K. PORDES, F. PRATT, M. S. PRESCOTT, J. A. RAE-SMITH, W. B. RASSIM, Mrs. E. - - - + Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Flat 49, 7th floor, 79 Waterloo Road, Kowloon. C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. 22-B, Barker Road, The Peak, H.K. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. 21 Old Church Lane, Kingsbury, London, N.W.9., England. As above. P. O. Box 117, H.K. C.A.S. Headquarters, 39 Gloucester Road, 2/F., H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. American Embassy, Vientiane, Laos. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 166 RATH, F. C. REID, A. R. RICHARDS, G. RIDE, Lady L. T.* RIDE, Sir L. T.* ROBINSON, F. C. + ROOKE, Miss B. E. ROSS, Cdr. R. D. ROTHE, U.* ROY, Dr. A. + RUDGE, Mrs. A. K. RUMJAHN, S. M. + RUTTONJEE, Mrs. A. RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. RYAN, The Rev. Father T. F. RYDINGS, H. A. SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHOYER, B. P. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. SELLETT, G.* SHEKURY, Miss E. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHU, Dr. H. T. SHUI, Chien-tung H + Muller & Phipps (China) Ltd., P.O. Box 25, H.K. P.O. Box 479, H.K. 19, Douglas Apts., Old Peak Road, H.K. The Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K. As above. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 3-B, 3 University Drive, H.K. H.M.S. Tamar, H.K. c/o Deutsch-Asiatische Bank, Postfach 944, 2 Hamburg 1, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. 2 Macdonnell Road, H.K. P.O. Box 448, H.K. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. As above. Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 1 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. Univ. of Wisconsin, Dept. of Speech, 2201 Univ. Ave., Madison 6, Wisconsin, U.S.A. c/o H.K. Exchange Control, Fung House, H.K. c/o Labour Department, 22 Ice House Street, H.K. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 167 SIDBURY, H. SIKORA, F. SIMPSON, R. F. SINFIELD, G. H. C. SKELSON, Mrs. M. C. SKELSON, R. E. SLEVIN, B. SMALL, C. J. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, L. SMITH, L. A. SMITH, S. H. SMITH, Miss M. H. SOONG, N. SPERRY, H. M. STANLEY, Major H. F. STANTON, W. T. STARBIRD, L. R. STENTON, Prof. H. STOKES, J. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. STONEY, G. S. STOCK, Prof. F. E. T Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. 29 Southbay Road, H.K. Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. H.K. Telephone Co., Ltd., Lane Crawford House, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. As above. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. 34, Arundel Avenue, Canada. Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. Dental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. 23-A Robinson Road, H.K. 2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P.O. Box 1555, H.K. 610, King's Park House, Kowloon. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. 2, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. H.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of Botany, The University, H.K. c/o Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. 301, Grand View Mansion, 1 Wang Fung Terr., H.K. As above. University of Liverpool, Dept. of Surgery, Liverpool, England. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd. SWAN, Miss D. L. SWIRE, A. C. Union House, H.K. Chatham Galleries, 103 Chatham Road, Kowloon. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 168 TALBOT, H. D. TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* THOMAS, L. F. · THOMAS, Dr. O. L. . Dept. of Geography, The University, H.K. Kowloon Motor Bus Co. (1933) Ltd., 505, Pedder Building, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon. THOMPSON, Lt. Col. P. H. CRE, Hong Kong, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. THOMPSON, R. W. THORN, Mrs. R. TILL, The Very Rev. B.* TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TOWNER, J. A. TREGEAR, Miss M. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir M.* UHALLEY, S. Jr. + VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. VISCHER, Mrs. H. B. VISICK, Mrs. M. VOGEL, E. F. WALDEN, J. C. C. WAN, Dr. Yik S. WARD, Miss B. E. WARD, Miss J. E, A. - + - - Senior Lecturer in Spanish, Univ. of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, W.I. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. 3, Mulbury Road, London W.14, England. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. District Office, South, 36 Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. 24 Portland Road, Oxford, England. Valuation Dept., - ► Rating & Building, 9/F., H.K. - - + China Building, 4th floor, H.K. Man Yee "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. A-23, Estoril Court, 15 Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. 3A, Marigold Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 2, Hoi Ping Road, Causeway Bay, H.K. c/o Miss Janet E. A. Ward, National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 169 WARD, W. L. WATSON, K. A. WEI, Dr. Tat - WEINREBE, H. M. WEISS, K. WELCH, H. H.* WIANT, B. WILLAN, E. G. - WILLIAMS, H. V. WILLIAMS, Mrs. H. + WILLIAMS, Miss H. M. WILLIAMS, P. B. WILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M. WILSON, B. D. + Apt. 3, No. 7 Magazine Gap Road, HK. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. H.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Assn., Queen's Rd., E., H.K. Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K. P. O. Box 718, H.K 33 Lexington Road, Concord, Mass., USA. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. N.T. Administration Headquarters, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon. c/o District Office, Taipo, New Territories. 612, King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. c/o Colony Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Gilrudding Cottage, Winterbourne Kingston, Nr. Bournemouth, Dorset, England. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. WINKLER, Mr. & Mrs. E. 402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. WONG, Ching-yau - WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Pao-Hsie WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WORTHY, E. H. Jr. WOU, Dr. Paul, P. C. WRIGHT, Miss B. R. WRIGHT, D. A. L. + - 22, Middle Gap Road, H.K. 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. B-5, Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st floor, 80 Tai Po Rd., Kowloon. 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. 204 China Building, H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Wise Mansion 8-C, 52 Robinson Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 1 170 WRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R. - WRIGHT, Miss P. - YANG, Tsung-han YANG, V. T. YAO, Prof. Hsin-nung YAO, Pe-chun YAP, Dr. P. M. YATES, Miss J. N. YEH, Rev. Hua-fen YEUNG, Walter, W. T. - YOUNG, L. K. YOUNG, Dr. R. S. YU, Ping-kuen YU, Yin C, ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. · c/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K. 90, Mt. Nicholson, H.K. P. O. Box 6175, Kowloon. Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. 1, Dorset Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kln. Wilson Road, 2nd floor, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 7, 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Housing Society, P. O. Box 845, H.K. 15, Stangee Place, Katong, Singapore 15. 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K. Clinical Pathology Unit, Dept. of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. 205-7, Gloucester Building, H.K. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in October, 1965. 1,000 copies ACC. NO. S05694 DATE OF ACC 24. 8. 67 CLASS NO HKS 750.112.17 AUTHOR FOR AZ REBOUND Price per copy: HK $12 US $2 UK 16/- postage extra Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by YE OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Patron: H.E. Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1964-65: President: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: The Hon. Sir Tsun-nin Chau, C.B.E., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. Hon. Secretary: R. E. Lawry, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: T. J. Lindsay, M.A. Hon. Editor: S. Uhalley, Jr., M.A.* Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: Marjorie Topley, Ph.D.* N. du Breuil* J. S. Lee Ma Meng, B.A.* The Hon. W. C. G. Knowles, M.A., J.P. * Member of Editorial Committee, which also includes L. Fessler ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS The Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 HON. TREASURER'S REPORT INCOME & EXPENDITURE ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDING 31ST DECEMBER, 1964 EXPENDITURE Journal Costs Sundry Expenses Lecture Expenses $ 1,907.20 1,170.00 661.15 INCOME Life Membership Fees Annual Membership Fees for 1964 Annual Membership Fees for 1965 paid in 1964 Interest on Investments $ 1,420.00 6,670.89 139.85 Surplus: Excess on Income over Expenditure in 1964 Sales of Journals and Articles Lecture Receipts Sundry Receipts $ 8,274.18 1,438.96 1,085.33 887.50 370.00 $12,012.53 $12,012.53 BALANCE SHEET AS AT 31st December, 1964 LIABILITIES ASSETS Surplus 31st December, 1963 Excess of Income over Expenditure $24,401.19 8,274.18 Investments at cost (Market Value $31,442.00) Cash on Deposit Cash at Bank Cash in Hand $25,782.88 6,000.00 3,454.27 201.60 $34,057.06 $34,057.06 INVESTMENTS 57 Shares H. & S. B. C. London Register @ £22-5/8 £700 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80 @ £961 p.£100 £1,289.12.6d 675.10.0d £1,965. 2,6d @ 1/3=$31,442.00 (Signed) T. J. LINDSAY, Hon. Treasurer, Hong Kong, 22nd March, 1965. (Signed) O. P. EDWARDS, Hon. Auditor. Page 7 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERY 19 22. Schofield, W. (1938). "The Proto-historic Site of the Hong Kong Culture at Shek Pik, Lantau, Hong Kong," Proceedings of Third Congress of Prehistorians of the Far East, Singapore, 235-305. 23. Schofield, W. (1938). "Report of Ancient Beads Found Near Hong Kong," Proceedings of the Third Congress of Prehistorians of the Far East, Singapore, 24. Seligman, C. G. (1935). "Early Pottery from Southern China," Transactions, Oriental Ceramic Society, London, 25. Shellshear, J. L. (1928). "Pottery Associated with Bronze Implements from Hong Kong," Proceedings of the First International Congress of Prehistoric and Proto-historic Sciences, London, 26. Weinberger, W. (1949). "Some Notes on Early Pottery and Stone Artifacts Excavated on Lamma Island, Hong Kong," Transactions, Oriental Ceramic Society. 27. Welch, M. W. (1962). “A New Archaeological Site in Hong Kong," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 2, 109-114. 28. Yuen, P. L. (1928). "Review of the Hong Kong Neolithic Collection," Bull. Geol. Soc. of China, VII, Nos. 3-4, 215-220. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 24 T. HARRISSON and carved wood have also survived there. Some fifty rush mats and wrappings survived under late neolithic or early metal burials in the West Mouth of the Great Cave. PUBLICATIONS Many smaller caves have been studied; and many others are available for study - over fifty. But there is no point in constantly repeating work that is very costly. Rather we seek constantly to define and re-define the project, so as to add new data, modifying or widening ideas — in preference to multiplying the established points. So far, about fifty papers have been published on the Niah results in Asian Perspectives (annually), Archaeological Newsletter, Journal Royal Society of Arts (a general review to 1963), Man (three papers), Oriental Art (Oxford), Artibus Asiae (Switzerland), Bijdragen (Holland), and the Geographical Journal (Royal Geographical Society, London). The full background and a long series of technical reports are published in the last eight issues of the Sarawak Museum Journal (Kuching, Sarawak, East Malaysia). The S.M.J. papers include specific contributions from Dr. R. Brothwell of the British Museum, Miss J. Clutton-Brock of the Institute of Archaeology, Dr. Calvin Wells of the Norwich Museum, Dr. D. A. Hooijer of Leiden and Professor G. H. R. von Koenigswald of the University of Utrecht, Dr. W. S. Solheim of the University of Hawaii, Drs. R. Inger and Wayne King of Chicago, the Earl of Cranbrook and Miss Pat Aldridge (now Dr. P. Marshall) of the University of Hong Kong. While those who have made specialist studies on the spot, working in Kuching, include Lord Medway (both here and at the University of Malaya), Dr. Alastair Lamb (glass beads), Dr. Solheim with Mrs. Lindsay Wall (prehistoric earthenware), Mrs. E. Moore in association with Miss Mary Tregear at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (Yueh and other early porcelains), Mr. Benedict Sandin and Mr. R. Nyandoh (links to cave and other Niah folklore), Mr. Geoffrey Barnes (burial rites), Mr. J. Revers (U.S. Peace Corps; topography), Professor N. Haile (geology; now of the University of Malaya), Mrs. Barbara Harrisson and her husband. Work of this sort involves multiple cooperation, as has already been well demonstrated by the University team from Hong Kong working on Lantau Island. In 1965-66 we hope to get additional outside help from Dr. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 NIAH CAVE, 1947 - 1964 25 Sheila Brooks, Dr. Richard Shutler (who has already made one visit) and their associates in the U.S.A. The work continues actively with increasing emphasis on publication, generously aided by The Asia Foundation and the Otago Museum in New Zealand, as well as those already listed. In conclusion, I stress that from start to finish this has been and is a Sarawak Government-based study. The main costs and all the conceptions have been derived from this Government, first as a Crown Colony and now as a State in Malaysia. APPENDIX —— Specimen list of mammals so far identified from Niah Cave Stone Age food-bone deposits will illustrate the value of keeping everything in an excavation; in this case to build up a complete picture of prehistoric food habits. Similar studies on bird, fish, and reptile bone are in hand. The mammal work was organized and patiently carried on by Lord Medway and largely undertaken by him personally, with special help from Dr. Hooijer, in Holland, Lord Cranbrook in England, and Pat Marshall in Hong Kong. (For an introductory survey see Medway in Sarawak Museum Journal, VIII, 1958, 12:627-636). Comparative frequency of remains in the first seasons for a typical series of trenches down to 72" (Medway p. 631) gave approximately: Total no. of identifiable bones in Stone Age food remains (0 - 72"). (Sample only); Group Mammal Bird Reptile Fish 6,380 85 383+(Turtle, 305) 27 6,875 Over ninety per cent mammal bone is common form. For the mammals eaten, other than seven species of bat (also living in the cave, and difficult to distinguish as between food and dead falls), here is a brief summary, based mainly on Lord Medway's records, but my generalizations (and possible errors): ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 32 SIR JOHN BOWRING race is thus augmenting, the causes which lead to the destruction of food, — such as the overflow of rivers, fires, ravages of locusts, bad seasons, and other calamities, — are to a great extent beyond the control of human prudence or human exertion. It would be difficult to show what new element could be introduced which would raise up the native supply of food beyond its present productiveness, considering that hand husbandry has given to cultivation more of a horticultural than an agricultural character. The constant flow of emigration from China, contrasted with the complete absence of emigration into China, is striking evidence of the redundancy of the population; for though that emigration is almost wholly confined to two provinces, namely, Kwangtung and Fookien, representing together a population of probably from 34,000,000 to 35,000,000, I am disposed to think that a number nearer 3,000,000 than 2,000,000 from these provinces alone are located in foreign countries. In the kingdom of Siam, it is estimated that there are at least a Million and a Half of Chinese, of which 200,000 are in the capital (Bangkok). They crowd all the islands of the Indian Archipelago. In Java, we know by a correct census there are 136,000. Cochin China teems with Chinese. In this colony we are seldom without one, two, or three vessels taking Chinese emigrants to California and other places. Multitudes go to Australia, to the Philippines, to the Sandwich Islands, to the western coast of Central and Southern America: some have made their way to British India. The emigration to the British West Indies has been considerable; to the Havana greater still. The annual arrivals in Singapore are estimated at an average of 10,000, and 2,000 is the number that are said annually to return to China.* There is not only this enormous maritime emigration, but a considerable inland efflux of Chinese towards Manchuria and Tibet; and it may be added, that the large and fertile islands of Formosa and Hainan have been to a great extent won from the aborigines by successive inroads of Chinese settlers. Now these are all males — there is not a woman to 10,000 men: hence perhaps the small social value of the female infant. Yet this perpetual out-flowing of people seems in no respect to diminish the number of those who are left behind. Few Chinamen leave * Journal of the Indian Archipelago, vol. ii, p. 286, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 36 SIR JOHN BOWRING deserving of note, and all display evidence of the inadequate proportion which the produce of the soil bears to the demands for the consumption of the people.* The Chinese, again, have no prejudices whatever as regards food: they eat any thing and every thing from which they can derive nutrition. Dogs, especially puppies, are habitually sold for food and I have seen in the butchers' shops, large dogs skinned and hanging with their viscera by the side of pigs and goats. Even to rats and mice the Chinese have no objection, — neither to the flesh of monkeys and snakes: the sea slug is an aristocratical and costly delicacy which is never wanting, any more than the edible birds' nests, at a feast where honour is intended to be done to the guests. Unhatched ducks and chickens are a favourite dish. Nor do the early stages of putrefaction create any disgust: rotten eggs are by no means condemned to perdition; fish is the more acceptable when it has a strong fragrance and flavor to give more gusto to the rice. As the food the Chinese eat is for the most part hard, coarse, and of little cost, so their beverages are singularly economical. Drunkenness is a rare vice in China, and fermented spirits or strong drinks are seldom used. Tea may be said to be the national, the universal beverage; and though that employed by the multitude does not cost more than from 3d. to 6d. per lb, an infusion of less costly leaves is commonly employed, especially in localities remote from the Tea districts. Both in eating and drinking the Chinese are temperate, and are satisfied with two daily meals "the morning rice" at about 10 a.m., and “the evening rice" at 5 p.m. The only repugnance I have observed in China is to the use of milk -- an extraordinary prejudice, especially considering the Tartar influences which have been long dominant in the land; but I never saw or heard of butter, cream, milk, or whey, being introduced at any native Chinese table. * See a valuable paper on Chinese Agriculture in Chinese Repository, vol iii, pp. 121-27, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 54 J. MCCOY The aspirated stops are analyzed as unit phonemes simply to maintain the pattern of single consonant initials; all other arguments seem equally strong for interpreting them either as units or clusters. Two special points should be noted about the distribution of the consonants. Unlike SC, KS /m,p/ do not appear finally in a syllable but are replaced with /n, t/ respectively. Thus we find KS /sen1/ 'heart' and /it2/ 'leaf' as compared with SC /sêm1/ and /ip6/, with the SC tone contours here the same as the KS counterparts. The possible final consonants in KS then are /n, ng, t, k/. Again unlike SC, KS /n/ does not occur initially and /ng/ occurs initially only before zero final. Initial /n/ has merged with /l/ giving /lui6/ 'female' and /lan2/ 'male'. We find /ng5/ 'five', but all other categories of words which may have initial /ng/ in other Kwangtung Province dialects have a vowel initial in KS, e.g., /ui5/ 'outside', /ngo5/ 'hungry', and /jit2/ 'hot'. It should be noted that KS has no labialvelar consonant phonemes of the type /kw, kwh/ as postulated for SC by many analysts. There are no KS contrasts of the type which might suggest such a phoneme; thus we have KS /kong3/ 'to speak' and /kwong1/ 'bright', /kok3/ 'each, every' and /kwok3/ 'nation'. The point might well be made here that even in SC the phoneme /kw/ is not strictly required by the phonological evidence since there are no contrasts /k/ versus /kw/ which cannot be just as easily handled by /k/ plus /u/ with a saving in the phoneme inventory. The KS vowel system is: Front i Central Back u The vowels require more detailed explanation since, unlike the KS consonants, they are not similar enough to SC to permit descriptions of that dialect to suffice. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 56 a : J. MCCOY e € i 0 = ai ei ui au iu ου at et it ut ak ik ok uk an en in on un ang eng ing ong ung iek ieng 010 If I use my own analysis of SC, the consonant phoneme inventories of KS and SC are the same. This is because I combine the two palatal series as Chao himself suggests, eliminate the labialvelar series (Chao's labialized gutturals), and drop the semivowels. However, similarity of phoneme charts can not be taken as identity between two dialects. Even though the phonetic values may be similar as they are in KS and SC, we still have the problem of distribution which results in unique systems of syllable types. Thus, the loss in KS of initial /n, ng, kw/ creates quite a different picture for this dialect; similarly the loss of final /m, p/ makes no changes in the phoneme inventory but produces considerable variation at higher linguistic levels. 1 For the vowels a convenient comparison can be made of the lists of possible syllable finals. Already we can expect differences in the vocalisms by virtue of the fact that in my analysis KS has five vowel phonemes and SC has six. More significant is the point that KS has 31 syllable finals plus zero, while SC has 48 plus zero in either Chao's system or mine. Since there is no evidence that the consonants, tones, or any other features have conditioned this discrepancy in numbers, it must be assumed that there is a loss in KS of some syllable finals of which the counterparts are distinctive in SC. Twelve of these can be identified immediately as those possessing length or final /m, p/ in SC. The losses, more accurately described as mergers, show up readily in the rime table correspondences but reducing these from tabular form to descriptive text requires more space than can be justified in a non-technical paper. Instead, I propose to give a number of examples for each of the possible KS syllable finals in order to give general indications of the ancient sources ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE 63 10 In KS the zero final is found in syllables of only two types where an initial consonant occurs without a following vowel. These two types are /m2/ 'not' and several words /ng/, as in [ng6/ "Ave. 11 The semivowels are unnecessary in SC and many other Kwangtung Province dialects since there are no contrasts of the type /y/ versus /i/. The analysis here turns on factors which Hockett (1955, pp. 59-60) terms syllable juncture and a concomitant predictability of syllable boundaries. In most Cantonese dialects, with no atonic syllables, it is simplest to delimit the syllable to the domain of one tone and to analyse any difference between non-peak [y] and peak [i] as the allophonic variations of a single phoneme. Chao's decision to retain the semivowels may rest on requirements of his romanization system. 12 This is a possible exception in a rime group predominantly /i/. 13 There is evidence in KS, and some other Cantonese dialects such as Toishan, to suggest that syllables ending in -iek, -eng may be colloquial readings as opposed to literary readings in -ik, -ing/. For KS I did not turn up any double readings for the same word so this hypothesis remains to be tested, but in the speech of Toishan City we find contrast of the type /mieng3/ 'name', usually standing alone, and /men6/ for the same character in more formal compounds. The tone /3/ on the first example is a Toishan changed tone from the regular /6/. The Toishan contours are /3/ high rising and /6/ low level. Compare also SC. 14 This is the only example I have of this syllable final and may well be a loan reading. I include it pending further investigation. 15 /m2/ is a common negative in a number of southern Chinese dialects but it cannot be traced to a form in the ancient rime tables. In KS, as in SC, it is the only form in syllabic /m/. 16 As an example of similarities, we have the forms developed by the loss of initial /ng/ before ho-k'ou finals giving readings such as KS /ui5/ "outside". Compare Tung Kun /wi/ cited by Yuan (1960, p. 204) and probably taken from Wang Li. BIBLIOGRAPHY Note: These titles include only those items referred to in this paper. An excellent and possibly definitive bibliography on the Boat People, including some language data, see Ho Ko-en, 'A Study of the Boat People', Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. V. No. 1 and 2. Hong Kong 1959-60. 1. Chao, Yuen Ren (1947). Cantonese Primer. Cambridge, Mass. 2. (1951a), "T'ai-shan Yu-Jiao Hsü-lun" (Preface to Materials on the Toishan Dialect), Kuo-li Chung-yang-yen-chiu-yüan Li-shih-yü-yen yen-chiu-so Fuso-ch'ung Chi-nien-te-k'an (Bulletin of Academia Sinica, National Research Institute of History and Philology, Special Printing in Memory of Institute Director Fu). Taipei. 3. (1951b). "Tai-shan Yü-liao” (Materials on the Toishan Dialect), Kuo-li Chung-yang-yen-chiu-yüan Li-shih-yü-yen-yen-chiu-so Chi-k'an (Bull. of Academia Sinica, Nat. Res. Inst. of Hist. and Phil.), Vol. 23, Taipei. 4. Egerod, Søren (1956). The Lungtu Dialect. Copenhagen. 5. Hockett, Charles F. (1955). A Manual of Phonology. Baltimore, This book is Memoir 11 of the International Journal of American Linguistics. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 65 THE SOUTHERN SUNG STONE-ENGRAVING AT NORTH FU-T’ANG JEN YU-WEN On the southern tip of the small peninsula, North Fu-t'ang (Pak Fat-t'ang), on the eastern shore of Junk Bay, lies a stone-engraving dating from the Southern Sung Dynasty, one of the most famous historic relics in Hong Kong. The vernacular name for this place is Ta-miao (Tai-miu), or "Big Temple," because a temple of T'ien-hou (T'in-hou), or "Heavenly Queen,” is situated there. About half-way up the hill just behind this Temple, is located the large rock, five feet high, ten feet wide and five feet thick, hidden in the thick brush. On its flat surface facing the south, there are 108 Chinese characters engraved in nine vertical lines with twelve characters each. Each character is about four square inches in size. The entire surface covering the engraving is four feet two inches wide and three feet nine inches high. The engraving was done in the tenth year of the reign of Hsien-hsun (Ham Shun) of the Emperor Tu Chung of the Southern Sung Dynasty (A.D. 1274) — the date given at the end of the inscription. Just three years before this date, two of the Emperor's sons, who later successively succeeded him to the throne, were fleeing from the pursuit of the Mongols and had landed on the western shore of Kowloon Bay at the historic spot subsequently named Sung Wong Toi. This stone-engraving is recorded in the Chia-ch'ing (Ka Hing) edition of the Gazetteer of Hsin-an (Sun-on) District, but details of the historic relic are not given in its description. The Genealogical Record of the Lin (Lum) clan of P'u-kang (P'u-kong) village in Kowloon, however, contains a narration concerning the place, the Temple and the stone-engraving which is very helpful for studying the history of this historic relic. Unfortunately, many of the characters on the stone as transcribed therein are not correct, leaving the readers still in the dark regarding the real meaning of the original text. As a matter of fact, a few engraved characters on the rock have been partially worn-out so badly that it renders some lines absolutely unintelligible. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 66 : JEN YU-WEN : In the summer of 1958 a number of Chinese and Western historians, writers, poets, reporters and government officers accompanying the author, who had taken the principal interest in and had organized the research project, made three trips to the place to see and study the historic object. As a result of painstaking research and study, we are now able to decipher and read every character engraved there and to understand the exact meaning of the whole text. The full text is rendered more clearly on the opposite page. The inscription and engraving were done by the Administrator of the salt field, Kuan-fu-ch'iang (Kwoon-fu-ch'eung) a place which is identified as present-day Kowloon Peninsula. The text describes the Administrator's full name and position, his visit to the site, the construction of the Stone Pagoda on South Fu-t'ang (the islet south of North Fu-t'ang now officially named Tung-lung Island), the repairing and renewing of these two places successively by several persons, the erection of another stone tablet (now disappeared), and finally, the elaborate repairs carried out by a local celebrity, Lin Tao-yi (Lum To-yi), who caused the text to be engraved on the rock on the aforementioned date. Lin Tao-yi was also responsible for the construction of the Temple of T'ien-hou at North Fu-t'ang. The author, after visiting the place, had the privilege of being invited by some of his descendants in Kowloon to read their Genealogical Record mentioned above. It was found that Tao-yi's great-grandfather originally hailed from P'u-t'ien (P'o-t'in), South Fukien, and was the first ancestor of their clan to migrate to Kwangtung settling down in Kowloon sometime during the Southern Sung period. His own son had had two sons, Sung-chien (Ch'ung-kin) and Po-chien (P'ak-kin). The two brothers engaged in the transportation business with large sailing vessels between sea ports along the coast and Kowloon. Once while returning south they met with a typhoon near the Fu-t'ang gap. The ship was wrecked and sunk, but they held on to the matshed-cover of the ship which kept them floating. On the cover was a tablet of the Goddess Lin Ta-ku whom they had been worshipping aboard the ship. They tied their loosened hair to it and swam to South Fu-t'ang. Landing in safety they firmly believed that the Goddess had saved their lives and immediately made the matshed-cover ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 STONE ENGRAVING AT FU-T'ANG 67 her temporary temple. Since then other sailors passing by went ashore to worship her, who, they believed, gave them every protection at sea. Later, they collected a sum of money to build a permanent temple there. Sung-chien, the first beneficiary, had become wealthy by then and contributed the principal share of the construction fund. Still later, in the second year of the reign of Hsien-hsun (1266) the local people, because of superstition, thought that another temple should be built on the shore of North Fu-t'ang. Tao-yi, the only son of Sung-chien, responded and constructed a much more elaborate temple there. Besides, he composed a poem commemorating the event and had it inscribed on a stone tablet which was erected by the side of the new temple. This monument has long been lost, but the temple remains there till the present day, of course having been repaired from time to time during the past 700 years. Its name has also been changed since the Goddess has been bestowed by Emperors of successive dynasties with different honorable titles from the plain Lin Ta-ku to Tien-hou (Heavenly Queen) which was given her by the Emperor K'ang-hsi (Hong Hei) of early Ch'ing. According to the Gazetteer of Kwangtung this is the oldest temple of T'ien-hou along the coast of the Province. Eight years after its construction, Lin Tao-yi, having made another effort to renew the whole vicinity and repair the Temple, requested the Administrator of the Kuan-fu salt field to prepare the inscription which he had engraved on the rock.* The stone-engraving has distinct cultural value. In the first place, for students of the history of the Southern Sung Dynasty, the reference to the construction of the Stone Pagoda at South Fu-t'ang in the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Chen Chung of the Northern Sung (A.D. 1012) is particularly of historical interest and significance. This is because when the two young sons of Tu Chung, who would become the last emperors of Sung * The Goddess was the sixth daughter of Lin Yuan (Lum Yun), an official in Fukien (892-946). It was alleged that she had an innate supernatural power and could perform miracles in saving people from drowning at sea. She died at the age of twenty and henceforth was worshipped by sailors as their patron goddess. See the author's study of her story in Sung Wong Toi, A Commemorative Volume (1960), Chüan 5, p. 279ff (in Chinese). For the author's detailed studies of the engraved rock, see the same volume, pp. 151-154, 268-280, 284-290. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 68 JEN YU-WEN as stated above, left Kuan-fu-ch'iang on the way to Ch'uan-wan (Ch'uen-wan) on the western shore of Kowloon in the year A.D. 1277, they stopped over at a place by the name of Ku-t'a (Ku-t'ab), or "Ancient Pagoda." This fact had been recorded in some historical books, but where and what this place is has never been known, Now, with the revelation from this stone-inscription plus certain statements in the Genealogical Record of the Lin clan definitely referring to the Stone Pagoda, a sound conclusion can be drawn to the effect that Ku-t'a is identical to the present-day South Fu-t'ang, the northern shore of Tung-lung Islet. It is further reinforced by the fact that, according to tradition, local people used to call the said Pagoda by the name of Ku-shih-t'a (Ku-shek-t'ab) or “Ancient Stone Pagoda" which was later abbreviated to Ku-t'a. With the discovery of the missing link a very knotty problem in the study of the itinerary of the last two emperors of the Southern Sung is rationally solved at long last, For this the value of this stone-engraving to historical scholarship is most pronounced. Secondly, from the standpoint of archaeology, this stone-engraving, done 690 years ago (1274-1965), is the oldest historic relic with a definite date in Hong Kong and Kowloon. (The history of Sung Wong Toi began three years later than this and the three characters were not engraved there until the Yuan Dynasty. The ancient tomb in Li-cheng-wu (Lee-chang-uk) appears to have a longer history, but the date is uncertain.) Thirdly, from the standpoint of literature, its diction and sentences are excellent and the narration of no less than eight events in only 108 characters is terse and elegant. As a stone inscription, it should be ranked as an exemplary piece of literature of its kind. Moreover, the calligraphy possesses beauty, gracefulness and strength, being typical of the Sung style and akin to the penmanship of the celebrated poet, Su Tung-p'o. Last of all, considered as a work of art, the craftsmanship of the engraving is highly commendable. The cutting is deep and sharp, and even after having been exposed to the elements for nearly 700 years, almost all of the engraved characters remain intact. In conclusion, this historic relic should by all means be regarded as a distinctive feature in the cultural history of Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 101 BOOK REVIEWS CHINESE HISTORY: INDEX TO LEARNED ARTICLES 1902 - 1962. Compiled in the Fung Ping Shan Library, University of Hong Kong, by Ping-kuen Yu. XXXI 573 pp. Hong Kong: East Asia Institute, 1963. Paper, HK$70. Distributed by Universal Book Company, Hong Kong. ― Hong Kong, though boasting archeological remains of Chinese culture going back more than 2,000 years, has only recently come of age in the field of Chinese studies. This has resulted from the pressures of the extraordinary events of the past twenty years. No better corroboration of these two statements could be found than that provided by the appearance of this volume, and the circumstances surrounding its production. Mr. P. K. Yu, its compiler, was trained in Chinese studies first at New Asia College, now a component of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. New Asia College, like the other components of the Chinese University, was founded by intellectuals who had left the Mainland but who wanted to continue the scholarly traditions of the Mainland in Hong Kong. Professor Emeritus Frederick S. Drake, to whom this volume is dedicated and who contributes a graceful preface to it, headed the Department of Chinese at the University of Hong Kong until his retirement in 1964; he brought to that post a vast fund of Chinese learning garnered during his many years in China, as well as the high standards of modern scholarship. It was Professor Drake who called Mr. Yu to Hong Kong University, and who encouraged the present project with the double aim of making Hong Kong's resources for Chinese studies more accessible to scholars, and of training advanced students in methods of scholarly research. Mr. Yu himself represents one Hong Kong individual who has made one kind of response to the changing life of the Colony since World War II, that of becoming a first-rate sinologist and historian, first as a student at New Asia, then as a teacher and director of research at the University. None of these things would or could have happened in Hong Kong before World War II. They are evidence that not only have the pressures of the post-war years created strains and problems for Hong Kong, they also have brought about growth ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 108 BOOK REVIEWS use all over the country, including Peking, are ching1 cheng4, meaning 'compete, competition' and cheng4ch'a2, 'struggle'. The character ch'a2 means 'verbose, slander'. But Goodrich's dictionary links it with tsui3 to mean 'interrupt in speaking' (page 5). This is wrong. The correct character is 1, meaning 'insert, drive into', which is also pronounced ch'a2, but written differently. Despite the great number of character entries, I have chanced to discover that a rather commonplace character t'o3 (oval, elliptical), is missing. Only the list of abbreviated characters at the end of the book gives this character and its abbreviated form, but, of course, not its meaning. Also missing is the character when pronounced k'a3 and used in the expression 1 k'a3p'ien4 to mean ‘card' or 'visiting card'. Another defect of the dictionary is that there exists some minor inconsistency in the romanization system. The circumflex accent which is seen over ‘e' in ‘ên' and ‘êng' in almost all cases such as chên, fên, hên, jên, kên, mên chêng, fêng hàng 'shen' on page 17, kêng, mêng, shêng, têng is missing in 'leng' on page 120 and 'neng' on page 143. Finally, there is a misprint on page xvii. The title at the top of the page should read "A Group Of Four Cycles A.D. 1804 - 2043" instead of "A.D. 1804 - 2064". There is a difference of 21 years. JOHN T. S. CHEN JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL STUDIES, Vol. V, Nos. 1 and 2 (1959 and 1960), Hong Kong University Press, 1965. Two articles in the Chinese language for which English summaries are given form the beginning of this volume. Ho Ke-en submits his research on the origin and geographical distribution of the Tan Tribe (Tan Chia) on pp. 1-40. A shorter article by Jao Tsung-i deals with the "Calligraphy in the Tun-huang Scrolls" and is accompanied by twenty-four plates presenting examples of calligraphy concerning varied subjects. Five studies in the English language follow on pp. 45-173. Herbert V. Guenther begins his "The Philosophical Background ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 BOOK REVIEWS 111 - ASIAN PERSPECTIVES: The Bulletin of the Far-Eastern Pre-history Association, Vol. VII, No. 1-2 (Summer-Winter 1963), Hong Kong University Press, 1965. The 1963 issue of Asian Perspectives comprises the following four parts: 1. Regional Reports The achievements of archaeology, mostly up to the end of 1962, are discussed by the area specialists of the Far Eastern Prehistory Association for fourteen regions. These are: Eastern Asia and Oceania (W. G. Solheim II), Northeast Asia (C. S. Chard), Korea (Kim Won-yong), Hong Kong (S. G. Davis), Union of Burma (U Aung Thaw), India (B. B. Lal), Ceylon (P. E. P. Deraniyagala), Madagascar (P. Vérin), Malaysian Borneo (B. Harrisson), Philippines (A. E. Evangelista), Polynesia (Y. H. Sinoto), New Zealand (O. Wilkes), Melanesia (R. Shutler Jr.), Australia (F. D. McCarthy). Each report is accompanied by a valuable extensive bibliography. Editor Wilhelm G. Solheim II informs the reader that China and Japan are absent because these two countries have too many news items. This issue of Asian Perspectives for the first time covers India, Pakistan (in the section "Notes and Articles") and Ceylon. II. Topical Reports An outstanding contribution in this section is a bibliography by M. E. Barker on "Linguistics" up to the end of 1962, which also includes unpublished manuscripts. III. Notes and Articles A very remarkable report by Erika Kaneko on the archaeological survey of several of the Ryukyu islands in 1962 sheds new light on the present archaeological situation and on megalithic structures there (pp. 113-137). B. B. Lal's article (pp. 144-159) draws a comprehensive picture of "A Decade of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Archaeology in India, 1951-1960." A. P. Khatri reports on field work during 1959-60, which, though it failed in its main object to discover fossil man's bones in India, brought Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 112 BOOK REVIEWS to light a rich collection of Stone Age tools and of fossils of mammalian fauna. Some of the implements are represented in beautiful drawings in the article (pp. 160-182). Two shorter reports, "Prehistoric Pakistan" by Ahmad Hasan Dani and "Prehistoric Archaeology in Ceylon" by P. E. P. Deranivagala, conclude this section. Most articles include drawings and many photos. IV. Special Taiwan Section This part is introduced by guest editor Kwang-chih Chang. Taiwan can be regarded as being of particular interest to pre-historians as it is an important link between the East Asian continent and the islands of the Western Pacific, more specifically speaking, between the archaeology of the mainland and the ethno-logy of the Pacific. C. C. Lin in “Geology and Ecology of Taiwan Prehistory" deals with the Quarternary Period in Taiwan. Pin-hsiung Liu reports on excavations in Ta P'en K'eng and other prehistoric sites in Taiwan in 1962 and 1963. Naoichi Kokubu presents an analysis of the prehistoric Ryukyu Islands and deals with questions different from those in Erika Kaneko's report listed in Part III. Other contributions by Kwang-chih Chang and Wilhelm G. Solheim II deal with the relationships of Taiwan in prehistoric times with China (Chang) and Southeast Asia (Solheim). Isidore Dyen's linguistic study on "The Position of the Malayopolynesian Languages of Formosa" concludes the articles in the Taiwan section. A "Selected Bibliography of Taiwan Archaeology : 1953 - 1962” is appended. Hong Kong University Press must be thanked for the excellent printing of this valuable volume, including its many photos and drawings. K. Bünger IN SOUTHEAST ASIA : ILLUSION AND REALITY POLITICS AND ECONOMICS. LENNOX A. MILLS. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. 345 pages HK$32. In the introduction to his recent work entitled, The Revolution in Southeast Asia, Victor Purcell writes, "The view generally held ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 116 NOTES AND QUERIES Additional Note on Article “JOURNAL OF OCCURRENCES AT CANTON IN 1839 BY WILLIAM HUNTER” Readers of Volume 4 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society will be grateful to the Editorial Committee for deciding to print the full text of William C. Hunter's manuscript journal preserved in the Boston Athenaeum. It is a happy coincidence that his journal should have been made available in print to scholars of modern Chinese history at the very time when Hunter's manuscript has been drawn on extensively in a recently published account of the causes and events which led to the Opium War. The late Dr. Hsin-pao Chang, in his scholarly book Commissioner Lin and the Opium War (Harvard University Press, 1964), relates in some detail the story of the detention of the foreign merchants in their factories from 24th March until 5th May by orders of Imperial Commissioner Lin Tse-hsü (pp. 151-159). In describing this episode Dr. Chang has used various sources but has taken most of his details from Hunter's manuscript journal. After reading Dr. Chang's book I have discovered answers to a few problems which puzzled me while writing some of the footnotes to Hunter's journal as published in Volume 4 of this journal. May I, therefore, make a few additions and corrections to the text. Firstly, the sketch map of the Canton estuary on page 59 of Commissioner Lin and the Opium War marks most of the places mentioned by Hunter which were not shown on the sketch map on page 27 of Volume 4 of this journal, or left unidentified in the notes to the text. Thus the positions of Lankeet, Chuenpee, Shakok and Chunhow are clearly shown on the map in Dr. Chang's book. Hunter's use of the name Chinn-up under entry for 13th April is still inexplicable but in fact the opium was being unloaded at that date at Sha-chiao ('Sandy Head') which presumably was the Shakok of Western accounts, lying across the estuary from Lankeet. Secondly, some minor corrections. On p. 16, line 1, the word 'songs' should read 'gongs'; on p. 14, lines 9-10, it would be more accurate to say ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 126 NOTES AND QUERIES Modifications were later made in the Big House. Partitions were put up in the large study, parlour and sitting rooms in order to rent the additional space to outsiders. These were mostly refugees from Hainan Island and provinces near Kwangtung and Hunan and who had formerly worked in official and military professions. There are about 600 people living in the Big House, only half of whom are descendants of Tsang, The iron gate of the Big House is huge. With the thick wall built of bluish bricks, the Big House looks like a fortified castle. In days when war and bandits prevailed, the Big House always remained intact and unmolested. During the last hundred years, the iron gate of the Big House was closed at 9:00 p.m. every night. Any occupant of the house who returned at a later hour had to be identified to the gateman in person before being admitted. The gate was dislocated when the Big House was damaged by Typhoon Wanda in 1962. Since then it has remained open and the occupants are free to enter or leave at any hour of the day. There are two wells in the Big House running to a little more than ten feet in depth. The water in the well always remains clear and has never dried up. Even during the worst dry season in Hong Kong, the occupants of the Big House never faced a water problem. The early Tsangs made very comprehensive plans for their descendants. Not only in housing, in the digging of wells and in the planning of productive resources, but also for the education of their children. A school named Kwan-man was established in celebration of Tsang's ancestors. This was enlarged in 1961 with Government aid. A new school also was built near the hillside outside the Big House amid a very beautiful environment. It has four classrooms, capable of accommodating 350 students in both morning and afternoon sessions. Translated, edited and condensed from the Kung Sheung Daily News, 4th November 1964. Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 127 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members on the 31st May, 1965 Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* Dept. of History, University of Toronto, Sidney Smith Hall, Toronto 5, Canada. Members: ABRAHAM, R. D.* ADDIS, Mrs. Diana - 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. ADDIS, W. S. - Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. AIDE-DE-CAMP, The AKERS-JONES, D. - Government House, Garden Road, H.K. ARMERDING, L. E.* - c/o District Office, Yuen Long, N.T. BADAMS, P. W. M. - 426 La Grande Avenue, Fanwood, New Jersey, U.S.A. BAHR, Mrs. Kay BAKER, Mrs. Ann BAKER, W. E. BARD, Dr. S. M. - c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, H.K. (Trustee) Ltd. Shell House, 6th floor, H.K. BARNETT, K. M. A. - 4, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. BARON, D. W. B. - 23, Coombe Road, H.K. BARR, Miss E. - c/o The H.K. Electric Co., Ltd. BARR, J. S. - P. O. Box 915, H.K. BARRY, Comdr. R. S. - Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K. BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. - P. O. Box 248, H.K. BASTO, G. de - 30 Severn Road, H.K. BASTICK, Capt. W. G. - 78 Robinson Road, H.K. BENANZIO, Dr. M. - Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 128 BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., BERTOVICH, Miss R. C. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G. BEVERIDGE, R. J. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. + BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. - BLATCHFORD, C. H, BLUE, A. D. - T BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. BOAK, C. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BODILLY, Mrs. M. BOLLMEYER, Mrs. H. BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, J. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, B. BOYD, J. D. I. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. 7 ד BREUIL, Mrs. N. du - BRITTON, Mrs. N. M. BROMHALL. J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BROWN, Miss B. BROWN, Mrs. D. L. + - - + + + H.K. R.D. No. 1, Box 220, Masontown, Pa. U.S.A. Italian Embassy, Tokyo, Japan. University Press, Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon, Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland, Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. c/o World Wide Shipping, Cornes & Co., C. P. O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan. Merton College, Oxford University, England. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 12A Mt. Nicholson Road, H.K. c/o W. F. Bollmeyer & Co. (H.K.) Ltd., Rooms 408-9 Yu To Sang Building, H.K. Flat 4-B, 3 University Drive, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. Dept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ., East Lansing, Michigan 48824, U.S.A. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. P. O. Box 951, H.K, 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 6 Peel Rise, The Peak, H.K. Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, L. 254 Kun Tong, Kowloon, Chatham Galleries, 103 Chatham Road, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 129 BROWNE, H. J. C. BRUUN, F. BRYAN, Mrs. F. L. - BUCKNELL, P. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. BUTTON, Miss J. V. - BUXEY, Miss M. J. BYRNE, D. J. CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CASHMORE, Miss M. CATER, J. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-fam CHAN, Dr. H. C. - CHAN, Leonard CHAN, William Hok-Lam CHAPMAN, Dr. G. W. - CHAU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Yih CHENG, Dr. Irene - CHENG, T. C. CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 908 Takshing House, H.K. 3-F Robinson Road, 10th floor, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Flat 201 Sisters' Qtrs., King's Park House, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. 11, Cambridge Road, Kowloon, Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon, Room 315 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 9A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 3 Peak Pavilions, Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon. 5 Shan Kwong Road, Happy Valley, H.K. c/o Pfizer Corporation, G.P.O. Box 323, H.K. 3327 Graduate College, Princeton University, Princeton, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o The Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Rd., H.K. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. Dept. of Geography, United College, 9 Bonham Road, H.K. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, N.K.I.L. No. 4405, San Po Kong, Kowloon. United College, Bonham Road, H.K. 4, University Path, Pokfulum, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 130 CHEUNG, Oswald CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph CHIU. Miss B. T. CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHOW, Edward T. CLARK, Mrs. A. T. CLARK, Mrs. E. E. CLARK, Mrs. N. E. COBBAN, K. M. COHN, Dr. A. J. COOKE, Miss M. B. COOPER, Miss M. - CORBALLY, E. - COSTANTINI, G* CUMINE, E, CUMMING, M. S. DAIKO, P. DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M.. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. DJOU, G. G. - 1002, Alexandra House, H.K. 9 Village Road, 1st floor, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. 3, Kidderpore Gdns, London, N.W.3., England. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3. Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. 13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K. Tytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Flat 33, Mount Austin Mansions, & Mt. Austin Road, H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th floor, "F", H.K. H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, Kwun Tong L254, Kwun Tong, Kowloon, Sisters' Quarters, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, c/o Central Magistracy, Albert Road, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 14, Embassy Court, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. P. O. Box 201, H.K. Government Ophthalmic Centre, Arran St., Mongkok, Kowloon, c/o The European Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Rd., Kowloon. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K, c/o Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd., 12-14 Queen's Road, Central, H.K American Consulate-General, Hong Kong. 31, George St., Mablethorpe, Lines., England. DOWBIGGIN, Col. H. B. L. c/o Stewart Bros., Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. DONEGAN, Miss P. L. DONOHUE, P. - - DRAKE, Prof. F. S. - + Lincot, Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 131 DRAKEFORD, L. S. DUFF, Miss E. J. - DUNCANSON, J. D.* 124 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. Kowloon, Sisters' Quarters., Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o The British Advisory Mission, 196 Cong Ly, Saigon, Vietnam. DURANT, LI, Col, R. J. W. Education Branch, HQ. Land Forces, Victoria Barracks, H.K. EDWARDS, O. P. EITZEN, Mrs. J. ELSAESSER, Dr. M. - ENDACOTT, G. B. ENGEL, Dr. D. EUSTACE, Col. F. A. EVANS, P. J. - EVANS, Mrs, P. J. EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, S. E. FAERBER, M. FAERBER, Mrs. M. FEARON, J. - FESSLER, L. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J.- FOERSTER, E. J. FOORD, Dr. R. D. FRASER, A. N. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. c/o German Consulate General, 1 Duddell Street, H.K. Warden, May Hall, The University, H.K. Eitmattstrasse 13, 8820 Wädenwil, Nr. Zurich, Switzerland. c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. 13, Rodmarton Street, London, W.1. England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 1 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. c/o Paragon Book Gallery, Ltd., 14 East 38th Street, New York, N.Y. 10016, U.S.A. As above. Flat A, 123 Repulse Bay Road, H.K, c/o Time-Life News Service, Room 1719 Prince's Building, H.K. Education Dept. (H.K. Sub-Off.), Fung House, H.K. c/o Haigh Zinn & Associates Consulting Engineers, Inst. of Engineers Building, Ramna, Dacca-2, East Pakistan. c/o P. O. Box 25, H.K. c/o 661 Kenton Road, Harrow, Middx., England. Apt. 6, 88 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 132 FUNG, K. S. FUNG. Hon. Ping-fan* GABBOTT, F. R. GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. - GARTNER, J. GEORGE, T. J. B. - GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H. GILES, R. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GODFREY, G.- GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. - - to Hang Tsai & Fung's Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K. Bank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. P. O. Box 232, H.K. c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13/F., H.K. c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. c/o American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road., H.K. 15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Travellers' Club, Pall Mall, London S.W.1., England. Vantage House, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. c/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., H.K. "Crossways", 49 Christchurch Road, Sidcup, Kent, England. Peninsula Court, Kowloon, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, USA, Room 601 Marina House, H.K. GORDON, The Hon. S. S.* Room 703 Prince's Building, H.K. GRAY, Dr. Doris E. GUADAGNINI, Dr. P. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HARRISON, Prof. B. HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. + HAYIM, E. I.* HAYWARD, G. W. HECHTEL, F. O. P. + HECHTEL, Mrs. F. O. P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. = - + Dept. of Biochemistry, The University, H.K. Via Buon Compani, No. 16, Rome, Italy. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Dept. of History, The University, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Seven- oaks, Kent, England. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. As above. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o P. O. Box 70, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 133 J'HESTROY, Baron P, de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. 1633 Compton Road, Cleveland, Ohio 44118, U.S.A. HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. Room 606, Gloucester Building, H.K. HỌ, Mrs. Hung Chiu HO, Hung-pong c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. HO, Teh-kuei 143 Wongneichong Road, 1st Floor, H.K. HO, Tickon* 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. HOCHSTADTER, W. c/o Mrs. N. du Breuil, 86, Main St., Stanley, H.K. HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. Kr. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, The Hon. D. R. Commerce and Industry Dept. HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. Fire Brigade HORSMAN, Miss A. M. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Eric Edward HOWARD, Miss V. HOWARD, W. J. HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. Peninsula Court, Kowloon. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. Room 8 St. George's Building, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. Sisters Quarters, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von P. O. Box 282, H.K. HSIA, Tung Pei D-1, "On Lee", 2 Mount Davis Road, Pok-fulum, H.K. HUGHES, G. M. As above, HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* P. O. Box 70, H.K. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. c/o Leigh & Orange, 2013, Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Building, H.K. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 134 HULL, G. B. G. HUNG, C. S. HURT. Miss E. J. - 49 Beach Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. 19 Hee Wong Terrace, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Sisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. HUTCHISON, Miss P. M. Room 509, King's Park House, King's Park, Kowloon. HUTSON, P. E. HYDE, Miss A. - INGLES, Miss J. M. INGRAM, Miss P. IU, Miss S. JACKSON, R. N. JAO, Tsung-i- JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JENKINS, Miss L. W. JONES, Dr. J. R.* KAY, Miss H. KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. - KEOWN, W. C. KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KNIGHTLY, F. J. KNIGHTS, J. KNOWLES. Dr. W. C. G.* - KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. - c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 123 Breezy Court, 2-A Park Road, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 95 Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. The Registry, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. 2 Stafford Road, Kowloon, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Sisters' Quarters, Kowloon. 3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Sisters' Quarters, Gascoigne Rd., Kowloon, P. O. Box 117, H.K. 7B Lincoln Court, Tai Hang Road, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfields & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 1, Wing Ying Mansion, 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. 57, Humewood Drive, Toronto 10, Ontario, Canada, H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. P. O. Box 113, H.K. Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. As above. Gemeindestrasse 21, 8032 Zurich, Switzerland. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 135 KUMMER, Dr. M. KURATA, Mrs. L. C. - KVAN, Rev. E.* - - KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* KWOK, Chan* KWOK, Walter LAI, T. C. LAM, Yung-fai LANDOLT, M. A. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAW, Chung-kam LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. - LAWRY, Mrs. B. C. LAWRY, R. E. L LECKIE, J. B. H. - LEE, Din-yi LEE, Harold W. LEE, J. S. LEE, The Hon. R. C.*. LEUNG, Kai-cheong LEUNG, Pak-kui LI, Dr. Choh-ming - LI, Shi-yi LI, T. K. Г + Goethe-Institut, German Cultural Centre, 6th floor, Caxton House, H.K. 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada. St. John's College, The University, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddel St., H.K. 20 Coombe Road, Flat B-4, H.K. Brentwood College, Cobble Hill P.O., Vancouver Island, B.C., Canada. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. Victoria Heights, 43-A Stubbs Rd., Flat 1-A, H.K. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. A9, Bowen Hill, 10 Peak Road, H.K. British Council, 1st floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Union Insurance Society of Canton, Ltd., Union House, H.K. United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K. + The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon. 49, Village Road, Ground floor, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 136 LI, Dr. Tsoo-yiu* LINDSAY, T. J. LINDSAY, Mrs. B. E. LIU, D. H. LIU, Sydney C. LIU, Dr. Tsun-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Chin-tang LO, Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOCKS, Miss A. M. LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, F. B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S.* LUM, Miss Ada* LUPTON, G. C. M. LYM, Miss Renee M. MA, Meng MCBAIN, E. B. MCBAIN, G. 1C-3C Broom Road, H.K. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 26 Severn Road, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. 31 Kin Wah Street, 2nd Floor, North Point, H.K. c/o Faculty of Oriental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. 38D, 8th Floor, Bonham Road, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon, c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass, U.S.A. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. MACCABE, Miss E. M. A. King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. New Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. MCCRARY, M.* 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. MCDOUALL, The Hon. J. C. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K. MCCOY, J. Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle St., Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 137 MCELNEY, B. S. MCFADZEAN, A. J. S. MACK, A. M. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. · H - MACKEITH, J. S. MACKENZIE, J. MACKENZIE, Miss S. MCLEVIE, J. G. MALLORY-BROWNE, G. E. + · MALLORY-BROWNE, W. MANEELY, Miss M. 5. MANEELY, R. B. MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. T - + - - · + MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* . MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. - MILLER, C. F. 0.* MORGAN, L. G. MOSCROP, Miss M. E. - MOUSSAYE, R. D. de La MOYLE, G. C. · NABHOLZ, Mrs. M. E. - NEILD, Mrs. C. - · J - Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England, St. Peter-in-Chains Catholic Church, Kowloontsai, Kowloon, 80 Robinson Road, H.K, Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 17 Chater Hall, Conduit Road, H.K. Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 42 Bonham Road, 7th Floor, H.K. 11, Awley 5, Lane 1274, Chung Cheng Road, Taipei, Taiwan. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 472, Macau, c/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3., England. c/o Mrs. N. du Breuil, 86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. 820-823, Union House, H.K. c/o Welfare Handicrafts, Salisbury Road, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 138 NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Ronald, C. Y. NICHOLS, E. N. - NISSANKA, Miss L. S. NIXON, F. A.* - NORONHA, J. E. OGDEN, B. J. N. - OKA, T. OLIPHANT, R. G. L. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. - OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PAYNE, Mrs. M. M. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PELZEL, J. C. - PENNELL, W. V. PERDIEUS, H. - PERESYPKIN, O. P. - PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. J. R. - PICKFORD, I. B. PICKFORD, Mrs. J. P. PIKE, E. N. - PIRIE, J. POLAND, T. D. POLDY, Mrs. K. + - - Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Shipping Accounts Dept.) H.K. 164, Prince Edward Rd., 1st floor, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Agriculture & Fisheries, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon. 33 Granville Road, Kowloon, Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 124 Pokfulum Road, H.K, c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. Flat 2-A, 17 Babington Path, H.K. Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Flat 49, 7th floor, 79 Waterloo Road, Kowloon, C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. Dagobertstraat 45, Leuven, Belgium. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. As above. The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. CA.S. Headquarters, 39 Gloucester Road, 2/F., H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 PORDES, Mrs. A. PORDES, F. - PRESCOTT, J. A. - RASSIM, Mrs. E. RAYNE, R. N. REID, A. R. RICHARDS, G. RIDE, Sir L. T.* RIDE, Lady L. T.* ROBINSON, F. C. - ROE, Capt. J. S. ROOKE, Miss B. E. - ROSS, Cdr. R. D. ROTHE, U.* ROY, Dr. A. + RUDGE, Mrs. A. K. - RUMJAHN, S. M. - RUTTONJEE, Mrs. A. · - 139 9 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. P. O. Box 479, H.K. The British Council, 166 Avenue Louise, Brussels, Belgium. New Haven, Taipo Kau, N.T. As above. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, Hong Kong. 3-B, 3 University Drive, H.K. Cromarty Cottage, St. Catherine's Row, Hayling Island, Hants, England. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. 2 Macdonnell Road, H.K. P. O. Box 448, H.K. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. RUTTONJEE, The Hon. D. As above. RYAN, The Rev. Father T. F. - RYDINGS, H. A. SAUNDERS, I. A. H. - SCHALLER, Miss K. - - SCHOYER, B. P. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. + + Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 746 West Main Street, Apt., 110 Madison, Wisconsin, U.S.A. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. c/o Dept. of Commerce & Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 140 SELLETT, G.* SHEKURY, Miss E. SHING, D. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHU, Dr. H. T. SHUI, Chien-tung SIEGEL, H. W. SIKORA, F. SIMPSON, R. F. SINFIELD, G. H. C. SKELSON, Mrs. M. C. SKELSON, R. E. SLEVIN, B. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Miss A. M. SMITH, L.* SMITH, L. A. SMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.* SOONG, N. SPERRY, H. M.* STANLEY, Major H. F. STANTON, W. T.* STEWART, Miss E. M. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. Administrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon, c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. 29 South Bay Road, H.K. Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. H.K. Telephone Co., Ltd., Prince's Building, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. As above. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. 512 King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. 23-A Robinson Road, H.K. 2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A. 19 Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. 2, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. H.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. c/o The Housing Manager, Hong Kong Housing Authority, Ma Tau Wei Estate, Kowloon, Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. STOKES, J. STONEY, G. S. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. As above. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 141 STOWE, C.- c/o Education Dept., H.K. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, H.K. STUART-JERVIS, Mrs. M. J. 4 Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SWIRE, A. C.* TALBOT, H. D. TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. M. TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TARR, A. D. TARWATER, J. W. THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, Dr. O. L. THOMPSON, R. W. THORN, Mrs. R. TILL, The Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TOWNER, J. A. TREGEAR, Miss M. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir M.* UHALLEY, S. Jr. Evone Court, Flat C, 24 Yik Yam Street, 6th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon, Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House. H.K. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. 6 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K. Room 1701 Central Building, H.K. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 3 Old Peak Road, H4, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon. Senior Lecturer in Spanish, Univ. of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, W.I. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1, England. Room 404 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. District Office, South, 36 Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. 24 Portland Road, Oxford, England. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 150 Page 151 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 142 VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. - VISCHER, Mrs. H. B. VISICK, Mrs. M. - VOGEL, E. F. WALDEN, J. C. C. WALKER, P. R. - - WALSH, Miss A. T. WARD, Miss B. E. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARD, W. L. WATSON, K. A. WATTS, Major, E. V. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, H. H.* WILLAN, E. G. - WILLIAMS, B. V. · · WILLIAMS, Mrs. H. · WILLIAMS, Miss H. M. WILLIAMS, P. B.. + WILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M. - WILMOT-MORGAN, E. WILSON, B. D. - WINKLER, Mrs. E. → - Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. A-23, Estoril Court, 15 Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. 3A, Marigold Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. N.T. Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Tai Po Road, Kowloon, c/o Resettlement Dept., Pui Ching Road, Ho Man Tin, Kowloon, Flat 5, 137 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London, W.C.1., England. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. Apt. 3, No. 7 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. HQ. Land Forces, B.F.P.O.1., H.K. H.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Assn., Queen's Rd., E., H.K. Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K. 33 Lexington Road, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. N.T. Administration Headquarters, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road., Kowloon, c/o District Office, Taipo, New Territories. 612, King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. c/o Colony Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. 93 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon. As above. 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. 402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 143 WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Pao-Hsie WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss Shirley, Ting-yin WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WOOD, Mrs. C.. WOOL-SMITH, Miss J. WORTHY, E. H. Jr. WORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E. WOU, Dr. Paul, P. C. WRIGHT, Miss B. R. + T WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R. YANG, V. T. YANG, Tsung-han YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YATES, Miss J. N. YEH, Rev. Hua-fen YEUNG, Walter, W. T. YOUNG, L. K. YU, Ping-kuen YU, Yin C. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. + · + - + 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon, 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. 22 Wong Ma Kok Road, Stanley, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Sisters' Qurs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, As above. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Flat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K. Wise Mansion 8-C, 32 Robinson Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K. Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. P. O. Box 6175, Hong Kong. 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Housing Society, P. O. Box 845, H.K. 15, Stangee Place, Katong, Singapore 15. 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. 205-7, Gloucester Building, H.K. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 ACC NO. DATE OF ACC. CLASS NO AUTHOR NO 503994 -9. 1. £7 HKS RE ASHZ REBOUND The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in October, 1966. 1,000 copies Price per copy: HK $12 US $2 postage extra UK 16/- Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by YE OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Governor of Hong Kong THE COUNCIL, 1966: President: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: The Hon. Sir Tsun-nin Chau, C.B.E., M.A., LL.D., J.P. R. E. Lawry, O.B.E., M.A. Hon. Secretary: E. O. Michaeliones Hon. Treasurer: W. S. Addis Hon. Editor: S. Uhalley, Jr., M.A.* Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: K. E. Robinson, M.A., F.R.HIST.S. Marjorie Topley, PH.D.* N. du Breuil* J. S. Lee Ma Meng, B.A.* * Member of Editorial Committee ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 # OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. # NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS The Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 20 JOHN 1. NOLDE of the six Englishmen, no one can deny that they did venture into the country-side in December, 1847, and that their bodies were found in the river several days later. But no one knows exactly what happened. They may have brought the attack on themselves by an ill-considered use of fire-arms, or they may have blundered into some kind of inter-village, or inter-clan, feud. In any case, we don't know that they were murdered simply because they were foreigners. 30 As to the events of 1849, it may well be that they were organized not so much to keep the foreigner out of the city per se but to prevent serious rioting and looting within the city, which, the authorities well knew, could, and probably would, be turned against themselves. The presence of the barbarian with his goods and gold within the walls would attract every villain and trouble-maker for miles around. The problem of the 1840's was the same as that which existed in the previous two decades: the continuing erosion of Imperial authority. Chinese documents, most of them un-official, suggest a pattern of turmoil and tumult even exceeding that of the 1820's and 1830's. Triad outbreaks occurred in 1843 in the districts of Tung-kuan and Hsun-teh. In the latter, in December, "above a hundred were killed and several hundred wounded".31 Hsiang-shan district witnessed a serious Triad disturbance in 1844, as did P'an-yu in 1845.32 A high Chinese official, home on leave in Hsiang-shan reported that brigands ran wild in the White Cloud Mountains northeast of Canton and that the authorities were unable, or unwilling, to act.33 In 1846 the yamen of the prefect of Kwang-chou was attacked and looted.1⁄4 So serious had the situation become by that year that the Governor-General called a meeting of his chief advisors to discuss the matter. Apparently little was done, for it is reported that in 1847 a bandit chief in Hsiang-shan had gathered together more than 10,000 men and had established a "puppet government".35 One account notes that in 1847 and 1848 members of unlawful societies in hundreds and thousands, "carrying tents and armed with swords", were terrorizing the districts north of Canton.36 At the height of the "entry" crisis of 1849, Governor Yeh Ming-ch'en reported to Peking that should the foreigner be permitted to enter the city troublemakers ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY 23 This may violate some of the basic principles of the historian's craft. It means going beyond the documents, or at least reading into them interpretations which the documents per se may not warrant. It means reading between the lines. It may even mean attributing significance to the fact that a document does not exist. It means applying the principles of anthropology, sociology, agricultural economics, even psychology to events which occurred many years ago. ....a tricky procedure at best. But it may, in the end, bring us closer to what "really happened" than has heretofore been the case. NOTES 1 Ch'ü Tung-tsu, Local Government under the Ch'ing, Cambridge, 1962. 2 Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960. 3 These are the districts (hsien) of Nan-hai, P'an-yü #, Hsun-teh 顺德, Tung-kuan 东莞, Hsin-an 新安, and Hsiang-shan 香山, 4 Cf. M. Greenberg, British Trade and the Opening of China, London, 1951; P. C. Kuo, A Critical Study of the Opium War, New York, 1935; H. P. Chang, Commissioner Lin and the Opium War, Cambridge, 1964; etc. 5 For account of this pirate's exploits see C. F. Neumann, History of the Pirates Who Infested the South China Sea from 1807 to 1810, London, 1831. This is a translation of a Chinese work entitled Ching-hai fen-chih 靖海氛志 by Yuan Yung-lun 阮永纶 6 The Indo-Chinese Gleaner, July, 1821, 7 The Canton Register, July 26, 1828. 8 The Chinese Repository, June, 1834, p. 83. 9 The Canton Register, February 18, 1828, 10 Ibid., October 3, 1829. 11 Ibid., December 12, 1829 and September 6, 1830. 12 The Chinese Repository, June, 1832, p. 80. 13 The Canton Register, March 8, 1828. 14 The Chinese Repository, April, 1836, p. 566. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid. 17 Kwang-chou fu chih (广州府志), Canton, 1879 ed., chuan 81, p. 286. 18 The Canton Register, June 18, 1829, 19 For details see pertinent issues of The Chinese Repository, The Chinese Courier; The Canton Register; Kwang-chou fu chih, p. 306. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 24 JOHN J. NOLDE 20 The Canton Register, October 24, 1833. 21 The Chinese Courier, September 14, 1833. 22 Nan-hai hsien chih (*), 1910 ed., chuan 2, p. 52a. Hsum-teh hsien chih (MRA), 1853 ed., chuan 31, p. 20b. 23 The Canton Register, May 20, 1834. 24 The Chinese Repository, April, 1838, pp. 593-605. 25 Italics mine, 26 For the standard treatment see J. K. Fairbank, Trade and diplomacy on the China Coast, 1842-1854, Cambridge, 1953; Tong tekong, American Diplomacy in China, Seattle, 1964; E. Swisher, China's Management of the American Barbarians, New Haven, 1953. 27 For details see pertinent British Blue Books such as Papers relating to riot at Canton in July, 1846..., 1847; Papers relating to murder of six Englishmen, 1848; Correspondence respecting insults in China..., 1857; etc. For the episode of 1849, see J. Nolde, "The False Edict of 1849", Journal of Asian Studies, May, 1961, pp. 299-315. + - 28 Papers relating to murder.... ... PP. 17-18. 29 The Chinese Repository, June, 1847, p. 320. + 1 30 The Foreign Office archives in the Public Record Office in London contain much material on this case which is not included in the published documents. 31 G. W. Cooke, China: ..., London, 1858, p. 435. This is a translation by Thomas Wade of a memorial by the Chinese official Tseng Wang-yen 曾望颜. 32 Ibid., p. 436. 33 Ibid., p. 439. 34 Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo (*), Peking, 1930, chuan 75, pp. 11a-12b, 13a-14b; The Chinese Repository, January, 1846, pp. 51-52. 35 Kwang-chou fu chih, 81, p. 43b. 36 Cooke, p. 440. 37 I-wu shih-mo, 79, pp. 46b-47a, 38 G. Fox, British Admirals and Chinese Pirates, London, 1940, p. 92. 39 Ibid., p. 94-95. 40 J. C. D. Hay, The Suppression of Piracy in the China Sea, London, 1889, passim. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 38 HUGH D. R. BAKER men temples were built and dedicated to them in many parts of the effected area. In the New Territories there were three such temples - one at Sha Tau Kok,10 one built by the Kam Tin lineage of the Tang Clan,102 and a third in the market town of Shek Wu Hui known as the Chau Wong Yee Yuen,103 which was built by the five clans and endowed by them with land for its upkeep. It was not the five clans as clans which did this, but rather lineages of the five clans which came together and each purchased a share in the temple.104 The Man Clan took two shares in the temple, one purchased by each of the two lineages; as was the case with the eastern Tangs.105 The Pangs, Hau* and Lius each had one share. Not only was land purchased and a temple106 built with this money, but also a ferry boat was bought to assist all members of the five clans to cross the Sham Chun River107 to get to the large market town of Sham Chun, with which all had dealings. The share-holding lineages took part in an annual feast at which the business of the temple was discussed, the feast being paid for out of temple funds. As might be expected, however, the history of this temple association has not all been peaceful, and recently a major dispute has arisen, three members108 claiming complete control of the funds to the exclusion of the others.109 The matter quickly escalated to a point where both sides hired lawyers and placed vituperative advertisements in the Colony's newspapers. Eventually, after three years of argument, it was settled in 1963. The second example of cooperation between the clans is of the army which they raised between them to oppose the arrival of the British when they took control of the New Territories in 1899. Under the leadership of literati of the Tang Clan, working from the ancestral hall of the Ha Tsuen lineage,110 they mustered men, arms and supplies in quantity and attacked the British at their landing point in Tai Po. Unfortunately they lacked training and could do no more than fight an ignominious retreat back over the hills. Some records of the organisation of this force are still available through documents captured by the British at the time, and it is obvious that all the planning was done by and communications established at the level of the literati of the five clans. It seems that these men kept up some kind of informal contact, and there is mention of an organisation called the Tung P'ing Kuk112 in the first British reports on the area, which was said *Hau is the correct spelling, not "Haus". I've made the correction. Please let me know if you need further assistance. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 The Five Great Clans 43 16. Population 95. 17. Population 460. 18. Population 110. 19. Freedman, op. cit., p. 28. 20. Population 1,985. 21. Population 3,600. 22. A.D. 1280-1367. 23. Population 2,046. 24. also known as Cha Hang. Population 505. 25. 江西省, 吉安. 26. See the 寶安錦田鄧氏族譜, section headed 鄧氏之始. 27. i.e. Canton. 28. See the 新安侯氏族譜. Unfortunately this genealogy is not very detailed, apparently being a portion only of an original which was largely destroyed. 29. I have not yet seen a copy of the Pang genealogy, the information here being taken from a sketchy, and perhaps not very reliable, survey made by Government in 1956. 30. See the 新界文氏族譜, preface to the genealogy of the Second Branch. 31. also known as Xin'an 新安, the District of which the New Territories were formerly a part. 32. A.D. 1368-1643. See the 文氏族譜. Apparently the San Tin Mans arrived slightly earlier than the Tai Hang lineage, whose first ancestor moved at some time during his long life of 84 years (A.D. 1341-1425) spanning the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. I have not yet seen the genealogy of the San Tin lineage, but my information is taken from the Government survey of 1956 (See note 29), which includes a section probably copied from a Preface of their genealogy. 33. 本地. 34. 劉家. 35. The Liu lineage, whose first ancestor according to oral lineage history was an itinerant tinker and blacksmith, a trade which appears to have been almost a Hakka monopoly in this part of China. 36. Rev. Mr. Krone, Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Part VI, 1859; "A Notice of the Xin'an District", p. 95. 37. Ibid., p. 80. Of course numbers of villages are not necessarily a true guide to population, and, indeed, Krone does stress that Punti villages were frequently larger and more important; but the 4:1 ratio of examination passes still appears inequitable. 38. Charles J. Grant, The Soils and Agriculture of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1960. Of general use are Fig. 1(d), which demonstrates clearly that the major areas of low-lying (and therefore accessible and probably well-watered) land are within the areas occupied by units of the Five Clans; and Fig. IV(a), which shows that the major areas of paddy-soil coincide with areas of residence of the Five. 39. Ibid., fig. VI(a). 40. Ibid., fig. VI(b). 41. 劉氏族譜, Notes on the seventh generation. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 44 HUGH D. R. BAKER 42 Grant, op. cit., figs, VI(k), (l), (m), (n). 43 ###. Notes on the third generation. + 44 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(m) and (n). 45 **#. Notes on the sixth generation, where the move is said to have been made "at the end of the Yuan Dynasty". 46 Ibid., Notes on the third generation. 47 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(o) and (p) show a perhaps exaggerated picture of the paucity of land around Lung Kwat Tau, since part of the Tangs' area of influence is not shown. Figs. VI(e) and (f) show a no less meagre amount of agricultural land around Tai Po Tau. It must be stressed that geographical and political accident have combined to change the situation greatly in both these areas in recent years, so that Grant's findings do not demonstrate the true historical picture. + 48 ******, Notes on the founding ancestor. He was born in A.D. 1023 and died in 1085, but the date when he moved to Ho Sheung Heung is not recorded. 49 Ibid., Notes on the fourth generation, shows that the expansion occurred in the fifth generation, which we can infer from the data to have been in the mid-12th century. I cannot locate the places mentioned, and, unless they have since disappeared entirely, we must assume that they are not situated in the New Territories, or that they are names for internal divisions in Ho Sheung Heung itself. Without having been able to check on these assumptions, I would incline to the last. 50 Ibid., Notes on the thirteenth generation. This village was founded in the seventeenth generation (possibly mid-16th century, but it is difficult to arrive at even an approximate date) by a man who moved from one of the original expansion villages discussed in note 49 above. 51 Ibid., This village has the same first ancestor as Ping Kong, whence he moved on after some years. 52 Ibid., Notes on the twelfth generation. The village was founded in the last years of the Chien-lung reign period (A.D. 1736-1795). 53 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(o) and (p) show the land surrounding only Ping Kong of these four villages. It is of no better than average productivity (200 catties), and is not a very large acreage. 54 Ibid., figs. VI(o) and (p). 55 Ibid., The same figures show the extent to which vegetable-farming has taken over the land in this area. See also "Changes in Agricultural Land Use in Hong Kong", by C. T. Wong, in S. G. Davis, Land Use Problems in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1964. 56. The 'Rural Consultative Council', which represents New Territories interests to Government. An explanation of its structure and objectives may be found in S. S. Hsueh, Government and Administration of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1962, pp. 84ff. 57 Bk. 'Wind and Water'. For a short but unsympathetic explanation of this belief see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, London, 1904, pp. 312f. 58 廖氏族譜, section headed 韩考座代进移節略, 59 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(o) and (p). 60 M. + 61 feng shui hsien sheng (Mandarin pronunciation). 62 ****, section as in note 58. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 THE FIVE GREAT CLANS 45 63 Ibid., In fact there was a second geomancer (of the eighth generation) cooperating in this plan, 64 松柏朗 65 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(e) and (f). These figures also point to one of the mysteries of the New Territories—the settlement of the very rich upper half of the Lam Tsuen Valley by Hakka lineages, a phenomenon which denies the usual pattern of Punti monopoly of first-class land. 66 Ibid., fig. IV(a). 67 Ibid., fig. I(c), and p. 2. For a map see K.M.A. Barnett, "Hong Kong before the Chinese” in JHKBRAS, Vol. 4, 1964. 68. This moribund market was revived in 1925, and has thriven since 1949. 69 元朗儅爐. 70 大埔舊墟 71 See Robert G. Groves, “The Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories" in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, HKBRAS, Hong Kong, 1965, p. 17. 72 Ibid., p. 18. 73 For a brilliantly worked out study of marketing systems of this sort see G. William Skinner, “Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China” in The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XXIV, Nos. 1-3, 1964-5. 74 For some other ways in which they made the markets pay, see Groves, op. cit., page 18. 75 See J. W. Hayes, "The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898", JHKBRAS, Vol. 2, 1962, for an incomplete list of markets operative at the time. Sha Tau Kok and Shek Wu Hui are notable omissions. 76. 77 坑頭村- 78 See, for example, Freedman, op. cit., pp. 66ff, 79***. But they are often more in the nature of 'leaders' than 'representatives', a fact which is recognised in the title by which the villagers more commonly address them HE. 80 The festival of Chung Yeung. 81 Called ch'i l'ong. 82 荃灣. 83 See J. M. Potter, Ping Shan: the Changing Economy of a Chinese Village in Hong Kong, micro-filmed thesis for the degree of Ph.D. at the University of California at Berkeley, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1964. 84 or T. 85 As witness an incident a few years ago in San Tin, where, in an adultery case, a man was condemned by the villagers to drowning in a pig-basket in the pond. Timely intervention by the police was all that saved him, 86 Rightly or wrongly the view persists in the rural areas that no contact with authority is good contact. 87 A. 88 FA. They are mentioned under the name of Sia-wu in Chen Han-seng, Agrarian Problems in Southernmost China, 1936. 89 Quite what brought about the disappearance of this institution is not clear to me. Certainly it was not interference from the Government of Hong Kong, as witness the report by J. Russell dated 18th July 1886 and appended ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 THE FIVE GREAT CLANS 47 112 Rth. Sec J. H. S. Lockhart, "Report on the New Territory", Sessional Papers, 1899. 113 Hayes, op. cit., p. 83, quotes Lockhart, but does not give any new evidence, though he mentions other similar informal bodies. 114 八鄉 [115] I am not sure that this was the original purpose of the alliance. 116 Ancestral halls are generally sited outside walled villages for reasons of feng shui. 117 Ho Sheung Heung, Ping Kong, and Kam Tsin. The cannon of this last village was not handed in when British administration began in 1899, and still lies hidden in the corner of one of their ancestral halls. 118 南鄉. 119 That is, in Canton. 120 See J. W. Hayes, "Cheung Chau”, in JHKBRAS, Vol. 3, 1963, note 12; and the same author's "Peng Chau", in JHKBRAS, Vol. 4, 1964, p. 79 and note 27. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS 63 testify to their Oriental origin, such as the lute (from Arabic al-lūt, "wood”), and even in our century we have witnessed the spread of Negro jazz over the whole world. A similar development took place in China, and there are many passages in Yüan literature where foreign music and musicians are mentioned.15 In this connection we should perhaps save from oblivion the name of one of these musicians from the Near East. We find her name in the Ch'ing-lou chi “Records from the Green Bowers", an anonymous work dated 1364 which gives a list of the most popular courtesans under the Yüan, together with a description of their accomplishments. Among these ladies of easy virtue we find one solitary girl from the Western Regions mentioned among her many Chinese professional sisters. She was a Mohammedan girl by the name of Miliha (or Maliha) praised for her sweet and clear voice and her skill in singing. She was, alas, not beautiful, but we are told that she was a superb theatrical performer. The author of the book once made her acquaintance and was duly impressed by her acting.16 There must have been many influences from Near Eastern folklore that reached China under the Yüan. I shall quote here only two examples. A well-known Near Eastern folk-tale motif, that of the honest loser, the greedy finder and the Solomonic judge, can be traced both in European medieval and Chinese literature. It reached Europe via Spain through the Disciplina Clericalis of Petrus Alfonsi of Toledo (thirteenth century A.D.), a work which contains many Arab stories and anecdotes that subsequently became immensely popular in the West. Boccaccio has not a few stories from the Disciplina Clericalis in his Decamerone and also at least one motif in Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice, that of the three caskets, comes from that source. The story of the loser, the finder and the judge can be found in European literature in many versions, the classical German version being J. P. Hebel's "Der kluge Richter". In China we find this story in a text dated 1360. Here the story is set in a typical Chinese environment and being given some additional touches typical of China. The most interesting feature is, however, that the Chinese text does not present the anecdote as a mere story but as a historical event. The clever judge to whom the final solution of the case is entrusted was a perfectly real person, a circuit prefect from Kiangsi Province. This shows the Chinese tendency to attach literary clichés and even, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 72 HERBERT FRANKE NOTES 1 On Europe and Europeans as mentioned in Chinese sources, see H. Franke in Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), pp. 65-75. 2 W. Fuchs, The Mongol Atlas of China by Chu Ssu-pen, Peiping, 1946, Monumenta Serica Monographs, No. 8; J. Needham, Science and Civilization in China, Vol III, pp. 555-556. 3 H. Franke in Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 112 (1962), pp. 228-232 (review of Leonardo Olschki, Marco Polo's Asia). 4 Francis A. Rouleau, "The Yangchow Latin Tombstone as a Landmark of Medieval Christianity in China", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 17 (1954) pp. 346-365. 5 John Foster, "Crosses from the Walls of Zaitun", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1954, pp. 1-25. (pl. XII). 6 Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), p. 74-75. 7 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 167-382. 8 See for example, H. Franke, Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Chinas unter der Mongolenherrschaft, Wiesbaden 1956, p. 34 (Nestorian surgeon). 9 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 381, note (c). 10 A. C. Moule, "The Siege of Saianfu and the Murder of Achmach Bailo", Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 58 (1927), pp. 1-28; Vol. 59 (1928), pp. 256-257. 11 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 141. 12 Yüan-shih ed. K'ai-ming, ch. 190, p. 6565, II/III. For the Ho-fang t'ung-i see Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 1486. 13 A. C. Moule, op. cit. 14 R. Loewenthal, "The Nomenclature of Jews in China", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XII (1947), p. 113. 15 H. G. Farmer, "Reciprocal Influences in Music 'twixt the Far and Middle East", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1934, pp. 327-342. 16 Ch'ing-lou chi, ed. Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 2734, p. 9. 17 H. Franke, "Der kluge Richter", in Asiatische Studien, 1950, pp. 55-59. 18 Renate Noethen, Das Sha-kou ch'üan-fu, München, 1961 (Diss.). 19 L. C. Goodrich, "Westerners and Central Asians in Yuan China", Oriente Poliano, Rome, 1957, pp. 1-21; "Western Regions Writers of Chinese Lyrics during the Yuan", International Conference of Orientalists in Japan, No. VII (1962) pp. 17-21. 20 L. C. Goodrich, Oriente Poliano, p. 15. 21 O. Sirén, Chinese Painting, Vol. IV, New York/London, 1958, pp. 54-59, plates Vol. VI, Nos. 57-60. 22 W. Fuchs, "Analecta zur mongolischen Übersetzungsliteratur der Yüan-Zeit", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XI (1946), pp. 34-39; W. Fuchs und A. Mostaert, "Ein Ming-Druck einer chinesisch-mongolischen Ausgabe des Hsiao-ching", ibid., Vol. IV (1939/40), pp. 325-329. 23 E. Haenisch, Mongolica der Berliner Turfan-Sammlung, II, Berlin 1959. 24 A. Mostaert and F. W. Cleaves, Les lettres de 1289 et 1305 des ilkhan Argun et Öljeitü à Philippe le Bel, Cambridge, Mass. 1962. 25 M. S. Ipsiroğlu, Saray-Alben, Wiesbaden, 1964, pl. XLIV, No. 64. 26 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 217-219. 27 H. Franke, "Some Sinological Remarks on Rashid ad-Din's History of China", Oriens, Vol. 4, (1951), pp. 21-26. 28 W. Franke, "Zur Frage der Mongolen in China nach dem Sturz der Yüan-Dynastie", Oriens Extremus, Vol. 9 (1962), pp. 57-68. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 76 HOLMES WELCH against their own laws and protested vigorously against Japanese interference, but to no avail. These developments frightened the Chinese Government, which proceeded to cancel the authorization for its local officials to confiscate monastic property. The wave of affiliation with the Honganji died down. In any case, however, it had been limited to the area of the Treaty ports. Japan had tried to claim the same missionary rights elsewhere, invoking the "most favoured nation" clause, but without success. It failed again in 1915 when the fifth group of its Twenty-one Demands (including parity with Western missionaries) was rejected. Indeed, during the whole first twenty-five years of the Republican period, its missionary work in China was said to have been "hindered by conditions” - a phrase that may allude to growing anti-Japanese feeling as well as to civil wars. Very few new temples were established. Therefore Tokyo turned its attention to the possibilities for ecumenical cooperation. In 1923-1924 the Japanese Foreign Ministry took an interest in the Buddhist conferences held at Lu Shan under the auspices of T'ai-hsü. In 1924 it arranged for Japanese delegates to be present and to offer their country as the venue for a similar conference the next year. Accordingly, the East Asian Buddhist Conference was held in Tokyo November 1-3, 1925. Twenty-one Chinese delegates attended, unofficially led by T'ai-hsü. The only other delegations were from Korea and Formosa with three members each. T'ai-hsü pointed out that whereas the Chinese excelled at religious cultivation, the Japanese excelled in organizing propaganda and community service. Thus the Buddhists of the two countries had complementary talents. A Sino-Japanese liaison committee was set up to put these talents to work, with Wang I-t'ing as the Chinese representative, and resolutions were passed to carry on work in the fields of education and social welfare. Also included in the conference was a symposium on Buddhist doctrine at which T'ai-hsü gave papers on the doctrine of alaya-vijnana and the secularization of Japanese Buddhism. Plans were made to hold the next East Asian Buddhist Conference in Peking--plans that never materialized. After the meeting the Chinese delegates were given an eighteen-day V.I.P. tour. Everywhere local government officials entertained ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM L 83 Tibet so that he could learn the language and some day return to translate Tibetan books. In 1933 he was given a scholarship at the Chinese Tibetan Language School, which moved in January 1934 to Chungking. There he became the disciple of a lama on the faculty. After completing the two-year course, he entered the Central Political University, which had been set up by the Kuomintang to train cadres. After a year and a half the government selected him to go to Tibet for further training.28 He lived for eight years at the Drebung Monastery outside Lhasa—the largest monastery in Tibet and probably in the world—and received a high ecclesiastical degree. His final years in Lhasa were spent running a school for Tibetan children and working in the Tibetan office of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission, so that he kept his dual role of monk and political agent. This is not to imply that there was anything sinister in what he was doing. It was simply that the Chinese Government had enabled him to pursue his interest in Buddhism for their own purposes, which he naturally expected to serve. The presence in China of an increasing number of Tibetan lamas2 and monks returned from Lhasa further stimulated interest in Tantrism among the Chinese laity. In November 1935 a group of devotees set up the Bodhi Society in Shanghai to promote the translation and study of Tantric texts. The Panchen Lama was president and the members included some high-ranking ex-officials.30 This society was one of the regular stops on the lecture tours of the lamas and Lhasa-trained monks. Among the most active of the latter was Neng-hai (see p. 11) who had been a Nationalist general before he had taken the robe. About 1938 he became the abbot of the Chin-tz'u Ssu in Chen-tu, which until then had been a typically Chinese monastery. Neng-hai changed the daily ritual and routine to incorporate Tibetan elements. He also started a scriptural translation institute that published Tibetan books in Chinese. Since some 250 monks were usually in residence, this monastery might have exerted a wide influence towards the "Tantrification" of Chinese Buddhism if it had been able to carry on after 1950. Relations with Theravada Buddhists The Japanese and Tibetans were Mahayana Buddhists with whom it would be natural for Buddhists in China, who were ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 90 1897-1904 ― HOLMES WELCH Christian missionary to the Jews of Hamburg and Montreal, first as a Presbyterian, then as an Anglican clergyman; finally curate in an English country village. 1904-1906 Odd jobs in London. 1906-1909 Director of a large socio-economic survey of Belgium. 1909-1915 Member of Parliament, speculator in Rumanian oil fields, forger of cheques, 1915 Would-be German spy, who, after escaping from Britain, then escaped from the New York police. 1916-1919 In English prison for forgery. 1919-1922 Plotter in the Kapp Putsch in Berlin; salesman of information about other proto-Facist plots in several European countries; again in jail. 1922 To the Far East. 1922-1924 Advisor to a succession of Chinese warlords (Yang Shen, Wu P'ei-fu, Ch'i Hsi-yüan). Back to Europe, then to the U.S., then to China again, where he resolved to enter a Buddhist monastery. 1925-1926 In Colombo, Ceylon, where he began to dress as a Buddhist monk and lecture on Buddhism; returned to Europe for an unsuccessful attempt to save his son from execution for murder in England. 1927-1928 Buddhist missionary in San Francisco; then back to China. 1928-1931 Whereabouts generally unknown, but sometimes living in Buddhist monasteries in Shanghai and Hangchow. From July 1929 to June 1930 on a tour of Europe, lecturing on Buddhism, dressed in Buddhist robes and signing hotel registers "Chao-k'ung". In May 1931 he became Chao-k'ung officially when he was ordained at Pao-hua Shan, the most illustrious ordination center in China. The next year he went to Europe to collect disciples and arrived back in Shanghai with them on July 25, 1933.46 There were twelve of these disciples - English, French, Italian, and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 94 HOLMES WELCH I have not heard of other monasteries in China that had such wide-spreading or deep-rooted connections overseas as Ku Shan. It may have been unique. But it was extremely common for monks and lay pilgrims to go back and forth between overseas Chinese communities and the "famous mountains” at home. Even at Wu-t'ai Shan near the Inner Mongolian border, one could find pilgrims from Singapore. In 1936, when Tai Chi-t'ao was on his way back from Europe, he stopped in Manila to lay the cornerstone of a new Buddhist temple sponsored by a group of overseas Chinese who, since 1930, had been serving as Philippines distributor for a Buddhist publishing house in Soochow. Here as elsewhere in southeast Asia, Buddhism was a link with the motherland. NOTES 1 James Troup, "On the tenets of the Shinshiu or 'True Sect' of Buddhists," Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 16 (June 1886), 14-16. 2 Takada, Giko, Chusi shukyo daido renmei nenkan (Yearbook of the Great Harmony Religious Alliance of Central China), Shanghai, 1943, p. 10. I am obliged to Dr. Ho Kuan-chung for making this book available to me. 3 Yang Jen-shan, Yang Jen-shang chü-shih i-chu (Works of upasaka Yang Jen-shang), Peking, 1923, 1:5. This temple appears to have gone out of existence at some later date, since the Nanking branch of Honganji mentioned by Takada (see preceding note) was set up in 1938. A Japanese temple in Changsha was noted by Hackmann in 1911 (German Scholar in the East, London, 1914, p. 108). This is also unlisted by Takada. 4. Franke, “Die Propaganda des japanischen Buddhismus in China”, Ostasiatische Neubildungen, Hamburg, 1911, p. 159. This article by Franke is the source of most of the information given in the text, pp. 2-4. 5 This episode is also referred to in Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü tashih nien-p'u, Hong Kong, 1950, p. 35-36, where thirteen monasteries in Hangchow alone were said to have become affiliated with the Honganji. More investigation is needed. 6 Takada, p. 14. 7 There were twenty-six Chinese delegates, according to Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 203. The official head of the Chinese delegation and Chinese vice-chairman of the conference was Tao-chieh, under whom T'ai-hsü had studied twenty years before (Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 26 ff). T'ai-hsü may be pardoned, perhaps, for giving people the impression that he was himself the chief of the delegation. (See, for example, Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 177; T'ai-hsü Lectures on Buddhism, Paris, 1928, p. 14, 8 Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 179-180. 9 This and other information given here on the East Asian Buddhist Conference comes largely from Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 176-177. 10 Tokiwa Daijo, Shina bukkyo shiseki kinen shu (Buddhist Monuments in China, Memorial Collection), Tokyo, 1931, p. 203. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM 11 Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 213. 12 Eastern Buddhist 3.2 (July-September, 1924), 190. 95 13 Chinese lay devotees went to Japan to learn Tantric Buddhism from Shingon masters. Chinese monks went for academic study (two in 1936 and two more in early 1937; see Chinese Year Book 1937, Shanghai, 1937, p. 73. 14 That is, the Chung-jih fo-chiao hui. At about the same time the Sino-Japanese Tantric Association (Ching-jih mi-chiao hui) was established. See Chinese Year Book 1937, p. 73. 15 Takada, p. 14. 16 Takada, p. 24-36, lists a total of eleven temples established between 1876 and 1937, but on p. 14 he speaks of ten temples having been set up before 1937 and of forty-nine (not forty-six) being in operation as of December, 1942. It seems clear that he does not include temples that have gone out of operation, like those in Nanking and Changsha (see note 2), and possibly those in Fukien. The only temple outside Shanghai that survived from the era before 1937 was the Honganji temple in Hankow, established 1906, which in 1942 had 1,200 Japanese and 150 Chinese parishioners. 17 For example, in 1942 at the original Honganji temple in Shanghai the number of Japanese parishioners was 4,930 and the number of Chinese was zero. This temple was obviously not engaged in missionary work, but exclusively in serving the Japanese community. 18 Two officers of the Ching-an Ssu in Shanghai are said to have been arrested and in Canton the abbot of the Liu-jung Ssu, T'ieh-ch'an, was executed. 19 H. G. Quaritch Wales, "Buddhism As an Instrument of Japanese Propaganda" Free World 5.5 (May 1943), 428. 20 Takada, p. 1, states that the alliance was set up in April 1937 in accordance with the policy formulated in October 1938. Perhaps the first date is a misprint. 21 Takada, pp. 1, 4, 5. The changes in the bureaucratic status of the Great Harmony Religious Alliance appear to have been as follows. After being set up under the military authorities, it was transferred to the liaison office of the Central China Liaison Office of the Office for the Resurgence of Asia (Koain), which had been set up in December 1938 directly under the Cabinet in order to formulate policy on and handle relations with China. In April 1942 the Alliance was placed under the supervision of the Foreign Ministry through its representatives in Shanghai. In November 1942 it seems to have been returned to the Office for the Resurgence of Asia, when the latter was integrated into the Ministry for Great East Asian Co-Prosperity. 22 Takada, pp. 24-36. 23 The most significant absentee was Yüan-ying, the national head of the Chinese Buddhist Association (Shanghai, 1929). 24 H. Hackmann, A German Scholar in the East, pp. 118-119. John Blofeld, who visited Wu-t'ai Shan in 1937, describes a monastery with several hundred monks where "the main pavilion... was arranged in the Chinese way, but many services were held in a smaller building where purely Tibetan rites were performed" (Jewel in the Lotus, London, 1948, p. 97). 25 Fa-p'u, a disciple of Ta-yung, is stated to have reached Lhasa and earned a ko-hsi degree. Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 17. 26 Chinese Year Book 1937 (Shanghai, 1937), p. 73. 27 Shirob Jaltso, for example, was a member of the People's Political Council (1938-1949); an alternate member of the Kuomintang Sixth Super- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 96 HOLMES WELCH visory Committee (1945-1949); and a vice-chairman of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission (1947-1949). 28 Probably he was not one of the two monks sent to Tibet for study earlier in 1937 (see p. 11). 29 An interesting account of one such, Dorje Rimpoche, from Chamdo, who visited Hong Kong in 1935, is given in J. Blofeld, The Wheel of Life, London, 1959, pp. 40-56. 30 The leading spirit of the society was Ch'ü Yang-kuang, formerly governor of Shantung and Chekiang and Minister of the Interior. This Bodhi Society (P'u-ti hsüeh-hui) had no connection with the Bodhi Society (P'u-ti She) established by T'ai-hsü in 1918. 31 Chinese Year Book 1935-36, Shanghai, 1935, p. 1514, Huang was the editor of the Chinese Buddhist, "an English magazine which was to link up China with foreign Buddhists." It ceased publication before he died in 1933. 12 It was a common practice for Chinese monks to take their ordination vows a second or third time in order to strengthen their commitment to follow them, or in order to draw inspiration from an eminent ordaining monk. Hence, from the Chinese point of view, receiving the Theravada ordination meant supplementing, not replacing the Mahayana ordination. 33 Their names were Pei-kuan, Teng-tz'u, Hsing-chiao and Chüeh-yuan. They were supposed to remain in Thailand four years. See Chinese Year Book 1936-37, Shanghai, 1936, p. 1446. 34 Their Chinese religious names, followed by their Theravada names, were: Hsiu-lu (Kondanna), Wei-chih (Bhaddiya), Hui-sung (Vappa), Fa-chou (Mahanama), and Wei-huan (Assaji). Their later histories would make an interesting study in acculturation. Wei-huan disrobed within a few months and returned to China where he married. Eventually he became the principal English interpreter for the Chinese Buddhist Association established in Peking in 1953. Fa-chou married a girl of Dutch descent and eventually became a lecturer at the University of Ceylon. Hui-sung, who stayed longest, became mentally deranged. Wei-chih, after disrobing, went to Singapore, where he died during the war. Hsiu-lu, after disrobing, went to India where he pursued his studies at Santiniketan and/or Nalanda. Only the information about the first two is reliable. Another moot question is who sent them to Ceylon in the first place. Their Sinhalese hosts believed that they had been selected and sent by T'ai-hsü; and it is true that he acted as their guarantor (see Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 404). But another Chinese source states that their group was "formed by the Chinese Buddhist Association in accordance with the proposal made by the Pure Karma Buddhist Association," both of which were housed in the same building in Shanghai. See Chinese Year Book 1936-37, p. 1446. 35 Liao-ts'an (Dhammakiti) who went to Ceylon in 1945 returned to China about 1953 with Fa-fang's ashes, disrobed and became an instructor in Pali at the Chinese Buddhist Institute in Peking. 36 Today many Theravada Buddhists have a very different attitude and publicly advocate tolerance and respect for Mahayana Buddhism. In 1956 the fourth Conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists voted to abolish even the use of the terms "Theravada" and "Mahayana" (see Report of the 4th World Buddhist Conference, Kathmandu, no date, p. 2). There are some Theravadins, however, who even today believe that the world would be a better place if Mahayana was removed from it. 37 He had gotten the information at first hand from Liao-ts'an (Dhamma-kiti) who had heard the complaints of members of the 1936 group. They are stated to have been novices (sha-mi) when they left China and the Theravada ordination they received on May 6, 1936 was also, apparently, the novice's ordination. Hence there would have been more justification for withholding the respect due to bhikkhus than in the case of Liao-ts'an and his fellow monk, who came in 1945. More information is needed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM 97 38 I have heard this from many informants. See also Reichelt, The Transformed Abbot, London, 1954, p. 156, and J. B. Pratt The Pilgrimage of Buddhism, New York, 1928, p. 311. A Buddhist monk once explained to me that although it was true that Jesus had risen after three days, no one should think he had done this "just by becoming a Christian". He had performed religious exercises (hsiu-hsing) and that was how he had achieved resurrection. There was no attempt on the part of this monk to deny the miracle of resurrection, only to fit it into the Buddhist scheme. 39 Rev. Joseph Edkins, The Religious Condition of China, London, 1859, p. 75. In 1875 Timothy Richard, when he was baptising converts in Shantung, found that there was no building convenient to the river where they could change their clothes before and after. He explained his problem to the monk in charge of the Buddhist temple there who "readily consented" to lend some of its rooms for this purpose. See Richard, Forty-five Years in China, New York, 1916, p. 95. In 1879 the largest lama temple in Peking allowed a colporteur of the National Bible Society of Scotland to run a bookstore within the temple, where on several days a week Christian books were sold. See C. F. Gordon Cumming, Wanderings in China, London, 1888, pp. 4-9. 40 Harry A. Franck, Roving Through Southern China, New York, 1925, pp. 575-576. 41 In the early 1890's De Groot reported: "It has often happened to the author of these lines that when he was taking his meal in one of the monasteries where he was staying, he was visited by monks who were curious to see how he ate and what he ate: but it was enough for them to smell the odour of his roast of pork or his leg of mutton and they would be forced to make a hasty exit from the room: they felt overcome by nausea. Such strict vegetarianism, it goes without saying that when non-vegetarian lay people came to stay sometimes in a monastery they are not allowed to have their food prepared in the monks' kitchen. There are small separate kitchens for them, where their own servants can stew things up for them." (Le Code du Mahayana en Chine, Amsterdam, 1893, p. 103). In 1908, when Boerschmann stayed on P'u-to Shan, he grew tired of the vegetarian fare and sent his cook to smuggle in some chickens (Pu-t'o Shan, Berlin, 1911, p. 166). In these and other instances the monks are portrayed as tacitly or even gleefully cooperating in getting meat onto the foreigner's bill of fare. It seems more likely that their cooperation, when it was forthcoming (and often it was refused), was reluctant and indignant. There was a compelling practical reason for this. If Chinese pilgrims saw meat being eaten on the premises of a monastery, many of them would take their patronage elsewhere. This was understood by early Western travellers like A. J. Little (Mount Omi and Beyond, London, 1901, pp. 75, 81, and 83). Little also provides an example of the Westerner's tendency to haggle (pp. 68, 83). The meanest bit of haggling was probably perpetrated by Mrs. C. F. Gordon Cumming. In 1879 she visited the Tien-t'ung Ssu, one of the model monasteries of China. After she and her party had enjoyed an "excellent dinner," they were asked to give the equivalent of English tenpence, Mrs. Cumming offered eight pence. When the offer was accepted, she tipped the waiter tuppence halfpenny, and noted that he "grinned with delight. Can I give you a better proof that we have reached a spot where foreigners are almost unknown?" (Wanderings in China, London, 1888, p. 291). Mrs. Cumming was quite mistaken, of course, about foreigners being unknown: probably more had stayed at T'ien-t'ung than at any other monastery. Even today Westerners with plenty of dollars in their pocket take pride in doing the poor Chinese shopkeeper out of a few cents, partly to show their savoir faire and partly out of fear of being cheated themselves. But the monastery was not a shop, and this sort of behaviour was regarded as most inappropriate there. 42 W. E. Soothill, Timothy Richard of China (London, 1924), pp. 162-163. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 98 HOLMES WELCH 43 Reichelt quotes a warning by the late Ming monk, Hsi-ming, against "being deceived into joining the Catholic church or some other outside sect,” and states that it was often reprinted (Truth and Tradition in Chinese Buddhism, Shanghai, 1927, pp. 157-158). 44 It was in 1920 that Reichelt first proposed an "institute for special work among the Buddhists." He wanted to make contact with monks whose hearts were filled with bitterness towards Christianity because some Christians were "so fatally lacking in a sympathetic and gentle attitude towards others." It was to be "a half-way house" with many of the features of a Buddhist monastery, including a wandering monks' hall, a meditation hall, a bell tower, a crematorium, and a hall for the aged. See K. L. Reichelt, "Special Work among Chinese Buddhists" Chinese Recorder 51.7 (July 1920), 491-497. When it finally went into operation, under the name of the "Christian Mission to the Buddhists," in the autumn of 1922, it had only a "very small, semi-foreign house." After a year and a half, it moved to somewhat larger quarters which included a dining room, where vegetarian meals were served, and the all-important "pilgrims hall" where monks were allowed to put up for three days (as they would be at a Buddhist temple) and stay longer if they were interested in serious study. The layout was "just as in monasteries with two long platforms where they can spread their bedding, and, above them, shelves where they can place their things. Between the two platforms, there is an altar with an incense burner and two candlesticks and above all an impressive crucifix." Even more significant was the arrangement of the chapel, to which they were summoned for worship twice a day (as they would be in a monastery) by "a Chinese bell with deep tones." The altar was of red lacquer "in a true Chinese style," adorned with gilt designs that included the following: "the lotus lily symbolizing the purity, the fire, and the water of the cleansing spirit” (but also, of course, symbolizing the Buddha Amitabha and his Pure Land), "the swastika of peace and cosmic union" (but also one of the Buddha's sacred marks and a general symbol for Buddhism), and the cross over a lotus, which was the Mission's emblem. Just as in a Chinese temple, plaques with parallel inscriptions were hung on the walls. One bore a quotation from the Gospel according to St. John: "The true light that enlightens every man has come into the world." The other legend was more Buddhist in flavour than Christian: "[Join in] the great vow compassionately to help people across to the other shore" (ta-yüan tz'u-hang). These efforts to make Buddhist monks feel at home attracted a large number of them as visitors (about a thousand annually) but in the first four and a half years of operation, only seventeen male Chinese were converted and baptized. See Notto Normann Thelle "The Christian Mission to the Buddhists," Chinese Recorder (September 1927), 571-575. A photograph of four of the Buddhist and Taoist novices, whom Thelle says were enrolled in the boys' school opened by the Mission, appears in the Chinese Recorder 54.11 (November 1923), facing p. 671. When the permanent headquarters of the Mission were constructed at Tao-fung Shan in the New Territories of Hong Kong during the 1930s, the approximation of a Buddhist monastery became almost as close as Dr. Reichelt had originally envisaged it. Some missionaries were afraid that he was being too broad-minded in his use of Buddhist motifs and even that he might be fostering a kind of Buddho-Christian syncretism. He and his colleagues maintained, however, that their only purpose was to "lead these people into a living faith in Jesus Christ." (Thelle, p. 571). 45 Maha Bodhi, 41.3.4 (March-April 1933), 133, 46 Most of the information on Chao-k'ung up to this point is taken from David Lampe and Laszlo Szenasi, The Self-made Villain, London, 1961. 47 Victor Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, London, 1951, p. 47. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM 48 Ts'en, Hsü-yün ho-shang nien-p'u, Hong Kong, 1962, pp. 21-22. 49 Ts'en, Hsü-yün, pp. 40-43. 99 50 Ts'en, Hsi-yün, pp. 47-48. I have been unable to get confirmation of this story in Thailand; nor have I been able to confirm the related episode, in which Hsü-yün on his way to Bangkok that year met an Englishman who had been British consul in Teng-yüeh and Kunming and who gave Hsü-yün 3,000 pounds Sterling towards the expense of transporting a set of the Tripitaka back to Yunnan. The records of the Foreign Office in London do not appear to reveal who this may have been. 51 White marble images from Burma and Thailand, termed in Chinese "jade buddhas" (yi-fo) have been popular in China during the past century. In the late 1890's a set of such images was made in India for a Chinese monk from P'u-t'o Shan, who spent the better part of three years at Oudh overseeing the work. So popular were these particular images that when they arrived in Shanghai, they were kept on exhibit in nearby Woosung at the request of the authorities as a large number of Chinese visit them daily, which was quite profitable for the railway." See Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 31 (1896-1897), 203. These may well have been the jade buddhas installed during the reconstruction of the Fa-yü Ssu on P'u-t'o Shan, 52 Ts'en, Hsi-yün, p. 66. 53 Cheng-lien, Ch'ang-chou T'ien-ning ssu-chih, Shanghai, 1948, 7:102. Cf. Chou Hsiang-kuang, History of Chinese Buddhism, Allahabad, 1955, p. 214, 54 See Eastern Buddhist, 3.3 (October-December, 1924), p. 274. This is the earliest instance I have encountered of a Chinese Buddhist going abroad to study Theravada. Unlike Huang Mao-lin he is not stated to have had the goal of spreading Mahayana as well. 55 For example in 1916 the head of the Chi-le Ssu, Pen-chung, led a group of his Refugee disciples to Ku Shan to receive the lay ordination: they numbered five out of the six upasakas and forty out of the 114 upasikas. This information comes from the 1916 ordination yearbook. 56 See Yüan-ying fa-shih chi-nien k'an (Memorial volume for Yüan-ying), Singapore, 1954, pp. 13-14. 57 However, they came from around Amoy rather than around Foochow, where Ku Shan was located. 58 Chinese Year Book 1937, p. 74. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 116 A. L. Y. CHUNG NOTES 1 See H. S. Galt, History of Chinese Educational Institutions (London, 1951) pp. 364-65; also see K. S. Latourette, The Chinese, Their History and Culture (New Haven, Conn., Mar., 1945), pp. 187, 524-25, 2 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku (64 chüan in 20 ts'e, 1805, reprint 1887), 17:4b-5b, 18:1b, 49:17b-21b. 3 Ch'ing-ch'ao t'ung-tien (ed. by Chi Huang and others, 100 chüan. Shanghai, 1935 reprint), p. 2162. For further understanding of the Nei-san-yüan, see A. W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1943-44), vol. I, pp. 3, 308, 603. 4 Shang Yen-liu Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu (Peking, 1956), p. 129; Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien shih-li (ed. by Li Hung-chang and others, 1220 chüan, preface dated 1886), 70:9a. 5 See Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien (100 chüan in 10 ts'e, 1764 ed.), 84:1b. 6 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b. 7 Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu, p. 129. 8 Ch'ing (Huang)-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (edited by Yung Hsüan and others, 300 chüan, 1882, Shih-t'ang ed. from ts'e 841-1000), 47:19a, 9 Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu, p. 129. 10 Ch'ing (Huang)-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao, 50:32a-b; Ch'ing-shih (8 vols., Taiwan, 1961), vol. 2, 1314. 11 Shang Yen-liu, p. 129. 12 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b. 13 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:5a-b. 14 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b. 15 Ku Ching-te Hsiu-ts'ai, chü-jen, chin-shih (Hong Kong, 1956), p. 30. 16 Shang Yen-liu, p. 130. 17 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:21a-b. 18 Ch'u Tui-chih, Wang Hui-tsu chuan-shu (in Chung-kuo shih-hsüeh ts'ung-shu, Shanghai, 1934), pp. 48-49. 19 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 18:1b. 20 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:1b. 21 Ch'ing shih, vol. 2, 1375. 22 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien shih-li, 70:2a. 23 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 21:7a-b. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 THE HANLIN ACADEMY 117 24 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, Tung-hua lu (509 chüan in 30 ts'e, Taipei, 1963), K'ang-hsi, 3:26. 王先謙:東華錄康熙朝, 25 Ibid., 3:3a. 26 Ibid., 3:13b. 27 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:11a-b. 28 Ibid. 29 Ibid., 21:206. 30 Ch'ing-shih, vol. 2, 1375. 31 S. Van Der Sprenkel, Legal Institutions in Manchu China - A Sociological Analysis (London: Athlone Press, 1962), pp. 30-32. Also see J. K. Fairbank, The United States and China (New ed., completely rev. and enl.; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958), pp. 94-5, 32 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, K'ang-hsi, 4:9a. 33 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 21:22a-24a. 34 Ibid., 24a-b. 35 Ibid., 24b-25a. 36 Ibid., 22:1b-2a. 37 Ibid., 22:4a-4b. 38 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, Ch'ien-lung, 3:34a. 39 Ch'ing-shih, vol. 2, 1375. 40 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:4a-b. 41 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:3b. 42 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 22:12b. 43 W. A. P. Martin, The Hanlin Papers: Essays on the Intellectual Life of the Chinese (London: Trübner & Co., New York: Harper Brothers, 1880), pp. 24-26. 44 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:20b. 45 Consult Fa Shih-shan ... (16 chüan in 6 ts'e, preface dated 1799), Ch'ing-pi shu-wen ... 46 Shang Yen-liu, p. 92; Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:19b-20a. 47 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:4b. 48 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:20b. 49 Ibid., 24:28b-29a, 10a-10b. 50 Ibid., 24:21a-21b. 51 Ibid., 24:22a. 52 Ta-Ch'ing li-ch'ao shih-lu ... (compiled by Man-chou ti-kuo kuo-wu-yüan, 4664 chüan, Tokyo, 1937-38), Shih-tsung, 44:9a-b. 53 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:22b-23a. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid., 24:24a-25a. 56 Ta-Ch'ing li-ch'ao shih-lu, Shih-tsung, 15:15a-b; also see The Chinese, Their History and Culture, 531-533. 57 See The Hanlin Papers and Ho Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 OLD BRITISH KOWLOON 133 NOTES The place names are all in Cantonese and can be found in the Hong Kong Government's publication The Place Names of Hong Kong and the New Territories (1960). Where not otherwise stated my authority for information given in the paper comes from the old people mentioned in note 16. The aim of this article is to recover as much of the pre-1899 past of the Hong Kong region as possible, with special reference to the nineteenth century. 1. E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, London: Luzac & Co., 1895, p. 360. 2. The Convention of Peking, 9 June 1898. The text can be found on pp. 198-199 of the Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers, i.e., papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1899. 3. Report on the Sanitary Condition of Hong Kong and Kowloon for 1864... presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty in 1865 to be found in Parliamentary Papers, China, 1861-66, p. 16. 4. C.O.129/85 in the Public Record Office, London. 5. The Commissioners sent an abstract of these documents to London. These were as follows: "No. 1 | List of Red Deeds Owners not belonging to the Teng Family—contains 91 Deeds, comprising an area of 176 acres value computed at $25,865.32 No. 2 List of Deeds belonging to the Two Branches of the Teng Family contains 78 Deeds comprising an area of 276 acres value computed at $40,561.52 No. 3 List of squatters showing the number to be 222—spread over 90 acres value computed at $13,226.16* The "Teng" family mentioned in Nos. 1 and 2 above is the Tang (*) family of Kam Tin, who are Cantonese and are the oldest, richest and best-known of the New Territories landed families. See SUNG Hok-Pang. "Legends and Stories of the New Territories" Parts III-IV, Kam Tin, in The Hong Kong Naturalist, Vols. VI and VII. 6. Hong Kong Government Gazette, Government Notification 41 of 1860, dated 24 March 1860. The population at this time contained a preponderance of men; 3356 to 971 women and 778 children (Hong Kong Government Gazette, 22 February 1862). 7. For instance, the genealogies (##) of the Ng (吳) clan of Nga Tsin Wai and Sha Po and the Lam (林) clan of Chuk Yuen and Po Kong show that their settlement dates back to this period. 8. I base this statement on personal knowledge of the fifty or more Hakka villages in the Sai Kung district of the New Territories. 9. Hong Kong Government Blue Book for 1871 p. 148. 10. See G. N. Orme's "Report on the New Territories 1899-1912" in Sessional Papers 1912 p. 55 and J. H. Stewart Lockhart in Sessional Papers 1899, p. 189. My second statement is based on conversations with families of Hakka stonecutters at Ngau Tau Kok Village, Kowloon. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 134 JAMES HAYES 11 See, for instance, Rev. R. Lechler's article "The Hakka Chinese" in the Chinese Recorder for September-October 1878 in which he writes (p. 355), "Three thousands (sic) of them came to Hong Kong in 1863, having been taken on board by some foreign vessels, which happened to do business with rice etc., in Tai-foo-san. They were kindly taken care of by the English government and the merchants who collected money, and had mat sheds built for the fugitives until they were able to provide for themselves. I was then intrusted with the funds collected and used to buy rice for daily distribution to these wretched people." It is recorded that 189 families — it is not stated how many were Hakkas and how many Cantonese — came to settle in Hong Kong in 1867. (See the Registrar General's Report in the Government Gazette 14 March 1868). Kowloon seems to have attracted Hakka newcomers from Hong Kong. In his Education Report for 1865 Mr. F. Stewart noted with reference to the Tang Lung Chau district of Hong Kong that "nearly all the Hakka families that used to live here have removed to the Kowloon side of the harbour". (See Hong Kong Government Gazette for 24th March 1866). 12 S. Wells Williams The Middle Kingdom, revised edition, London; W. H. Allen & Co., 1883, Vol. 1, p. 486. 13 See D. Maciver in p.v. of the Introduction to his Hakka Dictionary, Shanghai; American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1905. 14 Report of the Proceedings of the Morrison Education Society March 1863 - March 1864, Hong Kong; London Missionary Society Press, 1864, p. 11. I suspect that the 10,000 is an under-estimate of the number of Hakkas living in the San On District at this time. 15 The names may be translated as "Vantage Point" and "Fields of the Ho and Man families". Ho Man Tin was removed to make way for the Kowloon-Canton railway in 1906 (see Sessional Papers 1907, p. 687) and Mong Kok was submerged by urban Kowloon in the 1920s (see Chapter 5 of The Development of Hong Kong and Kowloon as Told in Maps by T. R. Tregear and L. Berry, Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press, 1959). 16 I am indebted to the following persons for information: Mr. NG Kau (b. 1888); Mr. TANG Yuen-li (b. 1897) and Madam SOLI Lin (b. 1888). 17 In 1897 the population of Ho Man Tin was 297 (180 males and 117 females) and of Mong Kok 218 persons (102 males, 116 females). See Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers for 1897, p. 485. 18 Rev. James Johnston, China & Formosa, The Story of the Mission of the Presbyterian Church of England, London; Hazel, Watson and Viney, 1897, p. 266. 19 In this connection it should be noted that until the census returns of 1897 (see Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485), the population of British Kowloon was given as a whole and not split into individual village populations as was always done for the Hong Kong villages. 20 See Orme, p. 44. 21 "Live stock paid but badly" in 1867. See the Registrar-General's report in Hong Kong Government Gazette, 14 March 1868. 22 Then, as twenty years ago, the same. See The Hong Kong Annual Report 1947, Hong Kong, Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., March 1948, p. 50. 23 S. Wells Williams, Vol. I, p. 172. Twenty years later one of the illustrations in Sir Henry Blake and Mortimer Menpes' China, London; A and C Black, 1909, pp. 119-120 shows the vegetable boats arriving from the Kowloon side. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 OLD BRITISH KOWLOON 135 24 With regard to the quantities of firewood brought on foot into Kowloon from as far afield as Sha Tin, see Sessional Papers 1903 p. 209 which list 66,521 loads of firewood, each estimated at 70 piculs (approx. 93 lbs.) as being carried over the hills in 1902. The Sham Shui Po Kaifong, through operating the Mo Tai (A†4) temple's public weighing scales, got its revenue from the vegetable and livestock market there. Much of the produce sold there crossed the harbour to Hong Kong. (See the Registrar General's Report for 1907 in Sessional Papers 1908, p. 194. Other information supplied by elders). I am also informed by Mr. WAI Tau Shue (b. 1885) that in his youth the Kowloon Lok Sin Tong levied a small weighing charge on each load of firewood sold in the Kowloon City market. In each case the proceeds were supposed to swell public funds for charitable work. For social advancement see the career of WONG Lan-shang described in this article. 25 The Third or Kowloon Police Magistrate was not appointed until 1925 (Colonial Estimates 1924-1926). For an example of police assistance in an emergency see the press reports of the two big fires at Hung Hom village on 11 and 16 December 1884 (Hong Kong Daily Press). 26 See Report from the Hong Kong Land Commission of 1886-87 on the History of the Sale, Tenure and Use of the Crown Land of the Colony published in Sessional Papers 1887 pp. XXVI-XXVII. 27 Between 1853 and 1862 the Hong Kong government paid village elders as tepos (18) in an endeavour to enlist their services in the public interest. See G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong 1841-1962, Hong Kong; University of Hong Kong Press, 1964, pp. 37-38. The Colonial Estimates for the period, under Registrar General's department, show that payment was not extended to the elders of the Kowloon villages acquired in 1860. 28 Eitel, p. 160. 29 See, for instance, pp. 8 and 9 and note 40 of my typescript article "Some villages in the North Western Part of the Kowloon Peninsula in 1898” presented to the International Conference on Asian History held at the University of Hong Kong, August 30-September 5, 1964. See also note 37 below. 30 The temple was re-erected in Shantung Street Kowloon in 1927 on a site provided by Government which also gave a grant of $6,000 towards the reconstruction. The rest of the money required for the new building was supplied by the Kwong Wah (Tung Wah group) Hospital, to whom the management of the temple was entrusted. 31 Shui Yuet Kung (KA) is an alternative name for a Kwan Yin temple. See S. Wells Williams, Tonic Dictionary of the Chinese Language in the Canton Dialect, Canton; Office of the Chinese Repository, 1856, p. 650. See also E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, New York; The Julian Press, 1961, pp. 225-227. 32 See E. T. C. Werner, China of the Chinese, London; Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1920, pp. 196-197, and S. Wells Williams, Tonic Dictionary under p. 308 and p. 581 under A. 33) E. J. Hardy, John Chinaman at Home, London; T. Fisher Unwin, 1905, p. 86. See also W. Stanton, The Chinese Drama, Hong Kong; Kelly & Walsh, 1899, pp. 5-6 for a brief description of the position in "China and in the villages of Hong Kong". 34 Robert Morrison, A View of China for Philological Purposes. Macao; Hon. E. I. C. Press, 1817, p. 105. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 136 JAMES HAYES 35 The informants who assisted me with their recollections of the N.W. Kowloon villages in the article mentioned in note 29 above recalled that similar proceedings took place yearly at the Sham Tai Chi or Temple of the Third Prince on the beach at Law Uk, Cheung Sha Wan until it, too, was removed for redevelopment in the mid 1920s. Fights between the various participants, especially Hakkas with Hoklos, were quite common at festival times. 36 See S. Wells Williams, Easy Lessons in Chinese, Macao; Chinese Repository Press, 1842, p. 127. 37 This type of organisation is also common in the New Territories of Hong Kong. Indeed it was apparently found all over China: see Werner's China of the Chinese, pp. 163-165 for a good general description. 38 In 1897 Yau Ma Tei had a population of 8051 (Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485) and by 1907 as much as 17,812 (Sessional Papers, p. 273). The name means Oil and Hemp Ground, though my informants tell me it has an older name Tai Shek Lat (私大石ᑟ) which may be translated as Row of Big Stones. "Lat" is a colloquial word. 39 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 1877, p. 81. 40 See Mr. Chadwick's Reports on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, Eastern No. 38, printed for the use of the Colonial Office in November 1882, pp. 42-43. Through a printer's error he calls Yau Ma Tei “Yan Ma Ti”. See Sessional Papers 1899 p. 482 for another description of the adjoining area. 41 No evidence of this particular type of activity survives from the Yau Ma Tei district. However a few examples can be cited from the Kowloon City area. Mr. W. Schofield has sent details of a tablet (1828) found pre-war beside a broken bridge near the former Kowloon City rifle range which records the names of officials, shops and passage boats contributing to the work; and a tablet dated December 1895/January 1896 recording the repair of "Temple Road" at Kowloon City is still in existence. A direction stone at the site gives left for Kowloon Tsai and Sham Shui Po and straight on for the Hau Wong Temple. The work was organised by sixteen directors (财事) who are listed on the tablet. 42 For a description of one of these processions see Hardy, p. 280. 43 The inscription above the main entrance also records reconstruction (equivalent of) November/December 1878. 44 The tablet is dated the equivalent of November/December 1894. 45 I am indebted to Messrs. Patrick Wong and Dicken Yang of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for part of this information. 46 See, for instance, G. T. Lay's account of missionary visits to Hong Kong and Kowloon in 1839 between pp. 279-300 of his The Chinese as they are, London; William Ball & Co., 1841. Rev. George Smith's visits to Kowloon in 1844/45 are described in his A Narrative of an Exploratory Visit to Each of the Consular Cities of China and to the Islands of Hong Kong and Chusan, London, Seeley, Burnside and Seeley, 2nd edition, 1847, pp. 72 seq.; and Rev. William Burns' visits from Hong Kong in 1848 are mentioned in James Johnston, pp. 71-74. 47 Impressions of China and the Present Revolution: its Progress and Prospects, London; Seeley, Jackson and Halliday, 1855, p. 24. 48 See James Johnston, p. 71. 49 See The China Mission Hand Book, Shanghai; American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1896, pp. 272-280 for an account, with statistics of the Basel Mission's work in South China for 1893. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 OLD BRITISH KOWLOON 137 50 The Hong Kong Blue Books for 1904 onwards list Basel Mission out-stations at Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island and at To Kwa Wan, Sham Shui Po and Kowloon Tong in Kowloon. It is not certain when the Sham Shui Po station was opened as The China Mission Hand Book p. 279 lists two out-stations from Hong Kong but does not give their names. The earlier Blue Books are not much help. 51 Hung Hom, Tai Kok Tsui and Mong Kok Tsui had their docks and in Sessional Papers 1899, p. 482 Tai Kok Tsui is described as "an industrial area". 52 This study was hampered by the fact that no early land records appear to have survived for the group of villages described in this article. The only information I have been able to obtain, besides evidence from maps, relates to squatter licenses. A list for 1896, which appears in Sessional Papers 1897, p. 203, includes Ho Man Tin (37), Tai Shik Kwu (1) and Mong Kok (57). L + Addenda I ought not to leave this subject without mentioning the bad feeling between Hakkas and Cantonese in British Hong Kong which was the legacy of the disturbed times during the Taiping rebellion. Mayers, Dennys and King, the authors of The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (London and Hong Kong, 1867) state that fights between Hakka and Punti were common in British Hong Kong and that many Hakka labourers had come to Hong Kong with vivid memories of ill-treatment in their native place. It seems that these fights were not confined to immigrant labourers with scores to settle. Eitel records that for several days in August 1862 "the peninsula of Kowloon presented the novel aspect of an animated battle field, as the Punti inhabitants of the neighbouring villages were engaged in a bloody warfare with the Hakka settlers at Tsim Sha Tsui". A previous engagement, presumably between the same people, occurred in the same place in August 1859 when hostilities lasted two days though "little damage was done beyond a few knife wounds". We are told that "The Hakkas remained masters of the situation" (Dennys etc. p. 84). At that time, according to this source, the Puntis "have an intense antipathy to the Hakkas" (p. 19). It is interesting that this is reflected in the fact that the Canton Coolie Corps which assisted our army in the Second Chinese War 1857-60 was recruited in Hong Kong entirely from among Hakkas. See W. Stanton The Triad Society, Hong Kong, Kelly & Walsh 1900, p. 26. Further to the early descriptions of Yau Ma Ti given in the text I have since come across another in Sessional Papers 1888, p. 103, in which it is stated that "the boatmen and fishermen who have hitherto constituted the residents of Yau Ma Ti are gradually becoming outnumbered by town people and artizans (sic) from Hong Kong who are attracted to Yau Ma Ti by the lower rents charged them for house accommodation". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 BOOK REVIEWS 141 THE GLASS CURTAIN BETWEEN ASIA AND EUROPE: A Symposium on the Historical Encounters and the Changing Attitudes of the Peoples of the East and the West. Edited by Raghavan Iyer, with a Foreword by the Dalai Lama. London: Oxford University Press, 1965. xii+356 pages. HK$42.00 This book, as its subtitle indicates, is a study of the East-vs.-West mentality of both Asians and Europeans in the modern world. The "Glass Curtain" refers to this mentality, as it were, "invisible yet impenetrable." As something that divides peoples into opposing sides, it is more subtle, and therefore more difficult to recognize and deal with, than the Iron Curtain, the "Bamboo Curtain," or what have you. The result is lack of mutual understanding and the proliferation of distorted images of other peoples as well as of one's own. Such a result, though perhaps inevitable historically, is naturally undesirable, so it is assumed in this book. This is so especially in our day of more extensive intercultural exchanges and more intense international conflicts. Furthermore, it is time to look forward to an emerging world civilization in which Asians and Europeans and other peoples should be more or less equal partners. All those who share this global outlook and cosmopolitan concern should read this book. The book is a tract for the times, a lesson in world citizenship. Though it presents a somber picture at the beginning, the book ends with an optimistic outlook. It appeals throughout to a broader understanding and a deeper sympathy. Although its material is historical (as are most of its essays), its aim is moral. Here lies the book's peculiar character. The main purpose of the book is to expose and, hopefully, lift one particular "curtain of ignorance" that separates and misleads people about others and about themselves, for the sake of better communication and in the name of a common humanity. In the words of its editor, the book aims at least "to offer a provisional framework for a frank dialogue between Asians and Europeans on the Glass Curtain that seems to separate them" (p.312). And he adds, "the concern for a real dialogue on equal terms is indeed more significant than the anxiety to reach agreement or to find specific solutions" (p.318). The point is to get the dialogue going. This book should provide a good start. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 142 BOOK REVIEWS In matters of mutual understanding, as in every real dialogue, mutual respect is essential. In the search for self-understanding, whether for Europeans or Asians, a certain self-respect is primary also. That requires a degree of self-acceptance, the acceptance of one's own past history and present limitations. This would, it seems, qualify the demand for "parity of esteem." (Cf. Joseph Levenson's bold thesis on modern Chinese response to the West and evaluation of Chinese tradition.) Although it is clear, as one gathers from this book, the time of Western arrogance and Asian "colonial or semi-colonial mentality" is past, it is not clear that the time of Western dominance is in fact over, at least for the immediate future. An Asian can certainly agree with Joseph Needham in his essay on "The Dialogue between Asia and Europe" when he warns the man of the West that "before it is too late, let him take one at least of the essential steps towards self-knowledge, that is to say, knowledge of others. Let him study the words of their saints and sages as well as those of his own. Let him experience his own humanity in the image of theirs" (p.289). This is, however, a moral demand. To be fair, it should be made equally of the man of the East. Comparatively little is suggested in this direction by this book, outside of Robert L. Slater's essay on "Living Religions and World Community." "Western science and technology, Eastern religion and ethics" — this idea has been developed in the response to Western predominance and self-esteem on the part of many Asians. This is expressed in the 'i-yung formula of the Chinese: Chinese learning for substance, Western for function. It in fact constitutes a dominant pattern in the Glass Curtain itself. And one finds this pattern present also in the book, in a variety of ways. The Englishman who, in presenting his view on the uniqueness of Asia, idealizes the East and deprecates the West partly for its science and technology represents a curious inversion of the more typical Western arrogance. One wonders whether anyone who seems to be so lacking in sympathy for his own tradition is really capable of appreciating others'. Then, in another essay, the uniqueness of Europe is identified by a Malaysian Chinese to be science — the spirit of science, to be sure, but quite distinct from religion meaning the spirit of dogmatism. The highly autobiographical nature of this essay (the shortest of the twenty con- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 BOOK REVIEWS 143 tributed) makes it the most interesting of all and appealing to this reader. Max Scheler's statement is quoted more than once, with approval, about the coming of "the hour that harbours in its breast the future of humanity, the hour when Asia and Europe will enter upon a discussion of the principles of their religious and metaphysical life" (p.313). The book does not present directly such a discussion except in a few spots, notably the essay on the uniqueness of Europe by a Frenchman. Is it because religious and metaphysical principles are the things that ultimately divide as well as unite? Slater's essay should provide a step toward Scheler's prophesy. This should be coupled with Needham's proposition that it is the common knowledge (and use) of nature, which is what he means by science, that is the real basis of dialogue, if not indeed of the unity of mankind. What is the place of normative values in the study of science and in intercultural confrontations? Should we, as the important footnote on pp.317-318 suggests, confine ourselves to "thoughtful and accurate description" (such as provided by the historical essays in the book) for the time being, avoiding value judgments and therefore the temptation of "cultural egotism?" This is the kind of significant question the book raises but does not answer. The essays collected in this symposium are generally short (about 15 pages) and readable. Some are better documented than others. The material in the upper half of p.318, for example, is too important not to be acknowledged as to its source. The long Bibliography at the end of the book would be more useful if classified or annotated. It should be otherwise more selective. Karl Wittfogel's work, Oriental Despotism, apparently important because it is mentioned twice in the book, is strangely left out of the Bibliography. Wang Gungwu's family name is Wang, not Gungwu, as arranged in the "Notes on Contributors" on p.355 and stated on p.316—a minor case of East-West misunderstanding! It may be noteworthy that eight out of the twenty contributors (most of them historians) were at one time or another associated with St. Anthony's College, Oxford, making the book to this extent a joint product of that scholarly community. The book, finally, includes as its most important appendix "A Dialogue on the Glass Curtain between Arnold Toynbee and Raghavan ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 BOOK REVIEWS 147 Thomas Braddell, James Guthrie, A. L. Johnston, W. H. Read and 'Mr. Whampoa' (Hoo Ah Kay) are traced. The setting is that of a British colonial society in its heyday; the viewpoint is rather parochial. The author was himself a prominent resident of Singapore for nearly fifty years. He arrived there in 1864, having been told by W. H. Read that it was ‘a fine healthy place for a young man'. He dryly noted that at the time of writing (1902) the English idea that Singapore was somewhere in the centre of India was becoming less generally held. The author writes over-modestly that his book 'will interest those only who have some association with Singapore'. It should in fact interest many today for its detailed picture of the years of growth of a great South-east Asian city-state. To take one year — 1848 — at random; we read of Chinese gang robberies, the P. & O. mail, restrictions on firecrackers at Chinese New Year, the price of gambier, the inability of the Government of India to understand the special conditions and needs of the Straits Settlements, the sending of Chinese convicts from Hong Kong to Singapore, the trade depression, interference by the Malay ruler of Johore with the movement of guttapercha to Singapore, the failure of the Balestier sugar plantation, Captain Keppel and the new harbour, the arrival of Mr. James Brooke on his way to Labuan, and Singapore as a naval station. The author remarks, in passing, that the year 1848 had also been a very exciting time all over Europe'. The Anecdotal History was well worth re-publishing for its lively if limited treatment of an era in Singapore's history. There is an excellent index, particularly important in a work of this kind. University of Hong Kong. B. HARRISON VIA PORTS: FROM HONG KONG TO HONG KONG, Alexander Grantham. Hong Kong University Press, 1965. pp. HK$30. The author, Alexander William George Herder Grantham, is better known to the people of Hong Kong as Sir Alexander, Governor from 1947 to 1957. His book traces his own official career from 1922 when he arrived from England as a Government Cadet, to 1957 when he retired as the Governor. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 156 BOOK REVIEWS If this romanization was a written language with a large corpus of literature which would be impractical to rewrite, there might be some argument for the conservative attitude which says it is easier to have new students learn a few orthographic inconsistencies rather than revise everything which has been printed. However, here we would not be wiping out past efforts but merely simplifying what is yet to come and we would be giving the student all possible assistance in the quite prodigious task of learning a foreign language. The polemics are quick to appear concerning the relative merits of one romanization over another, and the results will often be essentially a statement of the aesthetic values of the two discussants. In my opinion these discussions are generally pointless and it is not my intention to talk in such terms here. One romanization is as good as another as long as they both use a minimum number of symbols and reflect all the necessary features of the given language; i.e., they must be neither redundant nor ambiguous. The point here is simply that the romanization used in this dictionary is in part both redundant and ambiguous. To this extent one might wish that Rev. Cowles had either used one of the more satisfactory existing systems such as that of Yale, or that he had taken the initiative and revised his present romanization in order to reflect more accurately present-day Standard Cantonese. The student would probably have benefited more from this rationalization of the orthography than from the tie-in with other grammars and dictionaries mentioned above. These comments are, of course, based on the assumption that by Cantonese is meant Standard Cantonese. If this dictionary is in fact designed to record a local variety, a minority speech form, or an elegant but dated pronunciation, then that fact should be made clear. Another problem is created in this dictionary by the decision to exclude the variant or changed tones. There are a good number of very common terms which will never be heard in any but a changed tone. For example, this dictionary lists l'ong (p. 1073) glossed as 'sugar, sweets', but among speakers of Standard Cantonese the meaning for 'sugar' will appear in this tone while the meaning 'sweets' will appear in the high rising changed tone. Examples of this type are almost unlimited. If the decision has been made to strive for completeness, then the changed tone ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 BOOK REVIEWS 157 forms should be included or the student is going to be left in the dark on numerous items which are often heard in everyday speech. K. P. K. Whitaker ("A Study of the Modified Tones in Spoken Cantonese", Asia Major, New Series, Vol. V, Parts 1 and 2) has treated this subject intensively and a glance at her long lists of words normally appearing in changed tone will convince anyone that a student of Cantonese will certainly need some way to handle unknown items showing this phenomenon. Admittedly, as Rev. Cowles points out in defending his decision to ignore the changed tones, they vary considerably from area to area; it would indeed be impractical to attempt to record all the local variants. The point here should be that there is no practical way to design a dictionary to cover all the great multitude of regional varieties of the Cantonese dialects. A choice will have to be made concerning just which dialect form will be treated and the most likely selection would seem to be Standard Cantonese. I believe that this choice should have been made and that this dictionary should have included as many as possible of the common changed tone forms used by the speakers in Hong Kong and Canton. Furthermore, these forms should not be listed under the basic tone of the character but in such a way that the student can look them up in the dictionary on the basis of what he hears. Thus, since the high rising changed tone is often confused with basic tone of similar contour, it might be best to list these under the high rising basic tone and indicate in the symbolization that historically such forms are members of other basic tone categories. Rev. Cowles has indeed made a very important contribution and I do not mean to detract from this by quibbling over minor points. Nevertheless, in striving for totality in a single dictionary the compiler necessarily takes on an impossible task. Obviously decisions to include and exclude face him at every turn, and no two compilers could be expected to make the same decisions. A lexicographer should define his area and depth of concentration then be as thorough as possible within these limitations. One should not in one paragraph (p. vii) defend the size of a dictionary on the grounds that the forms included ‘are in the language, and being there, call for a record and interpretation into English' then three paragraphs later argue against inclusion of the changed tone forms because they "are simply multitudinous, and usage differs widely in many localities". It would seem wise to skip local ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 162 NOTES AND QUERIES with a Mexican name, was also brought to the Old World by the Spaniards. All of these plants crossed the Atlantic in Spanish bottoms and were then carried round the coasts of Africa and Asia to South China by the Portuguese. In the same way the sugar-cane, the banana and the yam were established in Brazil by the Portuguese and the cassava was introduced into West Africa where it has become the source of one of the staple foods of several countries. The sweet potato, of course, presents special problems since there is reason to believe that it may have reached Polynesia in early times as an importation from the Americas. Nevertheless, it is not a native of the vast expanse of islands dotting the Pacific and it is much less likely that it came to China by that route than from the West, The "kind of melon" of which the author speaks is known today in the Macanese dialect of the Hong Kong Portuguese as bobra Guiné (Guinea pumpkin). This word appears in Chinese characters (romanised as mó-pá-lá kin-ní by Mr. Luis Gomes in his Portuguese translation) in the Ao Men Chi Lüeh,? published towards the middle of the eighteenth century. The Chinese gloss has faan-kwa. It is likely then that this plant was introduced into China from West Africa or Guinea, to use the old name, and that the prefix faan cannot link this plant in any way with the Pacific area. The rambutan (nephelium lappaceum), related to the lychee, is a Malayan tree and has a Malay name derived from rambut (hair), because of the hairy coat with which it is covered. This coat is of a reddish hue which no doubt explains the first element of its Malayan Cantonese name hung-mo-tán. The other elements are obviously phonetic renderings of the Malay word. This tree and its fruit were probably introduced to China by the Portuguese. As a last comment on the element faan, are the faan-kwai not more often Westerners than people from the Pacific? On the peanut, which, as Mr. Barnett says, bears no indication of foreign origin in its name, it appears to me that this plant may have been introduced to South-East Asia by the Portuguese. The botanists seem to agree that it is a native of Brazil and the Spanish chroniclers of the Indies describe it as a food-crop in Hispaniola ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 NOTES AND QUERIES 163 under the name mani. Its cultivation in West Africa began early and it is not surprising that it spread quickly to the Arab countries of the Middle East. Some plant-geographers believe that it was introduced to India and Ceylon from China but there is as great a likelihood that it reached these three areas in Portuguese ships at more or less the same time. The Arabic al-luimûn, adapted from Persian limu(n), is the source of such modern European forms of English as lemon, Spanish limón and Portuguese limão. The Cantonese ningmung may be derived from a Portuguese metropolitan or dialectal form. The modern Macanese form, used at the present in Hong Kong, is limang which appears in the Ao Men Chỉ Lüeh as lei-máng, according to Mr. Gomes's romanisation, That the Cantonese form ends in mung and the Macanese in mang is not an unsurmountable obstacle, since, if the sixteenth century Cantonese borrowed the word from European Portuguese speaking the standard dialect of those times, they would have had some difficulty in pronouncing the syllable mão which probably sounded like mao uttered with the nostrils pinched. Such a sound could be represented equally well (or inaccurately) by the Cantonese sounds Mung and mang in all possible tones and reduced to writing by any convenient character chosen ad lib. The authors of the Ao Mun Chi Lüeh had obviously some difficulty in representing this Portuguese suffix in their glossary of Cantonese terms. For example, cumarão (prawn) appears as kám-pá-long (cf. Hong Kong Macanese cambrang), tufão (typhoon) is recorded as tou-fóng (cf. Hong Kong Macanese tufang), jambolão (a kind of fruit) is iâm-po-long (cf. Hong Kong Macanese jambolang). In other places -ão appears as -eng as in si-tát-teng for cidadão (citizen) and a-ueng for afião (opium). More like the modern Macanese dialectal resolution are fu-káng (store) which is the Portuguese fogão, pronounced fogang in Hong Kong Macanese; ka-lá-sâng (trousers) from Portuguese calcão, carsang in Macanese. In short, if the Cantonese name had been derived from the dialectal form we should have expected something like ningmang but if the borrowing was early and from a "standard" Portuguese pronunciation of limão the final syllable could have been heard ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 NOTES AND QUERIES 171 Many acres of old rice lands have been converted into vegetable land and we now have a super grade type of land producing vegetables which pay higher prices than padi, and hence result in higher rentals being charged for the land. Recent trends show that agricultural rents are now more often paid in cash. This probably stems from the fact that vegetables are rapidly replacing rice as the main agricultural production in the New Territories. As vegetables are sold on a daily basis through the Government wholesale markets, which pay cash on the day of sale, the farmer finds it easier to offer rent on a fixed cash basis rather than arranging for an indeterminate amount of rent to be paid based on two crops of kuk per year at differing rentals for each crop. Notes 1 In S. Wells Williams, Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language, North China Union College edition, Tung Chou, near Peking, China, 1909, good descriptions of the Chinese measurements mau and tau, showing how they vary from place to place, are given on pp. 583 and 804. For tam see p. 751. (In the Wade romanisation used in this dictionary they are spelled mou, tou and tan). Tam shui is not a term to be found in dictionaries as denoting a means of measuring land. 2 This division of land into three classes is taken from the old classification used by the Chinese authorities before the lease of the New Territories. See J. H. Stewart Lockhart's "Memorandum on Land" in Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers 1900, pp. 266-269. 3 This method of calculating the area of vegetable fields is also common to other areas and was in use in the Kowloon peninsula from at least the late nineteenth century onwards. Again, it would appear that, like the fau, the measurement is variable, even within the Colony. 4 See C. J. Grant, Soils and Agriculture of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960, pp. 53-81. Mr. W. A. Taylor, the author of this Note, is Senior Land Assistant in the New Territories Administration, Hong Kong, and has long experience of land work there. In Mr. Taylor's temporary absence this note was prepared for publication by Mr. J. W. Hayes who also added the footnotes. It is an abbreviated version of a longer technical paper, with maps and tables. Addendum It has since been established that rice was grown in four locations on Cheung Chau before the Pacific War 1941-45, but not after. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 172 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* 183 Oakwood Court, London, W.14, London J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada, Members: ABRAHAM, R. D.* ADDIS, Mrs. Diana ADDIS, W. S. AIDE-DE-CAMP, The AKERS-JONES, D. ARMERDING, L. E.* ASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. BADAMS, P. W. M. BAKER, Mrs. F. H. BAKER, H. D. R. BAKER, W. E. BARD, Dr. S. M. BARNETT, K. M. A. BARR, Miss E. BARR, John S. BARRY, Comdr. R. S. BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. BASTO, G. de L. BENANZIO, Dr. Mario 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. As above. Government House, Garden Road, H.K. c/o District Office, Yuen Long, N.T. 426 La Grande Avenue, Fanwood, New Jersey, U.S.A. 7 Peak Pavilions, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, H.K. (Trustee) Ltd. Shell House, 6th floor, H.K. U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. "Satis House", 9 Chase Gardens, Westcliff-on-Sea, Essex, England. c/o The H.K. Electric Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 915, H.K. Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 248, H.K. 78 Robinson Road, H.K. 11 Queen's Road, Scone by Perth, Scotland. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K. 5 Middle Gap Road, The Peak, H.K. c/o Luen Cheong Hong Ltd., Room 201 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 173 BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., BENT, Miss Dora BERTOVICH, Miss R. C. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G. BEVERIDGE, R. J. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. BLUE, A. D. BOAK, C. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, J. H. BORGEEST, G. Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Road, H.K. R.D. No. 1, Box 220, Masontown, Pa., U.S.A. Italian Embassy, Tokyo, Japan. University Press, Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon, Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland, Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. Chief Engineer, M.V. "World Yuri", World Wide (Shipping) Ltd., c/o Cornes & Co., C.P.O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan, Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. Flat 4-B, 3 University Drive, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. BORRELL, Rev. Bro. O. W. St. Francis Xavier's College, 45 Sycamore Street, Kowloon. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BRITTON, Mrs. N. M. BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BROWN, Miss B. BROWNE, H. J. C. BRUCE, Robert BRUUN, F. BUNGER, Dr. Karl Dept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ., East Lansing, Michigan 48824, U.S.A. P. O. Box 951, H.K. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 6 Peel Rise, The Peak, H.K. Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, L254 Kwun Tong, Kowloon. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 908 Takshing House, H.K. Consul General, Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1, Duddell Street, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 174 BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. - 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. BURTON, Miss Jill V. BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. - BUXEY, Miss M. J. BYRNE, D. J. CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. · CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CASHMORE, Miss M. CATER, J.- CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam CHAN, Leonard CHAN, William Hok-Lam CHAPMAN, Dr. G. W. CHAU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin* CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Ching-Ho CHEN, Yih CHENG, Dr. Irene CHENG, T. C. CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. CHEUNG, Oswald CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph CHIU, Miss B. T. - 807 The Hermitage, MacDonnell Road, H.K, The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. Flat 201 Sisters' Qtrs., King's Park House, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. P. O. Box 981, Nassau, Bahamas, Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. Room 315 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 3 Peak Pavilions, Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon, c/o Pfizer Eastern Corporation, G.P.O. Box 2513, Bangkok, Thailand. 3327 Graduate College, Princeton University, Princeton, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o The Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Rd., H.K. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong, Dept. of Geography, United College, 9 Bonham Road, H.K. New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, N.K.I.L. No. 4405, San Po Kong, Kowloon, United College, Bonham Road, H.K. 4. University Path, Pokfulum, H.K. Room 703, Prince's Building, H.K. 9 Village Road, 1st floor, H.K. Flat 8, 12th Floor, 91 Dundas Street, Kowloon. 3, Kidderpore Gdns., London, N.W.3., England. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 CHIU, Dr. P. P. CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHOW, Edward T. P CLARK, Mrs. A. T. CLARK, Mrs. E. E. COHN, Dr. A. J. COMAN, Miss A. A. COMBER, Leon + COOKE, Miss M. B. - COOPER, Miss M. CORBALLY, E. - COSTANTINI, G* COWPERTHWAITE, Mrs. S. M. CREMA, Mario CUMINE, E. CUMMING, M. S. DAIKO, P. 4 - DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. - DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. DING, Samuel DJOU, G. G. DONOHUE, P. DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* DRAKEFORD, L. S. DUFF, Miss E. J. - DUNCANSON, J. D.* L 175 Room, 402, Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3, Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. 13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K. Tytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th floor, "F", H.K. 53 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. K.P.O. Box 6068, Kowloon. H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, Kwun Tong L254, Kwun Tong, Kowloon, Sisters' Quarters, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, c/o Central Magistracy, Albert Road, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 45 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 14, Embassy Court, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. P. O. Box 201, H.K. Government Ophthalmic Centre, Arran St., Mongkok, Kowloon. c/o P. O. Box 5096, Kowloon. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. c/o Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd., 12-14 Queen's Road, Central, H.K 31, George St., Mablethorpe, Lincs., England. ‘Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 121 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. Sisters' Quarters., Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 26 Leinster Mews, London W.2, England. E Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 176 EDWARDS, O. P. - EITZEN, Mrs. J. ENDACOTT, G. B. ENGEL, Dr. D. EUSTACE, Col. F. A. - EVANS, P. J. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVISON, Rev. Frank EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* - FABER, S. E. FAERBER, M. FEARON, J. FESSLER, L. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, Mrs. C. M. FLETCHER, W. E. L. FOERSTER, E. J. FOORD, Dr. Roy D. FRASER, A. N. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* GABBOTT, F. R. GALVIN, J. A. T.* c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Robert Black College, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Eitmattstrasse 13, 8820 Wädenwil, Nr. Zurich, Switzerland, c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. 4, Epworth Lodge, 51 Barker Road, H.K. 13, Rodmarton Street, London, W.1. England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. as above. c/o Paragon Book Gallery, Ltd., 14 East 38th Street, New York, N.Y. 10016, U.S.A. Flat A, 123 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. c/o Time-Life News Service, Room 1719 Prince's Building, H.K. Education Dept, (H.K. Sub-Off.), Fung House, H.K. 143D Road 4, Dhanmundi, Dacca, East Pakistan. C-27, Carolina Garden, 30 Coombe Road, Peak, H.K. as above. c/o P. O. Box 25, H.K. 48, The Rutts, Bushey Heath Hertfordshire, England. Apt. 6, 88 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England, c/o Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K. Bank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. P. O. Box 232, H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 177 GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. GARTNER, J. GEORGE, T. J. B. - L GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H. GIMSON, C, H, - GILES, R. + GLASS, Miss M. A. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. - c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England, 74 Kenilworth Avenue, London, S.W.19, England. c/o P.W.D. 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J HEANEY, Robert S. HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. - Dept. of History, The University, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K, 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Sevenoaks, Kent, England. Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., U.S.A. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. + - Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o P. O. Box 70, H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 178 HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. HỌ, Mrs. Hung Chịu HO, Teh-Kuei HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Walter HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. K1, HOLMES, The Hon. D. R. HONG, Sheng-Hwa HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSMAN, Miss A. M. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Eric Edward HOWARD, Miss V. 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As above. P. O. Box 70, H.K. c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K, 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Building, H.K. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. 49 Beach Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. 19 Hee Wong Terrace, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Sisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 179 HUTCHISON. Miss Pauline M. HUTSON, P. E. HYDE, Miss A. INGLES, Miss J. M. INGRAM, Miss P. IU, Miss S.* JACKSON, R. N. JAO, Tsung-i JARVIS, Edmund E. JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JONES, Dr. J. R.* KAPLAN, Mrs. Celia KEATLEY, R. L. KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. KEOWN, W. C. KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. KILBORN, Prof. L. G.* KNIGHTLY, F. J. KNIGHTS, J. 907 Hermitage, 75 MacDonnell Road, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 123 Breezy Court, 2-A Park Road, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 95 Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. The Registry, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. P. O. Box 820, H.K. 2 Stafford Road, Kowloon 3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. A33, Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K. Apt. 4-B, 41-C Conduit Road, H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. 7B Lincoln Court, Tai Hang Road, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfields & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 1, Wing Ying Mansion. 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. Park Terrace, Apt. 113, 125 Raymond Street, Guelph, Ontario, Canada H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. P. O. Box 113, H.K. KNOWLES, Miss Moira G. - Training & Examinations Unit, Electric House, 22A Ice House Street, H.K. KNOWLES, Dr. W. C. G.* - Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* - As above. KOCH, Mrs. Renate B. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. KUMMER, Dr. M. 39 Shouson Hill Road, B5, H.K. Gemeindestrasse 21, 8032 Zurich, Switzerland. Goethe-Institut, German Cultural Centre, 6th floor, Caxton House, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 180 KURATA, Mrs. L. C. - KVAN, Rev. Erik* KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* KWOK, Chan* KWOK, Walter LAI, T. C. + LAM, Jahn Cho Han LAM, Yung-fai 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada. Dept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. L - The Library, United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 9A Bonham Road, H.K. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. B. T. J. c/o Mrs. G. W. Lanchester, 4 Fung Shui, LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. - + LAWRY, Mrs. B. C. LAWRY, R. E. LECKIE, J. B. H. LEE, Din-yi LEE, J. S.* LEE, The Hon. R. C.* - LEUNG, Kai-Cheong LEUNG, Pak-kui LEVIN, Burton LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi J 50 Plantation Road, H.K. Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland, Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. A9, Bowen Hill, 10 Peak Road, H.K. British Council, 1st floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium, United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. 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LYM, Miss Renee M. - MA, Meng 3, Barcena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W. c/o U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 31 Kin Wah Street, 2nd Floor, North Point, H.K. c/o Faculty of Oriental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. 38D, 8th Floor, Bonham Road, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo. Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. District Office, Yuen Long, New Territories. King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass, U.S.A. Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 1. Victory Avenue, 4th Floor, Kowloon, 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. MACCABE, Miss E. M. A. - King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon, MACDOUGALL, J. J. MACGREGOR, Miss M. h MACK, A. M. MACKEITH, J. S. MACKENZIE, J. MACKENZIE, Miss S. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 31-C, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 17 Chater Hall, Conduit Road, H.K. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 182 MCBAIN, E. B. MCBAIN, G. MCCABE, Donald C. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* c/o Geo. McBain & Co., Union Building, H.K. S.C.M.P. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. New Asia College-Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. MCDOUALL, The Hon. J. C. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K. MCELNEY, B. S. MCFADZEAN, A. J. S. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. MCLEVIE, J. G. MANEELY, Miss M. S. MANEELY, R. B. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. St. Peter-in-Chains Catholic Church, Kowloontsai, Kowloon, Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. MEFFAN, Mrs. N. I. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 104, Macau, c/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 201 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. The British Council, 1st Floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon, c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 183 MORGAN, L. G. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. - NABHOLZ, Mrs. M. E. NEILD, Mrs. C. - NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. N. - NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, John NORONHA, J. E. - OLIPHANT, R. G. L. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. - OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PENNELL, W. V. - PERDIEUS, H.- PERESYPKIN, O. P. PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. R. J. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N. POLAND, T. D. POLDY, Mrs. K. 1 c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3., England. 3, MacDonnell Road, Flat 3, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Insurance Department), H.K. c/o Swiss Reinsurance Co., P. O. Box 172, 8022 Zurich, Switzerland, c/o Welfare Handicrafts, Salisbury Road, Kowloon, Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Shipping Accounts Dept.) H.K. 48, King Henry's Road, Swiss Cottage, London N.W.3, England. c/o Dept. of Agriculture & Fisheries, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept, of History, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. 21 South Bay Road, Ground Floor, Repulse Bay, H.K. 54 Buxey Lodge, 8th Floor, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. Dagobertstraat 45, Leuven, Belgium, P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Butterfield & Swire (H.K.) Ltd. (Staff Dept.), Union House, H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 184 PORDES, Mrs. A. · PORDES, F. - PRESCOTT, J. A. - RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. RASSIM, Mrs. Eleanor RAYNE, R. N. REES, William REID, A. R.. + RICHARDS, G. A RIDE, Sir L. T.* RIDE, Lady L. T.* RIGBY, Lady ROBINSON, F. C. ROBINSON, Prof. K. E. ROE, Capt. J. S.- ROOKE, Miss B. E. ROTHE, U.* ROY, Dr. A. · RUDGE, Mrs. A. K. · RUMJAHN, S. M. RUST, H. A. - 9 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. P. O. Box 479, H.K. 58 Avenue Montjoie, Uccle, Brussels 18, Belgium. New Haven, Taipo Kau, N.T. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, Hong Kong. 3-B. 3 University Drive, H.K. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. 2 Macdonnell Road, H.K. ■ P. O. Box 448, H.K. -Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. RUTTONJEE, The Hon. D. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. RYAN. The Rev. Father T. F. - RYDINGS, H. A. - SAILER, Mrs. Elsbeth L. SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHALLER, Miss K. SCHOYER. B. P. L · - - Wah Yan College. 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, H.K. Apt. A-6, Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 185 SCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. SELLETT, G.* SHAW-KENNEDY, Miss Anne SHEKURY, Miss E. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, D.- SHU, Dr. H. T. - SHUI, Chien tung SIEGEL, H. W. SINFIELD, G. H. C.* SLEVIN, B. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie* SMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.* SOONG, N. - J + - c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, USA. Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. c/o Dept. of Commerce & Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. Room 812 Hilton Hotel, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Administrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. c/o Royal Bank of Canada, 20 King Street, West, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. 52 Mount Nicholson Gap Flat, H.K. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. 2. Queen's Road, Central, H.K. H.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K. SPERRY, H. M.* STANLEY, Major H. F. STANTON, W. T.* STEWART, Miss Elizabeth H. STEWART, Miss E. M. STOKES, J. STONEY, G. S. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. + Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, c/o The Housing Manager, Hong Kong Housing Authority, Ma Tau Wei Estate, Kowloon. Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. As above. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 186 STOWE, C.- c/o Education Dept., H.K. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., STUART-JERVIS, Mrs. M. J. - SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SUGAR, Mrs. Kathleen - SWIRE, A. C.* · TALBOT, H. D. TAN, Khek-seng" TANG, Mrs. M. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TARARIN, Peter A.* TARR, A. D. + P TARWATER, J. W. THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, Dr. 0. L. - THOMPSON, Dr. R. W. THORN, Mrs. R. THROWER, Prof. L. B.. TILL, The Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. 7 TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TOWNER, J. A. L TRISTRAM, M. P. W. + - · · - - Union House, H.K. Flat C. 22 Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K. Evone Court, Flat C, 24 Yik Yam Street, 6th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon. Flat F3, Villa Helvetia, 69 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. 6 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K. Room 1701 Central Building, H.K. 7560 Willoughby Avenue, Los Angeles, Cal. 90046, U.S.A. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 3 Old Peak Road, H4, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon, Senior Lecturer in Spanish, Univ. of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, W.I. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. Department of Botany, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England. Room 404 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. District Office, South, 36 Gascoigne Road, Kowloon, Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 187 TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. + China Building, 4th floor, H.K. TURNER, Sir M.* UHALLEY, S. Jr. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. VOGEL, Ezra F. WALDEN, G. G. H. WALDEN, J. C. C. WALKER, P. R. WARD, Miss B. E. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARD, W. L. WARRINGTON,STRONG, Cmdr. F. WATSON, K. A. WATTS, Major, E. V. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, Mrs. H. WILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M. WILMOT-MORGAN, E. WILSON, B. D. + "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. East Asian Research Center, 1737 Cambridge St., Cambridge Mass 02138, U.S.A. 22 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K. N.T. Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Tai Po Road, Kowloon, c/o Resettlement Dept., Pui Ching Road, Ho Man Tin, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London, W.C.1., England. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. Apt. 3, No. 7 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. R.N.R. Headquarters, 39 Gloucester Road, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. HQ. Land Forces, B.F.P.O.1., H.K. 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. as above. 93 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon, As above, 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. · Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 188 WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Pao-Hsie WONG, Peng-Cheong* WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss Sybil WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WOOD, Mrs. C. + WOOL-SMITH, Miss J. 402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K. 11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon. 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. 81 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. As above. WORTHY, Edmund H. Jr. WORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E. WOU, Dr. Paul, P. C. WRIGHT, Miss B. R. WRIGHT, D. A. L. WU, Hei-Tak YANG, Tsung-han YANG, V. T. YAO, Prof. Hsin-Nung YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, Walter, W. T. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. 4607, Harrison Street, Chevy Chase, Maryland, 20015, US.A. Flat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K. Wise Mansion 8-C, 52 Robinson Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. P. O. Box 6175, Hong Kong. Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. 1, Dorset Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K. 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform her of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g ACC NO. DATE OF ACC · CLASS NO AUTHOR NO REBOUND S08546 16. 6. 68 HK-5 JEL KEA S AT The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in December, 1967. 1,000 copies Price per copy: HK $12 US $2 postage extra UK 17/6d Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by YE OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Patron: H.E. Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1967: President: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D.* K. E. Robinson, M.A., F.R.Hist.S., J.P. Hon. Secretary: Miss E. O. Michaeliones, succeeded by T. H. Thomas, B.A. assisted by Mrs. K. R. Hunter, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: G. W. Lanchester, B.A., succeeded by D. S. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. J. S. Lee Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Ma Meng, M.B.E., B.A.* Councillors: H. T. Wu, M.A., J.P. R. Bruce, O.B.E., M.A. M. S. Cumming, O.B.E., J.P. * Editorial Consultants ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g # OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. ## NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS The Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Responsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Editorial Committee. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g ERRAT A Page 3 Page 3, line 1-for "Colonial Office" substitute "Public Records Office". Page 3, 4th line from foot-for "enthusiatically" read "enthusiastically". Page 11, line 11-for "Orient" read "Oriental". Page 13 - Carnivores should be deleted from its position here and interpolated between the second and third lines from the foot of page 12. Page 15, line 2-the words "now very rare" should not be italicised. Page 16, 5th line from foot - for "incease" read "increase”. Page 143, footnote- for p. 199 read p. 119. Page 160 in Note 2 the Tien Hsia reference should be as in Note 2 on p. 18. Page 187, line 11- for "One the whole" read "On the whole". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g # PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1966 During 1966, the seventh year since its revival in the Colony, the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society has achieved a gratifying and encouraging success. It continued to diversify its activities and in addition to the regular lectures, a list of which is appended, it published its sixth volume of the Journal while a most successful Symposium was organised under the Chairmanship of Dr. Marjorie Topley in association with Mr. Ma Meng and Mr. James Hayes who also organised an interesting and instructive tour of the old temples and shrines of the Tai Ping Shan district of the island. The lectures given at the Symposium entitled “The Natural and Supernatural in Chinese Social Life and the Role of some Traditional Conceptions in Hong Kong today" covered a wide variety of subjects on cultural, scientific and practical subjects. The Symposium endeavoured to exploit the rich field which Hong Kong affords for the study of the history, life and customs of the Chinese people and to record the traditional patterns of their everyday life before they die out. In this work Dr. Marjorie Topley and her associates repeated the success of the 1964 Symposium, "Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories". Particularly noteworthy was the number of papers and talks by distinguished Chinese medical experts who took part in the discussions. The Society is under a great obligation to Dr. Topley and Mr. James Hayes for their zeal and hard work and I should like to record our deep appreciation also of the valuable contributions of Dr. Gerald Choa, Dr. F. I. Tseung, Dr. P. M. Yap and Mr. K. M. A. Barnett as well as that of Mr. Timothy Birch of Radio Hong Kong who led the discussion panel. The results of these studies are being edited by Dr. Topley and recorded in a booklet to be published this year which is likely to be as much in demand as that of 1964 which has now been sold out and will have to be reprinted. The annual Journal, of which the sixth volume appeared last year, continues to maintain its popularity as well as the high standard of scholarship and of editorial capacity set at the outset by Mr. Cranmer-Byng and continued last year with great distinction by Mr. Uhalley who, to our great loss, has left Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 7 15 & 16 October SYMPOSIUM Natural and Supernatural in Chinese Social Life. The Role of some Traditional Conceptions in Hong Kong today" K 1. Some basic conceptions and their traditional relationship to society" LC 2. Dr. Marjorie Topley Geomancy and the village: some first hand impressions * Mr. James Hayes 3. Chinese traditional medicine and contemporary Hong Kong " Dr. Gerald Choa 4. "The measurement of elapsed time in Hong Kong: the Chinese calendar; its uses and value" 5. CA 6. * Mr. K. M. A. Barnett Some ideas concerning food and diet among Hong Kong Chinese Dr. Gerald Choa Some aspects of fortune-telling in Hong Kong" Dr. F. I. Tseung 7. "Ideas of mental disorder and their practical influence Dr. P. M. Yap Chinese temples in the local setting" Mr. James Hayes 8. 9. Chinese occasional rites in Hong Kong Dr. Marjorie Topley 29 October 10. General question time on subjects arising generally during the Symposium. Panel Chairman: Mr. Timothy Birch Visit to temples and shrines of the Tai Ping Shan district ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g # 9 # HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1966 The Accounts for 1966 have been audited by Mr. O. P. Edwards of The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank. I assumed office as Hon. Treasurer only a month ago following Mr. W. S. Addis and Mr. Michael Morgan who acted temporarily after Mr. T. J. Lindsay's retirement. On the income side, there is a gratifying increase in Life Membership subscriptions, now $2,750 against $650 last year. The annual subscriptions amounted to $10,177, a little over $2,000 short of our total expenditure. The shortage was covered by income from investments amounting to $2,054.69 (against $1,742.54 last year) and from the sale of copies of the Journal. The total amount of annual subscriptions at the increased rate of $30 a year would have been higher had all members paid their subscriptions by the end of the year, and if all members had given instructions to their banks to increase their annual subscriptions from $20 to $30. Members are strongly urged to pay by means of Banker's Orders in order to ease the arduous work of the Hon. Secretary and Hon. Treasurer. Our investments show an increase in market value of over $4,000 in spite of the depressed market. The amount of $13,000 cash deposit is rather illusory. A sum of $2,500 represents a donation from the Asia Foundation and is earmarked to pay for books which have already been ordered. About $7,000 to $8,000 will be required to pay for the next issue of the Journal and off-prints. Provision has also to be made for the printing of the brochure on the 1966 Symposium and for the reprinting of the paper by Sir Lindsay Ride on "The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao". We hope to recoup the cost of these publications by their sale, but we shall need more money to reprint Volume 1 of the Journal which has now been sold out and to build up our library and to provide for its accommodation. There is no likelihood of any real excess of income over expenditure. 3 April, 1967. G. W. LANCHESTER ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g HON. TREASURER'S REPORT INCOME & EXPENDITURE ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDING 31ST DECEMBER, 1966 EXPENDITURE INCOME Sundry Expenses $ 2,690.51 Sundry Receipts $ 179.76 Symposium Expenses 1,485.00 Symposium Receipts 1,052.95 Journal Expenses 6,853.75 Journal Receipts 1,383.18 Lecture Expenses 185.00 Interest on Investments 2,054.69 Life Memberships: 1966 2,750.00 Annual Memberships: 1966 10,177.00 Annual Memberships: 1967 (paid in 1966) 60.00 Excess of Income over Expenditure 6,443.32 $17,657.58 $17,657.58 BALANCE SHEET AS AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1966 LIABILITIES ASSETS Surplus 31st Dec., 1965 $35,973.02 Investments at Cost (for Market value see below) Excess of Income over Expenditure in 1966 6,443.32 Cash Deposit 13,000.00 $42,416.34 Cash at Bank 985.20 $42,416.34 INVESTMENTS 125 Shares HK & S.B.C. London Register @ 9 5/16 £1,164.1.3. = @ $16 HK $28,712.00 700 6% Commonwealth of Australia '77/80 @ 90 1/16 £630.8.9. 3,420.00 £1,794.10.0. TOTAL HK $32,132.00 (Signed) G. W. LANCHESTER, Hon. Treasurer. (Signed) O. P. EDWARDS Hon. Auditor. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 18 PATRICIA MARSHALL There is plenty of cover in these places for deer and civet cats. There are also a number of exotic wild birds, that would increase if left unmolested. The Sai Kung peninsula and the area above Plover Cove are also beautiful areas which it is hoped will never be used for building. It is for the people of Hong Kong to act in a responsible manner to themselves and to future generations to ensure that a little of the natural beauty and at least some of the native mammals of Hong Kong are conserved. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. REFERENCES Allen, G. M. (1938) The Mammals of China and Mongolia published by American Museum of Natural History, New York. Balfour, S. F. (1940-1941) “Hong Kong before the British”, Tien Hsia Vol. XI, No. 4 pp. 330-352 and No. 5 pp. 440-464. Grant, C. J. (1962) The Soils and Agriculture of Hong Kong. published by the Hong Kong Government Printer, pp 136-138. Herklots, G. A. C. (1951) The Hong Kong Countryside, printed by the South China Morning Post, Hong Kong. Marshall P. M. and Phillips, J. G. (1965) "Plans for Conserving the Wild life of Hong Kong," "Oryx” (Journal of the Fauna Preservation Society) Vol. VIII No. 2 pp 107-112. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 22 JEN YU-WEN older than Hsien and Ping, was also reared by Young, being the younger sister of Shih. Hsien, the 2nd son, by virtue of being the offspring of the Queen, was regarded as the legitimate heir to the throne according to Chinese tradition. After being crowned, the boy emperor named his new reign Tê Yu () beginning with the next year (1275). In the first year of Tê Yu (1275), the Mongol army under the premier Pê Yen (16) invaded South China and after many victories marched toward the capital Lin-an in the winter. The imperial court was alarmed and evacuated the Emperor's two brothers and sister under the care of mother Young and their uncles.3 Before departure, the two princes received new titles: I Wang (1) and Kuang Wang (1), respectively. Early in 1276 the royal party left Lin-an in a hurry heading for the south. It was the beginning of an itinerary of constant flight which would last for three full years. Shortly afterwards, Emperor Hsien and the Queen Mother Ch'uan surrendered to the Mongols who subsequently took them to Peking. The Mongol Emperor Kublai Khan gave the dethroned Sung Emperor the new title of Duke of Ying Kuo (). Years later he was forced to become a Buddhist monk, was banished to Mongolia and died in exile there. It was said that his own son, who had been adopted by a Mongolian prince, would eventually become the last emperor of the Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty. The Ex-Queen Mother Ch'uan became a Buddhist nun and died of old age.4 When the capital Lin-an fell, the royal evacuees arrived at Wuchow (##), Chekiang. They continued their flight toward the south. They had to travel on foot for seven days and the two young princes were carried by their uncles on their backs all the way throughout the rough journey. After reaching Wenchow (), a city near the seashore, they stayed for about three months trying to rally loyal supporters there. A few did come, such as a high official Lu Hsiu-fu (✯✯✯) and generals Chang Shih-chieh (*) and Su Liu-i (***) each bringing soldiers along. An army of considerable size was mustered. The Premier Ch'en I-chung (1), who had deserted the court after the Mongols entered Lin-an, also reported his presence at Wenchow, which was his native city. In view of the grave situation created by the capture of the young emperor, which thus ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g THE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG 23 left the country without a ruler, the ministers and generals, after consultation with their mother, the concubine Young, unanimously installed I Wang Shih as the Generalissimo of the state and his brother Kuang Wang Ping as his deputy. After a while, they decided to travel south by boat. When everything was ready for departure, the cunning premier Ch'en I-chung begged to remain behind, using the excuse that he must bury his mother who had just died in Wenchow. Everybody disliked him and took him for a coward. The impetuous and impulsive warrior Chang Shih-chieh thought up a cunning scheme: he ordered some of his soldiers to remove the coffin of Ch'en's mother and to place it on a ship. Consequently Ch'en had to follow, much against his will. In the 4th month they arrived at Foochow, Fukien, In the next month they crowned I Wang Shih Emperor who thus became the last Sung emperor but one. He was then eight years of age. His posthumous name is Tuan Tsung, (*) by which I shall call him hereafter. From that month on, his reign was called Ching Yen (*). His younger brother Ping received the new title of Wei Wang (£), and his little sister, that of Princess of Tsin Kuo (+), while his own mother was properly honoured as the Queen Mother. They stayed in Foochow until the 11th month when news came that the Mongols were invading Fukien, so they sailed southward. After passing by Ch'uanchow (¥) and Amoy in Fukien and Ch'aochow (¶) (Swatow) and Chia-tsu-men (‡ƒ¶) (of Huichow) in Kwangtung, they entered the territory of Kwangchow-fu early in 1277. Passing by Mirs Bay (Ta-p'eng-wan (★*), northeast of Kowloon), the royal party probably went ashore for a short time to get a rest, since there remain a few historical sites by the names of Wang-mu chuang-t'ai (the Queen-mother's Dressing Table) and Wang-mu hsu (Queen-mother's Market). During the next two months they stayed at an island then called "Mei-wei". (This place at present is still unidentified.) In the 4th month (May 1277) the royal refugees landed at Kuan-fu Ch'ang accompanied by many descendants of former Sung emperors who had joined the royal party from different places along the coast. Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 26 JEN YU-WEN out and the local people made facsimiles of the originals and preserved them from generation to generation in order to commemorate the glory of their ancestors. Moreover, in the Dragon Boat Festival (the 5th day of the 5th month) every year since then, they have placed the parasols on the racing boats, called huang-chou1 (Imperial boats). Before the boat race started, the gentry and elders of the villages used to kneel and kow-tow to the royal gifts to pay respect to the Sung Emperor. Sung Hsueh-p'eng says that the custom was perpetuated for many years.10 Less than a month after the landing of the royal party, the Dragon Boat Festival was observed. It can be imagined what a delightful day the boy Emperor Tuan Tsung (Shih) and his small brother Wei Wang (Ping) had in watching the races, along with the Queen Mother and many dignitaries, generals, and ministers, and, of course, the local people who were particularly happy to have such distinguished guests participating in their annual festival. IV. SUNG WONG TOI (Sung Huang Tai-Man) The most important site which furnishes the key to our study of the Kuan-fu Travelling Palace of Southern Sung is a small mound near the seashore, north of Ma-tau-kok. It can be definitely located and is recorded in the Hsin-an Gazetteer, other literature, and maps. Besides, there were three Chinese characters engraved on one of the great rocks there, which many of us have seen with our own eyes. The small mound was called Sacred Hill1 (see map). This name was probably given to it by the Hong Kong Government when it took over the territory in 1858, as no Chinese literature recorded such a name, and even Hong Kong people of the older generation, including Sung Hsueh-p'eng, did not know of it. On the top of the mound were two large rocks, one on the northern side, the other on the southern. The characters Sung Wong Toi1 were engraved on the western face of the northern rock in the Yuan Dynasty, long after the royal party departed from Kowloon and after the Mongols conquered the Southern Sung. The characters were horizontally inscribed, being uniformly 20 inches in width and respectively 26, 22½, and 27 inches in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung 29 Sung Wong Toi Garden was finally completed in the winter of 1957. Acting upon the suggestion of the Chiu Clansmen's Association, most of whose members are the descendants of the early emperors and princes of the Sung Dynasty, whose family name was Chiu, the Government, with the valuable assistance of the Association, provided two stone tablets commemorating the Sung Wong Toi, one in Chinese and the other in English, on each side of the entrance to the garden. On the 28th December, 1959, a simple and dignified unveiling ceremony was held in the garden. The design and craftsmanship of the tablets are of the first quality. In particular the two dragons, symbolizing two emperors, were beautifully done. It was said that only a very few craftsmen in Hong Kong could have done them and that they should be ranked as one of the Colony's works of art. I had the honour of being asked to compose the Chinese text and to assist in translating it into English. I was also asked to compile and edit a book entitled Sung Wong Toi, A Commemorative Volume which was published in Chinese in 1960 by the Chiu Clansmen's Association. V. A FEW LEGENDS In the text on the tablets above mentioned I stated that there existed a few historical sites connected with Tuan Tsung's stay in Kowloon. They may be of interest to you, in spite of their legendary character, if you are keen to know more of local history. North of the Sung Wong Toi rock it is said that there was a Chin-fu-jen mu (Lady Chin's Tomb). It is recorded in the Hsin-an Gazetteer that the Princess of Tsin Kuo, younger sister of Tuan Tsung, had been drowned nearby, or en route to Kowloon, and that a golden image of her was buried in that tomb. That was why it was called Lady Chin (Gold)'s Tomb. A large stone tablet was erected there with the name Chin-fu-jen engraved on it. I consider this as sheer legend, unsupported as it is by any substantial proof. To the northwest of the hill is the popular Temple of Hou-wang (Hou-wang miao). Ch'en P'ei-t'ao, a famous scholar of Tung-kuan District in late Ch'ing, put out the theory that Yang Liang-chieh, uncle of Tuan Tsung, had died at sea on the way here; was subsequently buried at this spot; that he was posthumously given the title of wang (king); and that the local people built the temple in memory of his loyalty. I have found ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 30 JEN YU-WEN that this legend is also ill-founded, because it has been ascertained that there are at least six other Temples of Hou-wang in Kowloon and the nearby island of Lantau. Moreover, there are other Hou-wang Temples in different districts of Kwangtung, and the images worshipped in them are different deified persons. But the decisive counter-proof of Ch'en's theory is found in a book written by Chou Mi, Kuei-hsin tsa-chi hsü-chi (B), 47a in early Yuan which records that in the last battle between the Sungs and Mongols at Ya-men in 1279, Young Liang-chieh perished at sea with the Emperor Ping (successor of Tuan Tsung) and other generals and ministers.14 Another story tells how Emperor Tuan Tsung occasionally established his court at Yu-hsien-yen on Pê-ho-shan (Lé iao), northwest of Kowloon Tsai. There was a stone that looked like an armchair. Tuan Tsung used to sit on it as his temporary throne. From that time, the stone got the name “The Royal Armchair Stone" (Yu-tso chiao-i shih #PERM ̄ ). This is a more reasonable tradition for a historic event although there is also no proof for it. VI. THE ERH-HUANG-TIEN VILLAGE There was yet another historical site called Erh-huang-tien Village (in Cantonese Yi-wong-tin Two Emperors' Palace Village) which was closely related to the royal visit. Amongst the many old villages listed in the Hsin-an Gazetteer was the name Erh-huang-tien but written in the form, meaning Two Huangs' Store. Ch'en Pê-tao was the first scholar to point out that this was a mistake and should be Two Emperors' Palace. (The Cantonese pronunciations of huang for emperor and huang for yellow are the same, and in Mandarin tien for palace and tien for store are the same. The error in the Gazetteer may be ascribed to intentional alteration of the two characters to avoid political trouble in the Yuan dynasty which exterminated the last two emperors of Southern Sung.) This interpretation is acceptable. A few other writers in modern times in describing the historical sites in Kowloon have likewise confirmed the existence of such a village. It has been generally taken for granted that it was so named because the last two Sung emperors stayed there for some time, or constructed a palace there. Furthermore, the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung 33 First, What in fact is the significance of this stone gate? According to Sung Hsueh-p'eng, in the original temple in the former Ma-tau-wei Village, which used to be populated by Chiu clansmen, descendants of Sung emperors and princes, there were two idols, one male and the other female, dressed as an emperor and an empress respectively. During the reign of Kuang Hsü in late Ch'ing, the male idol was clad in a gorgeous yellow robe embroidered with dragons. Later, the Chiu clansmen removed to another place and people of other clans came to live there until the evacuation of the population and the demolition of the whole village. It is, therefore, apparent that at least some members of the royal party did stay in the village during their visit to Kowloon. Secondly, apart from being the only historical relic besides the Sung Wong Toi stone commemorating the visit of the two emperors of Southern Sung in Kowloon, it marks the boundary line of the Kuan-fu Travelling Palace in the west. As a result of the valuable work done at the present site by the Government, we now have an additional attractive and distinctive symbol of the cultural history of Hong Kong and Kowloon. VIII. THE TRAVELLING PALACE One must do away with the conception, rather the misconception, that by the word "palace" is meant a single, magnificent building for the residence or office of a king or emperor constructed to a beautiful design, of valuable materials and of gorgeous colours. The term "travelling palace" (literally translated from the Chinese hsing-kung) implies the place where an emperor stayed on his travels. Such was the Travelling Palace of Southern Sung in Kowloon (Kuan-fu). Perhaps a translation of the more detailed account of the Travelling Palace in Ya-shan written by one of the officials in the court at that time gives a clear view of what a travelling palace was like. In 1278, after arriving at Ya-shan, the mountain behind the Ya-men Bay where the Sungs met their last defeat from the Mongols, the royal party constructed the travelling palace. In the sixth month, they entered the mountain and chopped down trees wherewith to construct one thousand military houses and a travelling palace of thirty houses. In the compound, the central (or ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g THE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG 37 "the back seat". But before accepting this interpretation, one must verify the identity of the Yunnan Lao with the aboriginal tribe dwelling in Kow-Joon speaking the same language. 6 See my article "The Southern Sung Stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 5, 1965. At line 17 of the article "before this date" should read "after this date". The Chinese text on the engraven rock was given in my article, but was not accompanied by a literal translation, which now follows: [I] Yen I-chang of Ku-pien (K'ai-feng, Honan Province), being the administrator of this Field (namely, Kuan-fu Ch'ang), accompanied by Ho T'ien-chuch of San-shan (Foochow, Fukien Province), come to visit these two mountains (North and South Fu-t'ang). In the course of investigation, [I found, first, that] the stone pagoda (shih-ta, or colloquially called Ku-shih-ta and abbreviated to Ki-ta) at South T'ang was constructed in the 5th year of the reign of Ta Chung Hsiang Fu (i.e., of Emperor Tsen Tsung of Northern Sung, A.D. 1012). Next, Cheng Kuang-ch'ing of San-shan, piling up stones and chopping down trees, renovated the two T'angs. Again, T'eng Liao-chuch of Yung-chia (Wen-chou of Chekiang Province) continued the work. The ancient stone-tablet at North T'ang was established by Hsin P'o-ting of Ch'uan-chou (Fukien province) in the year wu shen but the reign [of what Emperor] cannot be ascertained. Now, Nien Fa-ming of San-shan and Lin Tao-i of this native place (i.e., Kowloon) continue the work. Furthermore, Tao-i can expand the former plan requesting [me] to establish another stone-engraving for commemoration [of the renovation]. Inscribed on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month in the year chia shu [i.e., 10th year] during the Hsien Shun reign (Emperor Tu Tsung of Southern Sung, A.D. 1274). 7 Yuan Yuan, Kwangtung T'ung-chih, Haifang lüeh, chuan 2, kx. Ak Ma. 40%. Shu Mou-kuan, Hsin-an Hsien-chi, chuan 7, Chien-shu lüeh 建署累 8 Ta-ch'ing Hui-tien, Kuan-chih kao. 76. 9 Research notes by the late Sung Hsueh-p'eng (4) who had done much research work on the local history and geography of Hong Kong and Kowloon. A portion of the notes was generously recopied and given to me. 10 Ibid. 11 T'u-shu Chi-cheng, Chih-fang-tien (811A.AZ) records that "This was the old engraving of Yuan times”. 12 Chuan 18, Sheng-chi-lüeh BAY. 13 Before 1941 there were three streets at this place, called "Sung Street", "Ti (Emperor) Street" and "Ping Street". (Apparently Emperor Ping was mistaken for Tuan Tsung (Shib). As the history of Southern Sung in Kowloon had been rather obscure, the mixing up of the two names was not very unlikely; even the Hsin-an Gazetteer made the same mistake. This whole area including the three streets was levelled during the Japanese occupation to facilitate the extension of Kai-tak airfield. 14 See Jao Tsung-i, Kowloon yũ Sung-chi shih-liao ✯‡, ^*‡‡‡£ #, Hong Kong, Universal Book Co., 1959, p. 105. 15 Wu Pa-ling, Sung-t'ai kan-chiulu 4*. *4434 in Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume, p. 108. 16 By the side of the cliff a low-cost housing estate has been recently constructed south of the new Fu-ning Street (3##), east of the now Fuk- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 38 JEN YU-WEN cheung Street (###) and west of the new Shing-tak Street (##). The main entrance to the estate is directly west of the junction of Shing-tak Street and Ma-tau-kok Road. These buildings are constructed on the very site of the Two Emperors' Palace Village (No. 8 in the map). 17 Ibid., p. 108. 18 Ch'en Chung-wei, Erh-Wang pen-mo. 19 See my article, "The Southern Sung Stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 5 (1965). 20 There has been a different theory, from the Ming Dynasty down to the present, that Kan-chou (A) is a small island commonly called Nau-chou (4) south of Hua-chou (#1) near Kuang-chou-wan, but I do not agree with this. See Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume, pp. 175-206, 313f., 323-301 for my lengthy discussion and argument with Jao Tsung-i, the present exponent of this theory. See also Jao, op. cit., chuan 5, pp. 51-83 and Lo Hsiang-lin, ★ R★ Hsiang-kang Ch'ien-tai-shih, Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1959, pp. 92-94. [This book has been translated into English and its title is Hong Kong and Its External Communications Before 1842]. Professor Lo's conclusion agrees with mine. Page 45 Page 46 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY 73 2 There are indications that this mountain area at one time was inhabited by non-Chinese Yao people; Barnett 1957, p. 261. The present inhabitants, however, are all Hakka- and Cantonese-speaking Chinese, settled here for only about 300 years. 3 The estimated average price for local unmilled rice is (1965) HK$28 per picul for first crop rice. The corresponding figure for second crop rice is HK$36 a picul. 4 Chiu 1964, p. 77. 5 Bot. Report 1906, p. 221. It could be added that a fish hawker is touring the area daily. He is from Sai Kung and his route includes Grass Field Village and Plum Grove Village. There are also other occasional peddlers, trading in food and sweets. Some shops can be found at the mining workers' settlement at Ma On Shan. Fishermen call at the pier there every morning. People from Big Stream Village often take advantage of these facilities. 7 S., D. W. 1900, p. 202f. See also Tregear & Berry 1959, p. 12ff, and Hayes 1966, p. 128f. 8 In a village just outside Canton, "almost all those who went to work on ships were Wongs. This was chiefly due to the functioning of kinship relations in economic life. One who knew of an opportunity in one's own occupation usually recommended it to a kinsman. A Lee already engaged in business in Hong Kong would hire his own relatives as help or recommend them to fellow businessmen who might need help. A Wong in the 'hard labour' business, an activity tightly controlled by secret societies, or in marine work, did the same for his own kinsmen." Yang 1959, p. 73. 9 Lockhart Report, p. 557. Census 1911, p. 103. 10 Skinner 1964/65, p. 202. For further details, see Groves 1965a and 1965b. 11 The Ng people in Plum Grove Village have no connections with the former Grass Field people of the same surname. 12 The coastal area of Kwangtung was the scene of a dramatic mass deportation, executed by the Ch'ing occupants as a counter-measure in the struggle against raiding Ming loyalists. This course of action was carried out from 1661. Eight years later the coastal strip was declared open for settlement and an active policy by the Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, A Ke-min, lured immigrants to the waste lands. The main influx of Hakka to the New Territories was in the following decades. If this is correct it may be that the Lau people appeared in this area during the course of this re-occupation. See Hui 1963, p. 89ff. See Hui 1963, p. 89ff. However, Professor Freedman (1967) has quite correctly pointed out that the data are by no means conclusive on the effective evacuation of the area. 13 Skinner 1964/65, p. 37. 14 Freedman 1958, p. 50. 15 In the Hakka village in the Tolo Harbour area, studied by Jean Pratt, at the Chinese New Year 'all the men go to the lineage hall in a village across the valley, where they claim their ancestors lived. Pratt 1960, p. 149. But note supplementary information in Freedman 1966, p. 41; this issue, however, has no bearing on my argument. Similar social ceremonialism seems to have occurred among the Cantonese-speaking Punti population. See Hayes 1962, p. 28. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 74 L. G. AIJMER 16 The still wider surname groups, hsing (M), in Chinese society, based on entirely fictitious agnatic relationships, expressed in at least preferred exogamy, have often indiscriminately been designated 'clans'. See e.g. Lee 1960, p. 134f. and Willmott 1964, p. 33. This purely conventional consanguinal kin group comes close to the sociological concept of 'phratry', and kin group constellations of this kind may be described better as units of this higher order. The Hakka nomenclature may vary but the units discussed are always conceived of, 17 Freedman 1958, pp. 47, 129. 18 Census 1911, p. 103f. 19 Nine villages with Cantonese-speaking Punti population in the same district at the same time display numbers ranging between 346 and 9, with an average of 108. 20 However, Jean Pratt, in her account of a Hakka village to the north of Tolo Harbour in the New Territories, gives an example of a non-symmetrical segmentation, reflected in the establishment of a new ancestral hall; Pratt 1960, p. 148. 21 This also applies to the Hakka village studied by Miss Pratt: 'The three lineage halls are merely buildings in a row like an ordinary dwelling house'; Pratt 1960, p. 148. 22 Freedman 1958, p. 50. 23 Skinner, in discussing the importance of marketing communities, points out that in Szechuan there existed organizations of Hakka 'composite lineages', with headquarters in teahouses in the market towns (Skinner 1964/65, p. 37). I have no knowledge of similar organizations in the New Territories. One would have expected something of this kind in a portion of China where the Hakka groups suffered political strain from the Punti population. Local groupings on a non-kin basis may sometimes have fulfilled a protective function. Such local organizations, with headquarters in small temples, are for instance to be found in the Sha Tin Valley, and in the Three Fathom Cove area. All three villages studied belonged in pre-British times to an administrative organization called Luk Yeuk, focussed on the old government centre of Kowloon City. Freedman (1966, p. 86) sees yeuk organizations as means for weak communities to seek 'protection against being molested by local powers'. For a discussion of yeuk see op. cit., pp. 82-89 and for the Luk Yeuk especially pp. 85f. 24 A map of Hakka migrations is, for instance, provided by Kuo 1964, facing p. 6. But there are also other views as to the origin of the Hakka, see e.g. Barnett 1958, p. 2. 25 Izikowitz 1963, p. 171. 26 One man from Grass Field Village has settled for good in Borneo. He has taken his wife and children there. This is the only instance of permanent overseas settlement I have come across. 27 This particular migration is said to have been encouraged and even given financial assistance by the Chinese Government as an aftermath of the war mentioned below; Dyer Ball 1925, p. 282. Another author thinks less of the generosity of the government: 'Comme ces tribus Hak-ka se montraient particulièrement turbulentes, les mandarins chinois ne pensaient qu'à les éloigner de leur territoire; c'est ainsi qu'en 1864 et 1866, à la suite de nombreuses revoltes, ils furent expulsés dans le sud du Kouang-Si, vers ces marches frontières qui, comme la province de Moncay, étaient peu habitées et dans un état habituel d'anarchie politique.' ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY 75 Vaillant 1920, p. 85. Leaving this discussion open, there is still reason to assume that both the disturbances in Kwangtung and the Hakka expansion to the south were correlated with a search for new areas for resettlement. 28 'A dreadful internecine strife, in which 150,000 at least, perished, took place between the Hakkas and Pún-téis in the south-western districts of the Canton province, from A.D. 1864 to 1866, and arms and even armed steamers, were procured from Hong Kong by both parties. Ball 1925, p. 282. A Hong Kong resident reports that the Peninsula of Kowloon presented for several days in August, 1862, the novel aspect of an animated battlefield, as the Punti inhabitants of the neighbouring villages were engaged in a bloody warfare with Hakka settlers at Tsimshatsui." Eitel 1895, p. 380. See also n. 27. 29 "Every year is marked unfortunately by an increasing influx of unattached and often undesirable characters from Chinese Territory, most Hakkas from the Wai Chau and Hing Ning District. It is impossible to keep track of the movements of these persons, and many of them are tempted by their opportunity of acquiring unlawful gains by means of robbery, kidnapping, 'White pigeon', and kindred offenses. It is hoped that these undesirable additions to the population will be considerably curtailed before long." New Territories Report 1917, p. J2. 30 The quarry-men are nearly all Hakkas from Kweishin, who settle at the quarries until they have made some money and then return home." New Territories Report 1899-1912, p. 55. 31 This type of extension might also have served as reconnaissance for a future settlement of a permanent kind. The following note from the New Territories could be interpreted in this direction: In the 24th year of the reign of the Emperor Kwong Shu, which was 1897, there came to the Land of the Jumping Dragon a Hakka by the name of Kong Tai Kuen. Up to that time none but Tangs had lived there. Kong rented a house and became a tenant-farmer. He recommended two of his relations to come along also, but they stayed only three years and then returned to the Kong ancestral village at Li Long north of the Shum Chun river, while Kong Tai Kuen gave up farming in the Jumping Dragon Land and moved to Fan Ling, Ingrams 1952, p. 162. 32 I use the word 'sojourner' in a freer sense than Paul Siu, to whom the term implies a stranger 'who spends many years of his lifetime in a foreign country without being assimilated by it;' Siu 1952, p. 34. My term signifies a person who temporarily lives geographically separated from the locality constituting his main focus of social interest. 33 SCPH 1965; Hong Kong 1964, p. 30. Apart from going abroad, some young men from Plum Grove Village and Big Stream Village work as police constables in Sha Tin and Kowloon. One man from Grass Field Village works in a textile factory in Kwun Tong, New Kowloon, 34 This is confirmed by other sources. For instance, the New Territories Report 1900 remarks upon the fact that 'Hakka women work as hard, if not harder, than their men,' (p. 269). An observant traveller noticed that in Mei Hsien in Kwangtung, the Hakka district where both people in Big Stream Village and Grass Field Village had their clan foci. 'it seems to be mainly the women who do the hard work. They do not bind their feet. The women are strong and erect, though excessive toil begun too early in life may account in part for their tendency to be undersized... the women do all ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 76 L. G. AIMER the carrying and other heavy work, "The men do not even know how to carry water" and probably do not demand that the women give them lessons at it.' Frank 1925, p. 210f. Even among the Cantonese-speaking Punti population in Kwangtung, traditional women's participation in the work in the fields occurred; cf. Yang 1959, p. 21f. The notes above, however, are to be read as contrasts to Punti custom. 35 Investments in house building on a large scale seem to be typical for all Chinese peasant communities with a marked inflow of external income. Generalizing from his experiences with three emigrant communities in Fukien and Kwangtung, Chen Ta writes: "The most practical way to gratify their vanity is to build a house. Even when he does not contemplate a return in the immediate future, a Chinese emigrant who has made a fortune in the Nan Yang is quite likely to send a sum of money home for the express purpose of buying a new house"; Chen 1939, p. 109. From another part of China, Francis Hsu notes that "in this Yunnan community people became rich not through South-Seas emigration, but through tin mines and trading. As soon as a family becomes wealthy, it begins to build huge but largely unused houses ..."; Hsu 1945, p. 48. Both authors interpret house building as the symbolic aspect of the move from one social position to another by the sojourner in his home community, the big house being closely associated with gentry status. A comment on increasing house building in the New Territories in the beginning of this century is made in the N. T. Report 1899-1912, p. 56. 36 Although these people have spent many years in English-speaking countries, none of them can converse in the English language. Also, this is largely true for the younger generation now residing in Britain. The Chinese emigrant is often sojourning in a Chinese enclave, the structure of which, in many important respects, is very different from that of his home community; it is still basically Chinese and offers social security in a foreign country. I have the impression that the sojourners have a fairly limited direct contact with the people of the country where they stay, especially if this is in Europe or America. Such contacts are also often highly formalized, of the type client-waiter relations in a restaurant. The surrounding social milieu is, I feel, experienced filtered through the culture of the enclave. 37 In 1963 overseas remittances, in the form of postal and money orders cashed at the New Territories post offices, amounted to the value of HK$20,973,152. The corresponding figure for 1964 was HK$24,076,719; Hong Kong 1963, p. 60; Hong Kong 1964, p. 30. Considerable sums will also have been remitted through banks: these figures are not known. One item of information from the New Territories tells that one farmer annually receives about HK$1,500 from his two sons working in England; Topley 1964, p. 176. Ronald Ng (1965, p. 35) estimates the monthly remittances at £30, or HK$5,760 annually. 38 This means that the daily income for a restaurant worker in Britain would amount to nearly HK$23. This may be compared to the daily wage of a worker in the New Territories which is about HK$10. Ng gives a similar figure for restaurant workers in the U.K.; Ng (1965, p. 35). 39 The situation of the members of the overseas community in Britain could be compared to that of a villager of Big Stream Village working in a grocer's shop on the island of Aruba in the Netherlands West Indies. His salary there is 'over' US$100, i.e., at least HK$130, a month. The daily ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY 77 income of this man is then at least HK$25. It is also interesting to note that costs in the villages are often estimated in terms of British currency. 40 See e.g. Baker 1965, p. 30. 41 Marriage connections were then cast outside the standard market area of Tai Po. This is in contradiction to an assumption by G. W. Skinner (Skinner 1964/65, p. 36), who suggests that standard marketing communities were endogamous in traditional times. 42 Sometimes children by this mating were brought back to the village. In Big Stream Village there is a man whose mother was a Jamaican woman, and his features are quite distinct. However, I have the impression that he is fairly well integrated in the village. He was, for instance, the only male I saw performing ancestral rites at the graves at the Ch'ing Ming festival. He is working as a policeman in Sha Tin. Otherwise I have not come across any secondary marriages in the valley. REFERENCES BAKER, H. [1965] 'Marriage and the Family', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch) n.d. BALL, J. DYER 1925 Things Chinese, or Notes Connected with China, 5th edn, rev. by E. C. T. Werner, (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh). BARNETT, K. A. 1957 'The People of the New Territories', Hong Kong Business Symposium, a Compilation of Authoritative Views on the Administration, Commerce and Resources of Britain's Far Eastern Outpost, J. M. Braga (ed.), (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post). 1958 'Introduction on Hong Kong Place-names', Hong Kong Gazetteer to the Land Utilization Map of Hong Kong and the New Territories, with Chinese and English Names, T. R. Tregear (ed.), (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press). Bot. Report 1906 1907 'Report on the Botanical and Forestry Department for the Year 1906', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1907, (Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers). Census 1911 1911 'Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1911, (Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers). CHEN TA 1939 Emigrant Communities in South China, (New York, Institute of Pacific Relations). CHIU TZE NANG 1964 'Land Use in the Extreme East of the New Territories', Land Use Problems in Hong Kong, S. G. Davis (ed.), (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press). EITEL, E. J. 1895 Europe in China, The History of Hong Kong from the Beginning to the Year 1882, (London and Hongkong, Luzac and Co.). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY 79 NG, R. 1965 'Economic Life and the Family', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch) n.d. N.T. Report 1900 1900 'Report on the New Territory during the First Year of British Administration', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hongkong 1900, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers). N.T. Report 1899-1912 1912 'Report on the New Territories 1899-1912", Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hongkong 1912, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers). N.T. Report 1917 1918 'Report on the New Territories for the Year 1917, Administrative Reports for the Year 1917, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers). PRATT, J. 1960 'Emigration and Unilineal Descent Groups: A Study of Marriage in a Hakka Village in the New Territories, Hong Kong', The Eastern Anthropologists, Vol. xiii, S., D. W. 1900 European Settlements in the Far East, (London, Sampson, Low and Marston). SCPH H.K. Chinese 1965 H.K. Chinese in Britain Now Number 35,000, South China Post-Herald, Sept. 12th, Hong Kong. SIU, P. 1952 'The Sojourner', The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 58. SKINNER, G. W. 1964/65 'Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China', The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. xxiv. TOPLEY, M. 1964 'Capital, Saving and Credit among Indigenous Rice Farmers and Immigrant Vegetable Farmers in Hong Kong's New Territories', Capital, Saving and Credit in Peasant Societies, Studies from Asia, Oceania, the Caribbean, and Middle America, R. Firth and B. S. Yamey, eds, (London, George Allen and Unwin). TREGEAR, T. R. and L. BERRY 1959 The Development of Hongkong and Kowloon as told in maps, (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press). VAILLANT, L. 1920 'Contribution à l'étude anthropologique des chinois Hak-ka de la province de Moncay (Tonking)', L'Anthropologie, Vol. 30. WILLMOTT, W. E. 1964 'Chinese Clan Associations in Vancouver, Man, Vol. lxiv. YANG, C. K. 1959 A Chinese Village in Early Communist Transition, (Cambridge, Mass, The Technology Press). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 102 JAMES HAYES 2 This figure is given in the table at p. 145 in Sessional Papers, i.e. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, for 1906 (Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., Government Printers) included in "New Territories: Land Court, Report on Work from 1900 to 1905". The figure is for all private lots demarcated, and includes house lots as well as agricultural land. 3 Colony Census of 1911 in Sessional Papers 1911, pp. 103 (22, 26 and 37-38). 4 See Extracts from a Report by Mr. Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong in The Hong Kong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899 at p. 541. Also Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JHKBRAS), Vol. 3 (1963), pp. 144-145 and Vol. 4 (1964), pp. 146-150. 5 This information is based on my own extensive enquiries in the Hong Kong region. They corroborate the usual accounts given in many books, among them E. T. Williams, China Yesterday and Today (London etc., Harrap & Co., 1923) pp. 118-136, Chapter VI, "The Village Republic" and E. T. C. Werner, China of the Chinese (London, Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1920), pp. 161-165, "Local Government”. 6 See p. 12 and notes 15-17 of my "The Settlement and Development of a Multiple-Clan Village" (Shek Pik on Lantau Island) in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories (Hong Kong, Hong Kong Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, n.d. but 1965), 7 See also my note "Village Credit at Shek Pik, 1879-1895" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, No. 5 (1965), pp. 119-122, for interest rates of 50% of principal per annum, simple interest, from a money loaning Tong in the same area. This Tong's varied means of doing business are paralleled in the surviving papers showing Cheung Kwong-chuen's agreements with local farmers, * See Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368-1911 (New York, Columbia University Press, 1962), pp. 33-38, "It would not be an exaggeration to say that in Ch'ing times practically anybody who could afford a little over 100 taels could obtain the chien-sheng title and the right to wear the scholar's gown and cap", p. 34. * For more details of the area see my article "A Mixed Community of Cantonese and Hakka on Lantau Island" in Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, cited at note 6 above. 10 His name heads the list of twenty-six persons who presented a commemorative red and gilt board on the occasion of the last major repair to the Tin Hau temple at Ham Tin, Pui O dated the equivalent of 15 January 13 February 1915. 11 For a brief account of this village see the article referred to in note 6 above. 12 The Census of 1911 lists 5,694 Cantonese and only 944 Hakka out of an estimated land population of 6,710. See Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103 (22). I have my suspicions about the Hakka figure but have not yet counter-checked by other means. For alleged Cantonese domination see inter alia K. M. A. Barnett, "The Peoples of the New Territories" in J. M. Braga (ed) The Hong Kong Business Symposium (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 1957), pp. 261-265, and G. N. Orme's "Report on the New Territories 1899-1912" in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 44 where he says that the imposition of British rule led to the freeing of the neighbours of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g LAND AND LEADERSHIP IN THE H.K. REGION OF KWANGTUNG 103 many Punti villages from "squeezes" formerly levied on them, "especially the Hakkas". 13 The market town of Tai O had a land population of 2,248 and a boat population of at least several thousands, many of whom lived in mat-huts over the water and were therefore part of the settled population. Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103 (26 and 38). The Hong Kong Government's Administrative Reports for 1911, District Officer South, mentions 221 mat-shed permits in respect of pile huts in Tai O Creek. There were said to be 8 schools in Tai O or district at a New Territories School Census in April 1912, with an average attendance of 21. See Appendix G to Orme's Report in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 63. 14 See for instance Hugh D. R. Baker, "The Five Great Clans of the New Territories" in JHKBRAS, Vol. 6 (1966), pp. 25-47 and his references at his note 9 to Sung Hok-pang's prewar articles in The Hong Kong Naturalist. 15 The schedules of ownership attached to the Block Crown Leases for 1898 New Territories' villages show this general pattern of peasant ownership very clearly. They are kept in the District Offices of the New Territories Administration. 16 A hint of the strength of superstition at this time is given by Orme, op. cit., paras. 97-98, 17 They held, in addition, a considerable number of mortgages from Shek Pik people. Those recorded in the 1904 Block Crown Leases for the Shek Pik Valley may well be less in number than in 1899 because, in the intervening years, it was reported that mortgagors were making great efforts to recover unencumbered ownership, e.g., Sessional Papers 1902, Mr. Stewart Lockhart's 'Report on the New Territory for the Year 1901' p. 4. It is not entirely clear from the context whether this was a general reaction or limited only to New Kowloon, 18 Hong Kong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899, p. 546 under the heading ‘Local Government in the Villages'. The information about there usually being four Tung in any administrative district comes from the former magistrate mentioned in the same paragraph of the text. He was in charge of ## and ✯✯ in Hupeh for part of the first decade of this century. Where no sources are cited, the text is based on information obtained from old inhabitants, some of whom knew Cheung Kwong-chuen and Kung Fong-tsai personally, and from documents in Chinese relating to the land and money transactions of these two men and those of the third, Chan Fu-shing, that have been made available to me through the kindness of their present owners to whom I am much indebted for their courtesy and cooperation. I am also grateful for help with translation, especially to Mr. Chan Kwun-ngok, and for the ready help of many Lantau residents with my enquiries, Addition to Note 8. The quotation in the text comes from Professor Ho's "The Examination System and Social Mobility in China, 1368-1911", Proceedings of the 1959 Annual Spring Meeting of the American Ethnological Society, pp. 60-65. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 140 LIN SHU-YEN shallow canals, or small reservoir ponds, communicating with the sea of the bay at high tide. As shown in figure 1, the leaching vat (V) is constructed near the centre of the saline with the concentrating fields (C1-C6) situated on both sides, and the storage tanks (S) and the drying or crystalizing ponds (D1-D6) on the front side. L R せ R R R R D1 P2 P3 .| મ Figure 1. Diagram showing the arrangement of the different parts of a saline in which the salt is prepared by the leaching method. + C1-C concentration fields; D-D6 crystalization ponds; R, reservoirs for sea-water connected by a channel to the sea; S, brine storage tanks; V, sarthern vat for leaching; HC, canal leading brine into the crytalization ponds; LC, canal leading brine back from the crytalization ponds to the two storage tanks; PSS, soil impregnated with salt; T, trough into which the concentrated brine is bailed from the two storage tanks. In the preparation of the salt the surface soil of the concentrating fields, to the depth of about 1½ inches, is loosened by a man-driven harrow (figure 2) and then sprinkled with sea-water from the canals (figure 1, R), once or twice a day. The harrowing ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g SALT MANUFACTURE IN HONG KONG 143 When the brine in the ponds is completely dry, a coating of salt is deposited on the bottom, which is scraped into piles by means of a wooden scraper, one side of which is sharpened to facilitate thorough scraping, and is then carried to the company for sale. The leached soil in the vat, after the sea-water has percolated through and washed out the salt, is then carried back into the field; any clods are pulverised, and the fine soil is spread out to be re-impregnated with salt. II. THE ORDINARY SOLAR PROCESS. This method has only recently been introduced into Tai O when the farmers from Swabue were first engaged by the salt companies.* The process differs from the method described above in that, instead of impregnating the soil with salt and leaching it to obtain a saturated brine, a series of concentrating ponds are constructed for the same purpose. The basins are constructed adjoining the Tai O bay and are divided into several small ponds by low ridges of mud of about 8 to 10 inches in height. In order to establish a condition under which the sea-water from one pond may flow into the other by gravity, the ponds are not on the same level, one being about 2 to 3 inches higher than the other next to it, and one end being also higher than the other end of the same pond, so that brine may be run from the first to the last continuously by gravity. They are arranged in groups with five ponds in each, Figure 4. Four ponds of each unit group are used for concentrating the brine, and the last is for drying or crystallization. All the ponds must be levelled, cleaned, and hardened by rolling with a heavy stone-roller; the crystallization ponds, however, are paved with small pebbles and lime and then hardened by rolling with the heavy stone-roller. This layer of smooth pebbles prevents the admixture of the sand, or mud, with the salt. Large reservoir ponds, like the ordinary fish-ponds, or simply narrow canals varying from several inches to two or three feet in depth, are constructed in the space between the basins and the enclosing dyke, or between the various groups of the basins. Sea-water from the bay is first admitted to the reservoir-ponds through canals communicating with the bay at high tide. *But see Rev. Mr Krone's article in this number of the Journal at p. 199. Ed. Page 150 Page 151 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g NOTES AND QUERIES 153 Long before the arrival of the Europeans in south China (1514) the Chinese were manufacturing cannon. Examples of them, some bearing fourteenth century dates, may be seen in museums in north China. The earliest one known, bearing a date equivalent to 1332, is housed in the Historical Museum in Peking. For an illustration see my short article in ISIS55(no.180), June 1964, pp. 193-4. At the beginning of the sixteenth century a new type appears, apparently introduced from Java or Cochin-China. It is known in Chinese literature as fo-lang-chi (or Farangi-Franks), the name applied slightly later to the Portuguese. This type is remarked as early as 1510. (Cf. Pelliot in T'oung Pao, 1948, pp. 199-207.) In the struggles against the Japanese and other pirates who infested the coast during the Chia-ching reign (1522-66) these cannon were frequently put to use not only on land but also at sea. (See Chao Shih-chen, Shen-ch'i p'u i, published 1598. Chao knew what he was writing about, as he was a drafter in the Grand Secretariat at the court in Peking, concerned with military defense, and is said to have manufactured some firearms himself.) Ming dynasty illustrations of war vessels sometimes show cannon mounted on deck. (See Mao Yüan-i, Wu-pei chih, published 1621, chüan 117. Mao was an expert on military affairs, and saw service both in Liao-ning and Fukien.) In the effort to repel the Manchu invaders in the north the Ming court sought the aid of both the Spanish and the Portuguese. Huang K'o-tsuan, for example, reports that when he was serving in the ministry of war (up to 1619) he recruited people from Luzon who could manufacture cannon; they made twenty-eight pieces, which he sent up to the northeast frontier in Manchuria. These must have been formidable (or Huang was trying to impress his superiors) for one cannon is said to have weighed over three thousand catties, and a shot could dispose of some seven hundred barbarians! (Ming shih-lu, Hsi-tsung, 4/29b. I owe this reference to Dr. Ray Huang, visiting professor at Columbia University.)5 * The importation of cannon and cannoneers from Macao about this same time is well known. In 1621 the well-known Christian convert and high official Hsü Kuang-ch'i ordered a shipment sent up to Peking, and a year later he recommended that the Jesuit fathers, Nicolo Longobardi and Manuel Diaz, proceed to Macao to purchase ten cannon and a few soldiers to operate them. In ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 154 NOTES AND QUERIES 1626 the Manchus were stopped in their tracks at Ning-yüan by the foreign artillery. But this setback was not to last very long. They saw the usefulness of these weapons and set about casting some themselves. These proved effective in the conquest of the northern frontier (1643-44) and in the years to follow as their armies plunged on down across both the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers to Kwangtung and Kweichow. Columbia University L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH NOTES 1 In this I have consulted Mr. C. N. Tay of the American Museum of Numismatics, New York City. 2 The inscription on the cannon is given below. This cannon was found lying on open ground in the Tsiu Keng sub-district in the northern part of the New Territories. It was reported by Mr. R. E. dos Remedios, Senior Land Assistant in the District Office, Taipo in August 1966. The cannon was completely exposed and must have been in this condition for a long time. It is not clear how it came to be there. * This cannon, which was mentioned in passing in the note on the Tung Chung Fort, at p. 148 of Vol. 4 of the Journal (1964), was dredged from the sea in 1956, either from Kowloon Bay in the course of work on the extension to Hong Kong airport or from Fat Tong Mun (otherwise called Joss House Bay) in the approaches to Hong Kong Harbour—sources differ. It is now mounted with a plaque in Chinese and English outside the Central Government Offices (East Wing), Hong Kong. It was heavier than the one recently discovered; 300 catties as compared with 300 catties. The Chinese inscription, which is much the same, is also given below. 4 An insight into the happenings of these troubled times is preserved in the family record of the Tsui (徐) clan formerly of Shek Pik on Lantau island, to which their ancestor had removed in the 16th Century. The family came from Mong Ngau Tun (望牛墩) in Tung Kwun district (東莞) where they had settled in the Sung dynasty from Kiangsi province. There was fighting in Tung Kwun against the Manchus after their success in the North. The record which gives no precise date for this occurrence, though it must have been within a few years of the change of dynasty in 1644 — reads — Sau Yeung-kap, a civil officer, and Li Shing-tung, a general, instigated an uprising against the new dynasty in Tung Kwun. As the revolt gathered momentum, oxen and horses were killed for food, and rice and corn became as expensive as pearls. For miles, one could see nothing animate; the fields were covered with dead bodies. In some places, human flesh was eaten by the starving people, and piles of human bones filled the ruined houses. A detachment of the Manchu army was sent to besiege the district city, then occupied by the rebels. In the conflict that ensued, human beings were massacred as though they were ants, and law-abiding people and bad characters alike were destroyed. Fortunately, our clansmen, then living at Mong Ngau Tun, escaped this calamity. However, many of our former neighbours and fellow-natives in Ming Ka Lane lost their lives and [as the record says in another place] all the dispensations of the previous dynasty were regarded as scrap paper. (I am grateful to Mr. Gilbert Louie for this translation. Ed) Readers will note that Li Shing-tung (Li Ch'eng-tung) is mentioned in Prof. LO Hsiang-lin's Additional Note where he is described as Governor of Kwangtung. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g NOTES AND QUERIES 157 island of Hainan). An account of the historical episode mentioned above is given in Yang Lu-yung *, San-fan Chi-shih Pên-mo *, Chüan 3, The entry on the Southern Expedition of the Imperial Army; and in Wan Jui-lin *, Nan-chiang Yi-shih 40#, Chüan 4 (A brief account of the history of the Kwangtung Province), the Prince Yung Ming, Part One (edited by Li Yao 李瑤). As the date of construction of this cannon was 26th September, 1650, it must have been cast for the express purpose of fighting the Ch'ing army during the siege of Canton. FAN, REGIONAL COMMANDER OF GUARDIAN OF THE IMPERIAL HEIR(?) KWANGTUNG AND Fan's full name was Fan Ch'êng-ên ✯✯&. He was the traitor who conspired with the Ch'ing army during the siege of Canton. He caused the leakage in the embankments so that the Ch'ing army was able to land by stepping on floating logs and eventually took over the forts at Canton. When Shang K'o-hsi entered the city of Canton, Fan went up to surrender to him. See Yang Lu-yung, op. cit. and Wan Jui-lin, op. cit. WU, SUPERINTENDENT OF INLAND SEAS, CHIEF MILITARY COMMISSIONER, INSTALLED(?) AS TING-HAI GENERAL. Wu may be a mistranscription of hsi, which together with yin Ep, signify the official credentials. In my opinion these titles of Superintendent of Inland Seas, Chief Military Commissioner installed as Ting-hai General do not refer to any particular person but were given to the cannon itself. It was the custom in the Ming dynasty to confer the title of 'ta chiang-chün' (the great general) on a new type of cannon called the fo-lang-chi (Franks) which the Chinese had learnt to manufacture in the sixteenth century. (See Chang Ting-yu 張廷玉, Ming Shih 明史, Chüan 92, military affairs, section 4). This tradition persisted in the Ch'ing dynasty and the fo-lang-chi type of cannon was invariably called 'The great general'. (See Ch'ing Wên-hsien T'ung-kao 清文獻通考, Chüan 194, military affairs, section 16.) This cannon constructed by Tu must have been cast according to the fo-lang-chi type. It is natural therefore that this cannon would have been conferred with the titles mentioned in the inscription. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 166 NOTES AND QUERIES held office for many years on the main advisory bodies representing the Chinese community in the Colony, including the District Watchmen's Committee, the Tung Wah Hospital Committee, the Chinese Public Dispensaries Committee and the Po Leung Kuk.15 Sir Show-son CHOW's son, Mr. CHOW Yat-kwong, J.P. has kindly given permission for members to visit the house in the New Village which contains the family's ancestral hall, III. THE Hung Shing Temple And AP LEI CHAU The Hung Shing Temple, The Hung Shing Temple at Ap Lei Chau, judging by the temple bell, dates from the 18th century.16 It appears to have been enlarged in 1847 and some wall-tablets show that it was given a major repair in 1888. The present building dates from that time or earlier. Its origin is uncertain because it is not clear who built it in the first instance. Records show that the Ap Li Chau land population was "no more than two or three families of Hakka grass cutters" before 1841, so that we must look elsewhere for the builders. It could have only been built and supported by the joint efforts of the local (i.e. Aberdeen) land people and boat population. The former only amounted to a few hundreds before the British came, but the boat population was probably as considerable before 1841 as after, e.g. 415 boats and 2,243 persons at the 1856 census18 and 424 boats and 4,130 persons in 1866.19 The temple is interesting in that it has old-style flagpoles still standing in front of the building. Old prints frequently show this kind of pole; but though a few bases can still be seen nowadays in Hong Kong, Macau and the New Territories these could be the only ones left with the poles and their basket-like tops still in place. Ap Lei Chau before 1911. The present land settlement on Ap Lei Chau was founded in the early decades of British rule. By the mid-1860's there were 60 houses there, which implies that several hundred residents were living on the island at that time.20 By 1897 the number of residents was 1,123 rising to 1,437 at the Colony Census of 1911.21 This population gained its livelihood to a great extent from concerns directly associated with the fishing industry, such as boat-building yards, ship chandlers and rope and sail works, and from provision shops and general stores that also catered for the fishermen's daily needs.22 There was very ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g NOTES AND QUERIES 169 NOTES I am most grateful to Mr. Yuen Chun-fang, Liaison Officer, Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for help with the interviews which yielded part of the information given above. 1 Reports on the Past and Present State of Her Majesty's Colonial Possessions, 1845 (London, W. Clowes & Sons, for H.M.S.O., 1846) p. 147 and the same for 1846, p. 230. 2 G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong, Birth Adolescence and Coming of Age (Oxford, University Press, 1937) p. 208, quoting from the Canton Press, February 1842. 3 Sayer, p. 91. 4 Sayer, p. 30. 5 A. R. Johnston (H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade) "Note on the Island of Hong Kong" first published in the London Geographical Journal Vol. XIV, and reprinted in the Hong Kong Almanack and Directory for 1846. 6 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 28 March 1857 p. 4, Table No. 4. 7 The Last Year in China......by a Field Officer actually employed in that Country. 2nd edition (London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1843) p. 75. 8 K. S. MacKenzie, Narrative of the Second Campaign in China (London, R. Bentley, 1842) p. 160. 9 See Hong Kong Administrative Reports for 1934, 1935 and 1936 at pp. Q.86, Q.84 and Q.81 respectively. 10 This information, like any other for which no specific source is quoted, comes from Mr. CHOW Chik-san of Kau Wai, aged 77 and Madam CHAN CHOW Ping of San Wai, aged 81. 11 Rev. W. Lobscheidt, A Few Notices on the Extent of Chinese Education and the Government Schools of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, China Mail office, 1859). 12 See Summary of Report of Squatters Commission 1891-1906, pp. 97-103. This volume of MSS. is kept in the Library, Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. 13 For accounts of Cantonese and Hakka see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (Hong Kong etc., Kelly and Walsh Ltd., 4th edition, 1903) pp. 202, 211 and 323-326. 14 LO Hsiang-lin and others, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842 (Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963) pp. 80-88. This is the English translation of the text, but not the notes, of their work published in Hong Kong in 1959. 15 This information is taken from the accounts given at p. 5 of Prof. Woo Sing-lim's The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, The Five Continents Book Co., 26th year of the Chinese Republic, 1937) published in Chinese and English and at pp. 578-579, under the name CHOW Cheong-ling, of Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent and Progressive Chinese at Home and Abroad, published in London, Shanghai etc. by The Globe Encyclopedia Company, 1917. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 170 NOTES AND QUERIES 16 This bell is dated in the autumn of Chien Lung year (1773). 17 Summary of Report of the Squatters Commission, p. 115. The same man said (p. 122) that Ap Lei Chau 'was built about 1850'. 18 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 28 March 1857 p. 4, Table No. 3. 19 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 1867 p. 92, Table No. 7. 20 Mayers, Dennys and King. The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (London, Trubner and Co., 1867) p. 49. 21 Hong Kong Sessional Papers, i.e. Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, for 1897 and 1911, pp. 484 and 103(23) respectively. 22 Mayers, Dennys and King, p. 49 mention 'boat-building and general trade'. See also information given in the printed proceedings of a court case over ownership of land on Ap Lei Chau given in Sessional Papers August 1886 - September 1887 (Appendix to Report from the Land Court of 1886-87), pp. 33-35. 23 For another example see my article on Cheung Chau (an island near Hong Kong that together with the rest of the New Territories was leased to Great Britain by the Convention of Peking, 1898) in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 3 (1963), especially pp. 95-98. 24 Sessional Papers 1911 and 1897 at the pp. quoted at note 21 above. 25 See also the article referred to at note 23 above. 26 This and the previous paragraph are based on the oral statements of three Ap Lei Chau elders born 1887, 1891 and 1897 who had belonged to the three Fongs. Their evidence helps to interpret and confirm the evidence given before the Squatter Board during a hearing to determine ownership of the Hung Shing temple in 1893. See Summary of Report of the Squatters Commission, pp. 120-141. Footnote: It is clear from re-reading Sayer, pp. 22-23, that the Hung Shing temple was originally on a small island that was later, and before Sayer wrote in 1937, joined by reclamation to its larger neighbour Ap Lei Chau. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 176 BOOK REVIEWS population is involved in all this and its relationship to the institutional life of the society. There are a few useful pieces on such matters however. A section worth mentioning here is on the city gods who are second only in importance on the island to the goddess Ma Tsu. The section includes a detailed description of the temple to the city god in Hsinchu, It appears that before the Ch'ing dynasty set up official law and order in Taiwan the need for public control in the early days of immigration was met largely by the city gods and their temples. In some cases temple attendants became the administrators of local justice and a group of bone-healers (associated with the temples?) the police force. Their shops in Taiwan, says the author, still display swords and helmets associated with their former role. Mandarin officials sent by the Ch'ing court in Peking had first to report to the city god temple and ask permission for any changes in local administration, and this went on until the Japanese curtailed the activity during their administration. Not only did the city gods "take the place of the Imperial government" in the early days, but "each were given titles and enfeoffed (sic) with their territories" (p. 58). The resident in Hong Kong might be interested particularly in a section on Ma Tsu, who has assumed something of the status of patron saint in Taiwan. Ma Tsu, in fact, is none other than T'in Hau, "Goddess of Heaven" who is so important here to the boat population. The author gives us various legends of her origin which are popular in Taiwan and show us why she should have such importance for sea-faring folk (interestingly enough T'in Hau is similarly known as Ma Tsu in Macau and some believe Macau is in fact named after her). It is also interesting to note that those seven "fairies" known as the Seven Sisters in Hong Kong and worshipped by girls looking for husbands appear in Taiwan as the Seven Old Maids, with a particular role in care of children. It is my impression that this book is probably written more with the interests of the foreign visitor or new foreign resident to Taiwan in mind, and perhaps those also of people working in Christian missions on the island. However, even if not directed especially to the research worker or resident elsewhere, there is much in this account to repay study by them. Hong Kong, 1967. MARJORIE TOPLEY ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 182 BOOK REVIEWS Weddell's foray at the Bocca Tigris in 1637 until the exchange of ratifications of the Treaty of Nanking between Ch'i-ying and Pottinger on the newly ceded island of Hong Kong in June 1843. In this short book of 232 pages the author has mainly confined himself to retelling the part played by British subjects in the growth of foreign trade at Canton and the events which finally led to the cession of Hong Kong. He emphasizes the major role played by Macao in these events but without providing much information of interest not already known. Even the picturesque details of life in Macao which one might expect from Mr. Coates' known ability as a descriptive writer are few and far between. In the main this is a simple account of how the British eventually gained Hong Kong, and in telling this story the author has traversed, in a brief space, the same ground that was covered by H. B. Morse in five volumes. The information is so compressed that one wonders whom the author had in mind when writing this book. Two hundred eventful years for which a mass of original documents in Chinese, Portuguese and English exist cannot satisfactorily be cut down to fit such a slim volume. Moreover, the author has resolutely made no concessions to scholarly readers, since the book contains almost no footnotes and no references to support the author's statements and judgments, and no details of the documentary sources from which quotations have been made. The style of the writing may give some clue to the public for whom this book was designed; it is one of ‘imaginative reconstruction' based on the author's own sensibility rather than on thorough historical research and evidence supported by exact references. For instance, describing a Chinese official who could speak Portuguese he writes: "No description of this one survives, yet we see him clearly. He is obviously Chinese, yet his youthful association with foreigners has changed something of his expression.... We cannot help being amused by his subtle understanding of his own people's weaknesses and shortcomings.” (p.9) This method is admirable in an historical novel but is out of place in what purports to be a factual account. At times the style tends to be rather arch, as though the author felt it necessary to sugar-coat his narrative in order to make it acceptable to the weaker students. The following examples show the kind of tricks he employs: "But Weddell, a weather-beaten sea dog as tough as they come, was not a man to be taken in by a civil service answer" (p.5). "Let us ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g BOOK REVIEWS 183 again draw back the curtain and look at what lay concealed behind it" (p.11). “At this point we must take another look behind the scenes" (p.29). On Anson's seizure of the Spanish galleon bringing treasure from Acapulco to Manila he writes that "to the weird, unreal mandarinate of China it appeared horrific". "Weird' and 'unreal' to whom? To the English at that time, or to the Chinese people, or to the author alone? There is no evidence on which to base these epithets. They have meaning only in the author's own mind. On the same page he writes of the "dastardly" opinion which the Chinese were forming of Anson, But dastardly from whose point of view? Who is justified in calling it dastardly? Next an example of the author's jocular style: "The failure of the Amherst embassy and we enter the final straight". Finally an example of the author's oracular style: “A sense that there was no turning back seeped into the till then strangely changeless atmosphere, and in the extraordinary way in which one thing led to another, both in England and China, soon practically nothing was the same.” It would be tedious to challenge the author on the many dubious statements and judgments which mar this book - it would also require a very long review. But any reader with an enquiring mind and a regard for historical accuracy will constantly find himself irritated into asking "Where is the evidence for this statement?" In some places the author is simply inaccurate. Thus, in one of his rare footnotes, he states: "Governors usually, but not always, ruled two provinces, in this case Kwangtung and Kwangsi, the Eastern and Western Kwangs; thus the Governor of the Two Kwangs". In fact there was a Governor-General (tsung-tu) for the two Kwangs and a Governor (hsün-fu) for each province. This is an elementary mistake which a knowledge of the Chinese sources would have corrected. Similarly, a greater familiarity with the Chinese scene would have saved him from writing "the Summer Palace in the Western Hills near Peking", when in fact it lies in the plain between Peking and the Western Hills. Also in the brief chapter on Lord Macartney's embassy to China he mentions that Macartney "presented to the Grand Secretary a short memorandum of the points he was authorized to raise. But which Grand Secretary? There were six members of the Grand Secretariat when Macartney was in Peking in 1793. Clearly he means Ho-shen, the favourite minister of the Emperor Ch'ien- ++ ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 189 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY SOC HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* 183 Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England Canada, J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12. LAWRY, R. E., O.B.E. F.R.G.S.* 36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England. Members: ABRAHAM, R. D.* ADDIS, W. S. AIDE-DE-CAMP, The ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. ARTHUR, H. R. ARMERDING, L. E.* ASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. BADAMS, P. W. M. BAKER, Mrs. F. H. BAKER, Dr. H. D. R. BAKER, W. E. BARD, Dr. S. M. BARNETT, K. M. A. BARR, Miss E. BARRY, Comdr. R. S. Bashall, Mrs. C. G. BASTO, G. de BENANZIO, Dr. Mario 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. Government House, Garden Road, H.K. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. 426 La Grande Avenue, Fanwood, New Jersey, U.S.A. 7 Peak Pavilions, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, H.K. (Trustee) Ltd. Shell House, 6th floor, H.K. U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, England. c/o The H.K. Electric Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 915, H.K. Hong Kong University, Pokfulum. H.K. P. O. Box 248, H.K. 78 Robinson Road, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K. 5 Middle Gap Road, The Peak, H.K. 189 Ampang Road, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 190 BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. - Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., H.K. BENIANS, S. M. BENNETT, Frank C., Jr. - BENT, Miss Dora BERNADETTE, Sister Maura BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.* BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. BLUE, A. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, J. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. + BREGMAN, R. U. BRIGGS, G. G. - + + + - + BRITTON, Mrs. N. M. BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BROWN, Miss B. BROWNE, H. J. C. BRUCE, Robert BUNGER, Dr. Karl + + - - - c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. c/o United States Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Road, H.K. The Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon, Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. Chief Engineer, M.V. "World Yuri", World Wide (Shipping) Ltd., c/o Cornes & Co., C.P.O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan, c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. Flat 4-B, 3 University Drive, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. Dept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ., East Lansing, Michigan 48824, U.S.A. P. O. Box 951, H.K. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. University Surgical Unit, Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. 6 Peel Rise, The Peak, H.K. Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, L254 Kwun Tong, Kowloon. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. Consul General, Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1, Duddell Street, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 191 BURTON, Miss Jill V. - BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. - BYRNE, D. J. - CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. - CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CARLSON, Miss R. E. CATER, J. - CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Alfred T. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam CHAN, Leonard CHAU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin* CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Ching-Ho + CHEN, Yih CHENG, Dr. Irene - CHENG, T. C. CHEUNG, Oswald CHING, Henry CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHOW, Edward T. CLARK, Mrs. A. T. CLARK, Mrs. E. E. CLARK, Mrs. P. M. COLLINS, Mrs. D. A. COMAN, Miss A. A. COMBER, Leon T + + - + + - 807 The Hermitage, MacDonnell Road, H.K. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. P. O. Box 981, Nassau, Bahamas. Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. Room 315 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 4, Mansfield Road, Flat 13, 6/F., H.K. 3 Peak Pavilions, Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Coronet Court, 14/F "H", North Point, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon. c/o Pfizer Eastern Corporation, G.P.O. Box 2513, Bangkok, Thailand. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. Dept. of Geography, United College, 9 Bonham Road, H.K. New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, N.K.I.L. No. 4405, San Po Kong, Kowloon. United College, Bonham Road, H.K. Room 703, Prince's Building, H.K. 9 Village Road, 1st floor, H.K. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3, Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. 13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K. Tytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, The University, H.K. 53 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. K.P.O. Box 6068, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 192 COOKE, Miss M. B. CORBALLY, E, COSTANTINI, G* COWPERTHWAITE, Mrs, S. M. CREMA, Mario - CRONE, Dr. D. L. CUMINE, E. CUMMING, M. S. DAIKO, P. DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. - + DAVIS, Dr. S. G. H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, Kwun Tong L254, Kwun Tong, Kowloon, c/o Central Magistracy, Albert Road, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 45 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. Flat 2B, 1 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 14, Embassy Court, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. P. O. Box 201, H.K. Government Ophthalmic Centre, Arran St., Mongkok, Kowloon, c/o P. O. Box 5096, Kowloon. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. DAWSON, Prof. John L. M. Dept of Philosophy & Psychology, The DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. DENNEY, Miss D. R. DJOU, G. G. DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* • DRAKEFORD, L. S. - DRURY, Miss Kathleen - DUNCANSON, J. D.* DWYER, Prof. D. J. EDWARDS, O. P. - EITZEN, Mrs. J. ENDACOTT, G. B. - - EUSTACE, Col. F. A. - - ► + - • University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. Officers Mess, R.A.F. Kai Tak, Kowloon. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd., 12-14 Queen's Road, Central, H.K 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 12+ Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Road, H.K. 26 Leinster Mews, London W.2, England, Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Robert Black College, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g EVANS, D. M. E. - EVANS, P. J. - EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVISON, Rev. Frank · EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* FESSLER, Loren FISCHER, Mrs. Ingrid FISCHER, W. D. - FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, A. J. FLETCHER, Mrs. C. M. FLETCHER, W. E. L. FOERSTER, E. J. - FOORD, Dr. Roy D. FREEDMAN, Prof. M. · FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan" GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. - GASS, Hon. M. D. Irving GEORGE, T. J. B. - GIBB, Hugh· - + - · - - Flat 4C, 3 University Drive, H.K. Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 193 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. 4, Epworth Lodge, 51 Barker Road, H.K. 13, Rodmarton Street, London, W.1, England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. East Asian Research Center, 1737 Cambridge St., Cambridge, Mass. 02138, U.S.A. P.O. Box 1416, H.K. As above. Education Dept, (H.K. Sub-Off.), Fung House, H.K. 143D Road 4, Dhanmundi, Dacca, East Pakistan, 8, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 2 "Friston", 15, Old Peak Road, H.K. As above. c/o P. O. Box 25. H.K. 48, The Rutts, Bushey Heath Hertfordshire, England. 187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England. c/o Hang Tai & Fung Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K. Bank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland. c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. Victoria House, H.K. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England. Lakeside Building, Causeway Bay, Flat C, 3/F., H.K. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 194 GIEDROYC, M. J. H.* GILKES, D. A. GIMSON, C. H. GLASS, Miss M. A. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODBODY, D. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England. 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o P.W.D. Hq., 4th Floor, Main Wing, Central Government Offices Building, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. "Crossways", 49 Christchurch Road, Sidcup, Kent, England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, Head Office, H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. GORDON, The Hon. S. S.* Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. GRANSDEN, J. H. GRANT, I. F. H. GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. GRAY, Miss Audrey M. GREGORY, Prof. W. G. GRIFFITHS-OWEN, Miss M. GUILLAUME, Baron P. HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. HALE, Richard E. HALL, Miss Joyce de Dept. of Modern Languages, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. 9A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Rd., H.K. Dept. of Architecture, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. D-12, Bay Court, Repulse Bay, H.K. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. New Territories Health Office, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon. The Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P. O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HANSON, Miss Katherine Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle St., Kowloon. HARDEN, Mrs. Guy T. Jr.* 15 Shek-O, H.K. HARRISON, Prof. B. Dept. of History, The University, H.K. HAYDON, E. S. The Supreme Court, H.K. HAYES, J. W. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 195 HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HEANEY, Robert S. HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Seven-oaks, Kent, England, Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., USA. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o P. O. Box 70, H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. Hồ, Mrs. Hưng Chịu HO, Teh-Kuci HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Dr. Walter HOGAN, Sir M. Kt. HOLMAN, J. P. HOLMES, Hon, D. R. HONG, Sheng-Hwa HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Eric Edward HOWARD, W. J.* HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. HOWORTH, J. F. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung Pei HUI, Miss Wai-haan CIECD Engineering Consulting Group, P.O. Box 23, Taipei, Taiwan. Room 606, Gloucester Building, H.K. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lake Side Building, 2nd Floor B, 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. 15A Vivian Court, Mt. Kellett, Peak, H.K. Commerce and Industry Dept. Fire Brigade Bldg., H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. Peninsula Court, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282, H.K. D-1, "On Lee", 2 Mount Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. P. O. Box 70. H.K. c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g HUGHES, G. M. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. HULL, G. B. G. HUNG, C. S. HURT, Miss E. J. - - - + HUTCHISON, Miss P. M. HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. INGRAM, Miss P. • IRETON, Mrs. Polly Hogue* IU, Miss S.* JACKSON, R. N. JAMES, Miss S. C. JAO, Tsung-i - JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JOHNSTON, James J. - JONES, Dr. J. R.* - KEATLEY, R. L. KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. KESWICK, Henry KESWICK, S. L. KEYES, M. P. + KHAN, Dr. L. A. - L + - KIDD, S. T. KINOSHITA, James H. - American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Building, H.K. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. 49 Beach Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. 4B, Headland Road, H.K. 601, The Hermitage, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. 176 The Avenue, Lowestoft South, Suffolk, England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 95 Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K. 10, Peak Road, H.K. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. The Registry, The University, H.K. D-12, Bay Court, 127 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. 2 Stafford Road, Kowloon, United States Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 3, Abermer Court, May Road, H.K. Apt. 4-B, 41-C Conduit Road, H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. 7B Lincoln Court, Tai Hang Road, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. As above. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 1, Wing Ying Mansion, 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 197 KLEIN, Prof. Leonard - - Flat C, 4/F, 70 Conduit Road, H.K. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. KNIGHTLY, F. J. + KNOWLES, Miss Moira G. - Training & Examinations Unit, Electric House, 22A Ice House Street, H.K. KNOWLES, Dr. W. C. G.* - Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England, KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* As above. KOCH, Mrs. Renate B. c/o American Embassy, Djakarta, Indonesia. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. Gemeindestrasse 21, 8032 Zurich, Switzerland. KURATA, Mrs. L. C. 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada, KVAN, Rev. Erik* Dept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. KWOK, Robert Chin-kung. Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. KWOK, Walter 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. LAI, T. C.* The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. LAM, Yung-fai c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. - + - LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. 4 Fung Shui, 50 Plantation Road, H.K. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland. LAU, Michael Wai-mai Fung Ping Shan Museum, The University, H.K. LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. LECKIE, J. B. H. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britainia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4. Belgium. LEE, Din-yi United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. LEE, J. S.* 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. LEE, Hon. R. C.* Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. LETHBRIDGE, H. J. c/o Dept. of Economics, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. LEUNG, Pak-kui 44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K. LEVIN, Burton c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. + + + * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 198 LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi LINDSAY, T. J.* LIU, D. H. LIU, Sydney C. - + LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOCKING, J. R. - LOCKS, Miss A. M. - LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, Francis B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S.- LUM, Miss Ada* LUPTON, G. C. M. MA, Meng MACCABE, Miss Eileen MACGREGOR, Miss M. MACK, A. M. - MACKEITH, J. S. MACKENZIE, J. . - - The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon, 3. Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W. c/o U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 22 Tai Hang Road, 3rd fl., H.K. Dept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K, Flat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. 176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. G J King's Park Kowloon. + - - MACKENZIE, Miss Susan MAGEE, M. W. P. MCBAIN, E. B. MCBAIN, G. G House, Gascoigne Road, 69, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.I., England. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 199 MCCABE, Donald C. - MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. - MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* MCDOUALL, J. C.* MCELNEY, B. S. - New Asia College Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon, Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. 13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. MCFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J. St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. MCLEVIE, J. G. Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MADING, Dr. Klaus c/o German Consulate General, P.O. Box 250, H.K. MANEELY, R. B. Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. P. O. Box 104, Macau, MAXWELL, D. P. F. Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. MAYNARD, Prof. David M. Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. MEFFAN, Mrs. N. I. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O.* c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. MILBURN, K. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. MILLER, A. C.* Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon. MILLER, C. F. O.* c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 200 MILTON, Mrs. Norma J. Flat 51, Dina House, Duddell St., H.K. MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. Olav. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. NEILD, Mrs. Christine NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. H. NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, Prof. John J. NORONHA, J. E. P OLIPHANT, R. G. L. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PEARSON, Miss E. F. PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. R. J. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N. PLAG, Rev. A. POLAND, T. D. POLDY, Mrs. K. PORDES, F. A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Insurance Department), H.K. 12-1, Manson House, Nathan Rd., Kowloon. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Shipping Accounts Dept.) H.K. 148, King Henry's Road, Swiss Cottage, London N.W.3, England. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University of Maine, Orono, Maine. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, HK. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. 21 South Bay Road, Ground Floor, Repulse Bay, H.K. 54 Buxey Lodge, 8th Floor, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Flat 1002, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. C'an Boye! Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Shouson Villa, Flat B, G/F, 16 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. Butterfield & Swire (H.K.) Ltd. (Staff Dept.), Union House, H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 201 PRESCOTT, J. A. RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, William RIDE, Sir L. T.* RIDE, Lady L. T.* RIGBY, Lady West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. Training Unit, H.K.R.N.R. Building, Gloucester Road, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 101 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. New Haven, Taipo Kau, N.T. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. ROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M. ROBERTSON, Dr. M. J. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. ROBINSON, F. C. ROBINSON, Prof. Kenneth E.* ROE, Capt. J. S. ROGERS, Rev. D. L. ROSEMANN, Mrs. F. I. ROTHE, U.* ROY, Dr. A. RUMJAHN, S. M. RUST, H. A. Dept. of Social Studies, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Flat I, 4 Caldecott Road, Taipo Road, Kowloon, Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st fl., Kowloon, - - University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, Hong Kong. Union Church, Kennedy Road, H.K. 204, Ridley House, 2 Upper Albert Road, H.K. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. P. O. Box 448, H.K. -Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. RUTTONJEE, The Hon. D. RYAN, The Rev. Father T. F. RYDINGS, H. A. SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHALLER, Miss K. SCHOYER, B. P. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, M.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. 37, Northbridge Road, Greenwich, Connecticut, 06870, U.S.A. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 202 SCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. M. SELLETT, G.* SERSALE, Miss S. M. SHEKURY, Miss E. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, D. - - SHU, Dr. H. T. - SIEGEL, H. W. SIMPSON, R. F. SINFIELD, G. H. C.* SLEVIN, B. F. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie* SMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.* SMYTH, Miss L. SO, Dr. Chak-lam SOONG, N. SPERRY, H. M.* STANLEY, Major H. F. - STANTON, W. T.* STARRETT, A. V. STEWART, Miss E. M. STOKES, J. - STONEY, G. S.. + + c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. 70, Mt. Nicholson Gap, Stubbs Road, H.K. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon, 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Administrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. "Woodside", University of H.K., Pokfulum, H.K. Apt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Unit, Kennedy Road, H.K. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. 52 Mount Nicholson Gap Flat, H.K. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Asia Magazine. 31 Queen's Road, Central. H.K. Lime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, US.A. H.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K. Dina House. Duddell Street, H.K. 5 Douglas Apts., 22 Old Peak Road, H.K. Flat 3A, 4 Mt. Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K. Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g STONEY, Mrs. G. S.. As above. 203 STOWE, C. - Flat No. 112, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., STUART-JERVIS, Mrs. M. J. - SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SVENDSEN, Mrs. H. C. + SWIRE, A. C.* - TALBOT, H. D. TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. M.. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TARARIN, Peter A.* TARR, A. D. TARWATER, J. W. THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, Dr. O. L. THOMAS, T. H. THORN, Mrs. R. J THROWER, Prof. L. B. TILL, The Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. - TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. - + Union House, H.K. Flat C, 22 Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K. 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon. 30 Kennedy Road, 7/F, H.K. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. 6 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K. Room 1701 Central Building, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A, Flat 202, Balmacara, 17 Old Peak Road, H.K. 3 Old Peak Road, H4, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon, c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England, 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. - 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. + + 57 Buxcy Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy TURNER, Sir M.* Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 204 UHALLEY, Prof. S. Jr. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARRINGTON-STRONG, Cmdr. F. WATSON, K. A. WATERS, D. D. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, P. B. WILLIAMS, Roger A. WILSON, B. D. WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Peng-Cheong* WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss Sybil WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WOOD, Mrs. C. Department of Oriental Studies, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85719, U.S.A. Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above, 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. N.T. Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. Registration of Persons Office, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. Technical College, Hung Hom, Kowloon. 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 10, The Albany, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. 402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K. 11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon. 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. 81 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 205 WORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E. WRIGHT, Miss B. R. WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. WU, Hei-Tak YANG, V. T. YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, Walter, W. T. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. Flat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of History, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon, Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K. 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d ACC NO. DATE OF ACC. CLASS NO AUTHOR NO REBOUND SO8547 16. 8. 68 HKS 950 KC A C HT The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in July, 1968. 1,000 copies Price per copy: HK $12 US $2 postage extra UK 17/6d Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by Ye Olde Printerie, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d J. S. Lee THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1968: President: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D.* K. E. Robinson, M.A., F.R.Hist.S., J.P. Hon. Secretary: T. H. Thomas, B.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Ma Meng, M.B.E., B.A.* H. T. Wu, M.A., J.P. Councillors: R. Bruce, O.B.E., M.A. (left Hong Kong on retirement in March) M. S. Cumming, O.B.E., J.P. * Editorial Consultants ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. NOTE TO CONTRIBUTORS The Editorial Committee welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Responsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Editorial Committee. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d # HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1967 The Accounts have again been kindly audited by Mr. O. P. Edwards of The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corporation. I assumed office as Hon. Treasurer last June following Mr. G. W. Lanchester. The Accounts show a small deficit amounting to $738. This is due almost entirely to the increase in expenditure on publications which amounted to $12,670, almost double the expenditure of the previous year. Most of this increase is due to the printing of the 1966 Symposium and Journal and the reprinting of Sir Lindsay Ride's article "The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao", referred to in the Hon. Treasurer's Report for 1966. It is hoped to recover the cost of these publications by their sale during the current year, and it is gratifying to note that Journal sales for this year are already in excess of the figure for 1967. Members are reminded that Journal receipts for 1967 are predominantly from sales to those outside the Society, the annual Journal being free to members. Annual Memberships, whilst showing an increase over the previous year are considerably less than the total expenditure, and the Society was only able to meet the heavy expenditure on Journals by the income from investments and the sale of Journals. In spite of reminders there are still about 25 members who have not yet altered their bankers' orders from $20 to $30 and it is earnestly hoped that they will take the necessary action. The investments still show an increase in market value over cost, in spite of the depressed market and the effects of devaluation. The amount of $25,333 cash deposit is illusory. Almost one-half has already been used for meeting the printing charges of the Journals, and shown as a Sundry Creditor in these accounts. A further amount of approximately $1,500 representing the balance of a donation from the Asia Foundation has already been used to pay for books: this grant is now exhausted. It is also hoped to reprint Volume I of the Journal which has now been sold out and to increase the stock of books in the library. Members and their friends are earnestly requested to note that there are several back issues of Journals and other publications for sale as listed in the recent pamphlet in the 1967 Journal. Their sale is one way of increasing our income over expenditure. 8 April, 1968 D. A. GILKES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 1966 HON. TREASURER'S REPORT INCOME & EXPENDITURE FOR THE YEAR ENDING 31ST DECEMBER, 1967 EXPENDITURE HK$ 2,691 Sundry Expenses 1,485 Symposium Expenses Journal Expenses: 1967 Journal and 1966 INCOME HK$ 2,161 1,100 HK$ 180 Sundry Receipts HK$ 200 1,053 Symposium Receipts 1,192 1,383 Journal Receipts 1,708 6,854 Sundries Symposium 58,120 4,144 Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao 406 12,670 60 185 Lecture Expenses 507 6,443 HK$17,658 Purchase of Library Books Surplus Excess of Income over 1,190 Expenditure HK$17,628 HK$17,658 2,055 Interest on Investments 2,750 Life Memberships: 1967 10,177 Annual Memberships: 1967 Annual Memberships 1968 paid in 1967 Deficit Excess of Expenditure over Income 2,249 580 10,901 60 738 ... HK$17,628 BALANCE SHEET AS AT 31st December, 1967 LIABILITIES ASSETS 6,443 HK$35,973 Surplus at 1st January 1967 Less: Expenditure over Income in 1967 HK$42,416 HK$28,431 Investments at Cost 738 13,000 Cash Deposit 985 Cash at Bank 42,416 Surplus at 31st December 1967 41,678 Sundry Creditor --- Printing Charges HK$42,416 12,612 HK$54,290 HK$42,416 INVESTMENTS 125 shares H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp. London Register at 138.50 200 China Light and Power Co. Ltd. 700 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80 at 16.85 at 86-11/16 HK$17,312 3,370 8,832 (£607 at 14.55) HK$29,514 (Signed) D. A. GILKES, Hon. Treasurer, (Signed) O. P. EDWARDS, Hon. Auditor. HK$28,431 25,333 526 HK$54,290 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 40 zation MARJORIE TOPLEY sometimes helped to integrate groups of neighbouring communities who would be encouraged to form associations to resist their disruptive activities. Religion, then, was often a means of fortifying existing groups of people with common interests or roles in the community. It also sometimes brought organized groups into being among those already having common interests but no other form of organization. In certain circumstances it gave rise to organizations contributing to the integration of whole communities: when all individual members of a community had a status or interest in common. Ancestor worship did so when all villagers were kinsmen; temple organization might do so when it could appeal to all members of the community as residents, for whom a particular god had significance. In both cases wealth and education were needed to bring such organization to its highest development and were themselves factors limiting control. In certain circumstances secret organizations might provide some form of village cohesion: either through a common interest in resisting them, or, when economic and social conditions reduced the differences among members of a community, through common membership of such bodies. This kind of integration would probably last only as long as the conditions reducing differences among the community members lasted. NOTES 1 This paper was prepared originally for a seminar on micro-social organization on China held at Cornell University in October 1962 and sponsored by the Sub-committee on Chinese Society of the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council. It has been slightly abridged and rearranged by me for publication here. I have been limited in my use of published material to works available to me in Hong Kong. The research notes to which I refer were collected during field studies in Singapore during the years 1951-52 and 1954-55, and during the early 1960's in Hong Kong. 2 See his Lineage Organization in Southeastern China (London, Athlone Press, 1958), and Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung (London, Athlone Press, 1966). 3 See for example Hui-chen Wang Liu. "An Analysis of Chinese Clan Rules: Confucian Theories in Action", in Confucianism in Action, ed. David S. Nivison and Arthur F. Wright (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1959) pp. 63-64. 4 See his Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1960) p. 335. 5 For example Hsiao, ibid., p. 329 and 359ff. Page 45 Page 46 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION 6 Ibid., p. 329. 41 7 When carrying out research on lineage villages and communes in 1964 by interview of immigrants in Hong Kong, I questioned respondents on the surname composition of their village of origin. In many cases it was stated that people of a single surname lived in the central part of a village and those of other and various surnames lived beyond boundaries of old village walls, or beyond their previous location where they had been pulled down. 8 Freedman, Lineage Organization, p. 105. But he adds that politically and ritually the lineage was a centralized unit within which the peace could usually be kept. 9 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 329. 10 Ibid., p. 227. As early as the eighteenth century it was found necessary to scrutinize names recommended carefully. It was suspected that officials serving in the imperial capital and who came from the same province as the persons under consideration were inclined to favouritism. 11 Ibid., p. 228 and p. 229. 12 Ibid., p. 228. 13 Ibid., p. 225. 14 On the earth god see E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1932) pp. 527-528. 15 Some of these were deified Sung and Ming figures of note and not all stood for solidarity with the Ch'ing dynasty. 16 See his Village Life in China: a Study in Sociology (New York, Fleming H. Revell Co., 1899) pp. 136-138. 17 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 226. 18 Ibid., p. 278. 19 Ibid., p. 279. 20 Op. cit., p. 138. 21 For example, Hsiao, op. cit., p. 280. 22 Ibid., p. 279. 23 Ibid., p. 281. 24 Ibid., p. 231. 25 Ibid., p. 230. 26 Cf. Chan Wing-tsit, Religious Trends in Modern China (New York, Columbia University Press, 1953) p. 81. 27 Some aspects of Buddhist "kinship" are discussed in Holmes Welch, "Dharma Scrolls and the Succession of Abbots in Chinese Monasteries" T'oung Pao, vol. L, Liv, 1-3, 1963, pp. 93-149. At the time of writing this paper little else was available on this form of organization in the published literature and I rely largely on my own research notes and documents shown to me during this research. Since that time Welch has also published The Practice of Chinese Buddhism, 1900-1950 (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1967) and chap. IX particularly has additional relevance. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 42 MARJORIE TOPLEY 28 Information on the Shuntê anti-marriage movement is scattered and unsystematic, but for brief information on it and also its connexion with religion see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese: or Notes Connected with China, 5th ed. rev. E. Chalmers Werner (Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1925) section on marriage, pp. 367-76; p. 375. 29 See C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society: a Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of their Historical Factors (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1961) chap. XII. 30 Ibid., p. 333. 31 Cf. John Blofeld, The Jewel in the Lotus: an Outline of Present Day Buddhism in China (London, The Buddhist Society, 1948) p. 58. 32 The Religion of the Void was brought to Singapore from China and specialises in cure of drug addiction. On this religion see Hsü Yün-tsiao, "The Religion of the Void”, Journal of the South Seas Society, Vol. X, Pt. 2 (No. 20) (in Chinese). English version in same issue, tr. Chiang Liu. In Hong Kong the Green Pine Religion aims to cure disease. 33 The most factually detailed work on sects is by J. J. M. de Groot, Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China: A Page in the History of Religions, 2 Vols. (Amsterdam, Johannes Müller, 1903-4), reprinted by Literature House, Ltd., Taipei, Taiwan, 1963). For discussion of alternative names of sects and evidence of sectarian connexions through names, see my "The Great Way of Former Heaven: a group of Chinese secret religious sects", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. XXVI, Pt. 2, 1963, pp. 362-392, at pp. 384-6. 34 See Chiang Siang Tseh, The Nien Rebellion (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1954). The preface by Renville Lund contains reference to White Lotus connexions. 35 Op. cit., vol. 1, p. 210. George Miles writing of the Yao-ch'ih sect (my evidence shows it to be an off-shoot of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao) states that members had vegetarian halls but he says they were usually in isolated villages where men and women were found in constant residence. See his "Vegetarian Sects", in The Chinese Recorder, Vol. XXXIII, No. 1, 1902, Pp. 1-10. 36 See Sidney D. Gamble, Ting Hsien, a North China Rural Community (New York, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1954) p. 414. 37 Belonging to Lo Chiao (Lo Religion)—a sect named after one of its important early patriarchs (and related to Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao), described by Suzuki Chusei in "Rakyo ni Tsuite", Tōyō Bunka Kenkyujo Kiyō (Tokyo), No. 1, 1943, pp. 441-501. 38 Gamble, op. cit. 39 See de Groot, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 231-241 on funeral rites of the Lung hua sect. 40 Gamble, op. cit. 41 See for example Hsiao, op. cit., p. 231f, and p. 233. 42 Yang, op. cit., p. 226. 43 Chiang, op. cit., p. 37. De Groot, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 308. 45 According to Chiang the Nien emerged as community defence groups. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION 43 46 Chiang, ibid., p. 17. 47 Ibid., pp. 45-47. 48 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 233. 49 The White Lotus certainly appears to have been a sect, or rather the name taken by certain sects of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao at times when they engaged in militant activities, rather than a secret society. See "The Great Way... op. cit., p. 386ff for evidence connecting the White Lotus with Hsien-tien sects. 50 See for example G. Schlegel, Thian Ti Hwui, The Hung League or Heaven-Earth-League (Batavia, Lange & Co., 1866). 51 Freedman, Lineage Organization, ..., op. cit., p. 121. 52 It might be noted here, and also in respect of the discussion on p. 35 on religious qualifications and military efficiency that some Hsien-t'ien sects were organized into what they termed Yin and Yang affairs. The nature of these "affairs" is somewhat obscure but sects often changed names when performing activities under one or other of these terms, this being one reason for the multiplication of sect names (see "The Great Way.. op. cit., p. 378 and p. 384). The introduction of such divisions may have been an attempt by sects to organize themselves for practical affairs, including rebellion, as well as religious matters. Yin "affairs" might perhaps have dealt with esoteric religious matters (Yin dark, obscure) and Yang with secular matters, and perhaps they had more practical men to organise them. It is interesting to note that the main organisers listed by De Korne for T'ung-shan She in his The Fellowship of Goodness (T'ung Shan She): a study of contemporary Chinese religion (Grand Rapids, Mich., private publication, 1941, mimeo) does not include the patriarch himself who is hardly mentioned by him. Organisers were all practical men of affairs. The man given by De Korne as main organiser appears, in fact, on records of this sect (which is actually an off-shoot of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao) in Singapore, as only one of the five top-ranking administrators. It may well be then that in seeking to engage in practical affairs (T'ung-shan She was involved in political machinations in this century although not actual rebellion) the religious leaders were sometimes kept in the background and other kinds of persons were in de facto charge. 53 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 309. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 46 T. J. LINDSAY The first leg of the race from Hankow to the Red Buoy at Woosung caused a number of upsets as ships went aground. The trip down could take as little as about 36 to 38 hours, e.g. Glenartney, in 1879, while, by contrast, Loudon Castle was hard aground near Wuhu during the night and had to unload most of her cargo and be dug out of the bank, From Woosung the next stage was to Singapore. In 1877 the two first ships, Loudon Castle and Gleneagles, arrived in Singapore within one hour and 40 minutes of each other after passing Woosung together. Bunkering speed made all the difference in time spent in port as Gleneagles lost six hours on her rival, although bearing heating may also have held her up for repairs. The Loudon Castle left Singapore at 11 p.m. on 2nd June and docked in London at 6 a.m. on 3rd July, while Gleneagles, leaving Singapore at 5 a.m. on 3rd June, docked at 9 p.m. on 4th July. The 1878 race, which should have been between the same two steamers as in the previous year, was robbed of its interest when Loudon Castle went aground temporarily below Kiukiang and so lost her chance of competing, arriving in London 5 days after Gleneagles, which only spent 6 hours bunkering in Singapore. In 1879 Glencoe, a new steamer, had a clear start, spent 84 hours in Singapore loading 950 tons of coal, and arrived in London in 40 days from Hankow. In 1880 she took 39 hours from Hankow to Woosung, after loading 4,100 tons of tea and earned £26,520 in freight. She took 37 days, 22 hours from Woosung to Gravesend, but only did slightly better than the previous year. She was, however, well clear of the other vessels who did not complete loading until several days after she left Hankow. In 1881 she left Hankow at 2 p.m. on 22nd May and arrived in London in 38 days, 15 hours. 1882 was the year of the Sterling Castle, which was built purely for speed. Her dimensions were 436 ft. length, 50 ft. beam and 33 ft. depth. She was about 4,500 tons gross registry and had engines of 6,000 H.P. (although another account gives 8,000 H.P.) with steam pressure of 100 lbs per square inch. The crew numbered over 100 and a double crew was shipped in Shanghai for the voyage home. She carried a doctor, but no stewardess or milking cow. On trials, Sterling Castle did 18 knots and was claimed as the fastest steamer in the world at that time, but she burned 150 tons of coal a day. Sterling Castle loaded some 4,000 tons of tea ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d The Hankow Steamer Tea Races 47 at around £7.7.0. and £6.10.0, a ton. She left Hankow on 20th May at 1.20 p.m., passed the Red Buoy at 6.35 p.m. on 22nd May and the Tungsha lightship at 2 a.m. on 23rd May. She arrived in Singapore at 10.30 p.m. on 28th May, loaded 1,600 tons of coal and left at 9 a.m. on 29th May. She was reported at Gravesend on 22nd June and docked in London shortly thereafter. A lengthy discussion broke out on whether or not difference in time should be accounted for. With the difference, the trip from Tungsha Lightship to Gravesend took 30 days, 2 hours and 36 minutes. Neglecting the 8-hour difference, the time was 29 days, 18 and a half hours. The "Glen" vessels were out of the race that year as their new vessel Glenogle arrived in Hankow too late. However, she loaded a full cargo of some 5,206 tons of tea at £4 per ton and went home on a consumption of 37 tons of coal at 14 knots, although she was claimed to be capable of 16 knots on 120 tons of coal a day. In 1883 Glenogle loaded 4,900 tons at £4.10.0, and left Hankow on 20th May at 11.30 a.m. Sterling Castle loaded at £5.10.0 and left on 22nd May at 3.15 a.m. after loading 5,000 tons. Glenogle passed Woosung on the evening of 22nd while Sterling Castle passed on the afternoon of 23rd. At Singapore, Sterling Castle arrived at 1 p.m. on 29th May and Glenogle at 2.30 p.m. on the same day. They both left Singapore at about the same time early on 30th May, after loading 1,800 tons and 1,600 tons of coal respectively. Sterling Castle arrived at Suez on 12th June and at Gravesend at noon on 22nd June. Glenogle arrived at Gravesend at 3 p.m. on 26th June or 291/4 days from the Tungsha lightship, which was faster than in 1882. 1884 saw a revival of “Glen” supremacy as Sterling Castle had been sold to Italian interests. Glenogle carried the flag. She left Hankow at 6 a.m. on 18th May after loading 5,300 tons of tea at £5 per ton, and the Red Buoy, Woosung at 4 p.m. on the 20th May. She arrived at Singapore at 11.15 a.m. on 27th, loaded 1,500 tons of coal and left at 6 p.m. on the same day. She arrived in London on 26th June after a somewhat slow trip, largely occasioned by losing a blade from a propeller 280 miles from Singapore. Later races were between "Glen" vessels and the China Mutual vessels Oopack and Moyune, but the speeds were lower and the China tea trade itself had passed its zenith. In 1885 the fastest vessels had been requisitioned by the British Government as armed merchant cruisers owing to a war scare with Russia. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES 57 12th, 1852. This records a rearrangement of the books, and since “proper classification was out of the question” they were arranged according to size, so as to give a uniformity of appearance. A printed catalogue was produced under the direction of Mr. W. F. Bevan, assisted by Mr. A. Dixson; the latter was Secretary of the Library for the year reported, and was re-elected for 1852-53. There is no record of the total number of books, but during the year 75 titles in 133 volumes were added; the number of members rose from 63 to 66—against 19 new members, 10 had left the Colony, 1 died, and 5 withdrawn. The annual accounts3 balanced at $1,755.02, and the cash in hand at the end of the year was $37.11. The largest item of expenditure was "Books, periodicals, and newspapers from England, $675.83." This did not include carriage, since it is stated that the Peninsular & Oriental Steam Navigation Co. kindly conveyed the monthly parcels free of charge. Rent of premises accounted for $355.00. There had apparently been some criticism of the inaccessibility of the premises. Their exact location has not been ascertained, but an advertisement of 1852 gives Queen's Road as the address, whereas another in 1867 gives Wyndham Street. Whether the change was made in 1852 is not clear, but the proposed new premises would, according to the Committee's report, cost an additional $120 p.a. for rent. A search for subsequent annual reports should throw further light on this question of location. It would also be interesting if a copy of the printed catalogue of 1852 could be found. Also in 1852, Dixson's Hongkong Recorder contains at least three advertisements relating to the Victoria Library. The first gives notice of a meeting of the committee to be held at 8 p.m. on 21st June, for the purpose of "the selection of Books to be ordered by the next mail." The advertisement goes on to say that the monthly package by the last mail, which had been mislaid on board the P. & O. Co.'s receiving ship, had since been found, and as well as the usual magazines, certain books had arrived, including Gutzlaff's Life of Taou-kwang. It seems that there were at this time quite frequent purchases of books, since another notice in the Hongkong Recorder of 9th July announced the arrival of a further consignment, which included Davis's China during the War and since the Peace and Fortune's Tea Districts of China and India. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 62 H. A. RYDINGS for them being devoted to publishing the quarterly catalogues." We may doubt whether these proposals, which were not attempted, would have worked in practice without some form of compulsion such as operates in the case of copyright deposit libraries; but it is interesting to find this suggestion of a centralised cataloguing agency at this early date, even if with different motives and to serve different purposes from those of the present day organizations of this kind. By the end of 1867, as already noted, there had been a further decline in the membership of the Victoria Library, so that it was inevitable that some changes in its organization should be made. To decide what form these should take, a special general meeting of the subscribers was called for 4.00 p.m. on 18th December. The China Mail noted that this had unfortunately been timed to start one hour before a rowing match between English and Scottish "fours" organized by the Victoria Regatta Club, and feared that the attendance at the library meeting might suffer accordingly. However, in the event over a dozen of the 43 members turned up. The report of the meeting is contained in the China Mail of December 18th (the Mail was an evening paper even then). The Treasurer, Mr. Mitchell, stated that the income from subscriptions had fallen to about $1,000, whereas expenses were over $1,300 a year. He went on to inform subscribers of an offer from the Club Lusitano to provide a room in the new Club at a rent of $15 a month, no extras for light or coal, and free access to the Library for members when the Club premises were open. This seemed a most liberal offer, but was apparently made in the hope of encouraging members of the Library to join the Club also. If this offer, the best which had been made, were not accepted, Mr. Mitchell said he would recommend that the Library should be handed over to the proposed new City Hall. He concluded by proposing acceptance of the offer of the Club Lusitano for one year in the first instance. After some discussion the proposal was accepted unanimously. The China Mail in a leading article on the following day applauded this decision, and paid tribute to Messrs. Mitchell, White, Smith and Crawford, who had formed the nucleus of working members whose efforts had kept the Victoria Library going. The Mail took the opportunity to repeat the suggestion it had ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES 65 be removed for use within the Court, in Chambers, or the Registry, but were not to be taken further: whether this applied only to barristers and solicitors, who were privileged to use the Library subject to the rules, or also to the Judiciary and Law Officers who were entitled to use it, is not clear. Mr. J. W. Norton-Kyshe, the Registrar of the Supreme Court, whose useful history of the laws of Hong Kong is the source of the information on its Library, managed to persuade the Government in 1896 that an annual grant should be made for the purchase of books. In 1897 this amounted to $500, and in the following year it was doubled,12 Certainly the history of Hong Kong libraries in the nineteenth century is by no means restricted to those which have been considered in this article, although they are probably the most important. There must, for example, have been libraries in the various schools, both Government sponsored and others, though the condition of school libraries in the Colony even today suggests that they would not have been particularly well organised fifty or more years ago. Government departments other than the Supreme Court must also have had collections of books. All these possibilities, quite apart from the existence of private libraries, both Chinese and English, need to be investigated. What has been discovered so far, however, contributes to refute the common notion of Hong Kong as a cultural desert, and to indicate that library history in Hong Kong goes back almost as far as the history of the Colony itself. NOTES 1 V. H. G. Jarrett, under the pseudonym of 'Colonial' contributed a series of articles to the South China Morning Post between 17th June, 1933 and 13th April, 1935 on "Old Hong Kong". Typescripts of these articles were rearranged alphabetically by subject and bound in four volumes (unpaginated) in the S. C. M. P. Office. By kind permission of the Managing Director, a Xerox copy of this set is available in the University of Hong Kong Library. This extract is from the article headed "Public Library." 2 Hongkong Register, vol. 25, 1852, pp. 94-5. 3 At this date (1852) prices were normally quoted in Spanish or Mexican dollars, equivalent to about 4/2d sterling. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 66 H. A. RYDINGS 4 G. H. Preble, The opening of Japan; a diary of discovery in the Far East, 1853-1856, ed. by B. Szczesniak, Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1962, p. 58. 5 By 1867 Hong Kong was minting its own dollars. The English gold sovereign was quoted at this time at HK$4.60. 6 From the article on "The City Hall" in V. H. G. Jarrett, op. cit. 7 Twentieth century impressions of Hongkong, Shanghai, and other treaty ports of China, ed. by A. Wright and H. A. Cartwright, London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publ. Co., 1908, p. 162. 8 D. Scott, "The Morrison Library”, JHKBRAS, vol. 1, 1960-61, pp. 50-67. 9 J. W. Norton-Kyshe, The history of the laws and courts of Hongkong, London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1898, vol. II, p. 252. 10 ibid., vol. II, p. 369. 11 ibid., vol. II, p. 429. 12 ibid., vol. II, p. 430. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 90 ARMANDO M. DA SILVA It will suffice here to say that the exterior defence of the Chu Kong estuary consisted of a series of forts, customs-stations and guard-posts in the Lo Man Shan 老萬山, Kai Pong 鷄澎, Sam Chau Mun 三洲門, Ngoi Ling Ting 外伶仃, and the Tam Kon ## groups of the outer off-shore islands. The civil administration ruled from Nam Tau, the district city of the San On district. The military administration was centred at Tai Pang, on the western arm enclosing Tai Pang Hoi (Mirs Bay). The civil administration operated on a north-south axis, as against the east-west axis of the military coastal defence system. This is understandable when one realizes that the military could facilitate their control of the coast-line by establishing easy communications by water running the length of the coast-line from strongpoints on strategic head-lands and the offshore islands. 3 For the Chinese characters of place names of some locales in the vicinity of Tai Yu Shan see map 3. For names of places within the present territory of Hong Kong see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960). 4 So far as I know there has been no published study of this fort by Hongkong's local historians, except for a brief mention in one work which states that Kai Yik Kok fort was of Ch'ing dynasty date. Lo Hsiang-lin, Hongkong and its External Communication before 1842, (Hongkong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963) p. 172. 5 The principal ingredients of this cement are clam and oyster shells which are crushed and burnt to produce slaked lime. The lime is then mixed with fine sand to produce a holding cement. Shells and fine sand are common to many local beaches and are, apparently for this purpose, used in lime kilns. 6 San On Yuen Chi, kuen 22, under section on Coastal Defence reads: 看復界後海絮籹寧而設險更捻周密雖今之汎地 及設兵皆與舊制不同而大嶼山雞翼角炮臺南頭 炮臺赤濘炮蠱最為餓要 7 Fan Lau is also known as Shek Sun meaning "boulder growths", a reference to the numerous residual boulders at Kai Yik Kok, 8 Luis Gomes, Monografia de Macau (Macau, 1951), a Portuguese translation of the O Mun Kei Leuk p. 70. "No 7° ano de long Tcheng (1730) construiram-se fortalezas nas duas montanhas, distribuiram-se as guarniçoes para a sua defensa e foram reforçadas as tropas que guarneciam Tai-U-San formando assim como que um angulo semelhante ao que e constituido pelos chifres dum boi, para servir de defensa exterior de Macau e o Boca Tigre", 9 J. J. L. Duyvendak, "Sailing directions of Chinese voyages" T'oung Pao, vol. 34 (1938) pp. 230-237; and "The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century", T'oung Pao, vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412. 10 The district of San On (新安) was formed in the sixth year of Lung Hing (隆慶) ie. 1572-73, Fourteen years later, in 1587, the San On district gazetteer was written by Yan Tai-kon (縣太君), the District Magistrate. Various editions followed. The latest edition was published in 1819. This gazetteer provides the best primary source of information on pre-British Hongkong. Chapters (kuen) XIV and XXII deal with Coastal Defence. These are chapters of special interest to historical geographers. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d FAN LAU AND ITS FORT 91 11 A lorcha is a specialized fighting craft from Macau that combined a Western-style hull (for speed and maneuverability) with Chinese batten sails and rigging (for easier sail-handling and disguise). 12 Charles F. Neumann, History of the Pirates (š), who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, (London, John Murray, 1831) P. 58. 13 J. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide (Canton, Office of the Chinese Repository, 1848) pp. 70-71. 14 The Last Year in China to the Peace of Nanking as sketched in Letters to his Friends by a Field Officer actively employed in that Country (2nd edition, revised, London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans 1843) pp. 51-52. 15 There is, in addition, the possibility that the fort had a temporary garrison in 1834 see the imperial directive given respecting defence and patrolling at Lantau and Macao quoted by J. L. Cranmer-Byng in his brief note "An old fort at Tung Chung on Lantao Island” in J.H.K.B.R.A.S. Vol 3 (1963) pp. 144-145. 16 Hong Kong Government. New Territories Administration. Block Crown Lease Demarcation Districts 322 and 327, Shek Sun village, Lantau Island. BIBLIOGRAPHY CITED J. J. L. Duyvendak, "Sailing directions of Chinese voyages", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 230-237, "The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412. Luis B. Gomes, Monografia de Macau, Macau, 1951. Hongkong Government. A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hongkong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hongkong, 1960. Lo Hsing-lin, Hongkong and its External Communications before 1842. Hongkong, 1963. J. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide, Canton, 1848. Charles F. Neumann, The History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, translated from the Chinese original, London, 1831. Ch'ing dynasty work: Chinese Sources Mo Pei Chi (AA) A.D. 1621 The provincial Gazetteer of Kwangtung: Kwong Tung Tung Chi (♬✯ ih sk) 1864 edition The District Gazetteers for the following: San On Yuen Chi (%) 1819 edition Tung Kwun Yuen Chi ✯✯✯) 1797 edition Heung Shan Yuen Chi (3) 1827 edition O Mun Kei Leuk (39 1932) 1800 edition ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d PLOVER COVE VILLAGE TO TAIPO MARKET 103 nity. They have not become, in any meaningful sense, urban residents. They are now basically urban villagers living in a ghetto rather far removed from contact with their new physical neighbors in Taipo market, no less in any other part of the urban world of Hong Kong. This is an interesting finding insofar as these villagers, although physically isolated while residing in Plover Cove, were never psychologically isolated. The usual family travelled to Taipo once a week to buy necessary supplies and to cash the never-ending string of checks and postal money orders which sons and husbands have been sending and still do send from Britain. For about 11 percent of the villagers resided in Britain at the time of resettlement, according to the District Office census. The basic isolation of the villagers is further revealed in their responses to a series of questions about their present social contacts. In almost all cases, they indicate that their friends come from the resettlement area or from small villages in the Sha Tau Kok area, most of which are related through marriage to these villagers. Indeed, some of the villages (Tai Kau, Kam Chuk Pai, Wang Ling Tau, and Chung Mei) appear to have had their origin in the migration from a multi-surname village in the Sha Tau Kok area, Wu Kau Tang*. Returning to these villages in the New Territories essentially represents returning to visit relatives and seems to confirm the general impression that it is relatives who are counted as friends for the majority of the villagers. Few of the villagers put it as cogently as one woman: "my friends are my relatives." One interviewer noted in another case, “She told me that she had no good friends. She didn't know how to discriminate between relatives and friends; she thought that they are the same." In response to the question as to whether they had made any new friends or not, 21 respondents indicated no, and only 8 said that they had made new friends who were not neighbors in the same building. Three indicated they had made friends among their new neighbors. This should not be interpreted as meaning that the villagers have little social contact of any kind; there is lively social activity of an informal kind in the resettlement area. Only one person indicated that she never chatted with her former villagers, *See Gazetteer p. 193. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 118 STEPHEN UHALLEY, JR. torical accuracy, either for detail or theory, a reflection of Sun's indifference to the past and the problems its recovery poses. Nationalism can be the cause of historical distortion, but it might be kept in mind that it is not necessarily the only such cause when history is written by nationalist revolutionaries. As history itself, the subject can be considerably more complex, NOTES 1 Sun Yat-sen. Memoirs of a Chinese Revolutionary. Taipei: China Cultural Service, 1953, p. 82. 2 Ibid., p. 55. 3 Ibid., pp. 38-39. 4 Sun Yat-sen, The Three Principles of the People: San Min Chu I. Taipei: China Publishing Co. (no date), p. 37. 5 Memoirs, p. 37. 6 Ibid., p. 38. 7 San Min Chu I, pp. 117-118. 8 Ibid., pp. 118-119. 9 Ibid., p. 122. 10 Chang Chi-yun, Chinese History of Fifty Centuries, Vol. I, Taipei: Chinese Artistic Printing Office, 1962, pp. 47-48. 11 San Min Chu I, p. 163. 12 Ibid., p. 57. 13 see Maurice Meisner, Li Ta-chao and the Origins of Chinese Marxism, Harvard University Press, 1967, p. 170. 14 see Lyon Sharman, Sun Yat-sen: His Life and its Meaning, New York: John Day, 1934, pp. 286-289. 15 Leonard Hsü, Sun Yat-sen: His Political and Social Ideals, Los Angeles: University of Southern California Press, 1933, p. 207. 16 Memoirs, p. 148. 17 Ibid., p. 143. 18 see Joseph R. Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China, Harvard University Press, 1959. 19 San Min Chu I, p. 41. 20 Ibid., p. 42. 21 Memoirs, p. 79. 22 San Min Chu I, p. 84. 23 Memoirs, pp. 79-81. 24 San Min Chu I, p. 111. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 120 H. G. H. NELSON 2) the parallel process by which the wider market has penetrated the village economy; Potter here provides a detailed analysis of family finances. In each of these two sections, one chapter is devoted to an historical analysis, and another to a description of the modern situation. 3) a single chapter on the ownership and management of property, which describes the structure of the local lineage in terms of the distribution of its landholdings. This is, both descriptively and analytically, the best section of the book: the treatment of conflicts within the lineage and its prospects for change and survival, is worth a review in itself. There is then an all too brief chapter on the social and cultural effects of economic change, before the concluding essay. All this goes to make up a wealth of material for the general anthropologist, the China specialist, and the interested Hong Kong reader. I have nothing but admiration for the field-work which lies behind this book, and hope that by selecting only a few points for comment, I shall not do any injustice to the quality of the data and the thoroughness of its presentation. Potter gives a lucid exposition of the changes in a peasant economy which result from its adaptation to the modern world, observing that in a traditional society the economic is not fully differentiated from the social, political and ritual spheres of activity. It is unfortunate, however, that he makes little more of this crucial point. The body of the book is concerned with the increasing differentiation of the various spheres of peasant life; but one could have wished for a fuller analysis of their previous integration. For background data on the traditional economy, the quotations from the reports of Colonial Secretary Lockhart and Governor Blake, about 1900, might have been supplemented by information contained in the Chinese gazetteer for San On county, if not by the "historical data available in out of the way places" (p 32 fn), which, one hopes, will soon be located and researched. At a more theoretical level, I feel that Potter might have attempted to place the social structure of peasant China in a wider context: he does not, for example, cite Leach's work on the balancing of the "total social exchange account". It may well be that the differentiation of spheres of activity has gone a good deal ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d CAPITALISM AND THE CHINESE PEASANT 121 less far than one might suppose from the superficial — though very striking changes in the material standard and style of living. This is especially true of the political and economic spheres. To say, as Potter does in describing the activities of one particularly wealthy individual, that "in the New Territories at present, political power is easily translated into wealth" is to oversimplify a complex symbiotic relationship between economic and political power scarcely a new thing in Chinese society. Further consideration of the ways in which different types of peasant society are integrated would have raised some fascinating questions on the particular case of “depeasantization” in the Chinese context. Just how much difference has the great increase in wealth made? Has it, perhaps, intensified patterns of behaviour that were already present? Potter describes the same, or another, wealthy personage as being constantly attended by three or four close business and political associates, almost all of whose entertainment expenses he pays: what is the nature of the relationship between these men? And how does it differ from the analogous ones described in the Chinese novels comedies of manners which could offer new insights to the anthropologist of traditional China? Unfortunately, Potter lacked time and opportunity thoroughly to investigate the Hop Yick Company, a most interesting organisation in the local market town of Yuen Long. Skinner's work on the integration of whole marketing areas is very relevant to the New Territories, and it would be useful to have more detail on the articulation, past and present, of Yuen Long market with the surrounding villages.* One among many important questions raised, but perhaps insufficiently discussed, by Potter concerns the entry of outside capital into a market which previously derived its livelihood exclusively from its function as a focus for the economic and political activity of the surrounding district: what A small point of fact (p. 170): the Hop Yick Company did not evolve from a market organisation controlled by a Kam Tin lineage group, interesting though such a development would have been. It was formed when the other groups of villages in the Yuen Long marketing area became tired of the domination of the old market by the Tangs of Kam Tin. These groups (yeuk or heung) found themselves with the capital and the political integration necessary to throw off the Tangs' control, and to form a new market on the doorstep of the old. (Cf. Hong Kong Administrative Reports, 1917, J.2: "The new market at Un Long proved its utility and incidentally took much of the life out of the old market, where several bankruptcies had to be registered") Kam Tin was excluded from the foundation of the new market. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 122 H. G. H. NELSON was the effect of this development on the relationships within the old marketing area? It might be noted here that the modern system of communications in the New Territories has, necessarily, been laid down with little reference to the pre-existing marketing structure of the southern part of San On county. To what extent have these and other modern developments—such as the formation of the Heung Yee Kuk* - contributed to the overall integration of marketing areas which previously had little or no contact with each other? Has Kowloon replaced Yuen Long and Taipo as the stage on which local leaders perform to their audience? No less striking than the change in the standard of living and the range of activities of the local "Big Men", is the rise in the income of farmers in Ping Shan. But although the improvement in their returns from agriculture is clearly demonstrated, one is again tempted to ask if this is not a case of plus ça change, plus c'est la même chose. Those who maintain that the lineage was a vehicle for class exploitation have a strong case, and it is possible to take Potter's data as evidence that this still is so. Traditional Chinese society was relatively highly differentiated, but the range of differentiation possible in a semi-subsistence economy is limited: although the farmers' income has risen so dramatically, one can still ask whether their position has improved or worsened in relation to that of other sections of the rural population. Are the rich Tangs growing richer, while their poorer kinsmen - in fact, or in their own estimation, become relatively poorer? In Ping Shan, now as in the past, the farmers come from the poorer branches of the lineage†; the members of the richer branches can afford not to be farmers. For the most part, then, farmers have to rent their land from corporations to which they do not belong, and they therefore get no dividend on the rents they pay. Since there is no reason to suppose that the distribution of ancestral land in Ping Shan was untypical, so far as the rich and long-established lineage is concerned, the material presented by Potter in his chapter IV "The Ownership and Management of Property" * See the Laws of Hong Kong, revised edition 1964, Cap. 1097 for the Ordinance establishing the Heung Yee Kuk (#) as a statutory body "to provide for the establishment and functions of an advisory and consultative body for the New Territories and for purposes connected therewith". Ed. † The sample used for the Farm Survey consisted of 42 farms operated by punti men, and 3 by refugee vegetable growers, (v. p. 62) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 130 J. NACKEN Congee. As they pass your door you have your choice. Here comes the first, crying Mai 'chü 'hüt 'chuk:* the next, Mai' yü *shang 'chuck,† etc. You may have pigs' blood congee, fish congee, mulberry-root flavoured congee, or barley, or kidney or pork and a variety of other congees. I may be allowed to here remark that all street cries are also heard on the water. When you see a man paddling his own canoe among the Chinese shipping, you may know that the articles he has for sale are the same as these sold on shore. As these hawkers do not come within the regulation which is in force on shore, I cannot say how many there may be. They simply have a small boat license; their lungs are so good that I hear their cries pretty distinctly in my house up the hill, and they assist their cousins on shore to swell the number of cries considerably. Some of these are of bad character; they will paddle out to the foreign shipping, having concealed bottles of samshoo under their heaps of sugar-cane or pine-apples. They bargain with the sailors and will steal if opportunity offers. The second batch of hawkers who have articles of food for sale go out in the hours that precede the two principal Chinese meals at 9 a.m. and 5 p.m. There are firstly the sellers of vegetables. In spring they sell celery, coarse greens, water cresses, salad, spinage, and bean sprouts. In summer; pumpkins, squash, cucumbers, egg plant, popaga‡, lotus root§, bamboo sprouts, many kinds of beans, etc. In autumn: caraway plant, pepper, potatoes, taro, various cabbages etc.; and in winter: mustard plants, white greens, colewort, parsley, onions, garlic, scallion, etc. Mai tau' fu' is a cry heard very frequently. This bean curd is often the only "sung" on the table. It is made of bean flour, prepared with salt, gypsum, and water, then pressed between two boards, and sold in little square pieces at one cash each. * ⭑## [The diacritical marks in the text are difficult to read from the microfilm, Ed.] 广费魚生粥 + *** $ # This is a very good vegetable, which is not yet found, as far as I know, on European tables. This root, after being dried and powdered, forms the well-known arrow-root, || 費荳腐 , ie, whatever is on the table besides the rice. Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 138 NOTES AND QUERIES said to have been of the Buddhist faith and to have lived in China in the early part of the eighth century; or to one of their patriarch-successors. These sects share a common ideology, have the same goals, and some have a similar system of rank and appointments, even possessing the same rank-names and terms of address. Some of these sects are, like Hsien-t'ien Tao, vegetarian, that is to say they demand a permanent vegetarian diet (and also sexual abstinence) from their rank-holders; and some, generally speaking the more recent off-shoots, are non-vegetarian. It is only the vegetarian sects which are organized through vegetarian halls. Some of the other sects operating in Hong Kong today and recognised by Hsien-t'ien Tao to be related to it are P'u-tu Men: "The Salvation Sect" and Kuei-ken Men: "The Sect of Reverting to the Root [of Things]," which are both vegetarian; and T'ung-shan She: “The Fellowship of Goodness", which is non-vegetarian and was particularly active in the period leading up to the founding of the Chinese Republic and immediately afterwards. The ideology of these sects is known by Hsien-t'ien Tao rather confusingly as Hsien-t'ien Ta-tao: "The Great Way of Former Heaven". It is syncretic, incorporating elements from a number of sources but most importantly from Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism, and from Taoism, and the Yin-Yang cosmology which received general acceptance by the Chinese in traditional times. In combining all these elements however Great Way ideology, as we will refer to it here, produces an original synthesis: a system of ideas distinct from any other. The religion divides time into three major epochs, or cyclical periods, during each of which it is supposed that Absolute Truth comes into the world, is taught by a major Buddha and other distinguished sages, and then, unless men have made efforts to prevent it, becomes distorted and finally disappears. The disappearance of Truth from the world is followed by a major catastrophe (there might also be minor, localised disasters during each period due to minor Truth distortions). All sects in the group believe we have already passed through the first of these periods which was followed by a great flood; some believe we are in the second period now (dominated by Sakyamuni Buddha) which will be followed by a great fire unless we act to prevent it; and a few believe we are actually in the third period which will be followed by a wind catastrophe (interpreted by the sect Kuei-ken Men as an atomic war). It is in this final period that the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d NOTES AND QUERIES JARDINE, MATHESON & CO.'S FIRST SITE IN HONG KONG 149 Alexander Matheson told the House of Commons Select Committee on Commercial Relations with China in 1847 that his firm had, without authorisation, commenced building "to a certain extent" before the first Land Sale held by Captain Elliott* on 14 June 1841 in Hong Kong. It is commonly assumed that the site of this building was at what later became known as East Point, in the present Causeway Bay area of Hong Kong, where the firm was to build extensive godowns and residences. One writer, for example, speculates that by the time of those first land sales, Jardine, Matheson & Co. had already selected for themselves a "spacious area at East Point" and intimates that it was there that they were building in June, 1841.2 However, even on the rather scanty evidence available, it seems clear that the site of this unauthorised building was not East Point but an area on the present Queen's Way, in the old Admiralty Dockyard. Contemporary evidence, in any event, makes it unlikely that East Point was the site. Pottinger, the first Governor of Hong Kong,† gives us a graphic description of East Point as he saw it, possibly in August 1841 but more likely in mid-1842, when he returned from the military expedition against China. He describes its "wild and uncouth state being one chaos of immense masses of granite and other rocks, that it was hardly accessible by person or on foot, either on the side of the water or the land, that the firm in question, by the application of science and extraordinary labour and by an expenditure of about £100,000 (sic), have not only made it available for their vast mercantile concerns, but have rendered it a credit and an ornament to the colony." The site sounds at that time, to put it mildly, somewhat unattractive though it did stand at the head of the Wongneichung Valley and would be well-placed to dominate any settlement there; there is evidence that the firm conceived a plan in 1842 for building a seawall and * Administrator of Hong Kong January-August 1841 as well as plenipotentiary for the current negotiations with the Chinese authorities. See p. 16 and Appendix I of G. B. Endacott's A History of Hong Kong (London, Oxford University Press, 1958). † Sir Henry Pottinger, Administrator and subsequently first Governor of Hong Kong August 1841-May 1844. Endacott op. cit. Appx, I. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d NOTES AND QUERIES 153 NOTES 1 Minutes of Evidence, Q. 2260. 2 G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence and Coming of Age, 1937, p. 99. 3 Pottinger to Lord Stanley, (No. 15 of 1844), 28 February 1844, (CO129/5/£174) The occasion of this despatch was Admiral Cochrane's suggestion that East Point would make the best site for a naval depot and that Jardine, Matheson & Co. should be removed to make way: see Cochrane to Pottinger, 23 February 1844 (CO129/5/£182). 4 Gordon to Malcolm, 6 July 1843 (CO129/2/f.138). 5 See Friend of China, 2 November 1850. 6 Canton Register, 29 June 1841. 7 E. J. Yorke, The Princely House, (unpublished), p. 487. 8 China Mail, 20 December 1849. 9 Apparently published in 1861 or early 1862 in either Canton or Hong Kong. It was a reprint of articles written by Tarrant in his newspaper, the Friend of China, at the time when he was publishing it in Canton. For this extract, see Friend of China, 9 November 1861. 10 Canton Press, 19 February 1842. 11 See Hong Kong Register, 15 January 1850. The siting is amply demonstrated from maps also. And see Minute by Pottinger on the question of accommodation for General D'Aguilar, Saltoun's successor: January 1844 (CO129/5/f.93). 22 12 Malcolm to Jardine, Matheson & Co., 17 February 1842 (CO129/5/f.96). 13 See Hong Kong Register, 15 January 1850. 14 Yorke, op. cit., p. 488. 15 Pottinger to Jardine, Matheson & Co., 3 June 1842 (CO129/5/f.224). 16 The firm claimed later that this godown belonged to their Bombay agent, Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy, without whose consent they were unable to comply with a request that it be sold to the military for use as barracks: see Pottinger to Saltoun, 26 October 1843 (CO129/5/f.524). 17 Yorke, op. cit., p. 491. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 160 NOTES AND QUERIES not built a palace, pays the rent of one for his own accommodation out of the public purse." The Government accounts for the period reveal that the rent was paid to Johnston for its hire by Government. But it is quite clear from Davis's letter to Stanley that, in August 1844, he could only have been living in Johnston's House if it were then known as the 'Record Office.' That is not beyond possibility for, if the early buildings on the site in the present Botanical Gardens were known as the 'Record Office' when Johnston lived there, his later residence may have attracted the same name to distinguish it from 'Government House.' But that conclusion cannot disturb the main argument. As a postscript, it is worth commenting on the suggestion that Sir Samuel Bonham, third Governor, lived at Spring Gardens (Spring Garden Lane in the present Wanchai). Sayer quotes a reference from Robert Fortune's Tea Districts of China (1852) and comments that it is the first and only evidence that a Governor of Hong Kong lived at Spring Gardens. Sayer should have read his Friend of China where he would have discovered advertised, after Bonham's departure from Hong Kong, the sale of a house, doubtless one of those depicted on Murdoch Bruce's sketch of Spring Gardens, which was stated to have been lately in the occupation of Bonham. Fortune was right; or, as Sayer would have put it, he was a veracious witness,12 Hong Kong, 1968, DAFYDD EMRYS Evans NOTES 1G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence and Coming of Age, 1937, Oxford University Press. 2ibid, p. 211. 3Johnston to Pottinger, 12 November 1841; CO129/10, f. 51 (Colonial Office Records). 4c.g. Pottinger to General Burrell, 7 March 1842; CO129/10, f. 114. 5Pottinger to Johnston, 26 May 1842; CO129/10, f. 204. 6Davis to Lord Stanley, 16 August 1844; CO129/7, f. 20. 7Friend of China, Overland Summary, 23 December 1843. 8Woosnam to Gordon, 18 April 1843; CO129/10, f. 360. 9Gordon to Pottinger, 10 February 1844; CO129/5, f. 141. 10Pottinger to Johnston, 21 October 1843; CO129/10, f. 522. 11Friend of China, 18 April 1846. 12See also Friend of China, 26 December 1849. The house was erected by Messrs. Blenkin, Rawson & Co. on Marine Lot 42 and rented to Government for £500 p.a. Page 165 Page 166 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d NOTES AND QUERIES 165 he charged two or three cash a chih, with food and a place to sleep as was the custom. That was a lot of money for a man to earn; he could live for a week on one day's labor. At page 53 it is mentioned that a few years later, at or about the Boxer time, the Old Weaver no longer came to the Chu home to weave cloth each winter, and that no one took his place, it being then cheaper to buy British or foreign cloth in the market. 1. For descriptions of hemp spinning wheels from Chekiang see pp. 167-169 of Rudolf P. Hommel's China at Work... (New York, The John Day Company, 1937). Photographs of two such wheels are at pp. 170 and 171. I have not yet come across any such relics from the Hong Kong region. 2. The Hakkas of Hing Ning district, mentioned above, appear also to have played a large part in weaving foreign cotton yarn imported via Swatow. Consul F.S.A. Bourne in his section of the Report of the Mission to China of the Blackburn Chamber of Commerce 1896-7 (Blackburn, The North-east Lancashire Press Company, 1898) at pp. 153-4 mentions them as using foreign yarn for weaving cotton cloth "sent down the Canton East River past Hui-chow Fu to Fatshan where it is dyed black and called ch'ung-ch'ang-ch'ing i.e. imitation long black. This cloth, like that of which it is a copy, is very largely exported to Singapore." 3. For local, i.e. Hong Kong, place names see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960). Hong Kong, 1968. JAMES HAYES THE TUNG CHUNG FORT (LANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG) For earlier references in NOTES AND QUERIES see Vols. 3 (1963) and 4 (1964) of this Journal at pp. 144-145 and 146-152 respectively. In late January 1966, I heard of, and spoke with, an old lady aged 90 sui (歲) born on 2nd October 1877. She had spent all her days in the Tung Chung valley, having been born in Wong Ka Wai and married into Sheung Ling Pei village. A series of questions... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d BOOK REVIEWS 175 equally varied. Priests and missionaries; diplomats, consuls, officials and their wives; businessmen; journalists; soldiers and sailors among the foreigners; emperors, Ching officials and literati, Kuomintang and Communist leaders among the Chinese. Chairman Mao has his place (pp 306-308). It is easy to choose items to illustrate the striking nature of much of the contents, and to dwell on how well they illuminate the scene. One might mention inter alia the Rev. Timothy Richard's account of a journey made during the dreadful Shansi famine of 1876 (pp 179-181) and of his encounter with a man in a Shantung village who persisted in repeating the official version that England was a revolted tributary (p 182); the description of the filth of Canton's canals and thoroughfares in 1910 (pp 233-234); a French resident of Peking's comments on the passage through his neighbourhood of a tatterdemalion body of troops from the warlord period (pp 286-287) and the striking eye-witness account of one of the outflanking hill marches of the Red Army against Japanese troops (pp 448-489). The cover given to the thirty year period 1917-49 between pp 261-504 half the volume is justified by the material available to the compiler. The chapter of extracts on Red China 1935-45 (pp 413-456), is particularly good. In the midst of such riches it is pointless to recite choice items from one's own reading that might have gone into the work; though no doubt, like this reviewer, readers will be able to suggest alternatives here and there, such is the tremendous outpouring of works on experiences in China up till 1949. — This reviewer recommends the book to a wide range of readers, specialist and general alike; there is something for all in its 500 pages. Its main contribution is to expose the starkness of China's experience and convey some of the misery occasioned for the common people by both natural and man-made disasters over the period. Thereby the essential background to a better understanding of Mao's China and, indeed, of the desperate self-strengthening movement behind the Cultural Revolution is provided in its true perspective and deeper meaning. Hong Kong, 1968. JAMES HAYES Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d The Library 179 of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society up to 20th May, 1968, is copied from the catalogue. A list of the other contents of the library, including periodicals, scrolls, tape-recordings, and other materials will be compiled and published in due course. It is also intended to issue annual supplements to the list of books and periodicals. LIST OF BOOKS 'ABD ALLAH IBN 'ABD AL-KADIR, Munshi. The voyage of Abdullah; a translation from the Malay, by A. E. Coope, with notes and appendices. Singapore, Malaya Publ. House, 1949. ABEL, Clarke. Narrative of a journey in the interior of China, and of a voyage to and from that country, in the years 1816 and 1817; containing an account of the most interesting transactions of Lord Amherst's embassy to the court of Pekin... London, Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, 1819. ADAMS, Arthur. Travels of a naturalist in Japan and Manchuria. London, Hurst and Blackett, 1870. ALEXEIEV, Basil M. The Chinese gods of wealth: a lecture delivered at the School of Oriental Studies, University of London, on 26th March, 1926. [London] School of Oriental Studies, 1928. ALLEY, Rewi Peking opera: an introduction through pictures by Eva Siao and text by Rewi Alley. Peking, New World P., 1957. ANDERSON, Æneas. A narrative of the British embassy to China in the years 1792, 1793 and 1794... London, Debrett, 1795. ARLINGTON, L. C. Chinese women's coiffure. [Shanghai, China Society of Science and Arts, 1929] Reprinted from the China journal, v.11, 1929, pp. 4-10, 69-76 and 119-126. Presentation copy signed by the author. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 180 THE LIBRARY BACKHOUSE, E. and BLAND, J. O. P. Annals and memoirs of the court of Peking, from the 16th to the 20th century. London, Heinemann, 1914. BALL, J. Dyer. Things Chinese; or, Notes connected with China. 5th ed., rev. by E. Chalmers Werner. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1925. BELCHER, Sir Edward. Narrative of a voyage round the world, performed in Her Majesty's Ship Sulphur, during the years 1836-1842, including details of the naval operations in China from Dec. 1840 to Nov. 1841. Publ. under the authority of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. London, Colburn, 1843, 2 vols. BERNARD, W. D. Narrative of the voyages and services of the Nemesis, from 1840 to 1843; and of the combined naval and military operations in China: comprising a complete account of the Colony of Hong Kong, and remarks on the character and habits of the Chinese, from notes of W.H. Hall, London, Colburn, 1844. 2 vols. BISHOP, John L., ed. Studies in Chinese literature. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U.P., 1965. BLAND, J. O. P., and BACKHOUSE, E. China under the Empress Dowager; being the life and times of Tzu Hsi, compiled from state papers and the private diary of the comptroller of her household. New and rev. cheaper ed. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1914. BODDE, Derk. China's first unifier: a study of the Ch'in dynasty as seen in the life of Li Ssŭ († 208 B.C.). Hong Kong, University Press, 1967. BOUCHOT, Jean. Scènes de la vie des Hutungs; croquis des moeurs pékinoises. 2e éd. Pekin, [Nachbaur] 1922. BREDON, Juliet. Hundred altars. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1936. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d THE LIBRARY 181 BREDON, Juliet. Sir Robert Hart: the romance of a great career, told by his niece. London, Hutchinson, 1909. BUCK, Peter H. Explorers of the Pacific: European and American discoveries in Polynesia, by Te Rangi Hiroa (Peter H. Buck). Honolulu, Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1953. BUSHELL, Stephen W. Chinese art. 2nd ed. London, H.M.S.O., 1909 reprinted 1924. (Victoria and Albert Museum handbooks) 2 vols. CAHILL, James. Chinese painting. [Lausanne] Skira, 1960. CARL, Katharine A. With the Empress Dowager. New York, Century, 1905. CARNÉ, Louis de. Travels in Indo-China and the Chinese Empire: with a notice of the author by the Count de Carné. Translated from the French. London, Chapman and Hall, 1872. CHAI, Fei, and others. Indigo prints of China. Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1956. CHENG, J. C. Chinese sources for the Taiping Rebellion, 1850-1864. Hong Kong, University Press, 1963. CHU, Hsi (AO Kia-li (†): livre des rites domestiques chinois de Tchou-hi, traduit pour la première fois avec commentaires by C. de Harlez. Paris, Leroux, 1889. CLAUDEL, Paul. Chine. Photographies d'Hélène Hoppenot. [Genève] Skira, 1946. CLAVELL, James. Tai-pan: a novel of Hong Kong. London, Michael Joseph, 1966. COATES, Austin. Prelude to Hongkong. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d DAWSON, Raymond, ed. THE LIBRARY The legacy of China. Oxford, Clarendon P., 1964. DEBNICKI, Aleksy. 183 The Chu-shu-chi-nien (+) as a source to the social history of ancient China. Warszawa, Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1956. DEGROOT, J. J. M. The religion of the Chinese. New York, Macmillan, 1912. DE MOUBRAY, G. A. de C. Matriarchy in the Malay Peninsula and neighbouring countries. London, Routledge, 1931. DER LING, Princess. Two years in the forbidden city. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1929. DRAKE, F. S., ed. Symposium on historical, archaeological and linguistic studies on Southern China, South-East Asia and the Hong Kong region: papers presented at meetings held in September 1961 as part of the Golden Jubilee Congress of the University of Hong Kong. F. S. Drake, general editor; Wolfram Eberhard, chairman of the proceedings. Hong Kong, University Press, 1967. EASTHAM, Barry C. Chinese art ivory. Tientsin, Paradissis, 1940. EBERHARD, Wolfram. Settlement and social change in Asia. Hong Kong, University Press, 1967. ECKE, Gustav. Atlantes and Caryatides in Chinese architecture. [Peking, Catholic University, 1930] EDWARDS, Richard. Pine, hibiscus and examination failures. [Ann Arbor] Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan [1966] Extract from Michigan. University. Museum of Art. Bulletin, v.1, 1965/66. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 184 EITEL, Ernest J. THE LIBRARY Feng-shui: or, The rudiments of natural science in China. London, Trübner, 1873. bound with EITEL, Ernest J. Three lectures on Buddhism. Hong Kong, China Mail, 1871. ELLIOTT, Alan J. A. Chinese spirit-medium cults in Singapore. London, London School of Economics, Dept. of Anthropology, 1955. (Monographs on social anthropology, n.s., no.14) ELLIOTT-BATEMAN, Michael. Defeat in the East: the mark of Mao Tse-tung on war. London, Oxford U.P., 1967. EMBREE, John F. A Japanese village: Suye Mura. London, Kegan Paul, 1946. ENDACOTT, G. B. A biographical sketch-book of early Hong Kong. Singapore, Eastern Univs. P., 1962. ENDACOTT, G. B. A history of Hong Kong. London, Oxford U.P., 1958. Fables de la Chine antique. Pekin, Éditions en Langues Étrangères, 1958. FAIRBANK, John King. Trade and diplomacy on the China coast; the opening of the treaty ports, 1842-1854. Cambridge [Mass.] Harvard U. P., 1964. (Harvard historical studies, v. 62 - 63). FEDDERSEN, Martin. Chinese decorative art: a handbook for collectors and connoisseurs. Tr. by Arthur Lane. London, Faber, 1961. FINN, Daniel J. Archaeological finds on Lamma Island (##), near Hong Kong. Ed. by T. F. Ryan. Hong Kong, Ricci Hall, University of Hong Kong, 1958. Republication of articles originally appearing in the Hong Kong Naturalist, 1933-1936. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d THE LIBRARY 185 FIRTH, Raymond. Malay fishermen: their peasant economy. Issued in cooperation with the Royal Institute of International Affairs and the Institute of Pacific Relations. London, Kegan Paul, 1946. (International library of sociology and social reconstruction) FITZGERALD, C. P. China: a short cultural history. 3rd ed. London, Cresset P., 1961. FONG, Siué-fong. Fables. Pekin, Éditions en Langues Étrangères, 1955. FORTUNE, Robert. Three years' wanderings in the northern provinces of China ... Shanghai, University Press, 1935. FREEDMAN, Maurice. Chinese lineage and society: Fukien and Kwangtung, London, Athlone P., 1966. (London School of Economics. Monographs on social anthropology, no. 33) FREEDMAN, Maurice. Lineage organization in southeastern China. London, Athlone P., 1958. (London School of Economics. Monographs on social anthropology, no. 18) FRODSHAM, J. D. The murmuring stream: the life and works of the Chinese nature poet Hsieh Ling-yün (385-433), Duke of K'ang-Lo. Kuala Lumpur, Univ. of Malaya P., 1967. 2 vols. GARNER, Sir Harry. Oriental blue and white. 2nd ed. London, Faber, 1964. GARVEN, H. S. D. Wild flowers of North China and South Manchuria. Peiping, Peking Natural History Bulletin, 1937. GEOFFROY-DECHAUME, François. China looks at the world: reflections for a dialogue. Eight letters to T'ang-lin, tr. from the French by Jean Stewart. London, Faber, 1967. GILBERT, Rodney. What's wrong with China. London, Murray, 1926. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d GULLAND, W. G. THE LIBRARY 187 Chinese porcelain; with notes by T. J. Larkin. London, Chapman & Hall, 1902-11. 2 vols. HACKNEY, Louise Wallace, and YAU, Chang-foo. A study of the Chinese paintings in the collection of Ada Small Moore, London, Oxford Univ. P., 1940. HALL, D. G. E. A history of south-east Asia. 2nd ed. London, Macmillan, 1964, reprinted 1966. HANSFORD, S. Howard. Chinese jade carving. London, Lund Humphries, 1950. HARRISSON, Tom. History, science, the arts and nature in Sarawak (1960-61) and (1961-62). [Kuching, Government Printing Office, 1961-62]. Reprinted from Sarawak's annual report, 1961 and 1962. HENDERSON, Norman K. The education of handicapped children; recent trends and research, with implications for Hong Kong. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964. HENDERSON, Norman K. Educational developments and research, with special reference to Hong Kong. Hong Kong, University Press, 1963. HENDERSON, Norman K. Statistical research methods in education and psychology. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964. HERRFAHRDT, Heinrich. Sun Yatsen, der Vater des neuen China: ein Beispiel west-östlicher Begegnung. Hamburg, Drei-Türme-Verlag, 1948. HEWLETT, Sir Meyrick. Forty years in China. London, Macmillan, 1943. HEYWOOD, G. S. P. Rambles in Hong Kong. 2nd ed. Hongkong, Kelly & Walsh, 1951. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 188 HOÀNG, Peter. THE LIBRARY A notice of the Chinese calendar, and a concordance with the European calendar. 2nd ed. Zi-ka-wei near Chang-hai, Catholic Mission P., 1904. HOBSON, R. L. Handbook of the pottery and porcelain of the Far East in the Department of Oriental Antiquities and of Ethnography. [London, British Museum] 1937. HODGSON, Mrs. Willoughby How to identify old Chinese porcelain. 4th ed., enl. London, Methuen, 1920. Hong Kong et la côte chinoise, du Tonkin à Ning-po... Paris, Hachette, 1910. HONG KONG. University. Institute of Oriental Studies. Chinese tomb pottery figures: catalogue of exhibition... 26th-28th September, 1953. Hong Kong, University Press, 1953. (Institute of Oriental Studies. Catalogue series, no. 1) HOSIE, Dorothea, Lady. Two gentlemen of China: an intimate description of the private life of two patrician Chinese families... London, Seeley, Service, 1924. HSUAN Tsang (玄奘) Si-yu-ki: Buddhist records of the western world. Tr. from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629) by Samuel Beal. Popular ed. London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, [189-?] 2 vols. in 1 HSUEH, Chün-tu A review article: the years of triumph. London, 1962. Reprinted from China quarterly, no. 11, 1962, pp.225-235. Presentation copy inscribed by the author in Chinese. HUANG, Raymond Intonation in idiomatic English, for Chinese students in south-east Asia; by Raymond Huang in collaboration with A. W. T. Green. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964- v.1 only. HUCKER, Charles O. China: a critical bibliography. Tucson, University of Arizona P., 1962. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d The Library 189 HUMMEL, Arthur W., ed. Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing period (1644-1912). Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office, 1944. v. 2 only. HUNTER, Guy. South-East Asia — race, culture, and nation. Publ. for the Institute of Race Relations, London. London, Oxford U.P., 1966. HUNTER, W. C. The 'fan kwae' at Canton before treaty days, 1825-1844. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1965. Reprint of original ed., London, 1882. HUNTER, W. C. Bits of old China. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. Reprint of original ed., London, 1855. JARRETT, V. H. C. Familiar wild flowers of Hongkong; illus. with photographs by the author... [Hong Kong] South China Morning Post [1937] JENYNS, Soame. A background to Chinese painting. London, Sidgwick & Jackson, 1935. Presentation copy inscribed by the author. JENYNS, Soame. Chinese archaic jades in the British Museum. London, British Museum, 1951. Presentation copy inscribed by the author. JENYNS, Soame. Later Chinese porcelain: the Ch'ing dynasty, 1644-1912. 3rd ed. London, Faber, 1965. JENYNS, Soame. Ming pottery and porcelain. London, Faber, 1953. Presentation copy inscribed by the author. JOCELYN, Robert, Viscount Jocelyn. Six months with the Chinese expedition; or, Leaves from a soldier's note-book. London, Murray, 1841. JOHNSTON, Reginald Fleming. Buddhist China. London, Murray, 1913. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d THE LIBRARY 191 LANG, Olga. Pa Chin and his writings; Chinese youth between the two revolutions. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U.P., 1967. (Harvard East Asian series, 28) LANYON-ORGILL, Peter A. An introduction to the Thai (Siamese) language for European students. Victoria, B.C., Curlew P., 1955. LAUFER, Berthold. Archaic Chinese jades collected in China by A. W. Bahr, now in Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, described by Berthold Laufer. New York, privately printed for A. W. Bahr, 1927. LAUFER, Berthold. Ivory in China. Chicago, Field Museum of Natural History, 1925. LAUFER, Berthold. Jade; a study in Chinese archaeology and religion. 2nd ed. South Pasadena, Perkins, 1946. Reprint of original ed., publ. by the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 1912. LESLIE, Donald, and DAVIDSON, Jeremy. Author catalogues of western sinologists. Canberra, Dept. of Far Eastern History, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1966. Mimeographed. LIN, Yu-t'ang (***) The gay genius: the life and times of Su Tungpo. New York, John Day, 1947. LIN, Yu-t'ang (***) The importance of living. New York, Reynal & Hitchcock, 1937 reprinted 1938. LIN, Yu-t'ang (††364) Moment in Peking: a novel of contemporary Chinese life. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1939. LIN, Yu-t'ang (#*#*) With love and irony. Garden City., N.Y., Blue Ribbon, 1945. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 192 LIU, James J. Y. THE LIBRARY The Chinese knight-errant. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1967. LIU, Hsiang (NA) Le Lie-sien tchouan (* *(4): biographies légendaires des immortels taoïstes de l'antiquité. Traduit et annoté par Max Kaltenmark. Pekin, Centre d'études sinologiques, Université de Paris, 1953. LIU, Kwang-ching. Anglo-American steamship rivalry in China, 1862-1874. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U. P., 1962, (Harvard East Asian studies, 8) LIU, Shih-shun (*) One hundred and one Chinese poems, with English translation and preface. Introd. by Edmund Blunden; foreword by John Cairncross. Hong Kong, University Press, 1967. MACKEY, Sean, ed. Symposium on the design of high buildings; proceedings of a meeting held in September 1961 as part of the Golden Jubilee Congress of the University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, University Press, 1962. MARCHAL, H. Guide archéologique aux temples d'Angkor: Angkor Vat. Angkor Thom et les monuments du petit et du grand circuit. Paris, Van Oest, 1928. MARRINER, Sheila, and HYDE, Francis E. The Senior: John Samuel Swire, 1825-98; management in Far Eastern shipping trades. Liverpool, Liverpool U.P., 1967. MARTIN, Bernard. The strain of harmony: men and women in the history of China, London, Heinemann, 1948. MEDHURST, Walter Henry, A glance at the interior of China, obtained during a journey through the silk and green tea districts, taken in 1845. [Shanghai, 1849] This copy formerly belonged to the Canton Library and Reading Room, and is inscribed "W. C. Hunter, Hong Kong, January 29, 1852". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d THE LIBRARY MICHAEL, Franz H., and TAYLOR, George H. 193 The Far East in the modern world. London, Methuen, 1956. MILLARD, Thomas F. Conflict of policies in Asia. New York, Century, 1924. MORSE, Hosea Ballou. The international relations of the Chinese Empire. [London, Longmans Green, 1910-1918 reprinted 1961] 3 vols. NACHBAUR, Albert. Mon carnet de Chine: 1920, 2ème volume [only] [Pekin, Nachbaur, 1920?]. NOTT, Stanley Charles. Chinese jade throughout the ages: a review of its characteristics, decoration, folklore and symbolism. London, Batsford, 1936. OLIPHANT, Laurence. Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's mission to China and Japan in the years 1857, 58, 59. Edinburgh, Blackwood, 1859. OLIVER, Frank. Special undeclared war. London, Jonathan Cape, 1939. OUDENDYK, William J. Ways and by-ways in diplomacy. London, Davies, 1939. PEFFER, Nathaniel. The Far East; a modern history. Ann Arbor, Univ. of Michigan P., 1958. (University of Michigan history of the modern world) POLO, Marco. The travels of Marco Polo, rev. from Marsden's translation, and ed. with introd. by Manuel Komroff. London, Jonathan Cape, 1928 reprinted 1930. POPE-HENNESSY, Una. Early Chinese jades. London, Benn, 1923. POULIK, Josef. Prehistoric art, including some recent cave-culture discoveries, and subsequent developments up to Roman times. Photographs and graphic arrangement by W. and B. Forman. Tr. by R. Findlayson Samsour. London, Spring Books, 1956. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 194 PRIP-MØLLER, J. THE LIBRARY Chinese Buddhist monasteries; their plan and its function as a setting for Buddhist monastic life. Hong Kong, Hong Kong U. P., 1967. Reprinted from the original ed., Copenhagen, 1937. RAND, Christopher. Hongkong; the island between. Tokyo, Tuttle, 1955. REMER, C. F., ed. Three essays on the international economics of communist China. Publ. for Center for Japanese Studies and the Department of Economics. Ann Arbor, Univ. of Michigan P., 1959. RIDE, Sir Lindsay. Biographical note [on] James Legge: concordance tables [to Legge's Chinese classics, and] notes on Mencius, by Arthur Waley. Hong Kong, H.K. Univ. P., 1960. RIDE, Sir Lindsay. Robert Morrison; the scholar and the man: and, Illustrated catalogue of the exhibition held at the University of Hong Kong September fourth to eighteenth 1957 to commemorate the 150th anniversary of Robert Morrison's arrival in China. Hong Kong, University Press, 1957. ROWLEY, George. Principles of Chinese painting, with illus. from the Du Boist Schanck Morris collection. Princeton, N.J., Princeton U.P., 1947. (Princeton monographs in art and archaeology, 24) ROY, Jules. Journey through China. Tr. from the French by Francis Price. London, Faber, 1967. ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. Hong Kong Branch. Aspects of social organization in the New Territories: week-end symposium, 9th-10th May, 1964. [Hong Kong, the Branch, 1964] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. Hong Kong Branch. Some traditional Chinese ideas and conceptions in Hong Kong life today: weekend symposium, October 1966. Hong Kong, the Branch, 1967. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d THE LIBRARY 195 SCOTT, A. C. Traditional Chinese plays, tr., described and annotated by A. C. Scott: Ssu Lang visits his mother and The butterfly dream. Madison, Univ. of Wisconsin P., 1967. SICKMAN, Laurence C. S., ed. Early Chinese art. Newton, Mass., University Prints, [194-?] Monochrome reproductions in portfolio. SIMON, Walter. Functions and meanings of erl. London, Taylor's Foreign P., 1952-54. 4 pts. Reprints from Asia major: a British journal of Far Eastern studies, new series, v. 2, pp. 179-202; v. 3, pp. 7-18, 117-131; and v. 4, pp. 20-35. SIMPSON, William. The Buddhist praying-wheel: a collection of material bearing upon the symbolism of the wheel and circular movements in custom and religious ritual. London, Macmillan, 1896. SPENCER, Cornelia. Made in China: the story of China's expression. London, Harrap, 1947. STAUNTON, Sir George Leonard, 1st Bart. An authentic account of an embassy ... to the Emperor of China. taken chiefly from the papers of the Earl of Macartney, Sir Erasmus Gower (and others). 2nd ed., corr. London, G. Nicol, 1798. This set lacks the fol. vol. of plates. STERICKER, John, and STERICKER, Veronica. Hong Kong in picture and story. Hong Kong, the authors, 1953. STERICKER, John. A tear for the dragon, London, Barker, 1958. STOKES, Gwenneth. Queen's College, 1862-1962. [Hong Kong, privately published, 1962] ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 196 SUNG, Z. D. THE LIBRARY The symbols of Yi King; or, The symbols of the Chinese logic of changes. Shanghai, China Modern Education Co., 1934. SWALLOW, Robert W. Sidelights on Peking life. Peking, China Booksellers Ltd., 1927. TENG, Ssu-yü, and BIGGERSTAFF, Knight. An annotated bibliography of selected Chinese reference works. Rev. ed. Cambridge, Mass, Harvard U.P., 1950. (Harvard-Yenching studies, v. 2) TENG, Ssu-yü, and others. Japanese studies on Japan and the Far East; a short biographical and bibliographical introduction, prepared by Teng Ssu-yü with the collaboration of Masuda Kenji and Kaneda Hiromitsu. Hong Kong, University Press, 1961. THOMPSON, Robert Wallace. O dialecto português de Hongkong. Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Filológicos, 1961. THORBECKE, Ellen. People in China; thirty-two photographic studies from life. London, Harrap, 1935. TREGEAR, Thomas R. A survey of land use in Hong Kong and the New Territories. Hong Kong, University Press, 1958. TROTSKY, Leon. Problems of the Chinese revolution ... Tr. with an introd. by Max Shachtman. 2d ed. New York, Paragon Book Gallery, 1962. Reprint of 1st ed., 1932. TUN, Li-ch'en (E) Annual customs and festivals in Peking, as recorded in the Yen-ching sui-shih-chi. Tr. and annotated by Derk Bodde. 2nd ed., rev. Hong Kong, University Press, 1965. U.S. Library of Congress. Science and Technology Division. Mainland China organizations of higher learning in science and technology and their publications: a selected guide. Comp. by Chi Wang. Washington, D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d The Library 197 WADDELL, L. Austine. The Buddhism of Tibet; or, Lamaism, with its mystic cults, symbolism and mythology, and in its relation to Indian Buddhism. 2nd ed. Cambridge, Heffer, 1934. WALKER, Egbert H. Fifty-one common ornamental trees of the Lingnam University campus: a guide to the more important local trees. Canton, Lingnam University, 1930. WANG, Ch'ung (1) Lun-hêng (3) Tr. from the Chinese and annotated by Alfred Forke. 2nd ed. New York, Paragon Book Gallery, 1962. Reprint of previous ed., Leipzig, 1907-11. WEALE, B. L. Putnam, pseud. Indiscreet letters from Peking; being the notes of an eye-witness [to] the siege and sack of a distressed capital in 1900. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1907 reprinted 1919. WELCH, Holmes. The parting of the way: Lao Tzu and the Taoist movement. Boston, Beacon Press, 1957. WERNER, E. T. C. Myths & legends of China. New York, Brentano, 1922. WHITAKER, K. P. K. Tsaur Jyr's “Luohshern fuh". London, Taylor's Foreign P., 1954. Reprint from Asia major: a British journal of Far Eastern studies, new series, v. 4, pp. 36-56. WIEGER, L. Rudiments [de parler et de style chinois] 2e éd. Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1905. vol. 4: Morale et usages only. WILKINSON, H. P. The family in classical China. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1926. WILLETTS, William. Chinese art. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1958. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 198 WILLIAMS, C. A. S. THE LIBRARY Outlines of Chinese symbolism: an alphabetical compendium of antique legends and beliefs... Peiping, Customs College Press, 1931. Limited ed. of 250 signed copies. WINSTEDT, Richard. The Malays: a cultural history. Singapore, Kelly & Walsh, 1947. WOODHEAD, H. G. W. The truth about the Chinese Republic. London, Hurst and Blackett, 1925. WOOLF, Bella Sidney, afterwards Mrs. Lock, afterwards Lady Southorn. Chips of China. Hong Kong, Kelly & Walsh, 1930. WRIGHT, Arthur F. Buddhism in Chinese history. Stanford, Calif., Stanford U.P., 1959. (Stanford studies in the civilizations of eastern Asia) WRIGHT, Leigh R. Historical notes on the North Borneo dispute. Ann Arbor, Mich., Association for Asian Studies, 1966. 484. Reprinted from Journal of Asian studies, v. 25, 1966, pp. 471- WRIGHT, Leigh R. Sarawak's relations with Britain, 1858 to 1870. Kuching, Government Printing Office, 1964. Reprinted from Sarawak Museum, Journal, v. 40, 1964, pp. 628-648. WRIGHT, Stanley F. Hart and the Chinese customs. Publ. for the Queen's University, Belfast. Belfast, Mullan, 1950. WU, Chiêng-ên (E) Monkey; tr. from the Chinese by Arthur Waley. London, Allen & Unwin, 1942 reprinted 1945. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d YOSHIKAWA, Kōjirō. THE LIBRARY 199 An introduction to Sung poetry. Tr. by Burton Watson. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U.P., 1967. (Institute monograph series, v. 17) ZOLBROD, Leon M. (Harvard-Yenching Takizawa Bakin. New York, Twayne, 1967. (Twayne's world author series, 20) 20th May, 1968. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 200 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* 183 Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England. Prof. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada. Lawry, R. E., O.B.E., F.R.G.S.* 36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England. Members: ABRAHAM, R. D.* 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. ADDIS, W. T. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. AKERS-JONES, D. c/o New Territories Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. ARMERDING, L. E.* 426 La Grande Avenue, Fanwood, New Jersey, U.S.A. ARTHUR, H. R. Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. ASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. 7 Peak Pavilions, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. BADAMS, P. W. M. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, H.K. (Trustee) Ltd. BAKER, Mrs. F. H. Shell House, 6th floor, H.K. BAKER, Dr. H. D. R. U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. BAKER, W. E. c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, England. BALL, J. M.* c/o The H.K. Electric Co., Ltd. BARD, Dr. S. M. P. O. Box 915, H.K. BARNETT, K. M. A. c/o H. K. Refrigerating Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 291, H.K. BARR, Miss Elizabeth University Health Service, University of Hong Kong, H.K. BARRY, Comdr. R. S. P. O. Box 248, H.K. BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. 1 Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 201 BENANZIO, Dr. Mario BELL, G. J. BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. BENIANS, S. M. BENNETT, Frank C., Jr. BENT, Miss Dora BERKOWITZ, Dr. Morris BERNADETTE, Sister Maura BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.* BEVERIDGE, R. J. BEYENS, Baron F. BIRCH, Dr. Alan BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. BLUE, A. D. BLUNDELL, Grahame S. BOARD, D. B. M.* BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, J. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. BREGMAN, R. U. 189 Ampang Road, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. c/o The Royal Observatory, H.K. c/o Feldy, The Lane, West Mersee, Colchester, Essex, England. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Import Dept.) Jardine House, H.K. c/o United States Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Chinese University of H.K., Shatin, N.T. The Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy. c/o 4A, Horsburgh Grove, Armadale, Melbourne, S.E. 3, Victoria, Australia. 38C, MacDonnell Road, 2nd floor, H.K. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. Chief Engineer, M.V. "World Soya", World Wide (Shipping) Ltd., c/o Cornes & Co., C.P.O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan. D-4 Silverstrand, 94 Mile Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon, c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. Flat 4-B, 3 University Drive, Pokfulum, H.K P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. Dept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ., East Lansing, Michigan 48824, U.S.A. P. O. Box 951, H.K. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. University Surgical Unit, Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 202 BRIGGS, G. G. BRIM, John A. BRITTON, Mrs. N. M. • + BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BROWN, Miss B. BROWNE, Hon. H. J. C. BRUCE, Robert BUNGER, Dr. Karl BURTON, Miss Jill V. BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. - CALCINA, P. G.* + CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. – - CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CARLSON, Miss R. E. CATER, J. CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Alfred T. - CHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam CHAN, Leonard CHAU, Sir Tsun-nin* CHEN, Ching-Ho CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Yih + + + J + + + - The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon. 6 Peel Rise, The Peak, H.K. Fish Fisheries Research Station, The Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, 7th Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, L254 Kwun Tong, Kowloon. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. Consul General, Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1, Duddell Street, H.K. 807 The Hermitage, MacDonnell Road, H.K. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen. H.K. Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6. Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. Room 315 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 4, Mansfield Road, Flat 13, 6/F., H.K. c/o Trade Development Council, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Coronet Court, 14/F “H”, North Point, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon, c/o Pfizer Eastern Corporation, G.P.O. Box 2513, Bangkok, Thailand. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Geographical Research Centre, Chinese University of Hong Kong, On Lee Building, 545 Nathan Road, Kowloon, 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 203 CHENG, Dr. Irene · CHENG, T. C. · CHEUNG, Oswald CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHOW, Edward T. CLARK, Mrs. A. T. CLARK, Mrs. E. E. CLARK, Mrs. P. M. COHN, Dr. A. J. COLLIN, P. H. COLLINS, Mrs. D. A. COMAN, Miss A. A. COMBER, Leon COOKE, Miss M. B. CORBALLY, E. COSTANTINI, G* COWPERTHWAITE, Lady CREMA, Mario CRONE, Dr. D. L. CUMINE, E. CUMMING, Mrs. D. M.* CUMMING, M. S. CURTIS, Miss Sue DAIKO, P. DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, N.K.I.L. No. 4405, San Po Kong, Kowloon United College, Chinese University of H.K. 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Room 703, Prince's Building, H.K. Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 3, Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. 13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K. Tytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. Estoril Court, B-11, 17 Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of European Languages, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, The University, H.K. 53 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. K.P.O. Box 6068, Kowloon H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, Kwun Tong L254, Kwun Tong, Kowloon c/o Central Magistracy, Albert Road, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 45 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. Flat 2B, 1 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 14. Embassy Court, H.K. 16 Peak Road, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 26 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. P. O. Box 201, H.K. Government Ophthalmic Centre, Arran St., Mongkok, Kowloon c/o P. O. Box 5096, Kowloon Penthouse, Marina House, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 204 DOWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. - DAWSON GROVE, Miss Jan - DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. DENNEY, Miss D. R. DJOU, G. G. + 1 Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. As above. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. Officers Mess, R.A.F. Kai Tak, Kowloon. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd., 12-14 Queen's Road, Central, H.K DOWSON, Prof, John L. M. Dept. of Philosophy & Psychology. The DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* - DRAKEFORD, L. S. · DRURY, Miss Kathleen DUNCANSON, J. D.* DWYER, Prof. D. J. EDWARDS, O. P. · EITZEN, Mrs. J. ENDACOTT, G. B. + EUSTACE, Col. F. A. EVANS, C. J. EVANS, D. M. E. EVANS, P. J.- + EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EWING, Miss E.* - FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G,* - FESSLER, Loren FISCHER, Mrs. Ingrid FISCHER, W. D. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. - - ► University, Pokfulum, H.K. 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 121 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Road, H.K. 26 Leinster Mews, London W.2. England. Dept. of Geography Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Road, Kowloon, c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. c/o Dept. of Laws, L.S.E., London, England. Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. 13. Rodmarton Street, London, W.1. England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. East Asian Research Center, 1737 Cambridge St., Cambridge, Mass. 02138, U.S.A. P.O. Box 1416, H.K. As above. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon, * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 205 FLETCHER, A. J. FLETCHER, Mrs. C. M. FLETCHER, W. E. L. FOERSTER, E. J. P FOORD, Dr. Roy D. + - + 8, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 2 "Friston", 15, Old Peak Road, H.K. As above. c/o P. O. Box 25, H.K. 48 The Rutts, Bushey Heath, Hertfordshire, England. FREEDMAN, Prof. Maurice 187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* - + GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. GARTNER, John GASS, Hon. M. D. Irving GEORGE, T. J. B. - GIBB, Hugh + - - c/o Hang Tai & Fung Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K. Bank of East Asia. Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland. c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon, c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia, Victoria House, H.K. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. GIEDROYC, J. H. Michael* 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, GIFFORD-HULL, Brig. G. B. - GILKES, D. A. · - GIMSON, C. H. · GLASS, Miss M. A. GLOVER, Mrs. J. ► GOLD, Edward L. - - GOLD, Mrs, Sarah T, - GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODBODY, D. M. - GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. + + + England. 49 Beach Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o P.W.D. Hq., 4th Floor, Main Wing, Central Government Offices Building, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. "Crossways", 49 Christchurch Road, Sidcup, Kent, England, 12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K. As above, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 16 St. Paul's Road, Cannonbury, London, N.1, England. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 206 GORDON, Hon. S. S.* GRANSDEN, J. H. GRANT, I. F. H. - GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. GRAY, Miss Audrey M. - GREGORY, Prof. W. G. GRIFFITHS-OWEN, Miss M. GROVE, Mrs. Rosemary + - - + GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. - - HAFFNER, C. HALE, Richard E. + HALL, Miss Joyce Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. Dept. of Modern Languages, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Jardine House, H.K. As above. 9A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Rd., H.K. Dept. of Architecture, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. D-12, Bay Court, Repulse Bay, H.K. 10A Barbecue Gardens, 171 Milestone, Castle Peak Road, N.T. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. New Territories Health Office, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon, Room 1002 Alexandra House, H.K. The Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Room 514, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. - St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HANSON, Miss Katherine • HARDEN, Mrs. Guy T, Jr.* HARRISON, Prof. B. + H.K. J P. O. Box 1209, Porterville, California 93257, U.S.A. 15 Shek-O, H.K. Dept. of History, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada, HARTWELL, Sir Charles H. c/o Public Service Commission, Central Government Offices, H.K, HARTWELL, Lady · HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. + HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G, W. HEANEY, Robert S. HECHTEL, F. O, P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha - - As above. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, 10th floor, International Building, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. British Embassy, Kastelsvej 38-40, Copenhagen. Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., U.S.A. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 207 HERRIES. Hon. M. A, R. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. HILL, D. A. HỌ, Mrs. Hung Chịu CIECD Engineering Consulting Group, P.O. Box 23, Taipei, Taiwan, HO, Teh-Kuei 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. HO, Tickon* Lake Side Building, 13th floor, "B", 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. HOCHSTADTER. Dr. Walter 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. HOGAN, Sir Michaci 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. HOLMAN, J. P. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, Hon. D. R. 15A Vivian Court, Mt. Kellett, Peak, H.K. HOLTH, Dr. Sverre c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, International Building, 10th Floor, H.K. HONG, Sheng-Hwa Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. HOTUNG, Eric Edward P. O. Box 70, H.K. HOWARD, W. L.* 10 Stanley Street, H.K. HOWE, D. H. P. O. Box 282, H.K. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. - 45 Sassoon Road, Ground floor, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. As above. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. HSIA, Tung Pei. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. HUGHES, G. M. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.*. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Building, H.K. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. HUI, Miss Wai-haan Coleg Harlech, Harlech, North Wales. Dept. of Chemistry, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 208 HUNG, C. S. HURT, Miss E. J.- HUTCHISON, Miss P. M. - HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. Yuet Ming Building, 17th floor, Flat B, King's Road, North Point, H.K. 601, The Hermitage, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. 176 The Avenue, Lowestoft South, Suffolk, England, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. IRETON, Mrs. Polly Hogue* 10, Peak Road, All, H.K. IU, Miss S.* - JACKSON, R. N. JAMES, Miss S. C. JAO, Tsung-i JEN, Prof. Yu-wen - JOHNSTON, James J. JONES, Dr. J. R.* - KEATLEY, R. L. KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. - KESWICK, Henry KESWICK, S. L. KEYES, M. P. KIDD, S. T. KINOSHITA, James H. - KHAN, Dr. L. A. KLEIN, Prof. Leonard KNIGHTLY, F. J. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. The Registry, The University, H.K. D-12, Bay Court, 127 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. 2 Stafford Road, Kowloon, United States Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 3. Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Apt. 4-B, 41-C Conduit Road, H.K. P. O. Box 16004, H.K. 7B Lincoln Court, Tai Hang Road, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. As above. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. 1, Wing Ying Mansion, 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon, Flat C, 4/F, 70 Conduit Road, H.K. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. KNOWLES, Miss Moira G. - Training & Examinations Unit, Electric House, 22A Ice House Street, H.K. KNOWLES, Dr. W. C. G.* Wakes Coine Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. As above. * Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d KOCH, Mrs. Renate B. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. KURATE, Mrs. L. C. KVAN, Rev. Erik* KWAN, Hon. C. Y.* KWOK, Robert Chin-kung KWOK, Walter LAI, T. C.* LAM, Yung-fai 39 Shouson Hill Road, B5, H.K. 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland, 209 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada. Dept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. 4 Fung Shui, 50 Plantation Road, H.K. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Michael Wai-mei LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. LECKIE, J. B. H. LEE, Din-yi LEE, Mrs. Dorothea LEE, J. S.* LEE, Hon. R. C.* LETHBRIDGE, H. J. LEUNG, Pak-kui LEVIN, Burton LEVY, Andre LI, Dr. Choh-ming Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland. Fung Ping Shan Museum, The University, H.K. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium. United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. c/o UTC Far East Ltd., G.P.O. Box 13044, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of Economics, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 5 Tung Shan Terrace, B2 Stubbs Road, H.K The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 210 LI, Shi-yi LINDSAY, T. J.* L IU, D. H. LIU, Sydney C. - LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Prof. Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOBO, Mrs. R. H. LOCKING, J. R. - - LOCKS, Miss A. M. LOFT, Prof. B. + LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, Francis B.* - LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. LUM, Miss Ada* LUPTON, G. C. M. MA, Meng · MACCABE, Miss Eileen - MACGREGOR, Miss M. MACK, A. M. MACKEITH, J. S. MACKENZIE, J. + + • MACKENZIE, Miss Susan - MADING, Dr. Klaus MAGEE, M. W. P. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon. 3, Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W. c/o U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 22 Tai Hang Road, 3rd fl., H.K. Dept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia, c/o The Registry, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. Race View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. c/o District Office, Yuen Long, N.T. Flat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K. Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. 176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. 69, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 255, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 80 Robinson Road, H.K. Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o German Consulate General, P.O. Box 250, H.K Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon. E Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 211 MANEELY, R. B. Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. - c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. MAO, Dr. Philip Wen-chee + 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon. MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J.- MAXWELL, D. P. F. · Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 104, Macau, Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. MAYNARD, Prof. David M. Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. MCBAIN, E. B. MCBAIN, G. T MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* MCDOUALL, J. C.* MCELNEY, B. S. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. 13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. MCFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J. MCKENNA, Sister M. P. - St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church. Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon McKEIRNAN, Sister Agnes - As above. MCLEVIE, J. G. MEFFAN, Mrs. E. I. - MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. - ► MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* - MILBURN, K. T Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan. Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 212 MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. Olav. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. NEILD, Mrs. Christine NELSON, Howard G. H. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. H. NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, Prof. John J. NORONHA, J. E. OLIPHANT, R. G. L. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. OU, Miss G. OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PEARSON, Miss E. F. PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. R. J. PICKFORD, J. B. Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. 61 Mile Taipo Road, N.T. 1201 Manson House, Nathan Road. c/o Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 148, King Henry's Road, Swiss Cottage, London N.W.3, England. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University of Maine, Orono, Maine, U.S.A. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd., 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. c/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. 21 South Bay Road, Ground Floor, Repulse Bay, H.K. 1 Chater Hall, Ground floor, 1 Conduit Road, H.K. Flat 1002, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Dept. of Zoology, University of Hull, England. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 213 PIKE, E. N. PLAG, Rev. A. - POLAND, T, D. POLDY, Mrs. K, PORDES, F. POST, Miss Elizabeth M. PRESCOTT, Jon RAINBIRD, S. W. - RASSIM, Mrs. Eleanor RATH, Mrs. R. H. RAYNE, R. N. = REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, William RIDE, Sir Lindsay* - RIDE, Lady*. RIGBY, Lady - + - The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Shouson Villa, Flat B, G/F, 16 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. C-24 Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. Secretariat Training Unit, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. 79 Deep Water Bay Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 101 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. 8A Beach Road, Stanley, H.K. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. ROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M. Dept. of Social Studies, The University, ROBERTSON, Dr. M. J. = Pokfulum, H.K. Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st fl., Kowloon. ROBINSON, Prof. Kenneth E.* ROE, Capt. J. S. ROGERS, Rev, D. L. - ROSEMANN, Mrs. F. I. ROTHE, U.” ROY, Dr. A. - RUMJAHN, S. M. · RUST, H. A. - - - + • RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. - + University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, Hong Kong. Union Church, Kennedy Road, H.K. c/o Neckermann Versand Ltd., P. O. Box K-45, H.K. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. P. O. Box 448, H.K. Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. 2-E Wongneichong Gap Road, Flat 7, H.K, * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 214 RYAN, Rev. Father T. F. L RYDINGS, H. A.. + Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, H.K. SAUNDERS, Hon, J. A. H. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. SCHALLER, Miss K. SCHOYER, B. P. - SCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, David M. - SELLETT, G.* SERSALE, Miss S. M. SHAW-KENNEDY, Miss Anne - SHEPHARD, A. J. SHEKURY, Miss E. SHOEMAKER, John F. - SHING, D. SHU, Dr. H. T. SIEGEL, H. W. - SINFIELD, G. H. C.* - SIMPSON, R. F. SKELSON, R. E. SLEVIN, B. F. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie* + + + + H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, 37, Northbridge Road, Greenwich, Connecticut, 06870, U.S.A. c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A, Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. c/o H.K. Government Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W. 1, England. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 2B Fairland Towers, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon, 73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. Apt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada, "Woodside", University of H.K., Pokfulum, H.K. 43 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Headquarters, Kennedy Road, H.K. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 215 SMITH, S. H.* SMYTH, Miss L. SO, Dr. Chak-lam SOONG, N. SPANKIE, D. R. A. SPERRY, H. M.* STANLEY, Major H. F. - STANTON, W. T.* STARRETT, A. V. STEWART, Miss E. M. STOKES, J. STONEY, G. S. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. STOWE, C.. + - c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. Economic Survey Section, British Trade Commission, Room 704 Shell House, H.K. Lime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, U.S.A. H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. 5 Douglas Apts., 22 Old Peak Road, H.K. Flat 3A, 4 Mt. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy E Life Member ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 216 TARR, A. D. - THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, Dr. O. L. - THOMAS, T. H. THORN, Mrs. R. + THROWER, Prof. L. B. - TILL, The Very Rev. B.* + TISDALL, B. TOLMAN, Norman H. TOOGOOD, C. W. - TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir Michael* TYLER, Mrs. M. R. + - - P - Flat 202, Balmacara, 17 Old Peak Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon, c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England, 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. Cultural Office, U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. 57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. 402 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. UHALLEY, Dr. Stephen, Jr. Department of Oriental Studies, University VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. + VIO, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. WALDEN, J. C. C. + WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARRINGTON-STRONG, Cmdr. F. WATSON, Hon. K. A. WATERS, D. D. WEBB-JOHNSON, S. A. WEI, Dr. Tat of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85721, U.S.A. Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above, 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. c/o Urban Services Dept., Central Govt. Offices, (West Wing), H.K. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. c/o Registry of Persons Office, Causeway Bay Magistracy, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. Technical College, Hung Hom, Kowloon. 46 King's Park Flats, Kowloon, 3. Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 217 WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, P. B. - WILLIAMS, Roger A. WILSON, B. D. - WILMOT-MORGAN, E. WILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M. - WILSON, Mrs. A. W.. WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Peng-Cheong* WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss Sybil WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WOOD, Mrs. C. - WOOL-SMITH, Miss Judy - WORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E. WRIGHT, Miss B. R. WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. - WU, Hei-Tak YANG, V. T. YAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, Walter, W. T. YOUNG, Miss Pauline - ZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A. 7 Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 10, The Albany, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. c/o P.W.D. Headquarters, Central Government Offices, H.K. As above. 2 University Drive, H.K. 402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K. 11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon, 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. G. P. O. Box 497, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, Address unknown, Flat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of History, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon, Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K, 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K. 12 Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234. Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d Plate 14. Members of the Society and children of the area, outside the Kam Ha Ching She vegetarian hall (see p. 144). Plate 15. Vegetarian refreshments are offered by an elderly inmate of the Tsing Shan vegetarian hall (the fourth visited - see p. 143). (Plates 14-19 are by courtesy of Miss P.F. Wortley-Talbot, a member of the Hong Kong Branch) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d Plate 16. The front of the Wing Lok Tung vegetarian hall (see p. 143), Plate 17. Soul-tablets of deceased inmates and other members. Decorations attaching to some tablets were said to have been placed there by close associates (see p. 147). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d Plate 18. An altar in one of the halls visited. At top left is a portrait of a female "master" in the sect (see p. 144). Plate 19. The Ngau Chi Wan village temple with which inmates of the halls maintain a friendly connection (see p. 147). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 僅 ރ ' *** 1000: * CORTO CALL 900 10- 20 0 Magistracy L J N ar VICTORIA R 00 Harbour Houst ם Governmel House Acclimatising Barracki Post office Proposed site for Church ( Site of Major Caine's house (inland lot 59) Buildings erected in 1842 and 1843, sometimes called the 'Record Office'. Site of the present Government House Mr. Johnston's house on inland lot 82. Plate 20. Hong Kong, Central District 1843 (see p. 156). Re-drawn from a Survey Map compiled by the Royal Engineers in mid-1843 in CO129:11, F. 455 (Colonial Office records) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d Plate 21. Reaping hook from Lantau Island, Hong Kong (see p. 161), Plate 22. Reaping hook from Lantau Island, Hong Kong (see p. 161). (Plates 21-22 by courtesy of the Curator, City Hall Museum and Art Gallery, Hong Kong.) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in September, 1969. 1,000 copies. Price per copy: HK $12 US $2 postage extra UK 17/6d Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by YE OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir David Trench, G.C.M.G., M.C. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1969: President: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Vice-President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Hon. Secretary: J. L. H. Webster, C.M.G., M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: Professor Ma Meng, M.B.E., B.A. H. T. Wu, M.A., J.P. G. A. Bridges, M.A. Commander F. Warrington-Strong, D.S.C.,* R.N. Retd. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. The Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Responsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1968 On the retirement and return to Britain of Mr. O. P. Edwards of the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank the accounts have been kindly audited by Mr. N. N. Chan of Butterfield & Swire (H.K.) Ltd. Members will note that there is an excess of Income over Expenditure amounting to $6,970, compared with a deficit amounting to $738 in the previous year. This has largely been brought about by the increase in sale of publications, which this year amounted to $6,118 (against $1,708 last year). Such a high figure for the sale of publications cannot be expected for the future since this year's figures include the sales of 2 Journals (1967 and 1968) and the full effects of the sales of the brochure on the 1966 Symposium and Sir Lindsay Ride's booklet "The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao". There is therefore no room for complacency, and it will be noticed that once again annual subscriptions do not cover our total expenditure, the shortfall being covered by bank interest, income from investments and the sale of publications. In December 1968 the 125 shares in the Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corporation (London Register) were sold at a profit of $9,981 and are responsible for the large current account balance ($23,736). The proceeds of this sale have since been re-invested in buying 400 Hong Kong Electric and 400 Lane Crawford, the latter now showing a gratifying increase in market value together with a rights issue of 50 shares. There has also been a recent bonus issue of 133 shares in the China Light & Power. The cost over market value of 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80 can be attributed not only to the low market value of this stock but also to the effects of devaluation. The Society is expected to meet heavy expenditure in the forthcoming year. The 1969 Journal with offprints will call for an amount of $8,000 to 9,000, and it is expected that Volume I of the Journal will be reprinted in the near future, calling for another $3,000. Members are strongly urged to assist in increasing the membership of the Society not only to help towards the cost of this high anticipated expenditure but also to obtain a more satisfactory income over expenditure for the future. D. A. GILKES, Hon. Treasurer. 28 April, 1969. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS As things turned out, Gibb did not return to Hong Kong, and Ng Choy was therefore appointed on a three-year term. This appointment was unfortunately interpreted by some members of the British community as an attempt to create an anti-English party feeling in Hong Kong. In May 1880 when one of the magistrates went on leave, the Governor replaced him temporarily by Ng Choy who thus became the first Chinese to hold a senior appointment in the Hong Kong Government. This led to a question in the House of Commons as to why Ng Choy should combine a paid official post with an unofficial seat in the Legislative Council; but by the time these explanations were required the original holder of the post had returned to the Colony. The attitude of the British community towards him and the Governor as a result of his appointment to the Legislative Council as well as this parliamentary question must have embarrassed Ng Choy very much. During this time, China having suffered repeated defeats from the hands of foreign powers, there was a movement in China to promote western technology and to modernize China, and any Chinese who had been trained or educated abroad would be welcome back to China. Thus when an invitation came from China for him to serve China, Ng Choy accepted it gladly. He left Hong Kong in 1882 before the expiry of the 3-year term in the Legislative Council, and later sent in his resignation from Tientsin. Ng Choy became Secretary and Legal Adviser to Viceroy Li Hung-chang, one of the most important Chinese political figures of the time. Now known as Wu Ting-fang, he soon rose to become Chief Director of Railways and later Ambassador to the U.S.A. After the founding of the Chinese Republic in 1911, he held important appointments respectively as Minister of Judicial Affairs, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Financial Affairs. In 1917, when China entered the First World War, he was for a short time nominated as Premier. In 1922 he became Governor of Kwangtung and died the same year in office, soon after General Chan Kwing-ming's revolt in Canton.* * In his The Chinese (Indianapolis, The Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1909) p. 196, John Stuart Thomson praises Wu and styles him "the Chesterfield of China in all the graces of speech and manners." Ed. Page 15 Page 16 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS 11 for nomination by the Governor. The new Council met on 28th February, 1884, and consisted of 6 officials excluding the Governor: the Chief Justice, the Colonial Secretary, the Attorney General, the Surveyor General, the Colonial Treasurer, and the Registrar General. There were also 5 unofficials: Mr. T. Jackson (elected by the Chamber of Commerce), Mr. F. D. Sassoon (elected by the Justices of the Peace), Messrs. P. Ryrie, F. B. Johnson and Wong Shing, appointed by the Governor. Thus in 1884 Wong Shing became the second Chinese to serve on the Legislative Council as an unofficial member. He too was a Cantonese from Chung Shan District. In 1841 he entered, with two other Chinese boys, Yung Wing and Wong Foon, the Morrison School in Macao which was later transferred to Hong Kong. In January 1847, Dr. Robbins Brown, an American teacher in the Morrison School, had to leave China on account of ill health. He offered to take a few of his old pupils back to America for further education. Yung Wing, Wong Foon and Wong Shing signified their desire to go and, through Dr. Brown and the Morrison Education Society, expenses for two years for the three boys were arranged. They embarked at Whampoa on the ship "Huntress" and proceeded via the Cape of Good Hope, the journey taking more than three months. Upon arrival in the U.S.A. the three boys were admitted to the Monson Academy at Monson, Massachusetts. As a result of ill health, Wong Shing did not manage to acquire any academic honours during his sojourn in the United States. On his return to China he was offered an appointment in the Foreign Ministry. He served with Viceroy Li Hung-chang and Marquis Tseng Chi-tze and was a member of the Chinese legation staff in Washington. He resigned later from the Chinese diplomatic service and came to Hong Kong as a merchant. He was also associated with the Anglo-Chinese College and with the London Missionary Society for which he directed its printing establishment under Dr. James Legge. When the Tung Wah Hospital was founded in 1870, he was a founder director. He was naturalized in December 1883 and was appointed to the Legislative Council in February 1884. He was described as a man of property, much-travelled, speaking good English and fully qualified to “look at Chinese affairs with English eyes and at English affairs with Chinese eyes". His career as a Legislative Councillor was an ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 20 T. C. CHENG authorities should look into the teaching of Chinese boys in English so as to increase the efficiency of the teaching of English. As a result, a Committee was appointed in 1917 "to enquire into the teaching of the English language to Chinese boys in Government schools, and to examine the question whether by a reduction in the number of other subjects more time can be devoted to such teaching". The Committee reported the same year, but did not recommend any changes in the school curriculum. However, they recommended (a) small classes, better buildings and better-paid teachers which would bring better results, and (b) the appointment of one English teacher to a maximum of 120 pupils. The Committee also advocated medical inspection of pupils in Government schools, as a result of which a system of medical examination was instituted the following year. In recognition of Lau's services towards his fellow-men in Hong Kong, the Chinese Government conferred upon him “The Order of the Excellent Crop, Third Class" in 1916. He died in 1922. There is a Chinese belief that “good deeds will be rewarded by bearing good offspring". This seems only too true in his case, for his eldest son, Lau Tak-po, founded the Hong Kong & Yaumati Ferry Company and his eldest grandson, Lau Chan-kwok, J.P. is now the Managing Director of the Company. When Sir Boshan Wei Yuk retired from the Legislative Council in 1917, he was succeeded by Ho Fook, younger half-brother of the late Sir Robert Hotung. He was another outstanding student of the Central School. In 1878 when the Governor, Sir John Pope Hennessy, attended his first Prize Giving at the Central School, Ho Fook, then in Class 2, received from him a prize in the form of a gold pencil case.23 He served in the Compradore's Department of Jardine, Matheson & Company and in 1900 was a founder of the Chinese Merchants Bureau. He remained in the Legislative Council for only four years and retired in 1921. Ho Fook was a generous benefactor of education. In 1917 he donated HK$50,000 to the University of Hong Kong for the erection and equipment of the School of Physiology. He also endowed prizes in all the faculties of the University. Like the Honourable Lau Chu-pak he produced some very fine offspring.24 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 24 T. C. CHENG founded a company named after himself. He was also General Manager of Chinese Estate, Ltd., and adviser to the Hong Kong and Yaumati Ferry Company. He was Honorary Adviser to the Chinese Government as well as the Kwangtung Provincial Government. In 1924, he turned down a Chinese offer to be ambassador to England. He was a member of the Legislative Council for 13 years, from 1923 to 1936, and a member of the Executive Council for 5 years from 1936 to 1941. He was created a knight bachelor in 1938. The big strike of 1925 was followed by a boycott of British goods and shipping in China until 10 October 1926, resulting in a serious economic depression in Hong Kong. Mainly through the persuasiveness of Robert Kotewall a special loan of £1,600,000 with an interest rate of 5½%, was arranged from the British Government to assist the merchants of the Colony until normal trading was resumed. Because of this, the Chinese gave him the nickname of "Silver Tongue". Sir Robert Kotewall died after the war in 1949,27 In 1929, the Legislative Council was enlarged through the initiative of the Governor, Sir Cecil Clementi, who was a noted Chinese scholar. The number of officials was increased from eight to ten, including the Governor, and the number of unofficials was increased from six to eight. Of the two additional unofficial members, one was to be a Chinese and the other a Portuguese. Thus the number of Chinese unofficials was increased from two to three and the Portuguese community was represented for the first time on the Council by Mr. Jose Pedro Braga. In addition to Sir Shouson Chow and Robert Kotewall, Dr. Tso Seen-wan became the third Chinese member of the Legislative Council in 1929. Dr. Tso, born in 1868, studied law in England. In 1896 he started his practice as a solicitor in Hong Kong together with a partner named Hodgson. In 1902, he, Dr. Ho Kai and some other Chinese leaders were responsible for the founding of St. Stephen's Boys College. He served on the Sanitary Board in 1918 and was appointed a J.P. the same year. As early as 1916, he was awarded the honorary degree of LL.D. by the University of Hong Kong, and in 1928 and 1935 was awarded the O.B.E. and C.B.E. respectively. He served on the Legislative Council from 1929 to 1937 when he resigned. Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS 25 Dr. Tso was noted as a very frank, honest and outspoken person. On 26th August 1936 when Mr. (later Sir) M. K. Lo proposed a motion in the Legislative Council that the censorship of the Chinese press should be abrogated, he opposed it by saying that, although he appreciated the principle of the freedom of the press within certain limits, he must ask that local conditions and the interest of the Colony, and in particular of the Chinese community, should be taken into consideration as of first importance. He argued that as there was so much unrest and uncertainty in the political atmosphere in the Far East as a result of Japanese aggression in China, it was very easy and quite natural for the Chinese papers to over-step their bounds by giving expressions to their feelings on matters Chinese. Such expressions, if undesirable and unchecked, might create misunderstandings outside and stir up trouble inside the Colony. He advocated that prevention was better than cure; for, if bad feeling or bad blood were stirred among the masses, especially among the less intelligent sections of the Chinese community, it would be most difficult to restrain or pacify. He felt therefore that Government should continue to censor the Chinese press, although the better controlled English press needed little, if any, censorship. Although Lo's motion was also opposed by other members and was lost, Dr. Tso's frank remarks led to fierce criticisms and even hostility against him by the Chinese press and the Chinese public. This was probably the cause of his resignation in 1937. In 1931, when Sir Shouson Chow left the Legislative Council, he was succeeded by Mr. Chau Tsun-nin, now Sir Tsun-nin Chau. Sir Tsun-nin, born in 1893, is the seventh son of the late Chau Siu-ki who was acting Legislative Councillor in the years 1921, 1923 and 1924. Having received his early education at St. Stephen's Boys College, he completed his university studies at Oxford. He was then admitted to Middle Temple and became a barrister. In 1914 he returned to Hong Kong and, after practising as a barrister for a few months, turned to business. He was appointed a J.P. in 1923 and a member of the Sanitary Board in 1929. He was a member of the Legislative Council from 1931 to 1939, and was awarded the C.B.E. in 1938. After the war he was appointed to the Executive Council and was created a knight bachelor in 1956. He retired in 1959. When Robert Kotewall retired from the Legislative Council ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 26 T. C. CHENG in 1936 he was succeeded by Mr. (later Sir) Man-kam Lo. Sir Man-kam, born in 1893, was the eldest son of the late Lo Cheung-shiu, J.P., who was Chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1915. He was also the son-in-law of the late Sir Robert Hotung. Sir Man-kam went to England to study law in his youth and later founded the solicitors' firm, Messrs. Lo & Lo, his partner then being his younger brother, M. W. Lo. He was appointed a J.P. in 1921 and served on the District Watch Force Committee, the Sanitary Board and many other Boards and Committees. He was Chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1929 and was a member of the Legislative Council from 1936 to 1941. After the war he was appointed to the Executive Council and was knighted in 1948. Sir Man-kam was not only a brilliant lawyer but also a very conscientious and outspoken member of the Legislative and the Executive Councils in his time. His views and advice were always highly esteemed by the Government. He died suddenly in 1959. In his book Via Ports, a recent Governor of Hong Kong, Sir Alexander Grantham, had this to say about Sir Man-kam: “Out-standing amongst them (i.e., Executive Council Members) was Sir Man-kam Lo, whose death in 1959 was a great loss to the Colony. He had a first class brain, great moral courage and a capacity for digging down into details without getting lost in them. I can picture him at a meeting of the Council when some difficult or controversial subject was under discussion. Another member would be expounding his views. From the glint in 'M.K.'s' eyes and the way his lips were moving, I knew he had something forceful to say. I could hardly wait for the previous speaker to finish and to hear 'M.K.' Then again, when a complex but dull matter was being dealt with by the circulation of papers, on which members would write their opinions, I would look to see what 'M.K.' had written and, as often as not, save myself the tedium of reading all the other minutes. He was invariably right to the point” 28 When Dr. Tso Seen-wan resigned from the Legislative Council in 1937, he was succeeded by Dr. Li Shu-fan who, born in 1887, received his early medical training at the Hong Kong College of Medicine and later at Edinburgh University. In 1964 he published his autobiography, entitled Hong Kong Surgeon and it is recommended that any one wishing to know more about the late ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS 27 Dr. Li and Hong Kong should read this very interesting book.29 Dr. Li died on 24th November 1966. The last Chinese to hold a substantive appointment on the Legislative Council before 1941 is Mr. Thomas Tam who received his legal training in England and practised as a barrister in Hong Kong. He was appointed a J.P. in 1933 and was a member of the Legislative Council from 1939 to 1941. After the war he served as a magistrate and was awarded the O.B.E. in 1951. He has been in retirement since 1958. Besides the above, there were three persons who served at one time or another for short periods on the Legislative Council. They were Chan Kai-ming30 who acted as a Legislative Councillor in 1918, Chau Siu-ki who acted as a Legislative Councillor in 1921, 1923 and 1924 and finally Li Tse-fong32 who acted as a Legislative Councillor in 1939. A list showing the names of the Chinese Unofficials and the years in which they served in the Legislative/Executive Council is appended after the Notes which begin on the following page. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 28 T. C. CHENG NOTES 1 During these early years, schools like the Morrison School, operated by the Morrison Education Society founded by Dr. Robert Morrison, the Anglo-Chinese School (or Ying Wah School) operated by Dr. James Legge of the London Missionary Society (Dr. Legge is best known for his translation of the Chinese classics and for his appointment as the first professor of Chinese at Oxford University in 1874), and St. Paul's College operated by the Anglican Bishop, were dismal failures whether from the missionary or from the educational point of view. In 1855, the Governor Sir John Bowring had this to say about St. Paul's College: "For the last six years, £250 a year has been voted by Parliament to the Bishop's College for the education of 6 persons destined to the public service, and not a single individual from that College has been yet declared competent to undertake the meanest department of an interpreter's duty See E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, London; Luzac and Co., 1895, p. 349. 2 On p. 60 of Fragrant Harbour by G. B. Endacott and A. Hinton, a statement was made that Ng Choy was "educated at the old Central School (Queen's College)". I find no evidence to support this. 3 As a result of the founding of the Government Central School (the present Queen's College) in 1862, a number of educated Chinese well-versed in both Chinese and English had been produced, who began to regard Hong Kong as their home town and who began to develop a keen interest in the welfare of Hong Kong. Thus leading Chinese founded the Tung Wah Hospital in 1870 and the Po Leung Kuk in 1880. It is of interest to note that in the 1870's, the educated Chinese actually pressed for the election of representatives to form a Chinese Municipal Board. In 1878, when the foreign community protested against Sir John Hennessy's policy of lenient treatment of prisoners, the Chinese in Hong Kong for the first time despatched an address to Queen Victoria which was in effect a vote of confidence in the Government. 4 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 94. *G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 94. 6 In 1862 an Institute of Foreign Languages was founded in Peking and translation bureaux were established to translate scientific books into Chinese. In 1866 the first modern shipbuilding yard was started in Foochow, Fukien, and from 1872 to 1875 four batches of selected young Chinese scholars, totalling 120, were sent to the U.S.A. to further their studies. 7 General Chan (陳炯明, Chen Chiung-ming) revolted against Sun Yat-sen in Canton in June 1922. For details about this revolt, see Tang Leang-li's The Inner History of The Chinese Revolution, London, p. 140. 8 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 199. 9 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 98. 10 After 2 years there, Yung Wing (容閎, Rong Hong) went to Yale University and was the first Chinese to graduate from that famous institution in 1854. Yung later became a famous person in the history of modern China, being responsible for the opening of the first school of mechanical engineering in Shanghai; the formation of the China Merchant Steamship Navigation Company; the translation of many scientific books into Chinese; and the sending of young Chinese scholars to the U.S.A. for western studies in the 1870's. In the case of Wong Foon, after 2 years' study in the U.S.A., he crossed the Atlantic to Scotland and entered the University of Edinburgh where he graduated with honours in medicine and surgery. He returned to Canton in 1857 and distinguished himself as a surgeon. See also Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and Western Cultures, Honolulu, East-West Center, 1964, Chapter 4, "Yung Hung (Yung Wing) and Foreign Schemes". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS JI13 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 205. 29 12 Now known as the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital. Its subsequent history is described in a brochure privately published by the Hospital in 1957, enlarged and re-issued for the eightieth anniversary in 1967. 13 區德,又名區仰德,列字澤民, 14 The Government took over the project in 1927 and turned it into the Kai Tak airfield which came into being in 1928. 15 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 200. 16 Ho Kai's sister was married to Wu Ting-fang, i.e. Ng Choy. 17 韋寶珊 18 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, pp. 120-124. 19 Chinese members of the Legislative Council were ex-officio members; the other members were elected by the Chinese Justices of the Peace, 20 Li Shu-fan, Hong Kong Surgeon, p. 39. Wei Yuk is, however, wrongly described as a member also of the Executive Council. 21 The Hong Kong Government later built the Kowloon Canton Railway which was started in 1906 and completed in 1910. It may be of interest here to mention that the Beacon Hill Tunnel was designed and constructed by Mr. F. Southey, a former student of Diocesan Boys School who won a Hong Kong Government Scholarship in 1890 to study in England. 22 Named after the first and outstanding headmaster of the Central School, Dr. Frederick Stewart who later became Colonial Secretary in the years 1887 and 1888, under the Governor Sir George William Des Voeux. 23 G. Stokes, Queen's College, 1862-1962, Hong Kong, p. 221. 24 Among his grandchildren whom I know personally are the following distinguished officers in the Hong Kong Government Service: Dr. Ho Hung-chiu, O.B.E., Senior Specialist in Radiology, Mr. Eric Ho, Staff-grade Administrative Officer, Miss Daphne Ho, M.B.E., Principal Social Welfare Officer and Miss Helen He, O.B.E., Senior Medical Social Worker, Mr. Stanley Ho, a prominent businessman in Hong Kong and Macao, is also his grandson, 25 The ages of the boys ranged from 10 to 16. It is said that because of their pig-tails, they were often mistaken to be girls and had often times to fight very hard to repel the advances made to them by the American boys! 26 On p. 294 of Endacott's A History of Hong Kong, it is stated that "a Chinese member was added to the Executive Council in 1921". This is presumably a typographic error, 27 Sir Robert Kotewall left eight daughters and one son. His son, Cyril, is now practising as a solicitor in Hong Kong and one daughter, Bobbie, is the principal of the well-known St. Paul's Co-educational College. 28 Sir Alexander Grantham, Via Ports, p. 110. 29 Li Shu-fan, Hong Kong Surgeon, London, Victor Gollancz, 1964. 30 At one time, a director of the Bank of East Asia. Educated at Queen's College, Mr. Chan was a generous benefactor of education. In 1917 he donated HK$50,000 to the University of Hong Kong for the erection and equipment of the School of Pathology. He also endowed prizes in all the faculties of the University. 31 Father of Sir Tsun-nin Chau, 32 Father of Mr. Li Fook-wo, O.B.E., Deputy Chief Manager of The Bank of East Asia, and Mr. F. K. Li, Staff-grade Administrative Officer in the Hong Kong Government. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 36 R. G. GROVES zation, the other with the implications of marketing systems for social structure. Both are relevant to an understanding of the mid-nineteenth century militia movement and the resistance to British forces entering Hong Kong's New Territories at the end of the century.25 The remainder of this article will be devoted to a consideration of the two subjects. The Mid-Nineteenth Century Militia Movement. Wakeman, in his analysis of this subject, distinguishes three types of militia. The first comprised yung (勇), or braves, Yung were hired mercenaries who, when officially employed, were commanded by regular officers and tended to fight as closely supervised auxiliaries to the regular forces. Tung-kwan Hsien, Kwang-tung, had a particular reputation for producing such 'bare-sticks' and sent recruits to fight the British in both 1840 and 1899. The second type of militia were gentry-sponsored t'uan-lien (團練). They were raised at Government's request or by its authority and tended to be under close official supervision, although frequently retaining considerable independence of action in the field. The third type of militia, described by Wakeman as "genuine t'uan-lien”, might be more appropriately termed ‘local corps'26. Although their existence may have been sanctioned or countenanced by Imperial officials, they were frequently formed on local initiative and particularly during the later years of the nineteenth century were largely independent of government control. Subsequent discussion will be principally concerned with the second and third types of militia. The t'uan-lien which assembled at Canton in 1840 were composite organizations. They came from the counties of Nan-hai, P'an-yü, Hsiang-shan, and Hsin-an and, in theory, were created by the implementation of the hu-ch'ou-ting (戶抽丁) system. This seems unlikely as the entire force was assembled within ten days. In fact, the hu-ch'ou-ting system had been "superimposed on preexisting local militia"27 An example is provided by the t'uan-lien (local corps) of San-yuan-li, which were “organized under 'banners' (旗), usually inscribed with the characters 'righteous people' (義民) and the name of the particular village each of the t'uan-lien represented someone's own village. The irregulars tended to retreat or advance behind the banner of their particular town.... "28 1 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE 37 How were such composite forces recruited? Wakeman stresses three factors: gentry leadership, the she-hsüeh (local school) as an organisational node, and agnatic kinship. Let us consider them in turn. "Usually a gentry organizer would form a cohesive t'uan-lien around one town When he had assembled his men, he persuaded the elders of neighbouring villages to enroll their banners under his . . . From such integral nuclei, other, less tightly organized 'banners' could be extended: but gentry leadership was the essential factor."29 She-hsüeh were often resurrected or founded to serve as headquarters for militia forces: "in 1836 . . . village leaders near Whampoa had become alarmed by secret society activity. Twenty-four of the villages built a common hall under the guise of a 'local school' at a market town on the south side of Honam island. There the elders met to try miscreants and bind them over to the district magistrate."30 During the period discussed by Wakeman (1839-61), the she-hsüeh served as "recruiting depots, treasuries, meeting halls, posting places, and drill grounds." Kinship was also significant in the formation of militia: "clan and t'uan-lien were mutually intermingled in Kwangtung during the 1840's and '50's. The militia of a uniclan village was nothing more than a clan organization."32 Kinship ties might constitute an important organizational element even in the case of more widely based militia. Wakeman has shown that, of the twenty-five leaders of the Tung-p'ing militia, 60 percent shared surnames.33 The possible relationship between these factors and Skinner's analysis of marketing systems is striking. The most obvious instance is that of the twenty-four villages which combined to establish a she-hsüeh at a market town on Honam island. Skinner says of this association that it "can only be interpreted as a formalization of structure within a standard marketing community.”34 To take another example, Wakeman reports that one of the leaders of militia in the San-yuan-li area combined the "twelve local schools" of his region (En-chou) into a defence command.35 En-chou lies within the area classified by Skinner as the central region of Kwangtung province. In the 1890's the average number of villages per market town in this region was 17.9.36 Could this also have been a “formalization of structure within a standard marketing community"? ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE 41 Most of these cases are summarily dealt with by the village council... But if either of the parties to a case is dissatisfied, he can appeal to a council of a Tung [Tung='cave', translated by Lockhart as division], or to a general council made up of the representatives of the different Tung.... Each council of a Tung contains representatives of the villages which make up the Tung. In addition to a council of a Tung there is a general council for the whole of the Tung Lo or Eastern Section. This general council is styled the Tung P'ing Kuk or Council of Peace for the Eastern Section. It has its chamber at the market town of Sham Chun, which is regarded as the centre of the Eastern Section."47 The organization of the Tung P'ing Kuk may be represented schematically as follows: Tung P'ing Kuk Tung Tung Tung Tung Village Councils Village Councils Village Councils Village Councils Apart from the description above, little is known about the Tung P'ing Kuk. Hayes, setting Stewart Lockhart's description against local material gathered from his own enquiries in the area, accepts that "a form of genuine local self-government existed in 1898"48. Freedman comments: "I have not yet been able to convince myself that I know what tung are."49 It is likely that what Stewart Lockhart described as a system of "local government" was the formal framework of a militia organization. Everything he says is consistent with this interpretation. Militia organizations commonly undertook responsibility for the maintenance of local order. The title of the general council is also suggestive: the character p'ing ('peace') often appeared in the style of militia forces. It is possible to get an idea of the areas of the various tung within the northern district of the New Territory from Appendices III and V of Stewart Lockhart's report. Three of the tung, Sha Tau Kok, Yuen Long, and Sham Chun, seem to have been roughly ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 44 R. G. GROVES that one could not bear to think of them."55 These apprehensions represent the core of arguments which were developed and embellished as the campaign to mount the resistance movement continued. They reached their highest point in a petition sent to the San On Magistrate some two weeks later. This alleged that, in an effort to control cholera, the Hong Kong Sanitary Board murdered Chinese who were ill by poisoning them with arsenic and then burned their houses down. The inflammatory potentialities of these charges — which appear to have been widely believed — are obvious. They were used frequently by leaders of the resistance in subsequent weeks. As requested, leaders of the various districts within the Yuen Long marketing area assembled the next day at Yuen Long market. Pat Heung, Shap Pat Heung, and Kam Tin were each represented by four people. Ping Shan sent six representatives, Ha Tsuen three, and Tun Mun (Castle Peak), one. Of the twenty-two people who attended the meeting, thirteen were members of one or another of the three Tang lineages. Once again, a decision was taken in favour of resistance, although not without disagreement. Two days later, on 31st March, leaders from throughout the area convened again at Yuen Long. The previous decision to resist was reaffirmed and letters were sent to leaders within the Sheung U Division, asking them to attend a general meeting at Yuen Long the next day.56 On 1st April leaders from the northern part of the Sheung U Division made their way to Yuen Long. In addition to the Yuen Long leaders, representatives of the following Sheung U lineages were present: Liu (Sheung Shui), Pang (Mandarin: P’eng, Fan Leng), Tang (Tai Po Tau), and Man (San Tin). The ensuing meeting was characterised by long and heated debate. It ended with a decision to offer resistance on an inter-divisional basis. Whatever the others did, the Tangs were clearly determined that the occupation would be opposed. While the Yuen Long meeting was in progress a copy of a placard issued by the Yuk-on Hin ("wish for peace" library) of Ping Shan reached the Governor in Hong Kong. Its message was direct and to the point: We hate the English barbarians, who are about to enter our boundaries and take our land, and will cause us endless evil. Day and night we fear the approaching ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 46 R. G. GROVES Yee Yuen and donated sums to its resistance fund. The two lineages also comprised two yeuk within the Ts'at Yeuk and, as such, were represented in the fighting at Tai Po. At some point after 1st April, leaders from the Yuen Long and Sheung U Divisions went together to the Tung P'ing Kuk at Sham Chun and attempted with little success to enlist wider support for their activities. An agent was sent to Tung-kuan Hsien, where a number of 'bare-sticks' were recruited. In addition, the help of the Tang lineage of Pan T'in, in the northern part of Hsin-an Hsien, was solicited. This lineage appears to have stood in a clan relationship with the Tang higher order lineage within the New Territory. Members of the Pan T'in lineage participated in the fighting within the territory and subsequently felt themselves threatened by the British occupation of Sham Chun. The first confrontation between the Ts'at Yeuk and the vanguard of the occupying force occurred at Tai Po. Since late March, contractors had been erecting matsheds for the Hong Kong authorities on a hill near the market. Work had been obstructed by local villagers who claimed that the hill was private land and that the matsheds would disturb the feng shui of the area. On 3rd April Captain-Superintendent May set off for Tai Po, with a mixed party of Sikh policemen from Hong Kong and a detachment of Chinese soldiers, which had been temporarily assigned to him by the Commander of the Chinese military garrison stationed at Kowloon City. He hoped to get work on the matsheds started again and intended to leave the soldiers as a guard for the construction materials, pending assumption of British authority in the Territory. May arrived at Tai Po early in the afternoon and went to a nearby temple, almost certainly the Man Mo Miu, where he knew he would meet local leaders. A large crowd gathered, both within the temple and in the narrow street outside. His efforts at persuasion failed and the bystanders "became very offensive in their language and demeanour."59 May thought it wise to leave, but hope of a dignified withdrawal ended as soon as the British party reached the street. They were set upon by an angry crowd, wielding brooms, buckets, and other improvised weapons. An escape was made after the soldiers had threatened the crowd with their rifles and the Sikhs had made a bayonet charge to clear a path. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d # MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE 55 General Gascoigne summed up the consequences of the occupation: "the forces of law... had disappeared on our arrival..."76 ## Conclusions The original questions, posed at page above, were how were composite militia forces organized and can they be related to what is known of other, enduring aspects of social organization in rural Kwangtung? It has been shown that the resistance movement was organized within and between standard marketing communities. For example, meetings were held at Yuen Long, and attended by leaders from throughout the area, prior to the first formal meeting with leaders from adjacent marketing communities. Meetings not held in ancestral halls were convened in the appropriate market town. In two of the markets - Shek Wu Hui and Tai Po - they occurred in temples which served existing market-wide associations. The Tai P'ing Kuk was established at Yuen Long as headquarters for the entire resistance movement. It is probable that this kuk was intended to replace the Tung Ping Kuk of the intermediate market, Sham Chun. The latter was a meeting place not only for leaders from within the New Territory, but also for leaders from adjacent Chinese territory. Attempts to enlist their support for the resistance had failed. This may account for the establishment of a new kuk, to serve the organizational needs of those involved in resistance. If, as has been suggested, the Tung Ping Kuk was a militia association, the constituent tung were not always organizational units. Although Yuen Long Tung appears to have been congruent with the Yuen Long marketing area, Sheung U Tung encompassed the marketing communities represented by Shek Wu and Tai Po markets. They, rather than the tung, were the loci of mobilization. A tentative view is that the tung were territorial areas of responsibility for the relatively few militia units within them, rather than organizational units per se. The response to the occupation of Sham Chun confirms the significance of marketing areas for militia mobilization. The Rev. Schaub's letters depict, in outline, a nexus of organization closely resembling that revealed by the resistance movement within the New Territory. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE 59 part of further studies of militia, both within Kwangtung Province and elsewhere in China. It is possible that the approach to militia used in this article could be applied to other, more significant, military organizations as they existed in nineteenth century China. For example, recent studies of the regional armies of Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang indicate that they were, initially, amalgamations of local militia forces.78 A more detailed analysis of these militia could contribute to a greater understanding of the particularistic relationships which appear to have been important in maintaining regional armies as viable organizations over relatively long periods of time. NOTES This article is based upon research in Hong Kong between 1963 and 1965. I am grateful for the financial support provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies. A number of colleagues have commented upon the subject matter of the article during its various stages of preparation. I would particularly like to thank the following for their advice: Dr. Christopher Turner, Dr. George C. Bond, Mr. James Hayes, Professor Maurice Freedman, and Professor Göran Aijmer. A draft of the paper was read to the Sociology Seminar, School of Social Studies, University of East Anglia. I am grateful to my colleagues in this context for their comments. Place names will be rendered according to A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hong Kong Government Printer, Hong Kong, n.d., but published 1960. 2 Brine, Lindesay. The Taeping Rebellion in China: A Narrative of its Rise and Progress. London, 1862, pp. 11-12. 3 Krone, [R]. “A Notice of the Sanon District", Article V, Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, pt. VI, Hong Kong, 1859, p. 71. 4 Freedman, Maurice. Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. London, 1966, p. 115. 5 The Governor of Hong Kong, commenting upon robbery and piracy during the year 1903, said: "they are the most common offences in the Southern provinces ... the Provincial Authorities do not attempt to deal with such cases until some village is reported as being specially notorious as harbouring robbers, when, if the authorities do not consider them too strong, a force is sent out and as many as possible arrested or the village destroyed." Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1903, Hong Kong, 1904, pp. 348 ff. Freedman, op. cit., p. 112, quotes an account of such an expedition which took place in "about 1870" and resulted in the beheading of more than a thousand people. 6 Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960, p. 503. 7 For a detailed account of these events, see: Wakeman, Jr., Frederic, Strangers at the Gate: Social Disorder in South China, 1839-1861. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 60 R. G. GROVES * Skinner, G. W. "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China Part I: The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XXIV, no. 1, November 1964, p. 32. 9 Ibid., p. 5ff. 10 Ibid., p. 32. 11 Ibid., pp. 32ff, C. K. Yang brings out clearly the significance of the market town as the centre of a system of communication. “In times of peace and tranquility, the subjects for chatting range from the births and deaths, weddings and quarrels, conditions of crops, some strange signs in the stars, some mishaps in certain villages, to all the big things and little things that make up the interest and chores in the daily life of the village peasants. But in time of war and political upheavals, in periods when banditry runs rampant or natural calamities plague upon the countryside, from the markets wild rumours fly; seeds of fear and suspicion are sown; signs of omens are interpreted and widely scattered." Yang, C. K., A North China Local Market Economy. Institute of Pacific Relations, New York, 1944, p. 13. 12 See, for example, Freedman, op. cit., pp. 82ff., Hsiao, op. cit., p. 423. 13 Skinner, op. cit., pp. 21ff. 14 Skinner, op. cit., p. 27. 15 Freedman, op. cit., pp. 18ff. 16 Ibid., p. 20. 17 Ibid., pp. 20-21. 18 Amyot, J. The Chinese Community of Manila; A Study of Adaptation of Chinese Familism to the Philippines Environment, Research Series no. 2. Philippines Studies Program, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago (mimeo), 1960. As will become clear, Amyot's analysis is important to the arguments of both Skinner and Freedman. 19 Hsiang is commonly translated as 'township', a practice followed by Amyot. Freedman points out that both 'Hsiang' and 'township' have been used as administrative terms and proposes the more neutral 'vicinage' as an alternative translation, Freedman, op. cit., p. 23. 20 Amyot, op. cit., p. 40. Quoted by Freedman, op. cit., p. 22. 21 Ibid., pp. 52ff. Quoted by Freedman, op. cit., p. 23. 22 Freedman, op. cit., p. 23. 23 Ibid., p. 25. 24 Ibid. It will be argued below that, even in the case of the Hsin-an higher-order lineages, the standard marketing area was organizationally significant. 25 The New Territories formerly constituted roughly three-fifths of Hsin-an county. By the Convention of Peking, 6th June 1898, they were leased to Britain for 99 years. 26 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 36. The term "local corps" is used by Chiang Siang-tseh in his work The Nien Rebellion, Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1954. 27 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 38. 28 Ibid., p. 39. 29 Ibid., pp. 39-40. 30 Ibid., p. 63. 31 Ibid., pp. 64-5. 32 Ibid., p. 112. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 33 Ibid., p. 113. MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE 61 34 This event has a tangled academic history. The establishment of the association by the twenty-four villages was originally reported in the Chinese Repository (IV, 1836, p. 414), and is quoted by Wakeman (op. cit., p. 63) from that source. It is also quoted by Hsiao (op. cit., p. 309) as an example of inter-village co-operation for the purposes of defence and the maintenance of order. Skinner (op. cit., p. 39, n. 80), quoting from Hsiao, argues its significance for the analysis of standard marketing communities. 35 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 39. 36 Skinner, G. W. "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China Part II". The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XXIV, no. 2, February 1965, pp. 207f. 37 Only those aspects of the New Territories most relevant to the argument will be discussed. There is a growing literature about the area which, taken together, gives considerable detail. Freedman, op. cit., p. viii, provides a bibliographical note on published works. 38 The land frontier of the territory begins just north of the Sham Chun river and runs eastward from Deep Bay to the market of Sha Tau Kok. J. H. Stewart Lockhart, the then Colonial Secretary of Hong Kong, was deeply opposed to this boundary. "It cuts in two the rich valley of which Sham Chun is the centre, and, while excluding that town, divides the villages in the valley hitherto linked together by family ties and common interests; all these villages regard Sham Chun as their central and most important market, where they dispose their goods and make their purchases" Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, Extracts from Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1899, Hong Kong, 1900, p. 196. 39 Ibid., p. 187. Stewart Lockhart's population estimates cannot be regarded as very accurate. By 1900 he thought the number of villages to be 597. Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1900, Hong Kong, 1901, p. 252. The Hong Kong census of 1911 gave the total population of the territory as 104,101. In the Northern District alone, 398 villages were enumerated. Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1911, Hong Kong, 1912, pp. 103ff. On the other hand, as guesses go, Stewart Lockhart's count is by no means disreputable. His estimate of 100,000 is not all that far from the 1911 census figure cited above. Other examples could be given which suggest that his estimates are sufficiently accurate to indicate general magnitudes of population, if not precise numbers. 40 Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, Extracts..., op. cit., p. 188. 41 This discussion will be confined to that part of the territory which used to be known as the 'Northern District' and will not consider the markets at Sai Kung, Tsuen Wan, Sham Shui Po, and Cheung Chau island. For brief accounts of these, see Hayes, J. W., "The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898"; "Cheung Chau 1850-1898: Information from Commemorative Tablets", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 11, 1962, vol. III, 1963. 42 Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1911, op. cit., pp. 103f.; Correspondence (December 15, 1903, to February 27, 1907) Relating to the Proposed Canton-Kowloon Railway, Eastern No. 88, Colonial Office, London, 1907, pp. 85ff. 43 For example, the marketing schedule of the two Tai Po markets was 3-6-9. That is to say, the markets met on the 3rd, 6th, 9th, 13th, 16th, 19th, 23rd, 26th and 29th days of each lunar month. The same principle applies to the schedules of each of the other markets. Normally, in specifying a schedule, only the first three days are given. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 62 R. G. GROVES 44 Skinner, op. cit., Part 1, p. 27. The markets of the northern district of the New Territory seem to have been dependent primarily upon Sham Chun, rather than upon several intermediate markets. This may be an example of what Skinner terms a marketing system in a "topographic cul-de-sac". Ibid., p. 21. 45 Baker, Hugh D. R. "The Five Great Clans of the New Territories”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. VI, 1966, p. 31. 46 Freedman, op. cit., pp. 82ff., gives an account of the origins of the Ts'at Yeuk. The character yeuk may be translated as 'covenant', or 'agreement'. The seven covenants' were a confederation of seven groups of villages within the Tai Po marketing area. 47 Papers Extracts, op. cit., p. 192. 48 Hayes, "The Pattern of Life.", op. cit., p. 9. 49 Freedman, op. cit., p. 81. 50 Papers Extracts, op. cit., pp. 201ff. 51 Hong Kong 1963, Hong Kong, 1964, pp. 363ff. 52 Papers Extracts, op. cit., pp. 587-8. 53 The following account has been assembled, somewhat in the manner of a jigsaw puzzle, from two sources: Hong Kong. Correspondence (June 20, 1898 to August 20, 1900) Respecting the Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony, Eastern No. 66, Colonial Office, London, 1900; Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1899. Despatches and Other Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1900. Specific references will be given only for quotations. 54 Correspondence, op. cit., p. 261. A brief discussion of the activities of the land syndicate mentioned in the preceding paragraph is to be found in Endacott, G.B., A History of Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, London and Hong Kong, and Paperback Edition, 1964, p. 265, who says: "The main problem of the take-over was not military but administrative. A land syndicate of Chinese among whom it was suspected Ho Kai [Dr. Ho Kai, a Chinese unofficial member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong] was one, had bought land at a fraction of its value by spreading the rumour that the British would seize all land. Blake threatened to restore this property, but the land problem proved too baffling for him to carry out his threat." 55 Correspondence, op. cit., p. 261. Wakeman, op. cit., Chap. V, discusses similar charges made against the British at Canton almost sixty years earlier. 56 One recipient was Liu Wan-kuk, of Sheung Shui. His support for the resistance appears to have been half-hearted throughout. On at least two occasions he protested: "the villages in our Division have no plans. Moreover, our commissariat and arms being insufficient, how can we offer effective resistance? We request your Division [Yuen Long] to decide on the plan of campaign and we will follow your instruction". The dominance of the Yuen Long Division—and of the Tang lineages within it—was to become increasingly obvious as the resistance movement developed. Papers Despatches, op. cit., p. 72. 57 Translated in Correspondence, op. cit., pp. 138ff. 58 Baker, op. cit., pp. 35ff. 59 Correspondence, op. cit., p. 147. 60 Ibid., p. 148. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MILITIA. MARKET AND LINEAGE 63 61 Ibid., p. 154. 62 Ibid., p. 159. 63 Liu Wan-kuk, of Sheung Shui, later described the inaugural meeting and its consequences in the following terms. "On the 1st of the 3rd moon (10th April), the Un Long Division made a great show of force, and stated in a most peremptory manner that if we refused to join in the resistance of the British, thousands of men from the Un Long Division with arms would proceed to level to the ground the villages belonging to the Liu, Tang and Pang families. The Sheung U Division was therefore compelled on the 3rd day (12th April) to request the Hau, Liu, Pang, Tang, Man clans to meet in the temple dedicated to a former Governor of Kwang Tung province. There it was decided to raise a small public subscription.... It was also decided that the various villages in our Division should have their trainbands (or militia) in readiness so that we should not be....powerless to check disorder. Our Division was the victim of circumstances.... Our trainband (or militia) was intended solely for the protection of the old and young in our Division." Translation of a statement made to the Colonial Secretary of Hong Kong, 26th April 1899, Papers. Despatches..., op. cit., p. 74. Here and subsequently, the spelling of place names and parenthetical remarks are those of the original translator. Remarks in brackets are my own. 64 Correspondence ..., op. cit., p. 226. Jingals are "long tapering guns, six to fourteen feet in length, borne on the shoulders of two men and fired by a third. They have a stand, or tripod, reminding one of a telescope being less liable to burst than cannon, they form the most effective gun the Chinese possess." J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, London, 1904 edition, p. 44. Page 13 Correspondence 65 Stewart Lockhart described the flag as follows: "the flag has a red border and a white centre, on which are seven Chinese characters meaning: Train band sanctioned by the Government: -Tai Kai (village), surname Man.' The village referred to.... is also known by the name of Tai Hang , op. cit., p. 180. The militia were so martial in appearance and conduct that the British at first thought they were regulars. The Viceroy commented: "the Governor of Hong Kong suspected that they were regular troops from the fact that they had guns, cannon, and uniforms. He was not aware that the villagers of Kwangtung, in their constant fights with each other, are always erecting forts, and use guns and cannon, and wear uniforms. This is a matter of common notoriety." Ibid., p. 304. 66 Ibid., pp. 188ff. These and similar letters were found in the T'ai Ping Kung Kuk at Yuen Long. A proclamation issued by the Council of the Yuen Long Division was also discovered. It supports Liu Wan-kuk's claim that coercion was a feature of the resistance movement: "The English barbarians are about to enter our territory, and ruin will come upon our villages and hamlets, All we villagers must enthusiastically come forward to offer armed resistance and act in unison. When the drum sounds to the fight, we must all respond to the call for assistance. Should anyone hesitate to take part or hinder or obstruct our military plans he will most certainly be severely punished, and no leniency will be shown. This is issued as a forewarning." Ibid. 67 Ibid., p. 171. 68 Papers 69 Ibid. Despatches , op. cit., p. 66. op. cit., p. 166. 70 Correspondence ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 64 71 Papers.... Despatches R. G. GROVES + * op. cit., p. 68. 72 Correspondence..., op. cit., p. 167. 73 Ibid., p. 297. Skinner postulates models of intermediate marketing systems in which each intermediate market is ringed by six standard markets. Skinner, op. cit., Part I, pp. 23f. 74 Correspondence 75 Ibid., p. 296. 76 Ibid., p. 380. + I P 1 op. cit., p. 295. 77 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 39. 78 See, for example: Spector, Stanley, Li Hung-Chang and the Huai Army, Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1964, Folsom, Kenneth E., Friends, Guests, and Colleagues; the Mu-Fu System in the Late Ch'ing Period, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968. Since writing this article, and further to note 37, Dr. Hugh D. R. Baker's study, Sheung Shui: A Chinese Lineage Village has now been published (London, Frank Cass & Co, Ltd., 1968). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 65 TUNG KWU ISLAND: THE TYPE SITE OF HONG KONG'S OLDER PRE-HISTORIC CULTURE INTRODUCTION W. SCHOFIELD* The present paper describes the writer's investigations of the large site revealed from 1925 onwards by sand diggers on the island of Tung Kwu beyond Castle Peak,† This dumb-bell island, which is formed entirely of Hong Kong granite and the sand which links its two portions by an isthmus, has not only yielded pottery of the historic period in one area of its western beach, but a great many remains of a culture obviously earlier than that of the Bronze Age in Lamma described by Father Finn.‡ DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND (See Plates 1 and 2) Tung Kwu is a typical single dumb-bell with an isthmus joining a large northern hill ridge 76 metres high to a smaller southern one of 68 metres. These hills show all the signs of early loss of their original woods, followed by washing away of most of the thick subsoil of clay full of quartz grains which formed beneath their cover, some of which remained on the isthmus and beaches. Much of the hill surface is occupied by large masses of granite boulders formed by chemical action in the clay, and left behind when it was washed away. A noteworthy feature of the northern hill area is the 35 metres hill that rises just north of the isthmus and is surrounded by a * Mr. Schofield (1888-1968) served in Hong Kong between 1911-1938 as a Cadet Officer and Police Magistrate, He was noted for his work pre-war on the geology and archaeology of Hong Kong, in which fields he was a pioneer scholar. More recently his article "Further Notes on the Sung Wong Toi" appeared in the 1968 Journal. Ed. †This island has long been misnamed on local maps. The Hong Kong Government's official Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (no date, but 1960), p. 161, calls it Lung Kwu Chau (##) and describes it as "an uninhabited island in area 0.158 sq. mile off the west of the Castle Peak Peninsula, incorrectly named TUNG KWU (Tongku) on the 1:25,000 official map. (Sheet 13, 1957 edition)". ‡ The photographs which illustrate this article may be found at Plates 1 to 9 at the rear of this volume. They are representative, and not ordinarily related to items mentioned in the text because Mr. Schofield died before we had chosen and discussed the illustrations. I am greatly indebted to Mr. James C. Y. Watt, Assistant Curator of the Hong Kong City Hall Museum and Art Gallery and Hon. Sec. of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, for much help and advice with the sketch-map, charts and plates. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d to P&Q.100M. North of O TUNG KWU ISLAND 67 N N Rocks decomposed granite; Rocks Present edge of old surface Beach Rolling stone 0 5 10 20 30 40 50 100 M. of earth 70 M & rock 10 M 10M Beach 35M Fig. 1. Tung Kwu; sketch map of the isthmus redrawn from Mr. Walter Schofield's field notebook. (Exact date of original not known, but done 1930s and before 23 February, 1938 when an additional entry was made and dated). 10M ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d TUNG KWU ISLAND 73 ment (cord-marked, stamped, or plain) or style (ancient or proto-historic, and hard, glazed pieces attributable to historic dynasties). Another classification could be made according to the probable use of all specimens collected, including those picked up loose: this would naturally be more comprehensive. But as much has been written about the lack of stratigraphy in our Hong Kong sites, it is very desirable that where it exists it should be described and its results deduced. 1. Coarse cord-marked pottery: (See Plate 4) These pieces were most numerous in the sectors on each side of the central sandy isthmus, but a few were found even in the northern sectors on the west beach. Almost all found in these sectors (L, M, N, O and P) had a matrix of rainwash from the hill behind, and lay at greater depths than pieces from the sandy isthmus. The deepest ranged from 200 to 220 cm. from the surface, with a scattering of others between 180 and 200 cm., and a few higher still, but none above 140 cm. Above 140 cm. in the other sectors (A to K) the corded pottery becomes very common indeed, with a regular stratum at 122 cm. which must have been a habitation layer,* with thinner layers at 137 cm., and others at 112 and 95 cm., and some scattered sherds between. Hardly any were found above 90 cm. One of the pieces from sector A was very elaborately decorated with cord-marks; it was from 122 cm., the main culture layer, and resembles a few others found loose. Such ornament on a jar, which this one was, like the others found, seems to indicate that they belonged to a person of importance, or were used for special purposes. Several more pieces with elaborate cord-mark impressions were found loose on the beaches. This type of coarse pottery seems to have been in everyday use on the site, as cooking pots, store jars, drinking cups and beakers, and as stem cups, of which one stem with the attached piece of the bottom was found. None were found in a position making it possible to infer that they were used as food vessels in a burial, though two vessels of coarse pottery, both decorated with stamped designs, were found in proved graves at Shek Pik†. *See Plate 6. † See W. Schofield, "The proto-historic site of the Hong Kong Culture at Shek Pik, Lantau, Hong Kong" at pp. 235-305 of Proceedings of the Third Congress of Pre-historians of the Far East, Singapore, Government Printing House, 1940. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 76 W. SCHOFIELD Other stamped designs of various kinds, curves, ovals, paired spirals, chevrons, etc., lie at an average depth of 127 cm. Sherds without patterns numbered 33, distributed at all depths averaging 115 cm. Many are jar rims or come from jars with equatorial ridges, plain above and patterned below, so that statistics would be useless. Some of these were food vessels buried beside the dead, of very fragile material, broken in fragments as they lay buried by the weight of earth and sand piled on them, but still keeping their upright position. Two such, as well as the only perfect jar found, came from the north extremity of the west beach, under the hill, so that earth washed off it adds to the measured depth of the vessels. This averaged 161 cm. for the three vessels, 40 cm. below the 122 cm, which was the chief culture level. This area probably served at one time as a cemetery of the early inhabitants. The complete jar was partly filled with decayed granite rainwash, lying against the side of the vessel when I found it at the foot of the low cliff. No stratum level could be assigned to it, but its perfect condition shows it could hardly have dropped from any great height and was most likely washed out of its matrix by rain and fairly gentle wave action. Its form is worth noting. Below the plain, slightly flared lip, pinched into two rough spouts on opposite sides, it expands gradually to the ‘equator'. Above this it is undecorated: below, a neatly impressed network of vertically arranged rhombs covers the rest of the body surface, in each mesh a raised stud which I interpret as a watching eye, or the pupil of an eye. The base is hollowed into a dinge for stabilising the vessel and is also ornamented.* The food vessel in grave IV at Shek Pik, of coarse pottery, also had stamped ornament, and two spouts on the rim.† The distribution in depth of soft pottery bearing stamped designs other than net patterns shows a certain slight degree of concentration around the 122 cm. level, with three above and three below it: they number only eight. All but one were found in the sand sectors of the site. The only tentative conclusions that may be drawn are that such designs were less favoured for funerary pottery than the net patterns, and that they were known *This jar is illustrated at Plate 5. † See Schofield, op. cit., p. 269, cxxi. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 98 : R. BRUCE 100 R. BRUCE was delighted. But it was then, enjoying his astronomy, showing off his English, and gratifying his vanity in front of foreign dignitaries, that he contracted a fever from which he never recovered. He returned to Bangkok and was dead within a few weeks. The work which he had started was carried on by his Prime Minister, Praya Suriwongse, who acted as Regent of the country until the Crown Prince Chulalongkorn came of age. His reign was successful but the way had been opened by his father, King Mongkut. BIBLIOGRAPHY Sir John Bowring, The Kingdom and People of Siam, London, Parker and Son, 1857. W. A. R. Wood, A History of Siam, Bangkok 1924. D. G. E. Hall, A History of South-east Asia, London, 2nd edn., 1964. A. L. Moffat, Mongkut, the King of Siam, Cornell U.P., 1961. A. B. Griswold, King Mongkut of Siam, New York, Asia Soc., 1961, Walter F. Vella, 'The Impact of the West on Government in Thailand' in Publications on Political Science, Vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 317-415, University of California Press, 1955. Various Journals of the Siam Society, Bangkok. The quoted passages listed 1-6 are from the following:- 1. 2. 3. From 'Siam and Sir James Brooke' by Nicholas Tarling in the Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XLVII Part 2, November 1960. 4. From The Kingdom and People of Siam by Sir John Bowring, London, 1857. 5. From Mongkut, the King of Siam by Abbot Law Moffat, Cornell University Press, 1961. 6. From 'English Correspondence of King Mongkut' in the Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XXII, July 1928. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 100 R. BRUCE was delighted. But it was then, enjoying his astronomy, showing off his English, and gratifying his vanity in front of foreign dignitaries, that he contracted a fever from which he never recovered. He returned to Bangkok and was dead within a few weeks. The work which he had started was carried on by his Prime Minister, Praya Suriwongse, who acted as Regent of the country until the Crown Prince Chulalongkorn came of age. His reign was successful but the way had been opened by his father, King Mongkut. BIBLIOGRAPHY Sir John Bowring, The Kingdom and People of Siam, London, Parker and Son, 1857. W. A. R. Wood, A History of Siam, Bangkok 1924. D. G. E. Hall, A History of South-east Asia, London, 2nd edn., 1964. A. L. Moffat, Mongkut, the King of Siam, Cornell U.P., 1961. A. B. Griswold, King Mongkut of Siam, New York, Asia Soc., 1961. Walter F. Vella, 'The Impact of the West on Government in Thailand' in Publications on Political Science, Vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 317-415, University of California Press, 1955. Various Journals of the Siam Society, Bangkok. The quoted passages listed 1-6 are from the following:- 1. 2. 3. From 'Siam and Sir James Brooke' by Nicholas Tarling in the Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XLVII Part 2, November 1960. 4. From The Kingdom and People of Siam by Sir John Bowring, London, 1857. 5. From Mongkut, the King of Siam by Abbot Law Moffat, Cornell University Press, 1961. 6. From 'English Correspondence of King Mongkut' in the Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XXII, July 1928. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 104 JOHN MCCOY Unfortunately, in the vast collection of Chinese literature there is comparatively little folk poetry and most of it is of recent origin. Doubtless it has existed at all periods, but except for the very early samples which became part of the classical tradition, or for the occasional single item preserved in other writings, most of it was lost. The literati generally scorned it, at least in public, and today we are able to turn up only a few collections of any significant age and these chiefly through historical accident. In recent years the Peking government has published a collection of Ming and Ching Dynasty folk songs as part of a general policy to point attention to the artistic efforts of the proletariat. I was lucky enough to run across this material in a Hong Kong book store. Of particular interest was a book called Shan Ko or 'Mountain Songs', a collection made in the later years of the Ming Dynasty by Feng Meng-lung. These songs were recorded verbatim from the farmers and laborers in the fields near Feng's home, that is, in Wu District near Soochow. To date this group of poems represents the earliest popular collection which I have been able to find. At least it is my earliest collection showing no evidence of revision and rewriting by the collector. More such materials doubtless exist but I have not come across them yet. Mountain Songs as a literary genre have probably enjoyed a long life. The oldest reference to them may be that found in the 'Song of the Lute' or P'i P'a Hsing by Po Chu-i of the Tang Dynasty. However, this may be merely a general reference to songs from the mountain areas rather than 'Mountain Songs' as a specific genre. Today the Mountain Songs flourish, particularly in South China, with new verses appearing daily. Other Peking publications have collected modern Mountain Songs and added a companion set of more acceptable lyrics with political themes. This gives us a possible spread of at least 1300 years with extant samples of a homogeneous genre going back about 300 years. The poetic structure of the Mountain Songs won't add anything especially new to our picture of Chinese poetry. The basic verse is four lines of eight metric beats each, or multiples of eight in various combinations. This is much like the classical seven character poem where the eighth metric beat is realized as a pause at the end of each line. The major difference is that the Mountain Songs allow a considerable variation in the actual ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MING DYNASTY 'MOUNTAIN SONGS' 105 number of syllables used to fill up this eight beat line. (Note that from this point on I am referring specifically to the Ming Dynasty collection of Mountain Songs and not to the genre as a whole.) The line may consist of as few as six characters, divided into two groups of three each with a pause on the fourth and eighth count; or it may number as many as 12 or 13 characters in various combinations of one, two, or three characters per beat. In these latter cases there are usually a number of grammatical markers and functor words which were apparently unstressed and run together rapidly without breaking the rhythmic beat. It is important to make proper identification of the unstressed syllables in order to maintain the eight count line in all these poems. Longer Mountain Songs are found in the collection which are either multiples of the four line basic verse or the basic verse with rhythmic phrases inserted, usually between lines two and three. The rhyme scheme is typically ABCB or AABA. There is no hesitation about using the same character to rhyme with itself, and in one case I found the same character used in all three rhyming positions in one song. This may not sound so elegant as the classical poem, but at least in the particular song it was a very effective emphasis of a special point. It is in subject matter that the Mountain Songs make the biggest break with the tradition of classical poetry. The predominant topic is that of boy-girl situations and the treatment is invariably humorous and often even bawdy. Only rarely since the Classic of Poetry 2000 years earlier is there such preoccupation with romantic love, and with the possible exception of the Tzu Yeh Ko of the Nan Pei Ch'ao Period, seldom does one find such humor in dealing with the subject. Here we get a picture of a hearty people who do not take themselves too seriously. They seem to find fun in many things and they have a gift for putting their fun into words. In the Mountain Songs the humor is subtle more often than coarse. Although the verses may be risqué or even highly suggestive, there is none of the heavy-handed attention to pornographic detail as in Chin P'ing Mei or Jou P'u T'uan. The entire effect is carried by double entendre and pun, but the intent is obviously to make the listener laugh. The spirit is similar to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MING DYNASTY 'MOUNTAIN SONGS' 111 3) Note the character probably pronounced (S) yi-咦, appearing at the beginning of lines three and four. Here we are fortunate in that Feng Meng-lung gives us a gloss indicating the meaning to be equivalent to (M) yù X, but since (M) yù is used elsewhere in the Shan Ko I interpret this character to mean ‘either ...or. 别人笑我無老婆, 你弗得知我破飯籮淘米外頭多, 好像深山裏野鷄路宿, 老鴉鳥無窠到有窠。 ‘Others laugh at me because I have no wife. You could not know that when I wash rice in my broken strainer much more leaks out than stays inside. It is like the pheasant in the deep mountains who sleeps anyplace along his path, Or the crow who has no nest yet can nest anywhere.' 1) Referring to prostitutes by various names of wild birds is common in many dialects. I assume the reference also applies here. 娘又乖,姐又乖, 喫娘提箇石滿房篩 小阿奴奴拚得馱郎上床馱下地, 兩人合着一雙鞋。 ‘The mother is clever but the daughter is clever, too. So when mother took some lime and sifted it all over the floor of my room. I dared to carry my lover pickaback, into bed and out, Two people joined together wearing just one pair of shoes.' 1) The character (M) ch'i吃 at the beginning of line two here functions as a passive marker much like (M) pěi 被. Page 117 Page 117 Page 117 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 114 H. G. H. NELSON (in an attempt to use the physical structures as a basis for a random sampling frame), and reached the conclusion that in the conditions of New Territories villages, it is strictly undefinable. The local "village houses" are built in terraced rows: each "house" consists of a single "room", which, although generally divided by a partition into living and sleeping quarters, is regarded as the living accommodation proper to one married couple and their unmarried children. It is very rare for an old and widowed mother to share the same "house" as her son and daughter-in-law: I have not come across a single instance of more than one married couple, however closely related, sharing the same "house". The correspondence between room, house, and household is by no means exact: not only may one household (defined as a group of kin sharing a common budget and a single stove) be spread over a number of "houses", but where one household is occupying two adjacent "houses", an interconnecting door may be opened between them, turning them, to all intents and purposes, into a single "house" of two "rooms". It might almost indeed be more logical to regard each unit in a terrace as a "room", and define "house" as that combination of "rooms" which is occupied by a single household, even when the "rooms" are located in more than one terrace; but Chinese usage does not support this — each unit is called uk, never fong. The Hong Kong Government surveyors who numbered all agricultural and building lots in the early years of this century evidently came up against a similar problem of definition; and there are inconsistencies in the system of numbering they adopted. Where two adjacent units were owned (and occupied?) by one man, they are numbered together as one (double-sized) house-lot. There is one row in Sheung Tsuen, however, where the living quarters of each house are separated from their kitchens by the narrow lane that gives access to them: it is clear from the pattern of ownership in 1905 (when the Block Crown Lease was drawn up), and from the way these structures have been passed down the generations since then, that each kitchen is linked with a single * I use the Meyer-Wempe Romanisation of Cantonese terms throughout. † Sheung Tsuen (1) in the Pak Heung (^#) where Mr. Nelson carried out his research. See p. 171 of A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong Government Printer, n.d, but 1960), Ed. Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM 121 of the two should in fact have proportionately more empty houses than its poorer neighbour22; it is not impossible that the sort of inefficiencies in the descent system that I have described whereby the swelling of a descent line in one generation may leave the next with more house-property than it needs or can redistribute — may account for this anomaly.* H. G. H. NELSON. NOTES 1. Göran Aijmer, "Being Caught by a Fishnet: On Fengshui in South-eastern China", J.H.K.B.R.A.S., Vol. 8, 1968, pp. 74-81. 2. Field data drawn on in this paper are derived from a period of work in Sheung Tsuen, Pat Heung, from June 1967 to October 1968. I was employed as a Research Officer of the London School of Economics, on a project financed by a grant made to Professor Maurice Freedman by the Social Science Research Council. Much of the information from the Hong Kong Government's land records was collected by my wife, whose fare to Hong Kong was provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies, financed jointly by the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Nuffield Foundation. I am very glad to acknowledge their generosity. 3. See for example J. E. Spenser, "The Houses of the Chinese", Geographical Review, Vol. XXXVII, 1947, pp. 254-273. 4. Cf. J. W. Hayes, ‘A Chinese Village on Hong Kong Island Fifty Years Ago Tai Tam Tuk, Village Under the Water', in I.C. Jarvie and Joseph Agassi, eds., Hong Kong: A Society in Transition, London, 1969, p. 33. 5. Block Crown Lease, Demarcation Districts Nos. 112 and 114, 1905; various Memorials in Yuen Long District Office; and ‘A-Roll' volume X.14. I am most grateful to the New Territories Administration for their courtesy in allowing me access to the invaluable information contained in their Land Records. 6. The current records conceal the difference between inhabited structures and "house-lots' (Crown Rent being assessed on the site rather than the structure) - a difference of which the villagers are aware. Many of them, when asked how many houses they own, will say, "so many houses and so many lots "(uk-tel_£)". It seems to me possible that some villagers may, in 1905, have been far-sighted ---or fortunate enough to register both their houses and their ruined lots, thereby avoiding the expense and complication of obtaining a New Grant Lot when they wanted to rebuild on an old site. * Groups of houses, bigger and more durable than usual, have also been built as a form of long-term investment (and prestige expenditure) by particularly wealthy men; but their hopes of producing enough sons and grandsons to justify this deliberate over-production of houses are often sadly unfulfilled. * On the subject of this article see also Mr. Hayes' note at pp. 158-160. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 122 H. G. H. NELSON * Records covering 380 houses from 1905 to 1968 reveal 55 sales of houses. This includes sales within (the majority) and between surname groups of which Sheung Tsuen has seven, formerly eight -- but does not include sales to outsiders; these do not in any case become significant until after 1963. The 55 house-sales include 12 houses which were sold twice, which for reasons given below, may be regarded as a significant reduction of the total; and also include sales of empty sites, cowsheds, and latrines. These latter are sometimes, but not invariably, indicated in the Memorial of sale, so it is likely that there were more of this type than the records reveal: I estimate the total at about 10. The number of original sales of habitable houses in this 63 year period is therefore a little above thirty. 9 I occasionally heard the term chinguk EA used to describe such a house; but strictly speaking this refers to the house which contains that version of the ancestral tablet which has been passed down the eldest son line. T T 10 The question of the completeness of the records may be raised: in general, I think it is safe to say that in as important a matter as title to house-property, transactions are almost certain to be registered eventually at the local District Office. The only exception to this is the adjustment of property rights which may involve a sale between brothers after a division: this often occurs before the brothers' succession to their father is registered, so that the sale does not reach the Land Records. In one such case that I know of, however, the sale between the brothers was felt to be important enough for it to be documented and witnessed by "the Village Representative and all the elders". This took place in 1960 or 1961. The Hon. Editor has drawn my attention to non-registration of transactions in the early years of the British administration of the New Territories, citing the District Officer's report for the Southern district (1912) which says:- Eight hundred and sixty-five deeds were registered during the year. This is only slightly above the average for the last seven years during which the Land Ordinance has been in force. There is no doubt that much land changes hands without registration; and it is probable that not more than 10 per cent of mortgages on land in the less accessible parts of the district are registered. The journey from Lantao is an almost insuperable obstacle and a "stamped paper" is generally considered sufficient security. In this case the principal reasons for non-registration were distance and poor communications. At Sheung Tsuen the main land office was at Tai Po until the Yuen Long District Office was established in 1947. (though it appears there was some kind of Land Office-cum-Court at Ping Shan pre-war). If people had to go all the way over Tai Mo Shan to Tai Po there would have been similar disincentives to registration here too. 11 Cf. M. C. Yang, A Chinese Village: Taitou, Shantung Province, Columbia University Press, New York and London, 1965 edition, p. 40: although this instance comes from a very different part of China, and a village where domestic architecture is different from that in Hong Kong. 12 The institution of k'ai-tsai ## often loosely translated as “godson' - is not relevant here. 13 See for example H. D. R. Baker, A Chinese Lineage Village, London, 1969, p. 49. 14 Apart from its obvious restriction to a unilineal descent system, kwoh-kai also differs significantly from Western forms of adoption in that the initiative may come either from the adopter or the adoptee, as indicated below. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 148 RONALD C. Y. NG Lo, H. L. 1959 Hong Kong and its external communications. Hong Kong University Press. Lockhart, J. H. S. 1900 Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1898. Government Papers, Hong Kong Government Printer. Lozza, P. A. 1956 Il pacifico stratega: Simeone Volonteri, vescovo missionario. Rome, Ng, P. Y. L. 1959 'The 1819 edition of the Hsin-An Hsien-Chih: a critical examination with translation and notes'. Hong Kong University unpublished M.A. thesis. Ng, R. C. Y. 1961 A note on Tung Chung, Lantau island. J. R. Asiat. Soc. (Hong Kong) 3. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d NOTES AND QUERIES 151 So, on November 18, he despatched a memorial to Peking which laid the blame for mismanagement of the country not only on Chang Fu-ching, but also on several others in responsible positions. The emperor, naturally, was infuriated, and Feng nearly lost his life as a result; but that is another story. Now back to the comet. Becoming curious about its very long duration, I wrote to Mr. D. J. Schove of St. David's College, Beckenham, Kent, with whom I have previously corresponded on sun spots and similar phenomena, and asked if there had been any report on it by observers in Europe. He replied: +4 The comet of 1532 was more important than that of Halley and was visible even in the daytime. It is recorded e.g. in Italy, Switzerland, England, Russia, Japan and Korea.” And one of my American correspondents, Dr. C. Doris Hellman, professor of history at Queens College, New York, adds to this a Spanish record left by Gaspar G. Molera, who published a tract on it in Barcelona in 1533. Now I am curious as to whether there is any notice of the comet's appearance in the New World. Mr. Schove writes that Aztec chronicles record the comets of 1490 and 1529, but not those of 1531 and 1532. If any reader of this Journal knows of one I hope he will let me know, or publish it in the JRAS, Hong Kong branch. Columbia University, 1968. L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH WHAT INSPIRED SIR JOHN BOWRING'S HYMN? Ever so often one hears that John Bowring's famous hymn “In the cross of Christ I glory Tow'ring o'er the wrecks of time” was inspired after he saw the facade of the Collegiate Church of St. Paul in Macao. But is this true? These words were penned in, or shortly before, 1825, the date of the publication of Bowring's own book entitled HYMNS, in * See for example, M. Hugo-Brunt in his excellent article on St. Paul's Church in the Journal of Oriental Studies, 1-2 (1954-55) p. 344. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d NOTES AND QUERIES 153 Land, labour and gold; or, Two years in Victoria, with visits to Sydney and Van Diemen's Land, by William Howitt, London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1855. 2 vols. The chop of the Victoria Library and Reading Rooms appears on the front end-paper of each volume, with the shelf-mark C244 written in ink. The transfer of this work to the City Hall Library in 1871 is evidenced by its chop on the half-title and title-page. It is interesting to speculate whether the selection of this book, the title of which on the spine is "Two years in Victoria”, was due to a confusion between Victoria, Australia, and Victoria, Hong Kong. At least one user of the Victoria Library, or possibly the City Hall Library, got as far as p.57 of vol. 1, since a bookmark consisting of a strip from an old Hong Kong newspaper (not identified) is inserted there. Similar marks of successive ownership appear on the other book, though here the Victoria Library chop appears on the title page and dedication leaf as well as on the front end-paper or fly-leaf. The shelf-mark on the fly-leaf appears to be F404. The title-page is reproduced at plate 18, to show the two ownership chops. The rectangular chop at the top is the processing chop of the University of Hong Kong Library, to which this book came as a gift from an unknown source in 1962; it is impressed on the back of the title-page, but shows through. All three volumes are bound in a typical mid-Victorian style, brown polished calf with marbled paper. The shelf-marks do not appear on the spines, though they may have been on labels which have long since come off. The precise significance of the shelf-marks is not clear, though probably they were similar to those used in the Morrison Library, where the letter indicated a broad subject grouping (e.g. C for books of travel, D for natural history), each volume being given a running number within the appropriate group when added to the collection. It is much to be regretted that no copies of the catalogues of any of the earlier Hong Kong libraries appear to have survived, other than the 1873 catalogue of the Morrison Library, when it was located in the old City Hall. Hong Kong, 1969. H. A. RYDINGS ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d NOTES AND QUERIES 155 as it stands though I have changed the position of a few sentences dealing with the gate in order to put all description of it in one paragraph. The words in italics are editorial additions. As mentioned elsewhere in this number, Mr. Schofield died in December, 1968, I did not have the benefit of discussing the note with him. Ed. This wall commands the path from Kowloon Tsai to Kowloon City, at the top of the pass which rises about 150 feet above the plain by Kowloon City: i.e. it faces due East. It runs on the North, up the hill, and curves slightly to North West for the last 15 yards of its length. At its highest, it is quite 80 feet above the path. On the South it descends the hill for only 30 feet or so, and is very ruinous. Nearly all of it is built of 'chunam',* laid on in layers 5 inches or so thick, and with a coping of the same material which is ridged - not rounded. The wall rises in 'steps', following the hill slopes, and keeping an average height of 10 feet. The middle of the wall is sometimes hollow; this hollow, where seen, being 2 or 3 inches across, and having thin slabs of granite in it. Twenty yards East of and behind the gate on the path, at the top of the pass is a screen wall (to keep out devils), of rough polygonal blocks mortared with 'chunam' and plastered over. It is 30 inches thick. The gate itself is of granite slabs mortared together, a massive buttress each side and a platform on top. This is narrow; the floor is two thicknesses of granite slabs. The wall of 'chunam' runs across the top of the gate, and is 6 feet high. The main wall is quite 30 inches thick. The gate has holes for 7 wood bars, square at the bottom (for 'earth') and round at the top (for 'heaven'). The gate measures 6 feet through the masonry, and the granite blocks are large and well squared, the whole thing very massive. Steep steps lead up on the right of the gate to the platform. The earth for 3 or 4 feet outside the gate is held up by a granite retaining wall for 4 feet outwards from gate. On each side of the gateway this wall is pierced by a low, square loophole lined with blue bricks, suited only for a musket * E. C. Bridgman's Chinese Chrestomathy in the Canton Dialect (Macao, S. Wells Williams, 1841) p. 204 has this description of Chunam, "Chunam is an Indian word for lime, but in China it is applied to a mixture of lime and oil, used for caulking boats and junks; the mixture of lime, sand and oil, which is so commonly used in this country for floors and walks instead of a pavement is called Fúi Shá, or sanded lime." Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d NOTES AND QUERIES 161 A PAIR OF POTTERY COVERED JARS FOUND AT SHEK PIK, LANTAU ISLAND The Shek Pik area in the south-western corner of Lantau Island has yielded archaeological finds of more varied interest than any other area in Hong Kong. Before the construction of the reservoir in the valley (1958-62), it was mainly known by the neolithic sites on the raised beach which W. Schofield excavated in the thirties. During and since the building of the reservoir various archaeological finds of comparatively recent periods have been made. The latest of these finds is a pair of earthenware jars with identical blue and white porcelain bowls as covers. They were discovered in February 1968 and February 1969 by James Hayes who had reported all post-war archaeological finds at Shek Pik†. Both pairs of jar and bowl were broken when discovered and the first pair has now been restored by the City Museum and Art Gallery (see Plates 19 and 20). These jars and bowls were located on a sloping hillside west of the former village of Shek Pik Wai (abandoned before the War for sites a few hundred yards lower down the valley). The area had been scoured by bulldozers for 'fill' for the dam and the jars were found in an exposed bank. This was, in fact, the site of the earlier discoveries reported by Hayes. Though located less than a foot away from each other and each about two feet from the surface, the pots were discovered singly as progressive eroding of the bank by rain brought them to light. Mr. WAN On (溫安) of Pui O, South Lantau was with Mr. Hayes on both occasions. The porcelain bowls are the first known pieces of Ming blue and white porcelain reported in Hong Kong, at any rate since the War, although they are a type of trade porcelain which is commonly found in the Philippines and in Indonesia. The bowls have fairly straight slanting sides and high foot-rims. They are decorated on the outside with vertical fern leaves (sometimes identified as plantain leaves) with wavy edges and with a band of floral design round the mouth rim. On the inside they are decorated with a double ring near the mouth and with a lotus flower within a circle in the centre. The lotus flower (Sanskrit padma) is one of the "eight glorious emblems" in Buddhist art † See reference to this article at p. 73 of this issue. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d NOTES AND QUERIES 163 connection with cremation burial was introduced by an "iron-using people influenced by Buddhism”. The present discovery is thus not only of interest to Hong Kong, it also serves to establish cultural links between south China and South-east Asia during the “Proto-historic” period of South-east Asia. It is hoped that this discovery will lead to more systematic work on the archaeology of the Ming period in Hong Kong. Hong Kong, 1969. JAMES C. Y. WATT. + NOTES 1 See J. W. Hayes, "Preliminary Report on the Finds at Shek Pik” at pp. 122-124 of H.K.B.R.A.S. Vol. 2, 1962 elaborated by James C. Y. Watt and J. W. Hayes in "Sung Finds at Shek Pik" in Vol. I of the Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, (1969). 2 These bowls are usually quite shallow with an incised pattern of vertical lines on the outside and often a stamped pattern in the centre. Kilns producing such bowls have been discovered in Wai Yeung county, about 100 kms. east of Canton reports in Kaogu 1962.8 and Kaogu 1964.4. 3 Kaogu 1964.10. See also Kaogu 1962.2 and Kaogu 1965.6. 4 Rosa C. P. Tenazas, A Report on the Archaeology of the Locsin University of San Carlos Excavations in Pila, Laguna. Manila, 1968. 5 Wilhelm G. Solheim II. Archaeological Survey and excavation in Northern Thailand. Preliminary report on excavations at Ban Nadi, Ban Sao Lao, Pimai No. I. Honolulu, 1966. (Quoted by Tenazas, op. cit.) “KELLY AND WALSH” All members of the Branch will have seen books bearing the name of this famous Eastern publishing house, and some may own a few of their many publications over the last century. Dr. J. R. Jones has contributed a note taken verbatim from an old book in his possession, which demonstrates the firm's long history. It reads: Probably the next oldest printing and publishing concern in Shanghai is Messrs. Kelly and Walsh, Limited, formed in 1876 by the amalgamation of two local booksellers, Kelly and Company and F. & C. Walsh. While this firm's main concern is bookselling, it also runs an important printing business, turning out high-class work of every description. It, too, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 166 BOOK REVIEWS His greatest success is his formal analysis of the lineage qua lineage. In his analysis of the genealogies which describe it, the sources of power of the lineage,3 and the maintenance of lineage geographical boundaries, he is at his best. His analysis of marriage as a form of political involvement of this lineage with other neighboring lineages, and the use of data on the status of lineage wives as an indication of the repute of the lineage is particularly astute. Indeed this is the only such analysis of the organization and structure of a lineage based on field data and done in such detail that this writer is aware of. There are, however, significant problems in evaluating Baker's work. These problems are two-fold and involve a serious question of scholarly style which may perhaps be more an issue between the reviewer (a sociologist) and Mr. Baker (an anthropologist). Certainly they have a general application: but with the immediate task in mind it becomes difficult to evaluate a book in which the total methodological content is reported in two paragraphs, one in the preface, the other in Chapter 7.6 There is no indication as to the numbers and status of the villagers who were talked to, or for how long, nor their ecological distribution through the village, nor their actual knowledge in the areas in which Baker was questioning them. This leaves a situation in which neither the reliability nor the validity of the data which are presented can readily be assessed, except those data which are identified as coming from printed and available documents: though undoubtedly Mr. Baker kept a field diary and could have, with relative ease, presented a summary table or tables which would indicate who he talked to, at what times, and for how long, among other things. This, itself, would have been useful, as would a copy of the questionnaire which he administered before he left the village, as well as an indication of what proportion of the households responded to it. Without 2 Ibid., chapter 1, pp. 28-46. 3 Ibid., chapter 7, pp. 164-173. This section could have been further improved had he carefully distinguished between "wealth" and "power" and not used the terms more or less interchangeably. See pp. 165-66, particularly, 4 Ibid., chapter 7, pp. 187-203. 5 Ibid., chapter 7, pp. 174-186. 6 Ibid., see p. viii, and p. 185. 7 Ibid., p. 185. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d BOOK REVIEWS 167 these statements of how the study was done, one is always faced with the possibility of laying open to question important segments of the findings because one cannot evaluate the sources of the data. I write this in the belief that this requirement should be common to all social scientists. 8 For example, Baker discusses the problem of worshipping at graves, when the graves are located in the territory of another lineage. First he notes that "the old men of Sheung Shui denied that their procession (to the grave) had ever been interfered with" which is a clear enough statement, apparently made by more than one respondent. Baker then proceeds to contradict his respondents and contends that indeed there had been interference. Minimally, the methodological point must be clear --- in any study of this kind one must have "rules of evidence"; rules by which respondents' views are accepted or rejected. If, in fact, Baker had earlier stipulated that some minimum number of people agreeing to a piece of testimony makes it accepted and less than that number makes it doubtful, then this problem could not arise. But one cannot have it both ways. An author cannot accept interviews as authoritative at one point and literature at another point without first setting up guide-lines for himself and the reader so that what he is doing can be assessed and evaluated. Complex studies, such as this one, frequently require sophisticated methodological solutions. Similarly Baker has not chosen to make his theoretical orientation clear and to analyze that orientation in the light of the data which he has gathered. There can be no real question that his orientation is structural-functional and this writer feels that implicit in Baker's work is the possibility of a major creative contribution to the literature of functionalism, particularly its structural aspect. Perhaps it clearly is asking too much to include this in an empirical monograph, but Baker most assuredly must have materials with which to make important comments on the analytic use of functionalism in field research, Baker's work will hopefully introduce a new sequence of competent and problem-oriented studies. In analyzing the lineage, Baker has provided highly significant data on the formal organization of a wealthy and powerful village. In essence, he has 8 Ibid., p. 191-2. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 172 BOOK REVIEWS term “militia” to translate tuan lien (). Wakeman uses this term and, to my mind, strays further from its real meaning when he differentiates between tuan lien and "genuine tuan lien". I would prefer to use Siang-tseh Chiang's term "local corps" for all "tuan lien”, whether "genuine" or not. In English this is a more accurate, because more loose-fitting, term, and it does not abuse the word "militia” which in Britain at least has a precise meaning. Militia were auxiliary troops not on full-time service except when embodied in time of war for home or overseas service. These forces were totally under government control, and indeed were an integral part of the military forces of the English Crown and as such subject to considerable constitutional constraint. This led Cardwell, the 19th-century Army reformer, to describe the militia as "the constitutional force of England.. a force ever dear to the people of England from constitutional antecedents".* Thus the circumstances of the existence and mode of use of the British militia after the establishment of the Standing Army in 1660 were quite different from those obtaining in China during the Ching dynasty; which surely strengthens the case for selecting another term to describe "local forces" that were not financed by government and might never have had official blessing. That the appearance of tuan lien might be deceptive is, however, certain. The Kwangtung Viceroy commented as follows on Hong Kong Governor Sir Henry Blake's theory that Chinese regular troops might have taken part in the disturbances that followed the occupation of the New Territories of Hong Kong in 1899: The Governor of Hong Kong suspected that they were regular troops from the fact that they had guns, cannon, and uniforms. He was not aware that the villagers of Kwangtung, in their constant fights with each other, are always erecting forts, and use guns and cannon, and wear uniforms. This is a matter of common notoriety. This quotation is borrowed from Mr. Groves' article, printed elsewhere in this number of the Journal, in which he uses Wakeman's book to put together an interesting essay on the interaction of market, lineage and militia (local forces) during the opposition to the British occupation of the New Territories in 1899. Secondly, this reviewer found the discussion of "local schools" * Quoted in The Spectator, 14th March, 1969, p. 331. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d BOOK REVIEWS 173 and their connection with the militia movement rather confusing. (See pp. 39-40 and 62-64 and Appendix II.) It seems that they could be long-established schools with pupils and teachers whose buildings were from time to time used by the local gentry for meeting purposes when such matters as local defence might be considered; or could be restored or newly set up schools which, at the time, were intended as meeting houses, drill halls and armouries first and as academic institutions after, because this was a convenient 'cover'. It also appears that they could be local schools (she-hsüeh) or charity schools (i-hsüeh) the two being apparently of much the same academic level at this period. It would have been useful to have had more detailed information on some of these establishments. Writing in Hong Kong, there is one example of a large charity school in Kowloon which may serve to illuminate the position a little. This was the Lung Chun Yee Hok (**龍津義學**) in Kowloon City (九龍城), one of the sub-administrative centres of the San On District. This building was erected in 1847 and fortunately the text of the wall tablet commemorating its establishment has been preserved, though the stone itself is now buried under concrete laid after a fire. This indicates that the school project originated with local officials who each contributed money to assist its progress and (reading between the lines) encouraged local gentry to participate. At this time its stated object was 'to stimulate the morale of local inhabitants and set a good example for the foreigners to follow'. Whether this school served as a headquarters for local militia in the 1840s and 1850s is not known; but it is reported that at the end of the 19th century just before the lease of the New Territories to Britain in 1898, this school, in addition to being a reputable academic institution, was also the meeting place of officials and local gentry when there were matters to discuss. Why and how often these meetings took place can, at this distance of time, hardly now be determined but it is likely that the two-fold use of the premises, and the interest of officials and gentry in both sides of its activities, paralleled those of the she-hsüeh. In an earlier review of this book (Journal of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 1967, p. 728) Dr. Hugh Baker asks "But of what area of organisation was the local school a manifestation? Was it based on a marketing area or on an administra- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 178 BOOK REVIEWS and clubs, on their families, and on their ties with home. All these contain much of interest, though there are many points small and large on which one might quibble, from the trivial matter of the delusion which the author has that Chinese restaurants in general serve Chinese food which derives its virtue from Cantonese culinary supremacy (p. 28), to the important matter of omitting to mention that many Chinese employees receive in cash their total wage, their employers paying for them their tax, National Insurance, etc. over and above the wage (p. 81). More important is the lack of organisation of the approach to this subject. One has the feeling that little attempt was made to extract meaning from the facts with which Mr. Ng presents us. If there had been, then surely they would have been presented differently? Certain basic considerations seem to have been neglected. Why London? for instance. Granted that London is an important centre for Chinese immigrants, why is it so? and how is it possible to study London as a centre without reference to the area of which it is a centre? Would not The Chinese in Britain have been a more valid topic? (Of course, the research worker's time and finances are important factors here, but there should be justification for the choice of field.) Again, was it not possible for Mr. Ng to approach this subject from an angle which would give more meaning to the whole to impose a pattern on it, as it were? To be constructive, could he not have started with the individual and worked outwards from there? the three case studies in Chapter IV are very enlightening. Since the work for this study was done (in 1963-64) the situation of the Chinese in Britain has changed a great deal. There seems to have been achieved a greater degree of coalescence (particularly in the provincial cities), political awareness has heightened, the Hong Kong Government has attempted to help its people overseas, the Gerrard Street area of London has become more and more clearly defined as a Chinese centre (the world's only new Chinatown?), and so on. There is call now for much more detailed and wide-ranging study of the field; and whoever undertakes it will be fortunate in having Mr. Ng's general survey to start from. School of Oriental and African Studies, March, 1969. HUGH D. R. BAKER ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 180 THE LIBRARY Most of the periodicals have been received in exchange for our own journal, and form a valuable portion of the collection, many of the titles not being easily accessible elsewhere in Hong Kong. Exchange agreements were made with the following three additional institutions: Monumenta Serica Institute, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, and Instituto do Luis Camões, Macao. The following is a list of titles added to the Library of the Hong Kong Branch since the publication of the previous list in volume VIII of the Journal. Items marked* are kept at the University Library, and the remainder at the British Council. ALISJAHBANA, S. Takdir. A41 Indonesia: social and cultural revolution. Kuala Lumpur, Oxford U. P., 1966. C517 CH'EN, Yüan (†) Western and central Asians in China under the Mongols; their transformation into Chinese (R$). Los Angeles, Monumenta Serica, 1966. CHINA. Laws, Statutes, etc. C531 Ta Tsing leu lee (#1); being the fundamental laws and a selection from the supplementary statutes of the penal code of China ... Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. COLLIS, Maurice. C71 Wayfoong: the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation. A study of East Asia's transformation, political, financial and economic, during the last hundred years. London, Faber, 1965. DOOLITTLE, Justus. D69 Social life of the Chinese; with some account of their religious, governmental, educational, and business customs and opinions with special but not exclusive reference to Fuhchau. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. EITEL, Ernest J. E36e Europe in China: the history of Hongkong from the beginning to the year 1882. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1968. *FERREIRA, José dos Santos. F38 Macau să assi, Macau, Tipografia da Missao do Padroado, 1967. GILES, Herbert A. G47g Gems of Chinese literature. 2d ed., rev. and greatly enl. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d THE LIBRARY Taipei, Literature House, 1964. HENSMAN, Bertha, and MACK, Kwok-ping (AMA) 181 H52 Hong Kong tale-spinners; a collection of tales and ballads transcribed and translated from story-tellers in Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Chinese Univ. of Hong Kong, 1968. HILL, Dennis S. H645 Figs (Ficus spp.) of Hong Kong. [Hong Kong] Hong Kong University Press, 1967. *KOLLARD, J. A. PAM K81 Early medical practice in Macao. Macao, Inspecção dos Serviços Economicos, Agencia de Turismo, 1935. MARTIN, W. A. P. M383 A cycle of Cathay; or, China, South and North, with personal reminiscences. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. MAYERS, William Frederick, M46 The Chinese reader's manual: a handbook of biographical, historical, mythological and general literary reference, Taipei, Literature House, 1964. MAYERS, William Frederick, ed. M46 t Treaties between the Empire of China and foreign powers; together with regulations for the conduct of foreign trade, etc. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. MICHIE, Alexander. M624 The Englishman in China during the Victorian era, as illustrated in the career of Sir Rutherford Alcock many years consul and minister in China and Japan, Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. MORSE, Hosea Ballou. M88 t The trade and administration of the Chinese Empire. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1966. REMER, C. F. R38 f The foreign trade of China. Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publ. Co., 1967. WHISSON, Michael G. W576 Under the rug: the drug problem in Hong Kong. A study in applied sociology. [Hong Kong] Hong Kong Council of Social Service, 1965. WILLIAMS, S. Wells. W727 The Chinese commercial guide, containing treaties, tariffs, regulations, tables, etc., useful in the trade to China & Eastern ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 183 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* 183 Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England. Prof. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada. R. E. Lawry, O.B.E., F.R.G.S.* 36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England. Dr. Marjorie Topley, B.Sc. Econ., Ph.D.* 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. Members: AKERS-JONES, D. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. ARMERDING, L. E.* P.O. Box 4333, North Point, H.K. ASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. 6 Lloyd Path, Severn Road, H.K. AU, K. N. c/o Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. Bachman, Miss Ann H. c/o American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. BAKER, Dr. H. D. R. c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, W.C.1, England. BAKER, W. E.* c/o The Hongkong Electric Co., Ltd. 40, St. Mary Axe, London, E.C.3. England. BALL, J. M. c/o H. K. Refrigerating Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 291, H.K. BARD, Dr. S. M. University Health Service, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. BARNETT, K. M. A. P. O. Box 248, H.K. BARR, Miss E. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. BARRY, Cmdr. R. S. Hong Kong Club, H.K. BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. c/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K. BEDLINGTON, Mrs. M. 1, Albion Terrace, Kowloon Docks, Hunghom, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 184 BELL, G. J. BENANZIO, Dr. Mario BERKOWITZ, Dr. M. I, BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.* BEVERIDGE, R. J. BEYENS, Baron F. BIRCH, Dr. A. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. BLUE, A. D. BLUNDELL, G. S. BOARD, D. B. M.* BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, H. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. BRIDGES, G. A. BRIGGS, G. G. BRIM, J. A. BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. Royal Observatory, H.K. 189 Ampang Road, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. c/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Pittsburg, Pa., USA. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy. c/o 4A, Horsburgh Grove, Armadale, Melbourne, S.E. 3, Victoria, Australia. Room 145, Alexandra House, H.K. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon, Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. "Upper Woodburn", 19 Millig Street, Helensburgh, Scotland. D-4 Silverstrand, 94 Mile Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o The University Library, University of Hong Kong, HK. P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. Dept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ. East Lansing, Michigan 48823, U.S.A. P. O. Box 951, H.K. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon. c/o Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Broadcasting House, Broadcast Drive, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 185 BROWNE, Hon, H. J. C, - BRUCE, R. T BRUUN, F. BUNGER, Dr. K. BURTON, Miss J. V. BUTLER, Miss B. A. T BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G.. CALCINA, P. G." · CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. - CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CARLSON, Miss R. E. - CATER, J. · CENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES CERRA, R. L. CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Alfred T. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam CHAN, Leonard CHAU, Sir Tsun-nin* + CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Ching-ho L T - c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Prescott College, Prescott, Arizona 86301, US.A. c/o H. 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Geographical Research Centre, Chinese University of Hong Kong, On Lee Building, $45 Nathan Road, Kowloon. New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 186 CHEN, Tsun-Teh CHEN, Yih CHENG, T. C. CHEUNG, Oswald CHOA. Dr. Gerald H. CLARK, Mrs. A. T. CLARK, Mrs. E. E. COHN, Dr. A. J. COLLIN, P. H. - + COLLINS, Mrs. D. A. COMAN, Miss A. A. = COMBER, L. CORBALLY, E. - COSTANTINI, G* - - - Room 11, 21st Floor, Block B, 395 King's Road, H.K. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. United College, Chinese University of H.K. 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Room 703, Prince's Building, H.K. Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K. Tytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K. 15 Cambridge Road, 2nd Floor, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon Dept. of European Languages, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 53 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. K.P.O. Box 6068, Kowloon Central Magistracy, Albert Road, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. COWPERTHWAITE, Lady - 45 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. CREMA, M. CRONE, Dr. D. L. CUMINE, E. L CUMMING, Mrs. D. M.* - CUMMING, M. S. CURTIS, Miss S. DAIKO, P. DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. DANSEY-BROWNING. Mrs, S. M. DAVIES, Major G. V. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. - c/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. Flat 2B, 1 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 14, Embassy Court, H.K. 16 Peak Road, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire. Union House, H.K. 26 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. P. O. Box 201, H.K. Government Ophthalmic Centre, Arran St., Mongkok, Kowloon c/o P. O. Box 5096, Kowloon MOD Chinese Language School, B.F.P.0.1. H.K. East Penthouse, Marina House, 17 Queen's Road. C. H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d DAWSON, Prof. J. L. M. DAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. - DAWSON GROVE, Miss J. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. DJOU, G. G. DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* DRAKEFORD, L. S. - DUNCANSON, J. D.* DUTTON, H. A. DUTTON, Mrs. M. M. DWYER, Prof. D. J. - EDWARDS, O. P. - EITZEN, Mrs. J. EMERSON, G. C. ENDACOTT, G. B. EUSTACE, Col. F. A. EVANS, C. J. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVANS, P. J. · - EWING, Miss E.* · FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* FEHL, Prof. Noah E.* FESSLER, L. - FISCHER, Mrs. I. FISCHER, W. D. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, A. J. - - + Dept. of Philosophy & Psychology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 1 Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. As above. 187 Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. No. 1, Stubbs Road, H.K. 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 12 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. 26 Leinster Mews, London W2, England. [OB, Stanley Beach Road, H.K. As above. Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Flat 16A, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Road, Kowloon. c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. Ray-O-Vac International Corpo., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 25, The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, Guildford, Surrey, England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. American Universities Field Staff, 15 Tung Shan Terrace, 2nd Floor, H.K. P.O. Box 1416, H.K. As above. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon. 8, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 188 FOORD, Dr. R. D. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. GARTNER, J. + GEOFFROY-DECHAUME, F. GEORGE, T. J. B. GIBB, H. + GIEDROYC, M. J. H.* GILKES, D. A. GIMSON, C. H. GOLD, E. L. GOLD, Mrs. S. T. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. GORDON, Hon. S. S.* GRANT, L. F. H. + GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. GREGORY, Prof. W. G. GROVE, Mrs. R. 48 The Rutts, Bushey Heath, Hertfordshire, England. 187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England. Tạo Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K. Bank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland, c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. 8128 Hamilton Spring Road, Carderock Springs, Bethesda, Maryland 20034, U.S.A. 15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia. c/o French Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England. c/o P.O. Box 64, H.K. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England. 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o P.W.D. Hq., 4th Floor, Main Wing, Central Government Offices Building, H.K. 12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, USA. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 10A Barbecue Gardens, 174 Milestone, Castle Peak Road, N.T. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. E Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 189 HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. - HAFFNER, C. Hall, J. Unknown. Room 1002 Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Room 514, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HARDEN, Mrs. G. T., Jr.* - HARRISON, Prof. B. - H.K. 15 Shek-O, H.K. Dept. of History, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. HARTWELL, Sir Charles H. c/o Public Service Commission, Central Government Offices, H.K. HARTWELL, Lady - HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HEANEY, R. S. - HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Prof. Bertha HERRIES, Hon. M. A. R. T - As above. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Secretariat for Home Affairs, International Building, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. British Embassy, Kastelsvej 38-40, Copenhagen. Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., U.S.A. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K. PHESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. HILL, D. A. HILSDALE, Mrs. E. P. HINDMARSH, R. H. HỒ, Mrs. Hungchiu HO, Teh-kuei - HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W. HOGAN, Hon. Sir Michael HOLMES, Hon. D. R. - 1633 Compton Road, Cleveland, Ohio 44118, U.S.A. 6387 Bryn Mawr Drive, Los Angeles, Calif. 90028, U.S.A. Room 606 Gloucester Building, H.K. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lake Side Building, 13th floor, "B", 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Secretariat for Home Affairs, International Building, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 195 Page 196 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 190 HOLTH, Dr. S. - HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, E. E. HOWARD, W. J.” HOWE, D. H. - · Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. 12. Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282, H.K. 45 Sassoon Road, Ground floor, H.K. As above. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. · HOWNAM-MEEK, R. $. ■ P.O. Box 70, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. - HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung-Pei HUGHES, G. M. + + HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* HUI, Miss Wai-haan HULL, Brig. G. B. G. · HUNG, Chiu-Sing HURT, Miss E. J.- HUTSON, P. Ë. INGLES, Miss J. M. IRETON, Mrs. P. H.* IU, Miss S.* . JACKSON, R. N. JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JOHNSON, G. E. JOHNSTON, J. J. - JONES, Dr. J. R.* - + ■ 4 + c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. c/o American International Assurance Co., Ltd. AIA Building, 1 Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 49, Beach Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. 4B Headland Road, H.K. Skilts Residential School, Gorcott Hill, Nr. Redditch, Worcs., England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 10, Peak Road, A11, H.K. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 2 Stafford Road, Kowloon, 65 Kwan Mun Hau Tsuen, 2nd Floor, Tsuen Wan, N.T. c/o American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road. H.K. 3, Abermer Court, May Road, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 191 KANN, P. R. - KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H.- KESSELRING, Dr. R. KESWICK, H. KESWICK, S. L. KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. · KINOSHITA, J. H. KJELLBERG, Carl C:son KJELLBERG, Mrs. I. - KNIGHTLY, F. J. KNOWLES, Miss M. G. - KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. - KURATA, Mrs. Mary F. KVAN, Rev. E.* KWAN, H.C., Sir Cho-yiu" KWOK, Chin-Kung KWOK, W. LAI, T. C.* LAM, Yung-fai · T - The Wall Street Journal, 1 Branksome Towers May Road, H.K. P. O. Box 16004, H.K. Unknown. German Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K, c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O, Box 70, H.K, As above. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., 3 Lombard Street, London, E.C.3, England. 1, Wing Ying Mansion, 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 192 LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-Mai, Michael LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. LECKIE, J. B. H. LEE, Din-yi LEE, Miss Tsu-Wei, Flossy LEE, J. S.* LEE, Hon. R. C.* LETHBRIDGE, H. J. LEUNG, Pak-kui LEVY, A. LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi LINDSAY, T. J.* LIU, D. H. LIU, Sydney C. LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Prof. Hsiang-Lin LO, T, S.* LOBO, Mrs. R. H. (Margaret) LOCKING, J. R. LOCKS, Miss A. M. Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland, Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, HK. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium. United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. c/o University Library, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 193 LOFTS, Prof. B. - LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, F. B.* + LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. - LUM Miss Ada - LUPTON, G. C. M. LUTZ, Hans F. - MA, Prof. Meng - MACK, A. M. MACKEITH, J. S. MACKENZIE, J. MACLEAN, Mrs. M. - MAGEE, M. W. P. MAHLKE, W. J. - . · Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. 176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Tak Wai Mansion, Flat B, 3rd Floor, Man Fuk Road, Kowloon. Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. No. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 5, Peak Pavilions, The Peak, H.K. Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon. 19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. MAO, Dr. Wen-Chee, Philip 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon. MARSHALL, Dr. P. M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. McBAIN, E. B. McBAIN, G. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. McCOY, Dr. John McDOUALL, J. C.* c/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. + + P. O. Box 104, Macau, + Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 194 MCCRARY, M.* McELNEY, B. S. McFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. McKEIRNAN, Sister Agnes MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. + L McKENNA, Sister M. P. MCLEVIE, J. G. MEFFAN, Mrs. I. E. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. L = MIDDLEBROOK, R. W. MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. NEILD, Mrs. C. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Dr. Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. H. NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, Prof. J. J. NORONHA, J. E. + + - - 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. University of Hong Kong, H.K. Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon. St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon, Dept. of Education, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan, Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. 34 Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th Floor, H.K. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea, A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. 64 Mile, Taipo Road, N.T. 1201 Manson House, Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, W.C.1, England. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University to the College of Arts and Science, The University of Maine, Orono, Maine. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 195 OBRIEN, Dr. J. P. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. - OU, Miss G. - + OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PEARSON, Miss E. F. - PENNELL, W. V. - PERESYPKIN, O, P. - PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N. PIMPANEAU, J. PLAG, Rev, A.* - POLAND, T. D. PORDES, F. T POST, Miss E. M. · + PRESCOTT, J. A. RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. - RASSIM, Mrs. E. RATH, Mrs. R. H. (Jacqueline) RAYNE, R. N. REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, W. RICHES, G. C. P. · J + Sandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. c/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 196 RIDE, Sir Lindsay* RIDE, Lady* RIGBY, Lady 8A Beach Road, Stanley, H.K. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. ROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M. Dept. of Social Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. ROBERTSON, Dr. M. J. Institute of Pathology, Kowloon Hospital, Kowloon, ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st fl., N.T. ROBINSON, Prof. K. E.* University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. ROE, Capt. J. S. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 350, H.K. ROGERS, Rev. D. L. Union Church, Kennedy Road, H.K. ROSEMANN, Mrs. F. I. c/o Neckermann Versand Ltd., P. O. Box K-45, H.K. ROTHE, U.* Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. ROY, Dr. A. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. RUMJAHN, S. M. P. O. Box 448, H.K. RUST, H. A. Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. 2-E Wongneichong Gap Road, Flat 7, H.K. RYAN, Rev. Father T. F. Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. RYDINGS, H. A. The Library, University of Hong Kong, H.K. SAUNDERS, Hon. L A H HK. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. P.O. Box 64, H.K. SCHNEIDER, H. c/o Jebsen & Co., P.O. Box 97, H.K. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. SCOTT, A. C. Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, USA. SCOTT, J. M. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. SELLETT, G.* "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. SERSALE, Miss S. M. 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 197 SHARPLEY, Mrs. W. S. M. New Zealand Commission, P.O. Box 2790, SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, D. - SHOEMAKER, J. F. - SHU, Dr. H. T. SIEGEL, H. W. + - SINFIELD, G. H. C.. SLEVIN, B. F. SLEVIN, B. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, L.* SMYTH, Miss L. SO, Dr. Chak-lam SPANKIE, D. R. A. SPERRY, H. M." SPOONER, M. G. - STANLEY, Major H. F. - T STANTON, W. T.* STEVENS, Major K. G.* STEWART, Miss E. M. STOKES, J. STONEY, G. S. - STONEY, Mrs. G. S. STOWE, C.- + - - + H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon, 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. Apt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada, A3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Unit, Kennedy Road, H.K. Flat 10-8, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Economic Survey Section, British Trade Commission, Room 704 Shell House, H.K. Lime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, U.S.A. The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. G. Sy Hq. FARELF, Singapore. Flat 23, 3 Caldecott Road, Kowloon. Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. As above. Flat No. 112, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 198 SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SU, Samon SWIRE, A. C.* SYKES, Major A. E. - TALBOT, H. D. - TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. Jack C. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TANNER, R. F. TARARIN, P. A.* - THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, T. H. THROWER, Prof. L. B. · TILL, The Very Rev. B.* + TISDALL, B. TOMLIN, Mrs. Ian TOOGOOD, C. W. - TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. + TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir Michael* - TYLER, Mrs. M. R. UHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr. · 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon. c/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. c/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K. A1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K. Room 1701, Central Building, H.K. 27 Macdonnell Road, Room 32, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o The British Council, P.O. Box 753, Steuart Lodge, 154 Galle Road, Colombo 3, Ceylon. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1, England. 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. 41D, Shouson Hill Road, H.K. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. 57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. 402 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. Dept. of History, Duke University, Durham, N. Carolina, U.S.A. + Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 199 VALE, Miss M. VARNEY, Dr. C. B. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. - VISICK, Mrs. M. VOSS, Dr. A. WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARRINGTON-STRONG, Cmdr. F.. WATERS, D. D. WATSON, Hon. K. A. WEBB-JOHNSON, S. A. · WEBSTER, J. L. H. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, A. T. - WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, P. B. WILLIAMS, R. A. WILLIAMS, W. D. F. WILLIAMS, Mrs. W. D. F. WILSON, Mrs. A. W. - WILSON, B. D. - 1-B, 126 Pokfulum Road, H.K. Dept. of Geography, United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Belmont Court 10A, 10 Kotewall Road, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 27, Babington Path, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England, c/o Registration of Persons Office, Causeway Bay Magistracy Building, 4th Floor, H.K. c/o Technical College, Hunghom, Kowloon, c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. Weinrebe & Pennell Ltd., Room 805 The Bank of Canton Building, H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. 58 Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. Geography & Geology Dept., University of Hong Kong, HK. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 10, The Albany, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. King Fung Villa, 10 Miles, Castle Peak Road, N.T. As above. 2 University Drive, H.K. 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in March, 1971. 1,000 copies. Price per copy: HK $18 US $3 postage extra UK £1.25 Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by YE OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir David Trench, G.C.M.G., M.C. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1970: President: Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., HON.LL.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: Marjorie Topley, B.SC.(ECON.), PH.D. J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Secretary: J. L. H. Webster, C.M.G., M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P. Professor Ma Meng, M.B.E., B.A. H. T. Wu, M.A., J.P. G. A. Bridges, M.A. Commander F. Warrington-Strong, D.S.C.,* R.N.RETD. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. The Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Responsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 CONTENTS EDITORIAL PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1969 HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1969 THE LIBRARY 1969-70 ARTICLES CONTRIBUTED : 1 - More on the Yung-Lo Ta-Tien-L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH 11 - Lord Elgin and the Taipings-STEPHEN UHALLEY, Jr. 17 - Hong Kong Cadets, 1862-1941-H. J. LETHBRIDGE 24 - Aspects of Hong Kong Marine Fauna-LAMARR B. TROTT 36 - A Hong Kong Butterfly-COLONEL V. R. BURKHARDT 57 - Chinatown in Hong Kong: The Beginnings of Taipingshan-DAFYDD EMRYS EVANS 63 - Chinese Emigration and the Deck Passenger Trade-A. D. BLUE 69 - Removing Some Barriers to Comprehension: A New Look at Cantonese Expletives-K. M. A. BARNETT 79 - A British Maritime Chart of 1780 Showing Hong Kong—HENRY D. TALBOT 94 - ARTICLE REPRINTED: Hong Kong before the British-S. F. BALFOUR 128 - NOTES AND QUERIES: The J.O.P. Bland Papers-J. L. CRANMER-BYNG 180 - Visit to Old Shau Kei Wan-24th May, 1969-JAMES HAYES 183 - Hemp-JAMES HAYES 188 - Coach Tour of Eastern Hong Kong Island—18th October, 1969-JAMES HAYES 190 - The San On Map of Mgr. Volontieri―JAMES HAYES 193 - A Casualty of the Cultural Revolution-JAMES HAYES 196 - Pile Houses at Tai O, Lantau Island, Hong Kong-10th January, 1937-W. SCHOFIELD 201 - BOOK REVIEWS 216 - LIST OF MEMBERS ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 10 willing help has been of great value to me as President and to the Council generally. 13th May, 1970. Lectures in 1969 comprised:----- 20 January Dr. M. W. M. Lau 24 February J. R. JONES The F. A. Nixon Collection of Nestorian Crosses and the Fr. Finn Collection of Finds on Lamma Island Dr. Morris I. Berkowitz The Effects of Resettlement on the Plover Cove Villagers Prof. P. G. O'Neill The No Theatre of Japan Today Mr. K. M. A. Barnett Removing Some Barriers to Comprehension Aspects of Hong Kong Marine Fauna 11 March 8 April 15 April Dr. Lamarr B. Trott 28 April Annual General Meeting. 5 May Mr. Holmes H. Welch 24 May "The Role of Religion in Chinese Life 9 June 11 23 June A Tour of Old Shau Kei Wan organized by Mr. J. W. Hayes. Dr. Hugh D. R. Baker The Chinese Lineage Village: A Pyramid of Kinship Dr. R. K. Murton Wild Life in Hong Kong 29 September Mr. J. C. Y. Watt 23 October 17 November The Use of Jade in Old China "Look Around" Tour on Hong Kong Island organized by Mr. J. W. Hayes. Mr. G. E. Johnson From Rural Committee to Spirit Medium Cult ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 18 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH Hsieh's proposal approved, the emperor appointed him editor, and associated with him a staff of 147 assistants. For seventeen months they toiled diligently; then, on December 13, 1404, they submitted to the throne the first draft, entitled Wên-hsien ta-ch'êng. The emperor, however, was not satisfied. He ordered work resumed, adding two other scholars as co-directors of the enterprise: Yao Kuang-hsiao (1335 - 1418) and Liu Chi-ch'ih (1346 - 1423). The staff too was enlarged to the number of 2,169. On December 14, 1407, Yao submitted the Wên-hsien ta-ch'êng once more to the emperor. By this time it had grown in size to 22,211 chüan, bound in 11,905 pên. His majesty showed his satisfaction by bestowing on it the title Yung-lo ta-tien. But it was still not quite finished. A year later he contributed a preface, now included in the table of contents (an additional 60 chüan), in which he used the phrase "completed in the winter of our sixth year" (i.e., 1408). In this preface the number of chüan is given as 22,937. (The table of contents, excluding its own 60 ch., gives the figure as 22,877 ch. in 11,915 pên.) Obviously the editors had added some 700 chüan in the interim between Dec. 14, 1407, and the writing of the preface (Dec. 17, 1408). The original was stored in the Wên yüan ko, Nanking, and a copy began to be made ready for printing in 1409. The cost was found to be so prohibitive, however, that this plan was abandoned. Woodblocks for a small number may, on the other hand, have been engraved. (This is the assertion of the eminent official and collector, Tuan-fang (1861-1911), who informed Professor Paul Pelliot that at one time he had seen more than one hundred chüan in printed form.) Following the removal of the capital, the YLTT was taken in 1421 to Peking and stored in the Wên lou in the palace area. In May 1557 a fire destroyed three palaces in the imperial precincts. Happily this work survived; it was then shifted to the historiography office. Five years later (Sept. 11, 1562), because of the danger of another conflagration, Emperor Chu Hou-ts'ung (1507-67) ordered the making of another set, with the calligrapher Ch'eng Tao-nan in charge of more than one hundred scribes delegated for this service by the ministry of Rites. Other responsible persons were Kao Kung (1512-78) and Chang Chü-cheng (1525-82). As this work is essentially a mammoth ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 20 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH the number as 9,881 pên). In addition, the Wu-ying-tien press in the palace printed with movable type 286 works known only in manuscript in the YLTT. From this point on the story of the YLTT makes generally sad reading. The librarians of the Hanlin Academy during the next one hundred years must have been pretty careless in their custodial duties, for, by 1894, according to an entry in the diary of the statesman Wêng T'ung-ho (1830-1904), hardly more than 800 pên were left. During the siege of the legation quarter six years later, the Chinese made an attempt to storm the British legation by setting fire to the Hanlin, immediately to the north of the legation compound. Thousands of books in the library were consumed in the blaze, but many too were picked up by Europeans, Americans, and Japanese in the legation quarter, and either taken to their homelands, or, in the case of the British minister, returned to the authorities in Peking. In the troubles incident to the overturn of the Manchus (1911), others were dispersed; so that by 1912, when Aurousseau made his report, he recorded only sixty pên in the Metropolitan Library and four in the library of the Ministry of Education. Today the situation is much better, as there has been an effort to reproduce and make generally available copies of the volumes which have found their way to major collections, mostly public, such as the Library of Congress, the British Museum, the Bodley, the Toyo Bunko, the National Library of Peking, and the National Central Library. These include the volumes returned to the mainland by the authorities in the USSR in the flush of post World War II friendship: eleven volumes delivered in 1951 and fifty-three in 1954. The learned world now has available for study two facsimile editions of extant works, one brought out in Peking in 1960 in 730 chüan under the sponsorship of Kuo Mo-jo (1892-), and a second issued in Taipei in 1962 in 742 chüan, edited by Yang Chia-lo (1913-). Several lists of surviving volumes of the YLTT have been published, the latest being that of the venerable Japanese scholar, Iwai Hirosato, in a festschrift published in his honor: Tenseki ronshū (Tokyo 1964), 1-70. His census lists 799 chüan. A few others have come to light which he did not include. In September 1963 The British Museum Quarterly announced the acquisition of one volume containing chüan 6933 and 6934, a gift from the estate of Captain Francis Garden Poole, who ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN 21 served in the Legation Guard in Peking in 1900. The Chester Beatty Library (Dublin) has three volumes not otherwise accounted for (chüan 803/4, 805/6, and 10,110/1). The Wason Collection of Cornell University has chüan 13,853, and the National Central Library, Taipei, has chüan 7527, which Yang Chia-lo failed to reproduce. The number at present count then is 809 chüan out of the original total of 22,877 chüan (not counting the table of contents which has been separately published). What subjects are covered in the volumes that have been saved? Practically everything that concerned the Chinese around the year 1400, but in fragmentary fashion. Thought, morals, poetry of several kinds, frontier people (the Hsiung-nu and Hu, for example), geography, surnames, government, law, the spirits, biography, divination, architecture (gates, bridges, halls, storehouses, walls, offices), villages, capital cities, history, burial customs, astronomy, botany, grain, military matters, Buddhism, Taoism, travels, bronzes, food and drink, caves, dreams, scholars, drama, sacrifices, clothing, mathematics, images, carpentry, post stations, shamans, literary collections. Dr. Walter Swingle, writing on the YLTT in the Report of the Library of Congress (1922-23), asserted: "It combined all existing Chinese books that were available to Yung-lo, excepting novels and possibly some plays." Fortunately, his remark was found to be in error when the Library of Congress acquired (1935) from the collection of Dr. H. A. Giles, professor of Chinese at Cambridge University, a copy of a "short historical novel, Ch'ieh-fên-lu and a hsü-lu, purporting to describe the experiences of Sung Hui-tsung, made captive by the Chin in 1127." (The son of Dr. Giles, Lancelot, was in the British Legation during the siege in 1900, and doubtless picked it up then.) The first notice of the famous play P'i-pa chi (The Lute Song) also appears in a volume of the YLTT. Professor Pelliot has characterized as one of the most important volumes saved the sections from a great Yuan dynasty encyclopaedia (Ching-shih ta-tien, published 1331), including a part on courier stations (jamči), now in the Toyo Bunko. Among other interesting works saved, generally fragmentary, are geographical. Francis D. M. Dow of Australian National University has recently drawn attention to certain gazetteers preserved: one of the prefecture of Soochow, published in 1379, for example; and years ago (1929) the Metropolitan ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 22 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH Library of Peiping reported on its copy of the local history of Shao-hsing-fu, Chekiang (YLTT ch. 7963). One must also mention the excellent use made by Professor Jao Tsung-i of chüan 11,907 (preserved in Peking) in his article on "Some place-names in the South Seas in the Yung-lo ta-tien."8 Finally, because everyone is interested in Marco Polo and the authenticity of his record of travel, let us mention the discovery in chüan 19,418 of the YLTT by two Chinese scholars of the names of the three envoys from the Mongol court of Persia who were dispatched in 1290 to Kubilai in Cambaluc to convey the Lady Kukachin (Marco's Cocachin) to Tabriz to become the bride of Argon. Their names, rendered in Chinese transcription, correspond fairly closely with those preserved in Marco's account. His name and the names of his father and uncle, unfortunately, were not considered of sufficient importance to receive mention. Hopefully we may expect more enlightenment on China's past as these rare volumes are further explored. NOTES 1 For example, Leonard Aurousseau in Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient XII: 9 (1912), and both Walter Swingle and Arthur W. Hummel in Reports of the Library of Congress, 1922-23, 1935-36, 1940, etc. 2 Wang Chung-min1 has recently identified 246 of these individuals, including the three principals, in an article entitled "Yung-lo ta-tien tsuan-hsiu jen k'ao,”†^#, Wên-shih★★ 4 (June 1965), 17 ff. (Mrs. Lienche Tu Fang kindly drew this to my attention.) 3 Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient IX (1909), 828, n.3. 4 Communication to the author, dated 15th Oct., 1969, from the curator, D. Zichy. 5 I owe this to Mrs. Delano Young (née Yang Chin-yi) who received the information from a member of the staff of the Library. 6 Extracts of books were distributed under different tone groups. 7 A Study of Chiang-su and Che-chiang gazetteers of the Ming Dynasty (Canberra 1969), p. 5. 8 Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies of Southern China, South-east Asia, and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong 1967), 191-7. 9 Yang Chih-chiu and Ho Yung-chi, "Marco Polo quits China," Harvard Jo. of Asiatic Studies IX (1945), 51. See also Yule-Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo (London 1903), I, p. 32. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS 27 The next evening, the squadron anchored off the city of T'ai-p'ing, also in Taiping hands, after having previously silenced some other forts a few miles below under equally questionable circumstances. Nevertheless, at T'ai-p'ing a request came to the British from the Taipings for assistance against the Imperialist war junks. The request note referred to its writer as "your younger brother" and was addressed to "your Excellencies the Foreigners."12 In reply, Elgin sent a note recalling what had happened the previous day at Nanking, indicating that this had been a "warning to all who may be hereafter minded to interfere with the ships of Her Majesty."3 For their part, however, the Taipings apologized for the firing at Nanking, explaining that it had been a mistake. Assurances were also given that the mission would not again be molested. Elgin conceded that he believed the Taipings to be sincere.14 Their request for assistance, however, was ignored. Two days later, on November 23, the English arrived at Wu Hu, where they paused and sent ashore Thomas Wade "to ascertain the disposition of the insurgents" and "in particular to determine if supplies could be obtained."15 This proved to be another instance of unmitigated presumption on the part of the visitors, and we see this by reading the English account only. Even though the Taipings' suggestion as to the form in which the request be made (a letter to the Taiping chief) was ignored by the English, the Taipings were still quick in making available the requested provisions. In spite of this gracious and generous Taiping hospitality, Wade's report of this visit is filled with language prejudicial to his hosts. There is not the slightest indication that appreciation was felt, or expressed.16 The squadron continued its progress up the Yangtze, The next clash, at Anking, remains a classic instance of international effrontery. As the English ships approached this city it was under attack by Ch'ing forces, an assault that may have been coordinated with the English arrival. According to eyewitness Laurence Oliphant: "It seemed that the Government troops had received notice of our approach and had determined to take advantage of it, in order to make a grand attack upon Ngan-king…". Aside from these circumstances, not mentioned in most accounts of the affair, Elgin himself knew that the Taipings ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS 33 of the river ports is contingent on the suppression of the rebellion."40 Thus the record of Elgin's own visit through Taiping territory adequately lays to rest any notion that he might have been harboring an alternative policy of dealing with the Taipings. Without question, his angry remark was merely rhetorical, entirely lacking substance. He was frustrated with Manchu behavior, both in his own repeated experiences with them, and with their poor handling of the Taiping resurgence of 1860.41 Yet Elgin had done nothing to cultivate the political alternative that Taiping China posed. Nor would he ever do so. NOTES 1 Elgin referred to a "Chinese" government as an alternative to the Manchus. This presumably meant the Taipings who were the only viable such alternative readily at hand. See, for example, Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, China's Entrance into the Family of Nations: The Diplomatic Phase 1858-1880, Cambridge; Harvard University Press, 1960, p. 104. 2 See Stephen Uhalley, Jr., "A New Look at the Diplomatic Missions of 1853-54 to Taiping-held Nanking," The Chung Chi Journal, Volume 6 (May 1967), 171-190. For the best general English-language history of the Taiping movement as a whole, see Franz Michael, The Taiping Rebellion: History and Documents, Vol. I, Seattle and London; University of Washington Press, 1966. Unfortunately the fine work of Jen Yu-wen, the foremost Chinese authority on the Taipings, is for the most part unavailable in English translation; although a concise English edition of his narrative history of the Taipings is in preparation, 3 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, Shanghai, January 5, 1859, "Papers Respecting Lord Elgin's Special Mission to China and Japan, 1857-1859," 1859, Parliamentary Papers or Blue Book (BB), IX, 444. 4 Ibid. 5 Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, London, 1860, Vol. II, 310. 6 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 444. 7 Oliphant, II, 361-362. 8 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 444. 9 Oliphant, II, 314. 10 "A Cruise up the Yangtze in 1858-59," Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine (May 1860), 704-705. 11 It was of an event during this exchange that Oliphant later wrote: "A large crowd had collected outside the gate, chiefly composed of rebel soldiers watching the proceedings. We sent them a ten-inch shell just to give them some idea of our armament." Ibid., p. 318. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 34 STEPHEN UHALLEY, JR., 12 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 231, Inclosure No. 1, Shanghai, January 6, 1859, BB, IX, 454. 13 Ibid., Inclosure No. 2, p. 455. 14 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 445. 15 Ibid., Inclosure 1, p. 447. ** 16 Wade, in adjoining sentences, says that "The prices put upon the articles we named were not exorbitant and, "This part of our errand done we took our leave, glad to escape from the pressure of this most disorderly mob, and the offensive atmosphere they created." Ibid., p. 448. 17 Oliphant, II, 361. 18 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 445, 19 Oliphant, II, 362-364. 20 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 446. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid., Inclosure No. 2, pp. 448-449. 23 Ibid., Inclosure No. 4, p. 450. 24 Lindsay Brine, The Taeping Rebellion in China, London, 1862, pp. 226-228. Despite his reputation for relatively dispassionate reporting Brine makes similar omissions in discussing other episodes as well. In discussing the visit at Wu Hu he uses only passages from Oliphant that reflected poorly on the Taipings without mentioning that the Taipings graciously complied with the request for supplies - pp. 223-226. Regarding the bombardment of Anking, Brine does not mention that the Imperialists were attacking the city simultaneously -- pp. 220-221. 25 Only the surname of the Taiping leader is given in Wade's account, which is the basis of the other versions of this visit, That it was Li Ch'un-fa is a surmise concurred in by Jen Yu-wen in personal conversation with the writer. As a lieutenant of Li Hsiu-ch'eng it is likely that Li Ch'un-fa was well-disposed toward foreigners, as indeed, he seems to have been depicted in Wade's own account. 26 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, Inclosure No. 5, pp. 450-452, 27 Ibid., p. 451. 28 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 232, Inclosure of Elgin to Seymour, Shanghai, January 6, 1859, BB, IX, 455. 29 This poem was not included in the Blue Book collection of documents, but was subsequently translated and printed in Oliphant, II, 334-341, and in Brine, pp. 229-236. It will soon be made available once again among Franz Michael's documents of the Taipings to be published in the near future. The Chinese text, which should be consulted, for the English translation is inconsistent, is found in Jen Yu-wen, T'ai-p'ing Tien kuo tien-chih t'ung-kao (TPTKTCTK), Vol. II, 881-883. 30 We learn of the use of this specific form of address from Chester Cheng's recording of the cover letter in his book on Taiping documentary materials in the United Kingdom. Unfortunately, Cheng does not mention the important poem itself - Chester Cheng, Chinese Sources for the Taiping Rebellion 1850-1864, Hong Kong, 1963, p. 150. It is possible that the word shang was used as an honorific in place of the more usual kuei, a word that may have been proscribed by the Taipings because of its phonetic similarity to kuei meaning devil. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS 31 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, Inclosure No. 3, p. 449. 32 Elgin to Clarendon, No. 139, Shanghai, April 9, 1858, BB, IX, 260. 33 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 445. 34 Ibid. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid., pp. 442-443. 38 Ibid., p. 442. 39 Brine, p. 268. 40 Hsü, China's Entrance, p. 78, citing Reed to Cass, November 5, 1858, China: Dispatches, Vol. 17, Doc. 35. It should be noted, however, that this is indirect evidence, but given by a contemporary who was generally co-operative with Elgin. 41 See John S. Gregory, "British Intervention Against the Taiping Rebellion," Journal of Asian Studies, XIX, No. 1 (November 1959), 12-13. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941 43 in academic performance, and a significant number excelled at sport. The fathers of the cadets were in most cases members of the older professions — law, medicine, and especially the church, although two, for example, were M.P.s.29 Few, if any, of the fathers were businessmen or shopkeepers, and none could be regarded as aristocratic. In sum, the typical cadet came from a solid, though not rich, upper middle-class family, went to a public school, but not to the most prestigious, and then went up to one of the older universities, where he read classics or history and was noted for his application to study and interest in healthy recreation. The bounder, the aesthete, the hearty, and the rake, were not represented in the ranks of the cadets. The origins of the Scots were humbler; many had schoolmasters for fathers, whereas the Irish tended to come from the smaller landed families, from the parochial gentry rather than the squirearchy. Two things should be noted about the curriculum vitae of the typical cadet. Firstly, it fitted him for the type of job he was expected to carry out as a colonial civil servant in Hong Kong – the need to apply himself with diligence and intelligence to a series of prosaic tasks, and to sustain interest in the minutiae of bureaucratic life; and secondly, the common social background and education of the cadets helped to create an esprit de corps, a class and caste feeling, and an intuitive understanding of other cadets, which helped maintain morale and discipline within a hierarchical service. Cadets, it may be surmised, understood one another without the need for excessive interpretation of motive. Given this common background, training, and the fraternity of class, cadets came to the field with many shared assumptions about, and attitudes towards, the people they governed in the colonial territories. Robert Huessler, for example, argues that the attitude of British Colonial officials 'was not unlike that which they maintained from childhood towards the lesser orders at home. One ruled the people and protected them from local and foreign injustice. Otherwise one lived apart'.30 Perhaps a better analogy would be the model prefect at an English public school. The model prefect is expected to be fair, just, upright, dignified, and withal concerned about his charges. However, he is not likely to support ideas of equality and permissiveness; he must exercise authority. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 50 H. J. LETHBRIDGE Superintendent of Prisons. In the 1920s a larger number of cadets were recruited—22 in all—but the number dropped to 12 in the 1930s. Three more were appointed in 1941, just before the Japanese occupation. This increase, particularly in the 1920s, must be related to a general expansion of services and a growth in the functions undertaken by government, and to the near cessation of recruitment during the war years 1914–18. In 1901, the total number of employees in all grades of the government service was 715; and in 1938 the figure was 2,886.55 Another trend, which was to radically reshape the cadet service after the 1939–45 war and change its composition, was a growing demand for the appointment of local people to more senior posts. In the 1935 budget debate the Acting Colonial Secretary, echoing the views of the Governor, Sir Andrew Caldecott, declared that the ‘Government has fully and frankly accepted the policy of replacing wherever possible European by Asiatic employees’.56 But the pace of localisation was exceedingly slow and the policy was hardly implemented, outside the Medical and Health Department, before the Governorship of Sir Alexander Grantham, 1947–1957. Colonial officials have been caricatured as stiff, arrogant and snobbish, bemused by questions of precedence and protocol.57 They have been accused by Americans in particular of ‘spirited amateurism towards administration and technological illiteracy in relation to the problems of economic development’.58 But these characteristics in a milder form are a reflection of the values held by the English upper middle class, from whom the cadets were recruited. The cadets did not suffer a sea change on their way out by P. and O. to Hong Kong. They were gentlemen trained in the ideology of the pre-war English public schools and older residential universities. In Hong Kong they went on launch picnics; they swam, played polo, golf and tennis, walked in the New Territories, and played bridge in the evenings. A substantial number, however, did not allow their curiosity and intelligence to slumber in a sub-tropical climate: they wrote books and scholarly articles about the East. And one cadet—Geoffrey Sayer, an historian of early Hong Kong—claims that the bridge between East and West has been bridged ‘in so far as it has been bridged, by "linguist", "comprador", "missionary", "interpreter", and "cadet"’.59 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941 NOTES 51 1 Since the end of war with Japan in 1945 both Hong Kong and its Government Service have experienced major changes of circumstance and outlook. Whilst the cadet or administrative grade continues in being there are now (April 1970) administrative officers in a total permanent Civil Service establishment of there are Chinese officers, the first of whom was appointed in 1948. 2 The title was later changed to "Cadet on Probation". In 1862 cadets received a salary of £200 per annum on arrival in the Colony and at the end of two years' study or as soon afterwards as they were declared qualified by a Board of Examiners £400 per annum. In 1924 the salary was still only £350 on arrival and £400 after passing the final examination; in 1936 the amounts were £450 and £525 respectively. Information on the Cadet Service is to be found in the various General Orders of the Hong Kong Government. 3 The following books have information on the origin of the scheme: E. J. Eitel Europe in China, Hong Kong, 1895, p. 365; G. B. Sayer Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, London, 1937, p. 194; J. W. Norton-Kyshe The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. 2, pp. 8-11; and Sir Charles Collins Public Administration in Hong Kong, London, 1952, pp. 126-127. 4 Aucuparius: Recollections of a Recruiting Officer, London, 1962, p. 164. Major Sir Ralph Furse was Director of Recruitment, Colonial Service, 1931-48; and Adviser to the Secretary of State for Colonies on Training Courses for the Colonial Service, 1948-50. 5 For a sketch of Caldwell's career see G. B. Endacott A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong, Singapore, 1962, pp. 95-99. Daniel Richard Caldwell was of mixed blood, born at Singapore, and married to a Chinese. He was a brilliant linguist and occupied, at one time or another, various senior posts in the Hong Kong Government. His proved association with Ma Chow Wong, a frequenter of pirates, ruined Caldwell's career. Caldwell was found unfit by a Commission of Inquiry to continue in the public service. He died in 1875. 6 E. J. Eitel "Chinese Studies and Official Interpretation in the Colony of Hong Kong”, China Review, vol. 16, 1877-8, p. 5. 7 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit., vol. I, p. 579. 8 January 28, 1867, 9 See note 6. 10 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 8-9. 11 Ibid., p. 10. The revised regulations for Hong Kong Cadetships, published in the Government Gazette, 7 September 1872, gives the heads of examination as follows: "(A) Obligatory — 1st. Exercises designed to test Handwriting and Orthography; 2nd. Arithmetic, including Vulgar and Decimal Fractions; 3rd. Latin, and one of the following languages: Greek, French, German, Italian; 4th. English Composition, including Précis writing; (B) Optional 5th. Pure and Mixed Mathematics; 6th. Ancient and Modern History, and Geography; 7th. Elements of Constitutional and International Law, and Political Economy; 8th. Geology, Civil Engineering and Surveying". Every candidate was expected to show a competent knowledge of the first four subjects, but could select any two of the optional subjects. 7 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 52 H. J. LETHBRIDGE 12 Malcolm Struan Tonnochy (1840-1882). Educated at Blackheath Proprietary School and Trinity College, Cambridge. Hong Kong Civil Service 1862; died in office while Superintendent of Victoria Gaol. Obituaries of Tonnochy are to be found in the Hong Kong Telegraph, December 14 and 15, 1882, and China Mail, December 15, 1882. The Telegraph tells us "that yesterday the deceased was in good spirits and played tennis in the afternoon, dined out with a friend, and was in the Club until shortly after midnight", A Chinese barber found Tonnochy dead in bed when he came to shave him in the morning. He was a bachelor. 13 Walter Meredith Deane (1840-1906). Educated St. Paul's School and Trinity College, Cambridge. Hong Kong Civil Service 1862; Captain Superintendent of the Police, 1866-1891. Deane was severely wounded on duty in 1878 and resigned in 1891 on account of ill-health. 14 Sir Cecil Clementi Smith (1840-1916). Educated at St. Paul's School and Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, Hong Kong Civil Service 1862; promoted from Colonial Treasurer, Hong Kong, to Colonial Secretary, Straits Settlements, 1878. Administered Government 1884-85; appointed Lieutenant-Governor and Colonial Secretary, Ceylon, 1886; Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Straits Settlements, 1887; H. M. High Commissioner and Consul-General for Borneo and Sarawak, 1889. 15 Alfred Lister (1843-1890). Educated at University of London. Hong Kong Civil Service 1865; prepared detailed index to the Ordinances of Hong Kong in 1870; Colonial Treasurer 1883-90. Died on board ship near Yokohama while on sick leave, Lister held the office of Treasurer as an adjunct appointment only, and with an almost nominal salary, in conjunction with his substantive appointment of Postmaster-General, Lister left a wife and four children in England. See Hong Kong Telegraph, 15 June, 1890. Governor Des Voeux referred to Lister as an "excellent officer". ** 16 Sir James Russell (1843-1893). Educated at Queen's University, Belfast. Hong Kong Civil Service 1865; private secretary to Governor Sir Richard MacDonnell 1868; Police Magistrate 1870; Chief Justice of Hong Kong 1888. The Hong Kong Telegraph, 4 September, 1893, in an editorial entitled "Sir Judas' Russell: His History" declares "You could not have been much of an expert in the Chinese language two short years after your appointment to a cadet-ship, yet in 1867, you were Government ‘Interpreter'". The editorial referred to Russell as "the Gargantua of Hong Kong social life" and "the Jeffries of the Hong Kong Bench". The writer of the editorial was the atrabilious Robert Fraser-Smith, who founded the Hong Kong Telegraph in 1881. Since Fraser-Smith had been jailed several times for libel, he had reason to dislike the Chief Justice. (See Frank H. H. King and Prescott Clarke A Research Guide to China-Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911, Cambridge, Mass., 1965). Russell, a bachelor like Lister, died at Strathpeffer, Scotland, shortly after resigning from Government. 17 Henry Ernest Wodehouse (1845-1929). Educated at Repton School. Hong Kong Civil Service 1867; retired on pension as Police Magistrate in 1898. One son, Peveril, was the first baby born on the Peak and brother of P. G. Wodehouse, the novelist. Wodehouse was the last of the batch of officials originally appointed to the Colony in the capacity of student interpreter. 18 Sir James Haldane Stewart Lockhart (1858-1937). Educated at King William's College, Isle of Man, Watson's Academy, Edinburgh (gold medallist), and Edinburgh University (Greek medallist), Hong Kong Civil Service 1878; attached to the Colonial Office for one year; Registrar General 1887; Colonial Secretary 1895-1902; Special Commissioner to Inspect and Report on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1898; representative of Great Britain to delimit the boundaries of the extension of Hong Kong; first civil Commissioner of Weihaiwei, 1902; retired 1921. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941 53 19 Sir Francis Henry May (1860-1922), Educated at Harrow and Trinity College, Dublin. Hong Kong Civil Service 1881; Captain Superintendent of Police, 1893-1902; Colonial Secretary, 1902-1910; Governor of Fiji and High Commissioner of Western Pacific, 1910-12; Governor of Hong Kong, 1912-1919. First cadet to become Governor. Altogether May spent 38 years in Hong Kong. 20 Sir Reginald Fleming Johnston (1874-1938), Educated at Edinburgh University (Gray Prize; prox. accessit., Lord Rector's Essay); Magdalen College, Oxford (mentioned hon, causa Stanhope Essay). Hong Kong Civil Service 1898; Assistant Colonial Secretary, 1899-1904, Transferred to Weihaiwai 1904; Senior District Officer and Magistrate, Weihaiwai, 1906-17. Tutor to the Ex-Emperor of China, 1919-1925. Commissioner of Weihaiwai, 1927-30. Professor of Chinese and Head of Department of Languages and Cultures of the Far East, School of Oriental Languages, London University, 1931-1937. 21 Sir Cecil Clementi (1875-1947). Educated at St. Paul's School and Magdalen College, Oxford, Hong Kong Civil Service 1899. Clementi, following his uncle and godfather, Sir Cecil Clementi Smith, preferred an Eastern Cadetship, and was posted to Hong Kong. Land Officer and Police Magistrate in the New Territories, 1903-6, Clementi had the task of recognizing the land titles of over 300,000 claims. Appointed Colonial Secretary of British Guiana 1913-1921; Colonial Secretary, Ceylon, 1922-1925; Governor of Hong Kong, 1925-30; Governor of the Straits Settlements and High Commissioner for the Malay States 1930. In 1934 Clementi retired on account of ill-health. 22 James Legge "The Colony of Hong Kong", China Review, Vol. I, 1872-3, p. 173. 23 Dominions Office and Colonial Office List 1939, p. 624, states: "The average number of cadets appointed to Malaya and Hongkong during the period of 1919-31 inclusive was between 9 and 10. Since 1931 the average has been 5-8, 6 generally. In 1937, 7 cadets were appointed, and 9 in 1938. There were none appointed to Hong Kong 1937, and only 2 in 1938. The demand for cadets in Hong Kong was always small”. 24 For example, Thomas Sercombe Smith (1854-1937) was appointed a Hong Kong Cadet in 1882. In 1883 he was attached to the Colonial Office for a year; and in 1884, after a brief spell attached to the Colonial Secretary's Office, Hong Kong, proceeded to Peking where he studied Chinese, 1884-6. On the other hand, Arthur Winbolt Brewin (1867-1946), proceeded to Canton in 1888. Brewin, who was educated at Winchester, succeeded Eitel as Inspector of Schools in 1897; became Registrar General in 1901 and retired in 1912. 25 Victor Purcell The Memoirs of a Malayan Official, London, 1965, pp. 108-109. The Index to Correspondence (of the Colonial Secretariat), compiled in 1902 by R. H. Kotewall, has a cryptic entry: "Cadets studying Chinese in China must reside at a place removed from European social surroundings". 26 Alexander Grantham Via Ports, Hong Kong, 1965, p. 5. 27 I have been able to discover the schools attended by 64 of the cadets: 52 went to schools listed in the Public Schools Yearbook; the other 12 to small private schools. Two cadets (H. E. Wodehouse and A. W. Brewin), it seems, did not go to a university; five I have been unable to trace; and of the rest - 78 in all — 55 went to English universities (Cambridge 25; Oxford 23; London 4; and one each at Leicester University College, Liverpool University, and Manchester University); 10 to universities in Ireland (Trinity College 8); and 11 to Scottish universities (Edinburgh 6, -55 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 54 H. J. LETHBRIDGE St. Andrews 2, Aberdeen 2, Glasgow 1). Sir Joseph Kemp attended Cape University, South Africa and Edward Wynne-Jones the University of Wales. These university-educated gentlemen represent a social stratum lying somewhere between Mathew Arnold's Barbarians and the Philistines. A large number of them had been educated in schools animated by the ideas and ideals of Arnold's father, Thomas Arnold, the headmaster of Rugby. 28 Alexander Macdonald Thomson (1863-1924), Educated at Aberdeen University. Lecturer in Mathematics, Naini Tal College, India, 1884-5; Assistant Professor of Mathematics, Aberdeen, 1887; entered the Hong Kong Civil Service, and attached for one year to the Colonial Office, 1887; Treasurer 1898-1918. Retired in 1918. He is the only cadet who retired to live in the United States (San Mateo, California); most cadets, including the Scots, settled in the Home Counties on retirement. 29 Norman Lockhart Smith (1887-1968) was the son of Hugh Crawford Smith, M.P., Newcastle-on-Tyne, and Lewis Audley Marsh Johnston (1865-1908) the son of William Johnston, M.P., Ballykilbeg, Ireland. 30 Robert Huessler Yesterday's Rulers, Syracuse, New York, 1963, p. 98. 31 In H. R. Wells and Lam Tong Chinese Documents and Petitions, Hong Kong, 1931, some examples are given in Chinese, with English translations. There are also some interesting specimens of petitions received by the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs from Chinese in Hong Kong. In the section on the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs in the General Orders of the Hong Kong Government, 1924, we read: "Before taking action affecting bodies or classes of people, the Chinese Government is in the habit of issuing proclamations explaining the action to be taken and the reason for it and the Chinese in Hong Kong expect the same notice to be given. It is desirable that whenever the Head of a Department finds it necessary to take notice of any slackness in complying with the law, or to put a stop to gradual encroachments on the part of individuals, or to bring some new regulation into force, he should first consult the Secretary for Chinese Affairs and ask him to notify the people affected in the same way". 32 Margery Perham Lugard, vol. 2, London 1960, p. 302. 33 Ibid., p. 367. 34 Geoffrey Robley Sayer (1887-1962), Educated at Highgate School, London, and Queen's College, Oxford. Hong Kong Civil Service 1910; Director of Education 1934-6; retired 1938. 35 Stephen Francis Balfour (1905-1945). Educated at King's College, Cambridge. Hong Kong Civil Service 1929; died in internment during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong. 36 Walter Schofield (1888-1968). Educated at the University of Liverpool. Hong Kong Civil Service 1911. First Police Magistrate 1934-1937; retired 1938. Schofield was noted for his work pre-war on the geology and archaeology of Hong Kong, in which fields he was a pioneer scholar. 37 Roger Soame Jenyns (born 1904). Educated at Eton and Magdalene College, Cambridge. Hong Kong Civil Service 1926; resigned in 1931 to join the British Museum. He is a noted expert on the arts of the Far East and has written extensively in that field. 38 Robert Andrew Dermod Forrest (born 1893). Educated at Aberdeen University. Hong Kong Civil Service 1919; Inspector of Vernacular Schools; Immigration Officer 1940. Lecturer in Tibeto-Burman Linguistics at the School of Oriental and African Studies at London University. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941 55 19 Kenneth Myer Arthur Barnett (born 1911). Educated at Mill Hill School, London, and King's College, Cambridge, Hong Kong Civil Service 1934. Retired as Director of Census and Statistics 1970. 40 Quoted in James Hope Hennessy's Verandah, London, 1964, p. 186. Hennessy is quoting, presumably, from Sir George Bowen's Thirty Years of Colonial Government, London, 1889, which I have not seen. 41 Margery Perham, op. cit., p. 302. Lugard also liked and trusted A. W. Brewin, the Registrar General: "if he once said, he was very 'pro-Chinese' this was really a compliment. He would allow Brewin to forbid his own delivery of a speech to a Chinese gathering. He could not always understand the reason ‘but I trust implicitly in him'." 42 E. J. Eitel "Chinese Studies and Official Interpretation", p. 8. 43 Alleyne Ireland, Far Eastern Tropics, London, 1905, p. 34. In 1901 Ireland was appointed Colonial Commissioner of the University of Chicago for the purpose of visiting the Far East. 44 Ibid., p. 32. 45 Norman Gilbert Mitchell-Innes (1860-1947). Educated at Repton and Edinburgh Academy, Hong Kong Civil Service 1881; Treasurer 1891; left Hong Kong Service in 1896 and transferred to the Home Prison Service. Des Voeux thought highly of Mitchell-Innes. See G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong 1841-1962, Hong Kong, 1964, p. 112. 46 Report on Defalcations in the Treasury, Sessional Papers, Hong Kong, 1893, p. 546. 47 Ibid., p. 546. 48 Norton-Kyshe, vol. 2, p. 447. 49 Ibid., p. 447. 50 Sir Arthur George Murchison Fletcher (1878-1954). Educated at Cheltenham College and Trinity College, Oxford, Hong Kong Civil Service 1901; transferred to Ceylon 1927; Colonial Secretary, Ceylon, 1926-9; Governor of Fiji and High Commissioner for Western Pacific 1929-36; Governor and Commander-in-Chief, Trinidad and Tobago, 1936-38. 51 Geoffrey Norman Orme (1879-1966). Educated at Cheltenham College and Hertford College, Oxford, Hong Kong Civil Service 1902. Director of Education 1924-26. Left Hong Kong Service in 1926. 52 The Report on the Land Court, 1900-1905, Sessional Papers, 1905, gives a list of the presidents and members of the Land Court in order of their appointment, most of whom were cadets. H. H. J. Gompertz was appointed in 1900 and resigned in 1904; Cecil Clementi in 1903; and C. M. Messer and J. R. Wood in 1904. The Registrars in order of appointment - all cadets were: J. H. Kemp, E. D. C. Wolfe, and S. B. C. Ross. The Land Court in 1905 consisted of three members: C. M. Messer, Cecil Clementi, and J. R. Wood. The New Territories became popular with cadets as a place to walk or shoot in on week-ends. Robert Oliphant Hutchison (1880-1920), the Superintendent of Imports and Exports, on his way to shoot snipe at Saikung fell off a launch in a squall and drowned. His body was never found. With him at the time was D. W. Tratman, the Colonial Treasurer. One imagines from the evidence that both had "tiffined" rather too well. 53 "At first British officials were limited in principle to two, dealing with police and land. In 1899 a police magistrate was appointed and also an assistant land officer to deal with land cases, and the police were placed Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 56 H. J. LETHBRIDGE under the Captain Superintendent in Hong Kong. The islands, and later, an outlying part of the mainland, were organised separately as the Southern District, with an assistant land officer appointed on 1 January 1905; he became an Assistant District Officer in 191054. G. B. Endacott Government and People in Hong Kong, pp. 134-5, Stewart Lockhart's Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong, 1900, says: "Since Mr. Lockhart's return to Hong Kong in July (1899) the work of the New Territory has been carried on by Messrs. Messer, Kemp and Hallifax, three cadets who are carrying out their instructions in a most satisfactory manner". The tradition developed of sending newly passed cadets to be "blooded" in the New Territory before they took up more sedentary duties in the Central Government Departments. 54 Austin Coates Myself a Magistrate. London, 1968, p. 13; speaking of his appointment as a Magistrate in the New Territories, Mr. Coates writes: "It was a job which would demand a complete change of thought and attitude after the Secretariat, occupied as I had been there with the doings of the modern world. Yet in this older world, bypassed by time, might I not find the roots—perhaps even the soul of the people who, met with in the city, held in their hearts something that everlastingly eluded me?” 55 G. B. Endacott Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 169. 56 Ibid., p. 169. 57 A particularly acidulous, but fictional, portrait of an Assistant Colonial Secretary is presented in Somerset Maugham's The Painted Veil (London, 1925). This so enraged the then Assistant Colonial Secretary of Hong Kong, A. G. M. Fletcher, that he threatened an action against the publishers, Heinemann. The name Hong Kong was replaced in the second issue of the book by "Tching Yen". 58 Richard Symonds The British and Their Successors, London, 1966, p. 16. 59 G. B. Sayer Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, London, 1937, p.15. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 62 LAMARR B. TROTT attempt to correlate Government activities with conservation policies and to educate the populace about the importance of conservation and properly planned development. I hope sincerely they are successful in their aims. In brief conclusion I would like to note that we are living in a unique time in history, in a unique spot on the globe. Our marine resources are great and varied, and are as important to our growth, beauty, and economy as the land. In planning for the future, let us enhance rather than destroy the marine natural resources of Hong Kong. Literature Cited Mayr, E. 1963, Animal Species and Evolution, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 797 p. Harvard Univ. Press Trott, L. B. 1970. Contributions to the biology of carapid fishes (Para-canthopterygii: Gadiformes). Univ. of California Publ. in Zoology 89:1-60. Williamson, G. R. 1968. "A biologist looks at Hong Kong fisheries." Fishing News International. July, 1968. 4 p. Walford, L. A. 1958. Living Resources of the Sea. Ronald Press, New York, 321 p. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 A HONG KONG BUTTERFLY 65 sides of the creature above the prolegs is yellow-ochre and there is a narrow border of the same colour around the head and the anal segment. The head is black. There are no processes as in the larva of Papilio agamemnon. By 9th July the smallest larva had grown from 9 mm to 15 mm retaining the same coloration. On 10th July it moulted on the surface of the leaf leaving the black skin. The length was constant at 15 mm. The larva was now apple green, darker on the back, with three narrow yellow stripes on the seventh to tenth segments, and a buff line just above the legs from head to tail. The head is celedon green with four circular black spots on the crown, and two more smaller ones at the angle of the jaws. For observation the larvae were kept in a large glass container which, if covered, keeps the food plant fresher than the ordinary breeding cage. On opening this one morning the pungent scent emitted by the Papilionidae when disturbed was very noticeable, but no amount of interference would induce the larvae to extrude the osmeterium so that the colour could be ascertained. The green stage of the larva only lasted four days, during which the faint yellow horizontal lines above the prolegs gradually faded out, and the apple green colour rather deepened. The full length attained was 26 mm on the eve of pupation. In all instances but one pupation took place on the underside of the leaf, and not the upperside as recorded by Corbet for L. meges. The pupa is attached by a white cremastral pad, and a very fine silk girdle which is almost invisible, holding the abdomen in contact with the leaf. The shape is very similar to the pupae of P. doson or P. sarpedon, being beaked, but the length is only 22 mm. The colour varied with the background, from yellow-green on young growth, to emerald on mature leaves. The exceptional larva spun up on the glass of the container in a vertical position, head up producing a lilac grey chrysalis. From the beak a seam runs diagonally to the base of the thorax, and another finer line marks the centre of the back for 5 mm when it bifurcates making a roughly elliptical figure to the tail. All pupation was during the hours of darkness. Emergence took place exactly seven days after pupation, but this is the hottest time of the year, the mean temperature being around 85°F. All imagines appeared between the hours of 8 a.m. and 9 a.m, standard time. Just before emergence the pupal case is ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 # THE BEGINNINGS OF TAIPINGSHAN 77 Office's records had fallen owing to non-registration of transactions (it being by then more or less necessary for a purchaser to take a chance on the title to land offered to him by a vendor), a strenuous effort was made to regularise the situation and much "squatting" without title and consequently, in most cases, non-payment of Crown Rent, came to light. The end for old Taipingshan came not in the 1880's but in the 1890's when Bubonic Plague was brought to the Colony from West China. The most virulent reservoir of the bacillus turned out to be Taipingshan. The only solution, not only to the problem of stamping out the plague but also to other forms of social offence given by the district, was to remove the Chinese town physically. This was done by powers given in the Taipingshan Resumption Ordinance of 1894, and the result was wholesale demolition of much property and re-aligning of old and construction of new roads. Taipingshan had to be razed and, fortunately for Hong Kong, never rose again in its former glory. University of London, 1968. DAFYDD EMRYS Evans Mr. Evans is Professor of Law in the University of Hong Kong. Two of his earlier contributions to the early history of Hong Kong appeared in the Notes and Queries section of the 1968 Journal. NOTES 1 The area was known as Taipingshan from the early days of the colony and its name is not derived from its function as a refuge for T'ai Ping rebels in later years. 2 See Gordon (Land Officer) to Pottinger, CO129/Vol II, f. 152, 3 See Gordon to Malcolm (Colonial Secretary), CO129/Vol. II, f. 138 dated 6 July 1843. 4 The rents for both the Upper and Lower Bazaar Lots represented the same rate per square foot as that charged by Johnston for Town Lots. 5 But the Chinese were turning to the use of brick rather than wood by the end of 1841; see Canton Press, 19 February 1842. 6 Gordon to Pottinger, 19 December 1843; CO129, Vol. II, p. 445. 7 Davis to Stanley 26 July 1844; CO129, Vol. VI, p. 435. 8 Woosnam (Pottinger's private secretary) to Gordon, 10 January 1844: CO129, Vol. V. p. 69. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 78 DAFYDD EMRYS EVANS "See their petition, reprinted in Friend of China, 4 May 1844, and also below, P. 10 The contents of the petition, Pottinger's reply and the lot-holders' rejoinder were all published in the Friend of China, 4 May 1844. "I Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, (Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, English translation, 1963) p. 117, maintains that there had long been a settlement in the area of the present Taipingshan, The name is said to have originated from the pacification of the pirate Cheung Po-chai in 1810 who is known to have had a stronghold there. The mountain now known as Victoria Peak was renamed Taipingshan (the Mountain of Peace) and is so known in Chinese today. The Man Mo temple, standing today in Hollywood Road, is said by Lo to have been built by Cheung in the first decade of the 19th Century. There is considerable documentary evidence as to the existence of such a settlement in the early 1840s. 12 Caine, Gutzlaff and Gordon to Pottinger, C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 440. 13 Woosnam to Caine, Gutzlaff and Gordon, 17 April 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 442. 14 Caine, Gutzlaff and Gordon to Bruce, 21 May 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 444. 15 Aldrich to Bruce, 20 July 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 445. 16 Notification dated 25 July 1844. It appeared in the Hong Kong Register on 30 July 1844 and the gist of it was contained in the Friend of China on 3 August 1844. Only in the former, official, version, does the information about the date of possession for the purchasers appear. 17 10 August 1844. 18 Friend of China, 2 October 1844. The site is still occupied by a branch of the present Western Market, 19 Davis to Stanley, (no. 44 of 1844), 26 July 1844 and Stanley to Davis, 3 January 1845; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 438. Under-Secretary Stephen commented on the despatch that, though the expenditure would have to be referred to the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, "it must, however, ultimately be sanctioned " 20 Davis to Stanley, 29 October 1844; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 157. The additional expenditure was sanctioned without further comment: Stanley to Davis 1 April 1845; C.O.129, Vol. VI, p. 161, 21 Inland Lots Nos. 223A, 223B, 223C, 223E, 224, 224A, 224B, 224C, 224E, 225, 226, 226A, 229D, 231A, 233, 233A, 234, 234D, 238B, 239A, 239B, 240A, 241, 242A, 243, 243A, 244, 244B, 245A, 245B, 245C, 245D, 245E, 245F, 245G, 245H, 245I, 246A, 247B, 247C, 248A, 253, 253A, 272. 22 Inland Lots Nos. 213, 224D, 228, 228B, 229, 231, 232, 232A, 232C, 233E, 234B, 234C, 234E, 238, 244A, 252B, 255B, 256B. 23 Inland Lots Nos. 223, 246, 246B, 246C, 247, 247A, 247D, 248B, 248C, 248D, 249C, 252C, 253B, 254, 255D, 255E, 256. 24 Inland Lots Nos. 214, 234A, 223D, 227, 235A, 241A, 246C, 246B, 253B. 25 Inland Lots Nos. 238C, 239C, 240, 241B, 241C, 242B, 245, 250, 255A, 256A, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 80 A. D. BLUE difficult problems to the governments concerned, and cruel, drastic, but ineffectual attempts were made to halt immigration. The massacres of thousands of Chinese in the Philippines in 1603, 1639, and again after the British occupation of 1763, are the most celebrated of many such occurrences, the last being caused by the Chinese having shown a marked preference for British rather than Spanish rule. In Indonesia the worst massacre took place at Batavia in 1740. Similar pogroms, but on a much smaller scale, continued in the Philippines down to 1820, and post-war Indonesia has shown a disquieting tendency to put the clock back two centuries in their treatment of their Chinese. But although victims of periodic bouts of xenophobia from the local peoples, in most countries of South-east Asia and at most times the Chinese were protected by the colonial governments which recognised the value of Chinese labour for their economies. By the early decades of the 19th century the coolie trade between China and South-east Asia had attained substantial proportions -- although still nothing like so great as it was to become later -- and most of the trade was in the hands of Chinese junks of from 300 to 400 tons. Such craft could only sail before the wind and carried crews of up to ninety sailors, enough to man five European ships of the same size. They took anything from twenty to thirty days between south China and the Straits or Bangkok, and the coolies had a very uncomfortable time on the passage. No charts were carried, the only navigational instrument being a very rude compass, and they kept as close to land as possible. In the 1830s up to eighty such junks sailed to Bangkok every year, usually from Swatow, and by the mid 1840s, by which time European steamships were entering the trade, it was estimated that about 15,000 coolies were emigrating to Bangkok every year. A description of these old trading junks is given in S. Wells Williams, The Middle Kingdom (London, W. H. Allen & Co. revised edition, 1883) vol. 1, p. 753. It shows inter alia that the number of passengers carried on these junks to the Nanyang could be very great. ... "The cabins look more like niches in a sepulchre than the accommodations for a live passenger. The crew lie upon deck most of the time, and are usually interested in the trade of the vessel or an adventure of their own. The great number of passengers which have been stowed in these vessels entailed a frightful loss of life when they were wrecked. In February, 1822, Capt. Pearl, of the English ship Indiana, coming through Gaspar Straits, fell in with the cargo and crew of a wrecked junk, and saved one hundred and ninety-eight persons (out of one thousand six hundred with whom she had left Amoy)." Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 CHINESE EMIGRATION AND THE DECK PASSENGER TRADE 91 trade for their own China Navigation Company. During most of the inter-war years a Norwegian company also operated a weekly service between Swatow and Bangkok in opposition to the China Navigation Company; but the latter's faster and more modern ships enjoyed the lion's share of this trade. The Singapore trade was an inheritance from the Blue Funnel Line, and came to the China Navigation through their close connection with the Holt family. For several decades before the First World War much of the emigrant trade to Indonesia was in the hands of German companies, but when German overseas shipping was eliminated after the outbreak of war in 1914 this trade passed to Dutch companies, in particular the K.P.M. and the J.C.J.L. lines. Previous to 1890 a consortium of Dutch planters had employed coolie brokers in Singapore and Malaya for recruiting purposes, and Malaya was always something of a reservoir of Chinese labour for much of South-east Asia, especially for Indonesia and Siam. Entry into Malaya was easier than elsewhere, and there were more frequent and cheaper shipping services between south China and the Straits. It was always a comparatively simple matter for Chinese—authorised or unauthorised—to cross the short Malacca Straits into Indonesia or the ill-defined boundary between Malaya and Siam. The Indo-China Steam Navigation Company was not nearly so deeply involved in the southern deck passenger trades as the China Navigation Company, but their Japan-Calcutta ships took part in the Straits trade on their way up and down the coast, and their Hong Kong-Sandakan ships had a near monopoly of the comparatively small trade to British North Borneo. Most coasters on the Hong Kong-Shanghai service called at Canton and carried deck passengers, but there was also a small fleet of specially designed river steamers employed between Hong Kong, Canton, and Macao, which provided daily and nightly services between the three ports, and thus an out and in connection for emigrants. The Canton river steamers were smaller editions of the Yangtse steamers, and their night departure from the Praya at Hong Kong, when they were a blaze of flamboyant and garish lights, was a spectacular sight before the Second World War. The six or seven hour passage between Hong Kong ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 106 K. M. A. BARNETT emerges: these are not possessed of separate life, but occupy the place of what in English are not treated as separate words but as prefixes, suffixes and the like. I propose to dissect only three of these classes: the pronouns, or pointing-words; the nouns, or thing-words; and the verbs, or become-words. I prefer to call them by different names to avoid the slight misunderstanding which might come from using the English, that is the Latin, terms. The pronouns or pointing-words fall into two distinct groups: personal and general. The personal are very much like our personal pronouns, with 4 points of difference: (a) they don't really have plural forms; though each of the three can be expanded by a particle (-DREI) to a generalized sense which I will explain when I come to nouns; (b) they are omitted unless emphatic or unless their omission would cause doubt; (c) they refer to animate things; except that the third person in the objective position only, and without the generalizing particle, can refer to an inanimate thing or things. (d) as objects, direct or indirect, of a compound verb they are often infixed. (and one further point for Mandarin speakers — the Cantonese indirect object cannot come before the direct.) The general pointing-words are four in number and are particles inasmuch as they cannot stand unbound but only with a congruence-class word or classifier. With the classifier they behave like the pronouns this, that/near, that/far and which (including who and what), but with measure-words and the class of nouns which take no congruence-word they are bound directly to the noun: an odd point being that cardinal numbers are infixed, e.g. NHI-SHAAMM-ZHEONQ40, NHI-GEE-NRINN41 42 39 呢三張41 呢幾年 + 42 This may be an echo of the classical order noun-number-classifier which survives in some Cantonese usages, and is the usual rule in Thai. See, however, DOBSON op. cit. (19), para. 2.6.4.4.1 and p. 21 footnote 5; and the same author's Early Archaic Chinese (University of Toronto Press, 1962) paras. 2.6.7.4.4 and 5. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 A NEW LOOK AT CANTONESE EXPLETIVES 109 Chinese keeps the simple form for the generality: JRANN,55 human beings, Man (with a capital!). QHUK, houses. DRIPV, plates. JRYHV, fish. CEAKS, foot-rules. To particularize, whether by specifying as this or that, one, two, three or any small number, my, your, his (usually, as I mentioned, further specified by this or that), the appropriate congruence-class word precedes the noun, closely bound to the pronoun or numeral. Note that the use is the same whether singular or plural: NHIGO-JRANN60 this person SHAAMMGHAANN-QHUK6 three houses JHATZEAK-DRIPV® one plate (the thing) GEETRIW-JRYHV63 a few fish NREE GORBAAR CEAK your (that) foot-rule. Some students are mystified to find GEE “several, a few” used as a definite number. Some large numbers are also used with some nouns as though they were themselves measure-words (therefore requiring no second classifier). Thus you hear BAAKGEE-JRANN05 over a hundred people BAAKGEE-GHAANN QHUK over a hundred houses BAAKGEE-TRIW JRYHV67 over a hundred fish Others are mystified, after learning always to include the “classifier" with numbers, to find the numeral directly bound to a measure-word. The explanation simply is that measure-words behave syntactically just like classifiers: this is one of the reasons it is impossible to compile a really comprehensive list of classifiers. JHATDRIP-SUNG GORDRIP-JRYHV a plateful of not-rice that plate of fish In the use of the pointing-words, whether personal or general, since they are nearly always, the demonstratives always, found bound to a congruence-class particle (or a measure word), there 55 人 60 呢個人 65 百幾人 56 A MEMA 66 TAMA 57 # 59 R SH 煲碟 63 * * 64 你嗰把尺 GR 一碟送 69 PÆ## 62 一隻碟 67 TÁR ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 120 K. M. A. BARNETT APPENDIX II ANALYSIS OF 92 VERBAL PARADIGMS WITH ZROU (&) LEGEND & TABLE Aspect A-Unspecified; B-Complete; C-Incomplete. Duration E-Unspecified; F-Continuing; G-Not continuing. Mood I-Unspecified; J-Indicative; K-Subjunctive; L-Not-subjunctive; M-Optative/Imperative. Tense O-Unspecified; P-Past; Q-Not-past; R-Present; S-Future. Voice U-Unspecified; V-Active; W-Passive; X-Reciprocal. CHARACTER INDEX OF PARTICLES USED SOAS CEARNG CREOYFHEY M•W (O'M)* Character TS'ENG CH'UE-FEI Basic Meaning * Mild request 除非 # negative condition positive indication DHAK TAK DOO TÓ FHEY FEI GAIZRUK KAI-TSOK GARN KAN GWO KWOH JHAT YAT JIU IÚ JRAO YAU LHA LA 得出非繖過一要有喇 續 LO LO 咯 MAE MAI MREI MEI 未 MREILROY MEI-LOI 未來 MRH M RA MROO MO 冇 MROOWRAA MO-WA 冇話 SEORNG SEUNG 想 SHEONQ SEUNG MAI (should be 咪 WRAAK (ZEAR) WAAK-(CHE) WRUUSHEONQ OÔ-SEUNG 或者 互相 肯 XARNG XOO HANG но XOOCRIR HÓ-TS'Z 好似 # positive result (see CREOYFHEY) continuation inhibition experience immediate consequence intention positive existence peremptory imperative postive completion peremptory prohibition past negative, future possibility future negative negative existence disclaimer wish (see WRUUSHEONQ) possibility reciprocal action consent approval verisimilitude * Meyer-Wempe (O'Melia). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 122 Serial Analysis K. M. A. BARNETT SOAS 14 AEM S V CEARNG-MRH (XO0) ZROU 15 A FJO U ZROU-DHAK 16 AJFO U MRH-ZROU-DHAK Approximate English equivalent please do not. yes! I will (can) do it, it will (can) be done. no! I will not (cannot) do it, you may not do it, it will (can, may) not be done. 17 AF JO U ZROU-MRH-ZROU-DHAK will (can) you do it? May I do it? Will (can, may) it be done? 18 A FJQ V MREI ZROU-DHAK-DOO one has not been (but perhaps will be) able to do it. 19 A FJQ V ZROU-DHAK-DOO-MREI has one been able (will one be able) to do it? 20 A FJR Ụ ZROU-GARN what is being done prevents something else from being done (e.g. "he is busy doing...") + 21 A FJRU ZROU-MRH-ZROU-GARN is something being done 22 A FJR V ZROU-DHAK-DOO 23 AFJR V ZROU-MRH-ZROU· 24 A FJ SU 25 A FLQ V 26 A FM Q V 27 AFM RV DHAK-DO0 ZRAU-ZROU MREI-ZROU-ZRY MAE-ZROU-ZRY MAE-ZROU 28 AGJ PU MREI-ZROU 29 BEJO U ZROU-MRH-DOO 30 BEJ P U ZROU-DOO 31 BEJ P U ZROU-MRH-ZROU-DOO 32 BEM SU JIU-ZROU 33 BEM SU MRH-SAE-ZROU which prevents, etc.? I (you, he, one) can do (the negative is ambiguous, see serial 29). can I (you, he, one) do? about to do or be done. defer doing, do later but not now. don't do now. don't do it! Stop doing it! has not (been) done but may do (be done). action did not, or cannot, achieve its result (used as negative both to 22 and 30). action achieved its result. did action achieve its result? I intend (if you, etc., intend) to do, this must be done. I (you) need not do, this need not be done (contrast serial 39). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 Approximate English equivalent 124 K. M. A. BARNETT Serial Analysis SOAS 56 CEK QU ZROU-ZRAU (Note the idiom 57 CEK QU MRHZROU-ZRAU (Note the idiom 58 CEM QU XOO-ZROU 59 CEM QU MRHXOO-ZROU 60 CEM QU XOO-MRHXOO-ZROU 61 CFI O V ZOI-ZROU 62 CFI O V ZOI-MRHZROU 63 CF JO V GAIZRUK-ZROU 64 CF JO V GAIZRUK-MRHZROU 65 C FJ P U MREIJRAO-ZROU 66 C FJ PV ZROU-GWO if you do, if it be done. 56+1 "well, do it then!") unless you do, unless it be done. or 唔做罷就 or 唔做唔做罷 all meaning "Well, don't then!") should do (be done). should not do (be done), don't. should it be done? Shall I? repeat or continue. again refuse to do, continue not doing. go on. go on not doing. has never done (but may do) or been done, (Note that Northerners mis-use this idiom in the sense of 67). MREIZROU-GWO 67 CF JP V MREIZROU-GWO 68 C FJ P V ZROUGWO-MREI 69 C FJ PV JRAO-ZROU-(GWO) once did, has experienced doing. never did. did you ever? once did, used to do. (Note: NOT "has done") 70 C F JP V MROO-ZROU-(GWO) 71 CFJQV XRAI-ZROU (Note: 72 CF JQ V XRAI-MRHZROU 73 CFJQV XRAI-MRHXRAI-MRHZROU 74 CFJR U MRHXRAI-ZROU 75 CEJRU XRAI-MRHXRAI-ZROU 76 77 78 CFK S V ZOI-ZROU-ZRAU C F K S V ZOI-MRHZROU-ZRAU CFL R V 79 CFM OV ZROU-ZRY SEORNG-ZROU never did, used not to do. NOT "has not done") does, is doing, will do. does not, is not doing, will not do. does not do? + not? will... is not doing or being done, does not do. is doing or being done, does do? J · + if... continues to do. if ... continues not to do. still doing. wish, intend to do, think of doing. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 132 HENRY D. TALBOT Lo cheou-Lo Chau (Beaufort Island) = Mers Bay Mirs Bay Mew Is.-Mo Chau Nako chau-Papai (Nei Kwu Chau or Hei Ling Chau) Nine-pin-Ninepin Group Po-ke-long Point=Lei Yue Mun Point Psang-chau-Kau Yi Chau Ragged Island Steep Island Rat Island or Ling Ting-Ling Ting R. Povado or Iron River-Hebe Haven Sin-can-hien-Hsin-an Hsien (San On Yuen) or, rather, the district city of Hsin-an Singan Islands-Siu Chau and Tai Shan Shu-lap-ko Is.-Chek Lap Kok Island Sui-pak Siu Kau Yi Soko Cheou Is. the Soko Islands Song-kco Sung Kong Ta baco=Chung Chau Tat-hong Moon-Tathong Channel = Tay Pak Peng Chau Tay-pak-hoe Green Island (or perhaps the sea between Hong Kong and Lantao Islands) Tsa-cheou Is. =Sha Chau Tsan-Cheou-Kau Pei Chau (off Cape D'Aguilar) Tysa=Small island 1⁄2 mile south of East Brother Wang Laang-Waglan Island NOTES 1 Cf. The British Museum General Catalogue of Printed Books (London, 1961) Vol. 100, Col. 222. The British Museum Catalogue of Printed Maps. Charts and Plans (London, 1967) Vol. 7, Col. 359, Morse, H. B. The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635-1834 (Oxford, 1926-29) Lists of Ships. 2 Cf. Bonacker, W. Kartenmacher Aller Lander und Zeiten (Stuttgart, Hiersemann, 1966) p. 200, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 A BRITISH WARTIME CHART SHOWING HONG KONG 133 Lister, R. How to Identify old Maps and Globes (London, 1965) p. 222. Robinson, A. H. W. Marine Cartography in Britain (Leicester, 1962) p. 123, pp. 182-183. 3 The whole matter is extremely complicated. It is not possible to say with confidence whether the mathematical basis of the chart is Mercator's projection or a simple Plain Chart. The mean distance on the chart between 22°N and 23°N is 333.5 mm. Cf. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, 1910, Vol. VIII, pages 802 and 810. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs. World Weights and Measures (New York, 1967) page 13. Doursther, H. Dictionaire Universel des Poids et Measures (Brussels, 1940) page 279. Chriss, M. and Hayes, G. R. An Introduction to Charts and Their Use (Glasgow, 1964) page 10. 1936. Taylor, E. G. R. The Haven-Finding Art (London, 1956) Chapter 10. 4 For modern latitudes cf. British Admiralty. Chart No. 2562, Canton River and Si Kiang Delta. British Directorate of Overseas Surveys. Series 231, Sheet 13B, 1968. For navigational techniques cf. Taylor, op. cit. 5 Cf. The Principles of the International Phonetic Association (London, 1949) p. 10. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH 163 Tung Kun district, Heung Shan, and Kwangsi. Two brothers of the eldest branch remained in Tung Kun, of their cousins one received lands in P'ing Shan next to Kam T'in and another Tang Yuan Liang succeeded to Kam T'in and to a place called Lung Yeuk T'au in our region, besides lands at Tung Kun, This Tang Yuan Liang led the spacious life that might be expected of a man of widely extended property. He is buried in Tung Kun, but his family lived in Kam T'in and he himself was appointed an official in Kiangsi, near to the original home of his ancestors. His power over all this area was the greater because the Sung dynasty during his time was hard pressed by the Tartars. Tang Yuan Liang had established a kind of outpost in Kiangsi behind which he and his family governed a more or less independent region, officially loyal to the Sung dynasty, but in reality ready to take advantage of its misfortunes. In 1127 the Emperor's family was captured, but one daughter of the royal house escaped as far as Tang Yuan Liang's outposts, where she was taken charge of and sent half captive half refugee to Kam T'in where she married Yuan Liang's son. When the Tartars were driven back, her father became the Emperor Kao Tsung of Sung. He recognised the marriage, received the princess and her husband Tssŭ Ming at the capital, and gave him an official title. The family received a large dowry, tax collecting rights and the monopoly of the ferries in Tung Kun district. The four main centres of the Tang clan at present are Kam T'in, Ping Shan, Lung Yeuk T'au and Ha Tsün. We have already mentioned that one of the "five Yuans" received lands in P'ing Shan. The present Tangs of P'ing Shan are descended from him and are therefore probably the eldest branch in direct descent. The settlement at Lung Yeuk Tau also dates from one of the “five Yuans", that of Ha Tsün appears to be much later though directly descended from the great grandson of Tssŭ Ming and the princess, a man called Shou Tsu who lived in the Yuan dynasty and appears to have been the first of the Tangs to settle permanently at Kam T'in, instead of in Tung Kun district where his ancestors had lived. These four centres can be seen on the attached map (See T'ien Hsia, Vol. XI, No. 4).* It will be noticed that they contain many adjacent walled villages due chiefly to the fact that their houses *Plate 16 at end of this volume. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH 177 "At first the people thought they would soon return and tried to stay together, but when they saw that there was no hope they began to separate. Sons were sold for a bushel of rice, daughters for a hundred cash. Speculators were able to buy people into slavery for practically nothing. Those who were young and strong were made to join the army. The authorities looked on the people as so many ants." The evacuation had in fact led to more disorder on the coast than there had ever been before. In 1663, for instance, the Tanka fishermen who were prevented from earning a living revolted all over the Canton estuary and at one time attacked Canton itself. They were defeated in this neighbourhood and retired to Mirs Bay, where they menaced the town of Tai P'ang. At the same time, a revolt was organised near Sha T'in in our region, which spread as far as Kun Fu Cheung or Kowloon City. It is obvious that these disorders must have prevented the troops from building adequate fortifications. In spite of this, however, the evacuation lasted from 1662 to 1669. During this time, enormous numbers perished, and others were forced to go far inland to obtain food. The Topography states that only 2,172 males were allowed to remain (presumably as soldiers), and no women or children during the whole of this period. These figures include the whole of San On district, and they are perhaps exaggerated and give too ideal a picture of the effectiveness of the evacuation, such as local officials would have felt themselves bound to present, and it seems most probable that more of the population may have remained. I have heard from a source that cannot be checked that the area west of the Tai Lam Ch'ung valley was not affected. This would include most of the fertile land held by the Tang family, and it would be natural that this part of our region, which is nearer to the Canton estuary than any other, would have been less suspected than the islands and wilder parts of the mainland of helping the Ming cause. These places, except in so far as they harboured rebels, may have been entirely emptied. This fact, if it is a true one, will explain why so many Punti villages in that area were abandoned and later colonised by Hakka. The attached map (see T'ien Hsia Vol. XI, No. 4)* shows *Plate 16 here. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 NOTES AND QUERIES THE J.O.P. BLAND PAPERS Introduction One day in September 1967, I received, quite out of the blue, a letter from my former commanding officer during the Second World War, Michael St. J. Packe, to say that he had been entrusted with J.O.P. Bland's private papers, with instructions "to find a good home for them," and asking me whether I would like to have them. Before going further, let me explain that Mr. Packe is himself a historian and wrote an excellent biography of J. S. Mill.* We have kept in touch intermittently since we were demobilized from the First Airborne Division (British) at the end of the war, and I have been to visit him at his home on Alderney. This is the really fantastic part of this chain of coincidences. Here was Mr. Packe, living and writing on the little island of Alderney in the Channel Islands while a near neighbour of his was Mrs. Dolores Coombs, an old friend of the Bland family, who had often visited them at their home at Aldburgh in Suffolk. Bland himself died in 1945 and Mrs. Bland in 1953. His private papers were entrusted to his goddaughter, Miss Ailsa Cochrane, who was to act as his literary executor and to try, if possible, to complete the memoirs which he had begun before his death, and to have them published. Before she could achieve much Miss Cochrane became ill and in 1955 her brother sent these papers to Mrs. Coombs who, in turn, was to act as literary executor. Meanwhile Bland's books on China had been given to Trinity College, Dublin. However, a list of these books, preserved among his papers, shows that they amounted to a modest collection without containing anything rare. Sometime in 1966 Mrs. Coombs was forced by illness to leave Alderney, and it was at this point that she entrusted her friend and neighbour, Michael Packe, with the task of finding a home for these papers. Thus for a period of over twenty years Bland's private papers disappeared from view while two successive literary executors struggled with the task of trying to complete and publish his memoirs. Bland himself, to judge from his instructions to his * The Life of John Stuart Mill (London: 1954). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 NOTES AND QUERIES 181 executors, clearly thought that his papers were likely to be of interest to others. These papers have recently been donated to the University of Toronto by Mrs. Coombs. The following brief summary will give readers of this note some idea of their scope, though it does not show the range of Bland's correspondence with prominent politicians, diplomats, civil servants, artists, actors, scholars, social scientists and public figures in general on subjects not specifically connected with Chinese affairs. Brief Summary of Contents 1. Diaries. Those for October 1883 - March 1885 and 1906 - 1910 were kept while he was in China. Bland left China in 1910. 2. Typescript of chapters incorporated into his various books. These include material later discarded, as well as translations from Chinese, handwritten by Backhouse, of material used in their two books. Unfortunately, these translations do not appear to contain any references to the Chinese sources from which they were made. Also included in this section is the original version of Backhouse's translation of Ching-shan's so-called 'Diary', together with correspondence from 1920 until 1945 with various authorities concerning its authenticity. Victor Purcell, in The Boxer Uprising, 1963, devoted an interesting appendix to Ching-shan's 'Diary', stating that Backhouse's papers were burned in Peking during the Japanese occupation, and adding: “I have not, so far, been able to trace the whereabouts of any private papers of J.O.P. Bland”. 3. Manuscript notebooks, essays, etc. E.g., "In a Peking compound and around it”. 4. Thirteen scrapbooks of clippings and articles by and about Bland. 5. Photographs of Peking, Shanghai, etc. 6. Correspondence. This comprises the most important part of the collection. One large group of letters concerns Bland's relations with the British and Chinese Corporation Ltd., and his case against it. Also in this section are letters concerning the Mackay Treaty, the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, and the British Legation in Peking. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 NOTES AND QUERIES 183 24TH MAY, 1969 VISIT TO OLD SHAU KEI WAN The programme notes prepared for the visit are reproduced below. Ed. This visit is to an area soon to experience redevelopment. Within a few years, extensive reclamation and clearance of squatter structures will transform the district. Dirty and non-descript, nonetheless it has interesting relics and associations that are worthy of attention. Shau Kei Wan, the name means "Rice Basket Bay", clearly so named because of its shape, is an old settlement probably dating back to centuries before the British occupation of Hong Kong Island in 1841. Its population was given as 1,200 persons in the first Hong Kong census of May, 1841. Then as now, the population were farmers, shopkeepers, and fishermen, scattered in various settlements round the shores of the bay, named by the British "Aldrich Bay" after a military engineer officer who served in Hong Kong in those first years. Shau Kei Wan has for long been known locally as the 'Bay of Hungry Men'. Writing as long ago as 1858, the Rev. W. Lobscheid noted: "This village is called by the natives Ngo-yan-wan (the harbour of the starving men). They relate that, about 150 years ago, a few junks were driven into this harbour by a hurricane. The weather continuing very rough for several days, and being in want of provisions, they went on shore in order to purchase some rice and other necessaries. But nothing could be obtained, and the unfortunate men had to leave almost in a starving condition. From that time, they called the place the harbour of the starving men', which appellation it bears up to this moment." [From A Few Notices on the Extent of Chinese Education and the Government Schools of Hong Kong, etc. Hong Kong, Printed at the "China Mail" Office, MDCCCLIX p. 38.] In another version of the same story, given in a Chinese publication in 1947, the name is ascribed to the fact that Shau Kei Wan was a base for lawless pirates, the "hungry people". This account said that because of the geographical advantages ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 188 NOTES AND QUERIES But luckily for them and for me, the prophet's prediction proved to be an invention of his own, and nobody was injured but his own reputation. Hong Kong, May 1969. JAMES HAYES HEMP A few years ago, I wrote about itinerant Hakka craftsmen who came regularly to some of the New Territories villages to weave locally grown hemp-flax into cloth for making clothes (see the 1968 Journal, pp. 162-165). In the course of reading and making further enquiries, more information has become available that may interest readers of my earlier note on this now relatively obscure subject. A few words of background may serve to show that the disappearance of this crop and this craft from Hong Kong in comparatively recent times signals the end of a practice that must have been followed from time immemorial in this region and elsewhere. Hemp constituted the main source of textiles in China until the introduction of cotton from the tenth or eleventh centuries A.D. According to M. Loewe's Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (London, B.T. Batsford, Ltd., 1968), the planting of hemp for the coarse raiment in which most of the population was clothed was already one of the farmer's main occupations in the Han time (202 B.C.-A.D. 200) along with another prime necessity, grain for food. Fragments of a short text on husbandry ascribed to Ts'ui Shih (c. 100-170) set out a yearly programme of activities for the farmer and his household and include instructions on the cultivation and use of hemp. Unfortunately, however, despite the use of hemp clothing by the bulk of the Han population, it is of silk fabrics that most is known today. By the late Sung period in the mid-13th century, ordinary people still wore clothes made of hempen cloth since cotton, too, was a luxury, though its use had begun to spread (see Jacques Gernet Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276 (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1962, p. 130). The description of the planting, preparation, and processing of hemp that follows is taken from pp. 205-208 of Samuel... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 188 NOTES AND QUERIES But luckily for them and for me, the prophet's prediction proved to be an invention of his own, and nobody was injured but his own reputation. Hong Kong, May 1969. JAMES HAYES HEMP A few years ago, I wrote about itinerant Hakka craftsmen who came regularly to some of the New Territories villages to weave locally grown hemp-flax into cloth for making clothes (see the 1968 Journal, pp. 162-165). In the course of reading and making further enquiries, more information has become available that may interest readers of my earlier note on this now relatively obscure subject. A few words of background may serve to show that the disappearance of this crop and this craft from Hong Kong in comparatively recent times signals the end of a practice that must have been followed from time immemorial in this region and elsewhere. Hemp constituted the main source of textiles in China until the introduction of cotton from the tenth or eleventh centuries A.D. According to M. Loewe's Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (London, B.T. Batsford, Ltd., 1968), the planting of hemp for the coarse raiment in which most of the population was clothed was already one of the farmer's main occupations in the Han time (202 B.C.-A.D. 200) along with another prime necessity, grain for food. Fragments of a short text on husbandry ascribed to Ts'ui Shih (c. 100-170) set out a yearly programme of activities for the farmer and his household and include instructions on the cultivation and use of hemp. Unfortunately, however, despite the use of hemp clothing by the bulk of the Han population, it is of silk fabrics that most is known today. By the late Sung period in the mid-13th century, ordinary people still wore clothes made of hempen cloth since cotton, too, was a luxury, though its use had begun to spread (see Jacques Gernet Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276 (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1962, p. 130). The description of the planting, preparation, and processing of hemp that follows is taken from pp. 205-208 of Samuel ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 NOTES AND QUERIES 189 Mossman's China, A Brief Account of the Country, its Inhabitants, and their Institutions, published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London about 1867 (no date is given on the frontispiece but the contents date it to this period, see e.g. p. 60). It is the first I have come across that provides any detail, though E. Watson's The Principal Articles of Chinese Commerce (Import and Export), published at the Inspectorate-General of Customs, Shanghai 1930, deals with the various types of Hemp and Ramie under the general head of Ma (麻) between pp. 50 - 59. "Hemp, or, more properly speaking, fibres analogous to those of the plant which we know by that name, are extracted from several indigenous plants in China: these no doubt formed the first textile fabrics worn by the Chinese, as they did of other ancient civilized races. Since the introduction of cotton, however, the cultivation and manufacture of these fibres is limited to the finer sorts, called by the English grass-cloth. This is principally made from a plant belonging to the Urtica, or nettle family, named ma by the Chinese. In cultivating it, great care is taken in the selection of the seeds, and in preparing the soil. The former when gathered are packed in jars with sand or dry earth. A loose dry soil is selected; the ground is well ploughed, manured, and divided into beds, about eight yards long and one wide, whereon the seed is thrown broadcast, and earth is swept over it with a broom. Before it sprouts, a framework with matting is laid over the beds, to protect them from the fierce heat of the sun in June. When three inches high they are transplanted. Being perennial they are carefully tended during the winter and spring; and in the third or fourth year are ready for cutting. The plant is also propagated by roots, and yields three crops annually, the first in June, when the blades are comparatively short; but in a month or two they are seven or eight feet high, when the second cutting takes place. The latest crop is cut in September or October, from which the finest cloth is made; the first being inferior, coarse and hard. On being cut the leaves are soaked in water for an hour, and the fibre stripped by breaking in the middle; whilst the operator, generally a woman or a child, separates the filaments skilfully from one end to the other with the finger-nails. The next process is scraping the hemp with a knife by drawing the strips over the blade from within outwards, taking off all the mucilaginous parts; then it is rolled up into bundles, exposed for a day Page 195 Page 196 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 198 NOTES AND QUERIES known geologist and archaeologist. A few notes and articles from his pen on Hong Kong subjects appeared in Vols. 8 and 9 (1968 and 1969) of this Journal. These pile houses are the habitation of Tanka,(4) the boat people of South China, and Tai O has long been a considerable fishing port and market town, indeed the principal and only one of any size on Lantau Island. At the 1911 census of the Colony the land population was 2248 persons and was probably outnumbered by the floating population which stood at 5413 for the whole of Lantau. The pile huts were probably there long before the British took over the New Territories in 1899 following the Convention of Peking, 9th June, 1898. One of the early administrative reports of the District Officer, South (1911) mentions taking over responsibility from the Harbour Office for issuing licences to pile dwellers at Tai O Creek, when 221 new matshed permits were issued at $1 p.a., and in 1916 it was stated that there were still as many as 350 matsheds there. Fires were always a hazard to these dwellings of wood and palm leaves. A big fire was noted in the 1916 report and it is no surprise to read in a later report of a really big one in 1926 when 300 matsheds were destroyed. Fortunately there was no loss of life, due, it was related, to it being high tide at the time of the fire. Typhoons, too, were a constant menace to these frail structures and in 1927, the year after the big fire, the District Officer notes that a typhoon caused great damage to the matsheds. The photographs at plates 26 to 29 are by Mr. Schofield, and the plans at Figs. 1 and 2 are re-drawn from his notebook. I am greatly indebted to Mrs. Katherine M. Schofield for permission to reproduce her husband's valuable notes. The italicised sentences are my additions. The aerial view of Tai O Creek at plate 25 is by courtesy of the Hong Kong Government. Mr. Schofield's Text The accompanying plan (Fig. 1) is of a typical shed at Yee Chung (二涌) Second Creek, Tai O. It measures 9′ in width and 29′ 2′′ in depth (32′ 5′′ including the 1 metre deep veranda) and is 7′ high. It is 8′ above the waters of the creek at mid ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 204 BOOK REVIEWS because there is a much greater body of pre-war material than the items included here. This criticism could have been turned away by an indication, beyond the qualifications already made in the introduction, that this was a selected bibliography. The introduction is a useful and stimulating part of the work. Besides explaining how the bibliography has been brought together, and why, it draws attention to some of the lacunae in Hong Kong studies, especially in the social science field. However this is surely as much due to the lack of a social science faculty at the University of Hong Kong until recently and the small size of the faculties in the colleges of the Chinese University, than, as the writers suggest, to 'purposive decisions..... to avoid issues with important policy overtures'. The complaint that nowhere in Hong Kong is there a full collection of Hongkongiana is still, I believe, justified and should be remedied... perhaps to the extent of compiling a master list of books on the subject available in the main Hong Kong libraries. As a publication, it is well produced and printed, though it bears many marks of hasty compilation and checking that were probably due to its issue coinciding with the departure of the joint compilers from Hong Kong. These should be put right on a second issue. And, if I may end on a personal note, I always like to see titles and authors on the spine - it is so much more convenient when looking for a book. Hong Kong, 1970. + JAMES HAYES FOLK RELIGION IN AN URBAN SETTING. A STUDY OF HAKKA VILLAGERS IN TRANSITION. Morris I. Berkowitz, Frederick P. Brandauer, John H. Reid. Hong Kong, Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture, 1969. As the first book-length study of Chinese religious practices in Hong Kong, this report deserves our careful consideration. Studies of Chinese folk religious practices are rare enough, and those of Hakka villagers are still rarer; therefore this general study of Hakka religion is very welcome indeed. The book represents the first of a series of research projects to be conducted by the Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 210 BOOK REVIEWS by prolonged contact with the urban environment. Excellent material for comparison with the Plover Cove situation exists in the Tai Lam Chung (1956) and Shek Pik (1960) removals. Like the Plover Cove villages, they were agricultural villages which were removed to urban Tsuen Wan to allow the construction of reservoirs. They have been resettled for a number of years, however, and a brief survey of their religious practices would provide the Christian Study Centre with a most interesting supplement to its information on the Plover Cove villages. Hong Kong, 1970. ELIZABETH L. JOHNSON NOTES 1 p. vii of the book under review. 2 More information on this village removal can be found in M. I. Berkowitz, "Plover Cove to Tai Po Market: A Study in Forced Migration." Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Volume 8, 1968, pp. 96-108. 3 p. 142. * V. R. Burkhardt, Chinese Creeds and Customs. 3 vols. Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1955, and Wolfram Eberhard, Chinese Festivals. New York: Henry Shuman, 1952. 3 p. 100. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 See, for example, pp. 14-15, 116-117. TRADITIONAL CHINESE PLAYS, translated, described and annotated by A.C. Scott, Ssu Lang visits his mother, Ssu Lang T’an Mu, The Butterfly Dream, Hu Tieh Meng, The University of Wisconsin Press, 1967, Madison, Milwaukee, and London, pp. ix, 165, 13 photos hors-texte. A. C. Scott, the best Western specialist of Chinese and Japanese theatre, here gives us a translation of two Peking operas. The first, Ssu Lang visits his mother, is a tragedy which takes place in the second half of the tenth century, under the reign of the Sung. The son of a famous general has been taken prisoner by the barbarians, but, because of his fine looks, he is married ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 BOOK REVIEWS 213 academic subject. Indeed, Scott has tried this with American actors: the Butterfly Dream was played at the Institute for Advanced Studies in the Theatre Arts of New York. This approach to theatre breaks a new path in research. Generally speaking, academics store culture in books as if they were canning it — but tinned food loses its flavour. Here Scott treats Chinese plays as a living part of culture, made to be played, not to be kept in libraries. But if the author, by trying not to cut culture off from life, shows that universities need not necessarily be funeral parlours of art, his publisher is singularly backward. It is very difficult to visualise movements from written descriptions alone. It would have been much better if we could have had photos and drawings of each movement in the margin and colour photos for the costumes; and if, as well as providing the tapes, the publisher could supply a little film. Books continue to be published on the same old pattern. In this instance, a little case with a tape, a film, an album of photos and the text itself would have suited the aims of A. C. Scott far better. A documentary film might have been even better than a book; but from my own experience here in Hong Kong, where I have tried to persuade companies and so-called “cultural” organisations to make a purely explanatory film on Chinese opera, I have learnt that films are the monopoly of a mafia and the scholar is condemned to be book-bound. Hong Kong, 1970. ANON GOLDEN GUIDE TO HONGKONG AND MACAO. P.H.M. Jones, Hong Kong, Far Eastern Economic Review Ltd., 1969, pp. 453, with colour and black and white illustrations and maps. HK$10. (Paperback) The preface to this work states that the Far Eastern Economic Review had long planned a companion volume to its Golden Guide to South and East Asia in the form of a detailed guide to Hongkong. This has now materialized in the present Guide ‘which is designed primarily to help tourists and travellers on their way and to sharpen their interest in the modern scene'. The compiler ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 # ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY # HONG KONG BRANCH # List of Members Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, G.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* Prof. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* Dr. J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P.* R. E. Lawry, O.B.E., F.R.G.S.* Dr. Marjorie Topley, B.Sc. Econ., Ph.D.* 183, Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England. 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada, 3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. Members: AKERS-JONES, D. - c/o Colonial Secretariat (Lands Branch), Lower Albert Road, H.K. ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. - c/o University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. ARMERDING, L. E.* - P.O. Box 4333, North Point, H.K. ASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. - 7, Peak Pavilions, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. AU, K. N. - c/o Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. AXILROD, Dr. E. + c/o Economic Research Centre, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. BACHMAN, Miss Ann H. - c/o American Consulate General, BAKER, Dr. H. D. R. - 26 Garden Road, H.K. BAKER, W. E.* - c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, W.C.1, England. BALL, J. M.* - c/o The Hongkong Electric Co., Ltd. BARD, Dr. S. M. - 40, St. Mary Axe, London, E.C.3. England. BARNETT, K. M. A. - c/o H. K. Refrigerating Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 291, H.K. - c/o University Health Service, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 248, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 217 BARR, Miss E. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. BARRETT, Rev. Cyril, S. J. c/o Wah Yan College, Queen's Road, East, BARRY, Cmdr. R. S. - BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. BEDLINGTON, Mrs. M. BELL, G. J. - BENANZIO, Dr. M. L BERKOWITZ, Dr. M. I. · BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.* BEVERIDGE, R. J. BIRCH, Dr. A. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. · + BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. + BLAKER, D. J. R. - BLUE, A. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, H. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. BRIDGES, G. A. BRIGGS, G. G. BRIM, J. A. T · - · + H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K. Unknown. c/o Royal Observatory, H.K. Unknown. c/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Pittsburg, Pa., U.S.A. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy. c/o 4A, Horsburgh Grove, Armadale, Melbourne, S.E. 3, Victoria, Australia. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon, Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. Chief Engineer, M.V. “World Soya", World Wide (Shipping) Ltd., c/o Cornes & Co., G.P.O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o Hong Kong University Press, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan 48823, U.S.A. c/o National Library of Australia, Canberra, Australia. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology, Stanford Univ., Stanford, California, U.S.A. + Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 218 BROOKS, D. E. BROWNE, Hon. H. J. C. BRUCE, R. BRUUN, F. BUNGER, Dr. K. BUTLER, Miss B. A. - BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. - c/o Radio Hong Kong, Broadcasting House, Broadcast Drive, Kowloon. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Prescott College, Prescott, Arizona 86301, U.S.A. c/o H. Tonkin & Co., 908 Takshing House, H.K. 532 Bad Godesberg, Lukas-Cranach-Str. 14, Germany. c/o Public Services Commission, Room 573 Central Government Offices, 5th Floor, H.K. c/o The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. BUTTERFIELD, Mrs. Ellen 5K Bowen Road, Ground Floor, H.K. CALCINA, P. G.* - CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. - CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CARLSON, Miss R. E. - CATER, Hon. J. CENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES CERRA, R. L. CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Alfred T. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam CHAN, Leonard CHAU, Sir Tsun-nin* CHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A. CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. Room 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 2C Ridge Court, 2nd floor, 21 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Commerce and Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. University of Hong Kong, H.K. Yau Yat Chuen, No. 18 Fa Po Street, Flat B-7, Kowloon. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Coronet Court, 14th Floor, “H”, North Point, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon. c/o Pfizer Eastern Corporation, G.P.O. Box 2513, Bangkok, Thailand. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. B2, Bowen Hill, 12 Peak Road, H.K. c/o Geographical Research Centre, C.U.H.K., 545, Nathan Road, Kowloon, Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 225 Page 226 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 219 CHEN, Ching-ho CHEN, Tsun-teh CHEN, Yih · CHENG, Dr. Siok-hwa CHENG, T. C. - CHEUNG, Hon. Oswald - CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHOA, Robert CLARK, Mrs. A. T. COHN, Dr. A. J. COLLIN, P. H. + - COLLINS, Mrs. D. A. COMAN, Miss A. A. COMBER, L. - CORBALLY, E. · COSTANTINI, G* c/o New Asia College, C.U.H.K., 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Room 11, 21st Floor, Block B, 395 King's Road, H.K. 406 A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Room 703, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o Sperry Rand, 404-5 Fu House, Ice House Street, H.K. 13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K. 15 Cambridge Road, 2nd Floor, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon, c/o Dept. of European Language, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 53 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. K.P.O. Box 6086, Kowloon, c/o Central Magistracy, Albert Road, H.K. 19, Boulevard de Montmorency, 75-Paris, 16C, France. COWPERTHWAITE, Lady 45 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. CREMA, M. · CRONE, Dr. D. L. CUMINE, E. - CUMMING, Mrs. D. M.* - CUMMING, M. S. CURTIS, Miss S. DAIKO, P. + DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. - T c/o Italian Consulate General, Chartered Bank Building, H.K. Flat 2B, 1 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 14, Embassy Court, H.K. 16, Peak Road, H.K. 16, Peak Road, H.K. 26 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. P. O. Box 201. H.K. P.O. Box 5096, Kowloon. P.O. Box 5096, Kowloon. · Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 220 DAVIES, Major G, V. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. DAWSON, Prof. J. L. M. DAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. - DAWSON GROVE, Miss J. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A, DEVONSHIRE, Mrs. John W. DJOU, G. G. DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* DRAKEFORD, L. S. DUNCANSON, J. D.* DUTTON, Mrs. M. M. DWYER, Prof. D. J.- EDWARDS, O. P. · EITZEN, Mrs. J. EMERSON, G. C. ENDACOTT, G. B. EUSTACE, Col. F. A. - EVANS, C. J. EVANS, David S. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVANS, P. J. - EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* - FEHL, Prof. Noah E.* c/o MOD Chinese Language School, B.F.P.O.1., H.K, East Penthouse, Marina House, 17 Queen's Road, C. H.K. Dept. of Philosophy & Psychology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 1 Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. As above. c/o Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K, 4B Rose Gardens, 9 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. No. 1, Stubbs Road, H.K. 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 124 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. 26 Leinster Mews, London W.2. England. 10B, Stanley Beach Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Flat 16A, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Road, Kowloon, c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. c/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal St., H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, 1906 Prince's Bldg., H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. c/o Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 25, The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, Guildford, Surrey, England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. c/o Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 221 FESSLER, L. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, A. J. FOORD, Dr. R. D. - FREEDMAN, Prof. M. FROST, Dr. C. C. - · FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Mrs. Lawrence FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. - GEOFFROY-DECHAUME, F. GEORGE, T. J. B. - GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H.* - GILKES, D. A. - GIMSON, C. H. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. GORDON, Hon. S. S.*. GRANT, I. F. H. GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. - GREGORY, Prof. W. G. + c/o American Universities Field Staff, 15 Tung Shan Terrace, 2nd Floor, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon, 8. Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 48 The Rutts, Bushey Heath, Hertfordshire, England. 187, Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, NW.1., England. C-71, Carolina Gardens, 28 Coombe Road, H.K. Unknown. 65 Mt. Kellett Road, Ground Floor, H.K. c/o Bank of East Asia, Ltd., Des Voeux Road, C., H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland, c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon, 8128 Hamilton Spring Road, Carderock Springs, Bethesda, Maryland 20034, U.S.A. c/o French Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K, c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England, c/o P.O. Box 64, H.K. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England, 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o Public Works Department, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 222 GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G.. HAFFNER, C. HALL, Miss J. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Unknown. Spence Robinson Architects, The Atelier, Broadwood Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Room 514, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. c/o St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton HAMILTON, Bill G.--. HARDEN, Mrs, G. T., Jr.* - HARRISON, Prof. B. HARTWELL, Sir Charles HARTWELL, Lady HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G, W. HECHTEL, F. O. P. - HENSMAN, Prof. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. - - - Road, H.K. 13768 Hower Drive, Saratoga, Calif. 95070, US.A. 15 Shek O, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada, c/o Public Service Commission, Central Government Offices, H.K. As above. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Kastelsvej 38-40, Copenhagen. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. c/o St. Anne's College, Oxford, England. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. The Belgian Embassy, 1653 Galle Viamonte, HILL, D. A. HILSDALE, Mrs. E. P. · HỌ, Mrs. Hung-chiu HO, Teh-kuei. HO, Tickon* - HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W. HODGE, Peter HOGAN, Sir Michael - T - Buenos Aires, Argentina. 1633 Compton Road, Cleveland, Ohio 44118, U.S.A. 2762 Woodshire Drive, Los Angeles, Calif. 90028, U.S.A. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lakeside Building, 13th Floor, B, 259 Gloucester Road, H.K, 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Unknown, * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 223 HOLMES, Hon. D. R. HOLTH, Dr. S. HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, E. E. HOWARD, W. J.* HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. - HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. HOWORTH, J. F. - HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung-Pei HUGHES, G. M. - + HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* HUI, Miss Wai-haan HUNG, Chiu-sing HURT, Miss E. J. - HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. IRETON, Mrs. P. H.* IU, Miss S.* JACKSON, R. N. JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JENNER, J. P. T JOHNSON, G. E. KANN, P. R. - - - - + ← Secretariat For Home Affairs, International Building, H.K, Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282. H.K. Unknown. Unknown. c/o Midland Bank Ltd., St. Mary Street, Weymouth, Dorset, England. c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. P.O. Box No. 20027, 1 Hennessy Road Post Office, H.K. c/o American International Assurance Co., Ltd. AJA Building, 1 Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 4B Headland Road, H.K. c/o Skilts Residential School, Gorcott Hill, Nr. Redditch, Worcs., England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 10, Peak Road, A11, H.K. c/o Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. c/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 2, Stafford Road, Kowloon. c/o International Bank of Commerce, Central Building, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, B.C., Canada, 1, Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 224 KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. - - KESSELRING, Dr. R. KESWICK, H. KESWICK, S. L. KEYES, M. P. - KIDD, S. T. - KINOSHITA, J. H. KJELLBERG, Carl C:son KJELLBERG, Mrs. I. KNIGHTLY, F. J. - KNOWLES, Miss M. G. - - P. O. Box 16004, H.K. Unknown. German Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., 3 Lombard Street, London, E.C.3, England. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. 55, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Training & Examinations Unit, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. - 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland. KURATA, Mrs. Mary F. KVAN, Rev. E.* G 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada. c/o Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, H.K. KWAN, Hon. Sir Cho-yiu* - Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. KWOK, Chin-kung KWOK, W. LAI, T. C* LAM, Yung-faj c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. Extra-Mural Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 12th Floor, Shui Hing House, Kowloon. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. Highclere (Middle Flat), 3 Middle Gap Rd., H.K. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai, Michael c/o Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland. c/o Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 225 LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. - LECKIE, J. B. H. · LEE, Din-yi LEE, Miss Flossy Tsu-wei - LEE, J. S.* LEE, R. C.* LETHBRIDGE, H. J. · LEUNG, Pak-kui LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi LINDSAY, T. J.* - LINTHWAITE, Mrs. F. I. - LIU, D. H. - LIU, Sydney C. LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Prof. Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOBO, Mrs. R. H. LOCKING, J. R. LOCKS, Miss A. M. - LOFTS, Prof. B. - LOSEBY, Miss P. + 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph 2nd., Brussels 4, Belgium. c/o United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. c/o University Library, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. c/o Lce Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 25th Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. c/o The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon, 3. Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W. c/o Nackermann Versand Ltd., P.O. Box K-45, H.K. c/o American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road, H.K. Rose Court, 117 Wongneichong Road, 12th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, Australian National Univ. Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia. c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong. H.K. c/o Lo & Lo, Jardine House, 7th Floor, H.K. Race View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. c/o Trade Development Council, Ocean Terminal, Deck 2, Kowloon. Flat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 226 LOTHROP, F, B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. LUM Miss Ada G LUPTON, G. C. M. LUTZ, Hans F. MA, Prof. Meng MACK, A. M. MACKEITH, J. S. MACKENZIE, J. MAGEE, M. W. P. MAHLKE, W. J. + - - 176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Tak Wai Mansion, Flat B, 3rd Floor, Man Fuk Road, Kowloon. c/o Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. No. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. c/o Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. c/o Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon. 19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, T MAO, Dr. Wen-chee, Philip 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. - MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. McBAIN, E. B. McBAIN, G. + McCABE, Mrs. S. J. McCOY, Dr. J. McDOUALL, J. C.* McCRARY, M. McELNEY, B. S. - P. O. Box 104, Macau, c/o Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, USA. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. The Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxfordshire, England. Flat 6A, United Mansion, 7 Shiu Fai Terrace, H.K. c/o Johnson Stokes & Master, H.K. Bank Building, H.K. McFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. c/o University of Hong Kong, H.K. McGEE, Mrs. Joan S. - Flat A, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 227 MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. MEFFAN, Mrs. 1. E. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O, MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. 0.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. MUNN, Mrs. Elizabeth NEILD, Mrs. C. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Dr. Ronald C. Y. NG, Peter P. K. NICHOLS, E. H. NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, Prof. J. J. NORONHA, J. E. O'BRIEN, Dr. J. P. OLIVER, J. R. ORR, Jain C. OU, Miss G. + + - + St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan. c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. 34 Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th Floor, H.K. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, HK. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. 61 Mile, Taipo Road, N.T. c/o Taikoo Dockyard, Quarry Bay, H.K. 1201 Manson House, Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 164 Prince Edward Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. 304, Man Yee Building, H.K. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, The University to the College of Arts and Science. The University of Maine, Orono, Maine, U.S.A. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. Sandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, Sandy Bay, H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. 17 Crown Terrace, 3rd Floor, Bisney Villas, H.K. c/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 228 OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PANG, Potter - PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PAYNTER, J. L. PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. · PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N.. PIMPANEAU, Prof. J. PLAG, Rev. A.* - POLAND, T. D. PORDES, F. PRESCOTT, J. A. RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. - RASSIM, Mrs. E. RAYNE, R. N. · REAR, John REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, W.- RICHES, G. C. P. RIDE, Sir Lindsay* RIDE, Lady* RIGBY, Lady - - - c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o The H.K. Model Housing Society, 908 The H.K. Chinese Bank Building, H.K 11A, Stanley Beach Road, G/F., Stanley, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Department, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, c/o Canadian Trade Commission, P.O. Box 126, H.K. C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. c/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hull, England. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K, c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. 15 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K. 7000 Stuttgart 1, Roemerstr 41, Germany, (Federal Republic). 3 Coombe Road, First Floor, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Training Unit, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. c/o Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. c/o Dept. of Law, University of Hong Kong. 154-158 Caine Road, H.K. 101 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. c/o Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 8A Beach Road, Stanley, H.K. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K, *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 229 ROBERTSON, Dr. David G. ROBERTSON, Mrs. David G. ROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M. ROBERTSON, Dr. M. J. - 18B, Headland Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Social Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Institute of Pathology, Kowloon Hospital, Kowloon, ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G.. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, Ist fl., ROBINSON, Prof. K. E.* ROE, Capt. J. S. ROGERS, Rev. D. L. ROTHE. U.“ ROY, Dr. A. T. - RUMJAHN, S. M. RUST, H. A. · - RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. - RYAN, Rev. Father T. F. RYDINGS, H. A, SALMON, Andrew SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHNEIDER, H. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, David S. SELLETT, G.* - - N.T. c/o The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 350, H.K. Union Church, Kennedy Road, H.K. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg Wandsbek, Germany, c/o Chung Chi College, CUHK., Shatin, N.T. P. O. Box 448, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. 2-E Wongneichong Gap Road, Flat 7, H.K. Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K c/o The Library, University of Hong Kong. H.K. Supt's, House, H.M. Prison, Chi Ma Wan, Lantao, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Jebsen & Co., P.O. Box 97, H.K. c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. c/o Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o H.K. Govt. Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1, England. "Pinecrest", N.K.J.L. 3543, Tai Po Road, Kowloon, 1 Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 230 SERSALE, Miss S. M. SHANNON, Capt. J. M. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, David - SHOEMAKER, J. F. SHU, Dr. H. T. + SIEGEL, H. W. - SINFIELD, G. H. C. - SKELSON, Mrs. R. E. SLEVIN, B. F. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, L.* SMYTH, Miss L. SO, Dr. Chak-lam SPANKIE, D. R. A. SPERRY, H. M.* SPOONER, M. G. + STANLEY, Major H. F. - STANTON, W. T.* STEVENS, Major K. G.* STEWART, Miss E. M. STOKES, J. STONE, G. S. L 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. Apt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada. A3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. c/o Messrs. Glyn Mills & Co., Kirkland House, Whitehall, London, S.W.1, England. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Economic Survey Section, British Trade Commission, Room 704 Shell House, H.K. Allied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K. c/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. G. Sy Hq. FARELF, Singapore. P Flat 4, 180 Argyle Street, Kowloon. c/o Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 231 STONEY, Mrs. G. S. STOWE, C. - + As above. Unknown. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SU, Samon + SULLIVAN, Rev. J. G. SWIRE, A. C.* - SYKES, Major A. E, TALBOT, H. D. B. TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. Jack C. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin' TANNER, R. F. TARARIN, P. A.* THOMAS, L. F. - THROWER, Prof. L. B. TILL, Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. - TOMLIN, Mrs. Ian TOOGOOD, C. W. - TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TUCK, Miss Jean - - T Union House, H.K. 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Floor, Flat "C", Kowloon c/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. Maryknoll Fathers, Stanley, H.K. c/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. c/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K. A1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt. 402, H.K. Room 1701, Central Building, H.K. 27 Macdonnell Road, Room 32, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England. 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. 41D, Shouson Hill Road, H.K. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. 57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 232 TURNER, Sir Michael* UHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr. VALE, Miss M. VARNEY, Dr. C. B. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. - VISICK, Mrs. M. VOSS, Dr. A. · WALDEN, J. C. C. ► WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARRINGTON-STRONG, Cmdr. F. WATERS. D. D. WATSON, James L. WATSON, K. A. WATT, James C. Y. + WEBB-JOHNSON, S. A. - WEBSTER, J. L, H. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITE, Robert N. - WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, A. T. - WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, P. B. + ■ + + - + + "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o Dept. of History, Duke University, Durham, N. Carolina, U.S.A. 1-B, 126 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography, United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Belmont Court 10A, 10 Kotewall Road, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 27, Babington Path, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, North Devon, England. c/o Registration of Persons Office, Causeway Bay Magistracy Building, 4th Floor, H.K. c/o Technical College, Hunghom, Kowloon. P.O. Box No. 8, San Tin Village Post Office, N.T. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. c/o City Museum & Art Gallery, City Hall, H.K. H.K. Chinese Liaison Office, Abbey House, Victoria, London, S.W.1, England. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. c/o Weinrebe & Pennell Ltd., Room 805, The Bank of Canton Building, H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. 12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K. 58 Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. Geography & Geology Dept., University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 10, The Albany, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 233 WILLIAMS, R. A. WILLIAMS, W. D. F. - c/o Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. King Fung Villa, 101 Miles, Castle Peak Road, N.T. WILLIAMS, Mrs. W. D. F. As above. WILSON, Mrs. A. W.- WILSON, B. D. · + WILSON, Miss E. M. - WINKLER, E. WONG, Kwok-long WONG, Mrs. Margaret Homan WONG, Peng-cheong* - WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss S. - WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, Miss B. R. - WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. WU, Hei-tak - YAO, Miss Joyce T. Y.- YEUNG, Walter, W. T.- YOUNG, Miss P. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. . ZIMMERN, W. A. - 2 University Drive, H.K. 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. Flat 104, The Hermitage, 75 MacDonnell Road. H.K. Flat 402, 12 May Road, H.K. 92-A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. 39 Mody Road, 10th floor, Front, Kowloon. Cho Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, Room 732/735, Alexandra House, H.K. 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. G. P. O. Box 497, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Dept. of Education, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 38 Kotewall Court, Kotewall Road, 6th Floor, H.K. 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K. c/o Triangle Motors Ltd., Morrison Hill Road, H.K. c/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses, Page 240 Page 241 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g ACC. RO. S22470 DATE OF ACC. 9 6.72 CLASS NO. a AUTHOR NO. ། REBOUND The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in November, 1971. 1,000 copies. Price per copy: HK $18 US $3 postage extra UK £1.25 Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by YE OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir David Trench, G.C.M.G., M.C. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1971: President: Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., HON.LL.D., J.P. Vice-Presidents: Marjorie Topley, B.SC.(ECON.), PH.D. J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Secretary: Miss E. M. Bellord Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Professor Ma Meng, M.B.E., B.A. H. T. Wu, M.A., J.P. G. A. Bridges, M.A. Commander F. Warrington-Strong, D.S.C.,* R.N.RETD. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. The Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Responsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 14 issues of The Hong Kong Naturalist to complete our set, we received from two London booksellers a total of two complete volumes (VIII and IX) and three other issues (I no. 2 and II nos. 1 & 2). This was arranged through the kindness of Sir John Galvin, and we are extremely grateful to him for this generous gift, which has greatly enhanced our collection. However, we still lack a number of issues of this important set, and anyone locating any parts of The Hong Kong Naturalist, either for sale or exchange, is invited to contact the Hon. Librarian as soon as possible. As in previous years, the main problems facing the library are (i) how to encourage members to make more use of it, and (ii) shortage of space. Until the Branch has its own premises in which the whole library may be housed it seems that this will be an annual plaint. Meanwhile, we have to thank both the British Council and the University of Hong Kong for providing space for the collection, and for making it available to members on request. Hong Kong, 26th April, 1970. H. A. RYDINGS Hon. Librarian, ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY, 1970-1971 (Books and pamphlets) BERKOWITZ, M. I., and others. Folk religion in an urban setting: a study of Hakka villages in transition, Hong Kong, Christian Study Centre, 1969. BOK, pseud. Piracies Ltd. London, Jenkins, 1938. Vampires of the China coast. London, Jenkins, 1932. CLARK, A. D. and CLARK, D. N. Seoul, past and present: a guide to Yi T'aejo's capital. Seoul, R. A. S., Korea Branch, 1969. (Its guidebook series, no. 1) CRANE, P. S. Korean patterns. 2nd ed. Seoul, Hollym Corp., 1968 reprinted 1969. (R. A. S. Korea Branch. Handbook series, no. 1) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 15 DRAGE, C. Taikoo London, Constable, 1970. EGERTON, H. E. Sir Stamford Raffles. London, Unwin, 1900. FITZGERALD, C. P. A concise history of East Asia, London, Heinemann, 1966. HEMMINGSEN, A. M., and GUILDAL, J. A. Observations on birds in northeastern China, especially the migration at Pei-tai-ho Beach. Hong Kong, Vetch & Lee, 1969. LAING, E. J. Chinese paintings in Chinese publications, 1956-1968: annotated bibliography and an index to the paintings. Ann Arbor, 1969 (Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 6) LAL, K. Miracle of Konark, New York, Castle Books, 1968. LAU, S. M. Joseph Ts'au Yüan. Hong Kong University Press, 1970. LI, Chi, and JOHNSON, D. Two studies in Chinese literature. Ann Arbor, 1968. (Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 3) MURPHEY, R. The treaty ports and China's modernization: what went wrong? Ann Arbor, 1970. (Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 7) OKSENBERG, M., and others. The cultural revolution, 1967, in review. Ann Arbor, 1968. (Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 2) RUTT, R. Korean works and days: notes from the diary of a country priest. Seoul, R. A. S., Korea Branch, 1964. SPEISER, W. China: spirit and society. London, Methuen, 1960. (Art of the world, 4) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 16 SULESKI, R. S., and BAYS, D. H. Early communist China; two studies. Ann Arbor, 1969. (Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 4) TOWNSEND, W. J. Robert Morrison, pioneer of missions to China. London, Pickering & Inglis, n.d. 何炳棣 黄土與中國農業的起源。香港,香港中文大學, 1969. (HO, P. T. The loess environment and the origins of Chinese agriculture) 張德昌 清末一個京官的生活。香港,香港中文大學,1970. (CHANG, T. C, Life of a court official in the late Ching dynasty) 趙聰 中國大陸的戲曲改革,1942-1967. 香港,香港中文大學,1969. (CHAO, T. Drama reform in mainland China, 1942-67) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 28 STEPHEN UHALLEY, JR. and justify their active support of the attack on the city. This then is what happened on the morning of May 10th. According to the Ch'ing official, Hsü Yao-kuang, the provocative shots were fired at a foreign vessel and actually killed two foreigners.36 Dew jumped to the conclusion or feigned to believe that it was the Taipings who had done the firing, and immediately joined in the fight. Dew's own account is nonchalant, noting merely that the Taiping guns were silenced and that he then went to dinner at noon. At 2 p.m. storming parties mounted the walls, and at 5 p.m., after all opposition had ceased, the "Governor” (probably the tao-t'ai) and Ch'ing soldiers landed from their junks. Dew turned the city over to the Manchu official and withdrew his men.37 The disposition of the Ch'ing troops during this attack is implicit in this report, but another unofficial source was more explicit, reporting that the Chinese allies could not be made to move toward the walls, so that in the end, even the actual breaching of them had to be undertaken by foreign troops.38 Obviously, under the circumstances of such an attack by Ch'ing forces, the Taipings had little alternative but to return fire toward foreign vessels which were interspersed among or in close proximity to the pirate fleet, both as the action began and as it continued. After a determined resistance, and after both of their generals, Huang and Fan, had been badly wounded, the Taipings retired from the city. The contrast between what happened during the retaking of the city at this point and the record of the Taiping seizure of the city several months earlier is interesting. It will be recalled how universal had been the favorable comments regarding the bloodless Taiping takeover. As for this latest occupation, the report of the correspondent for the China Mail speaks eloquently: "The rebels retreated through the west gate; the pirates then entered the city and began the work of destruction, and in a few hours did more damage than the rebels did in the whole of the five months that they had possession." The same account goes on to speak of the executions and the tortures that were perpetrated over the next couple of days, and notes specifically that the British Consul's Chinese servant was "one of the principal murderers and torturers of the poor fellows found in the city."39 Cheng A-fu was subsequently given the status of a petty official in Ningpo, as a reward for his service.40 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE TAIPINGS AT NINGPO 31 of the entire Taiping Revolution from 1853 to 1864 as it related to foreign powers. At the least, it suggests once again a need for renewed consideration both of the Taiping period in itself and of the historical tradition which transmitted our understanding of it. NOTES 1 Romaine to Hammond, No. 34, Admiralty, February 17, 1862, Inclosure 1, Hope to Admiralty, Shanghai, December 22, 1861, Blue Books, pp. 90-91. 2 Harvey to Hammond, No. 32, Ningpo, December 7, 1861, Inclosure 1, Ibid., p. 85. 3 The letters to both Taiping generals are translated as Inclosures 3 and 4 in Harvey to Hammond, No. 32, Ibid., pp. 86-88. 4 Harvey to Hammond, No. 33, December 18, 1861, Ibid., p. 89. 5 Romaine to Hammond, Admiralty, February 17, 1862, Inclosure 3, Ibid., p. 95. 6 Ibid. 7 Frederick Wells Williams, The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams, LL.D., New York, 1889, p. 336. 8 W. H. Sykes, The Taiping Rebellion in China, London, 1863, p. 34. 9 The China Mail, Hong Kong, May 8, 1862, reprinted from the Shanghae Commercial News, May 2, 1862. 10 Sykes, p. 19. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid., pp. 49-53. 13 G. E..., "Rebels in the Ningpo District," North China Herald, No. 615, May 10, 1862. 14 Harvey to Hammond, No. 36, January 3, 1862, Inclosure 1, "Correspondence respecting...." Blue Books, p. 107. 15 Romaine to Hammond, No. 34, Inclosure 5, Corbett to Hope, Ningpo, December 20, 1861, Blue Books, p. 97. 16 This seems evident, for example, in the writings of A. E. Moule obtainable at the Church Missionary Society archives in London, and in his undated Personal Reminiscences at the Essex Institute Library. 17 Harvey to Hammond, No. 3, Ningpo, March 20, 1862, Inclosure 4, "Further Papers...." pp. 12-16. 18 In this dispatch, Bruce makes another unwarranted generalization about foreign views of the Taipings: "The experience of several years and the testimony of all foreigners who have been among them, show that they are unable to govern." Bruce to Russell, No. 14, Peking, April 10, 1862, Ibid., pp. 18-20. 19 Bruce to Russell, No. 15, Peking, April 8, 1862, Ibid., p. 21. 20 Admiralty to Hammond, No. 32, July 28, 1862, Inclosure 4, "Further Papers relating to...." Blue Books, p. 44. 21 Inclosure 9 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 48. 22 Inclosure 6 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 45. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g ADV : 32 STEPHEN UHALLEY, JR. 23 Inclosure 7 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 46. 24 Inclosure 8 in No. 32, Ibid., pp. 46-47. 25 Inclosure 12 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 49. 26 Inclosure 13 in No. 32, Ibid. 27 Harvey to Hammond, No. 27, Ningpo, May 16, 1862, Inclosure 2, Ibid., p. 38. 28 Dew to Hope, Ningpo, May 7, 1862, No. 32, Inclosure 15, Ibid., p. 50. 29 Inclosure 16 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 51. 30 Harvey to Hammond, No. 27, Ningpo, May 16, 1862, Inclosure 1, Harvey to Bruce, Ningpo, May 9, 1862, Ibid., p. 36. 31 Dew, "Proceedings of Encounter at Ningpo detailing the events which led to the capture of that city on May 10th, 1862,” Gordon Papers, Vol. VII, British Museum 52392, p. 22. Intriguingly, there is in this handwritten account a following sentence which says that Hope replied to Dew asking the latter to keep the peace until he could get there with sufficient force. This sentence was crossed out in the manuscript. 32 Inclosure 17 in No. 32, "Further Papers relating to..." p. 51. 33 Inclosure 19 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 52. 34 Hsiang Ta, et al, eds., T'ai-ping Tien-kuo, Chinese Modern History Collection, Shanghai, 1952, Vol. 6, p. 602. 35 Inclosure 1 in No. 27, "Further Papers relating to....,” pp. 36-37. 36 T'ai-ping T'ien-Kuo, Vol. 6, p. 604. 37 Admiralty to Hammond, July 14, 1862, Inclosure 2, Dew to Hope, Ningpo, May 10, 1862, Ibid., p. 30. 38 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, May 15, 1862, No. 592, Local Correspondence Section, Ningpo (1858-62), B2/132, Jardine Matheson Archives, Cambridge University Library, 39 Cited in A. F. Lindley, Ti-Ping Tien-Kwoh: The History of the Ti-Ping Revolution, London, 1866, II, 536. 40 Jen Yu-wen, T'ai-p'ing T'ien-Kuo tien-chih t'ung-kao, II, Hong Kong, 1957, p. 1059. 41 Captain D. Patridge to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong) via Shanghai, Ningpo, July 28, 1860, Local Correspondence Section, Ningpo (1858-62) B2/132, JMA, 42 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, August 1, 1862, No. 602, Ibid. 43 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, November 5, 1862, No. 613, Ibid. 44 Green to Jardine Matheson & Co. (Hong Kong), Ningpo, January 20, 1863, No. 622, Ibid. 45 Inclosure 3, Harvey to Bruce, Ningpo, May 16, 1862, in No. 27, p. 39. 46 Russell to Bruce, No. 28, July 22, 1862, "Further Papers relating to..." 47 Alexander Mitchie, The Englishman in China, I, Edinburgh & London, 1900, p. 380. 48 Cited in Lindley, II, 538 49 Ibid., 537. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION 49 That there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler from of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the people have no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the state. I (4) was skilful at archery, and Ao (R) could move a boat along upon the land, but neither of them died a natural death. Yu (§) and Chi () personally wrought at the toils of husbandry, and they became possessors of the kingdom. NOTES 1 For Tseng Chi-tse, see Arthur W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of Ching Period Vol. II, pp. 746-747; Lee En-han, Tseng Chi-tse ti wai-chiao, Taipei, 1966. 曾紀澤的外交 2 Cf. Boulger D. C., The Life of Sir Halliday Macartney. London 1908. 3 Boulger D. C., op. cit., pp. 433-435. Papers which published Tseng's work include the China Mail in Hong Kong, the North China Herald in Shanghai and the China Times in Tientsin. In Hong Kong, Tseng's article appeared in the China Mail only. However, many historians have mistaken the Daily Press of Hong Kong for the China Mail. This confusion first appeared in Ko Kung-chen's Chung-kuo pao-hsüen shih, Shanghai, 1927, Ch. III, p. 20. Recent Japanese scholars in the field of modern Chinese Studies have followed Ko Kung-chen's mistake. Cf. Onogawa Hidemi - "Kai Kei Ko Reien no 'Shinsei Rongi'" Oriental Studies in honour of Juntaro Ishihama on the occasion of his seventieth birthday, Kansai University, Osaka, 1958 pp. 121-133; Watanabe Tetsuhiro, "Kai Kei Ko Reien no 'Shinsei Rongi'" Ritsumeikan bungaku, Journal of the Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto (1961) pp. 59-75. 4 Tseng's work was translated into Chinese by Yen Yung-ching and Yüan Chu-i. Both were graduates of the Peking Tung-Wen Kuan. The title of the Chinese version is Tseng-hou Chung-kuo hsien-shui how-hsing lun; cf. Hsin-Cheng chen-chüan ch'u-pien; Tseng-lun shu-hou fulu; Huang-chao hawi wen-pien, chuan i, pp. 32-37; North China Herald, Vol. 38, No. 1021, Feb. 16, 1887, p. 181; Dispatches From U.S. Ministers to China, Microcopy No. 92, The National Archives of the United States, Roll 80, No. 340, Denby to the Secretary of State, March 21, 1887. 5 North China Herald, Vol. 38, No. 1023, March 2, 1887 p. 229. 6 Ibid. Vol. 38, May 27, 1887, p. 569, 7 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1887, No. 158, Denby to Bayard, March 8, 1887, pp. 196-197. Dispatches from U.S. Ministers to China, Microcopy No. 92, Roll 80, No. 328, Denby to Bayard, March 8, 1887. Denby further pointed out that Tseng purposely ignored the importance of the evangelical missions in China in his article. Denby believed that Christian activities were directly supported by foreign powers in China. The priests were always acted as the mediators between the Western Powers ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION 51 12 In June, 1885, Li Hung-chang signed an agreement with the French minister to China, Jules Patenotre, in Peking. The outline of the agreement was as follows: 1. Annam was to become a French protectorate; 2. The ports Lao-kay and Lang-son were to be opened for international trade; 3. The French were to withdraw from Kee-lung and Peng-hu ; 4. The French were to be the sole builders of all railways in Annam. An additional agreement was also signed in 1887. By this agreement Long-Chou and Mong-tzu were to be opened as trading ports, the prohibition of opium-smoking was to be revoked and the French were to have all privileges in South-east China. Cf. Liu Pei-hua, op. cit. 13 Cf. Kung Kuang-te (Compl), P'u-tien chung-fen chi Foochow Machiang chan-shih ta-luch ching-hsing, Vol. 2, 22a; T'sai-chiao Shan-jen, "Chung-Fa Ma-chiang chan-i chih hui-yi” also Chung-Fa Chan-cheng, Vol. 3, pp. 115-140. 14 Liu Pei-hua, op. cit., pp. 121-122. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HON EDITOR of the period in later life in two well-known books entitled The 'Fan Kwae' at Canton before Treaty Days 1825-1844 (Kelly & Walsh, 1882 and 2nd edition 1911) and Bits of Old China, also published by Messrs. Kelly & Walsh at the same dates. C. Toogood Downing's The Fan-Qui in China (three volumes, London, Henry Colburn, 1838) is another well-known contemporary account. Extracts from the Letters * TO HIS SISTER, DATED CANTON, 12TH DECEMBER, 1835 My time here is fully occupied, I am glad to say. If sometimes rather too much so there's no great harm done; I assure you I have supped too full of the horrors of idleness in time gone by, to fret at hard work now. There are several circumstances in Canton life which agree with me very well—and these are just enhanced by contrast with its disadvantages. There is some interest too in the strange faces, browned and weather-beaten, of the ship-captains from Liverpool and London etc. who are lodged and boarded of necessity in our Hong here all the time their Ships are in the Port, so that Covers are laid every day for an indefinite number, and the whole Domestic Establishment in short is a Boarding-House with a Table d'hôte at 7 p.m. The comfort of this evil, is the sanctity with which folks' private-rooms are regarded—seeing that there is no privacy whatever elsewhere; and in my bedroom accordingly, I enjoy greater security and deeper seclusion than if I were a stranger in an Inn with boots and chambermaids and postboys to interrupt me whether I have business with them or no. Sundry persons who dislike the strict imprisonment of a Canton-life, venture out, of evenings, on the river, in wherries. As there is a barrier, a break-water, of some thousands of boats and river-crafts of the most unutterable forms and still more unmentionable characters, to break, bruise and burst through, before ten square feet of dirty water can be won free, this is not an amusement I have taken to; and fond as I used to be of it, I think I shall become more and more averse to experiments on the Canton River the longer I remain in China. Three Europeans have been drowned by accident since my arrival here, which is just an * * The text has been left in the writer's style. Additions and queries in square brackets are the Editor's. Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g LETTERS FROM China 1835-36 57 of subjects that will one day avenge themselves on all of us if neglected. This is almost a more painful sight than the ignorance of the poor Chinese around us; it is being regularly "blinded by the god of this world" in spite of the light of day; in the other case, day has not yet dawned on the benighted souls..... I am more chagrined than I can tell you, at being unable as the time draws nigh, to give Herschel any hopes of meteorological observations here on the 21st Inst. Instruments cannot be borrowed from the Ships at Whampoa, and I cannot leave Canton for two days at this over-busy season to go to the instruments, and I have tried to move one or two Ships' Officers residing there in vain. My old Partner G.I. Gordon (whom you may know by my report of old, for a man of uncommon talents and most cultivated mind, as well as amiable and honorable feelings) is at Macao now, with Herschel's brochure in his hands, endeavoring something: he may be up here in a few days and then I shall know the worst. I look forward to disappointment on this 21st Decr as now fixed. But if I live till 21st March, I shall have better hopes of doing something, however little that something be, because for one thing I shall not be so excessively busy in office at that period as at present. So my regret though great is not altogether despair; and I wish you would give H. [Herschel] my warm love with the assurance of the hearty zeal I take in this matter, and which I shall yet evince I hope more practically than in all this bow-wowing. I am sending under the care of Lieutenant P. Nicolson by this opportunity, a small parcel to H's [Herschel's] address containing what I daresay will be a great curiosity to you both – genuine Chinese Map of China, and eke of both hemispheres. The latter (the Old World at least) you will make out immediately. But the New World will be new to most Geographers who look at it. I am sorry I have not time to search for some translation of the Chinese characters on it, but perhaps I may supply the want yet. Accompanying this map, is a Prospectus of a most excellent Institution lately set agoing here, for the success of which I feel a deep interest - a Diffusion of Useful Knowledge Society in China! Is not the idea good? Simple elementary Treatises on all useful subjects to be translated by it and diffused as much as possible, over the Empire, and into the Imperial Palace itself if ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND KAIFONGS 63 associations, the district and dialect associations also embody economic objectives, since very often the members of each district and dialect group are engaged in the single occupation peculiar to their group. "This close identification of a particular job... means that the various dialect associations have a definite economic raison d'être." Protection of economic interests may take various forms, with the associations taking the role of trade unions among small businessmen, and among laborers in particular lines of native industry. In many cases, the associations act as employment agencies, exchanging information on job opportunities and sponsoring job recommendations. It is a general practice among the associations to favour nepotism in job placement. The main voluntary associations are also responsible for the welfare and social adjustment of the Chinese immigrants. They meet the new comers upon their arrival, accommodate them and help them to find jobs. They open Chinese language schools for the education of the immigrants' children and for the general upkeep of the Chinese cultural tradition. They open recreational centres (including gambling rooms) for the workers. They provide mutual aid benefits, relief funds, free loans, funeral and burial services. A very important feature of the work of the chambers of commerce, the district and the dialect associations is in their acting as spokesmen for Chinese interests and as intermediaries between the authorities and Chinese people. Specifically, this means that the associations, through their officers, intercede for individuals and groups who get into difficulties with the government. The associations present proposals and petitions to the authorities on major and minor policy issues touching Chinese interests; and very often the governments also seek the advice and even the prior consent of the associational leaders in matters regarding the Chinese communities. The economic, social and political functions of the three major voluntary bodies have evolved during the process of adaptation of the Chinese people to their new environment. In most of the overseas Chinese communities (except in Malaysia and Singapore) the Chinese people are not only a numerical minority among the local population, but also a sociological minority dominated by the superior social and political status of other racial groups. * Ju-k'ang T'ien, op. cit., p. 17. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND KAIFONGS 65 linguistic and economic elements of the community into one self-protective league." The self-protective The self-protective league among the overseas Chinese takes its physical form in the famous "Chinatowns', and its invisible form in the numerous associational ties which we just described. However, the closeness of Chinese communities has proved, in the long run, to be a disservice, to both the Chinese themselves and to their host societies. For centuries the Chinese emigrants have not been culturally and socially assimilated with the native populations. To the governments of the newly independent South East Asian countries, the Chinese communities form special social and political problems of their own, standing particularly in the way of national unity. No wonder many newly independent governments take up aggressive policies towards the Chinese, including both political control, such as by abolishing systems of indirect rule, and social-cultural assimilation, such as by a system of compulsory national education, and by discriminatory economic opportunities. Some writers have noted that it was only a myth that the Chinese overseas were "unassimilable” and ascribed the closeness of Chinese communities to the fact that the host governments had not provided the Chinese with special services. Thus, it is logical to predict that in due course, the Chinese will be integrated into their host societies once the protective functions of their associations are removed. Also, the third and fourth generations of the immigrant Chinese are not exempted from the all-pervasive influence of the Western culture, particularly because they live mainly in the cities where the influence of the West is most intensively felt. Thus, the younger generations are subject to the same processes of cultural change as those experienced by the younger generations of the native population. Therefore it is not difficult to foresee that both the Chinese and the indigenous South East Asian peoples are going to be drawn together by the influence of the West.10 KAIFONG ASSOCIATIONS IN HONG KONG Hong Kong is considered by some as an overseas Chinese community. However, I believe that strictly speaking, Hong 9 Richard Coughlin, op. cit., p. 60. 10 Ibid., p. 190. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 66 ALINE K. WONG Kong stands apart from the Chinese communities in Southeast Asia, or elsewhere, in the United States, England, or New Zealand. The reasons are these: 1. Unlike the Chinese communities in Asia or elsewhere in the world, the Chinese in Hong Kong are not a minority people in the numerical sense. On the contrary, the Chinese make up 99% of the local population. 2. The Nationalist and the Communist governments in China have never regarded the residents of Hong Kong (and Macau) as "overseas Chinese" in the same way as they look at the Chinese in other parts of the world. Residents in Hong Kong are considered by both governments as Chinese citizens per se, and not as people with dual nationality, as were so many Chinese in Southeast Asia before the Communist government took a firmer stand on the question of nationality status, beginning in 1954. 3. The dominant culture in Hong Kong is the Chinese culture. If it is true that many overseas Chinese in other parts of the world still consider themselves as "Chinese" irrespective of their actual nationality, it is more true of the beliefs and attitudes of the Hong Kong Chinese. The organization and cultural content of their social life is unmistakably Chinese, although Hong Kong seems to be very westernized in certain aspects, such as in the styles of dress, food habits and recreational life. 4. A large number of people in the Colony are political refugees from China. According to the 1955 United Nations Report on the Problem of Chinese Refugees in Hong Kong, at least 385,000 people could be considered as political refugees at the time.11 As such, these people demand a special kind of status and require some special policy treatment. The problem of the refugees is not just a problem of cultural assimilation, but is one calling for political solutions. For the above reasons, I do not think that Hong Kong should be considered as one of the "overseas" Chinese communities. It is a city with a unique society of its own in which social life bears an unmistakable Chinese stamp. It is within this context 11 E. Hambro, The Problem of Chinese Refugees in Hong Kong. Report submitted to the United Nations High Commissioner of Refugees, 1955, p. 125. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG 87 Only a few were able to survive the perils of the business. They were not accustomed to building in the Western style and therefore often underestimated on contracts, resulting in their bankruptcy. In 1844 the Land Officer comments that "almost all contracts hitherto entered into with Chinamen have been obliged to be finished by Government, for the works were taken at far too low an estimate, and the consequence was, when the parties found they would become losers, both contractor and security decamped, and in some instances they were imprisoned."16 One of the few contractors who did survive in this early period of Hong Kong's history was Tam Achoy †, alias Tam Sam Tshoy, alias Tam Shek Tsun, although he too almost went into prison for debt, escaping only through the generosity of his creditor. Achoy was generally recognized as the most prominent leader of the Chinese community when an élite was first beginning to emerge out of the hodgepodge of shopkeepers, craftsmen and traders. We have noted that he and Loo Aqui built the Man-Mo Temple where they performed in part the traditional role of village elder. He was also Trustee for the I Ts'z Temple in Taipingshan (1851) and the Temple in Queen's Road East at Wanchai (1869). In 1847 the Colonial Treasury had on deposit £185.16.8 from Tam Achoy for erecting a Chinese School in the Sheung Wan (Lower Bazaar). Achoy had come to Hong Kong at its foundation in 1841, having been formerly a foreman in the Government Dockyard at Singapore. He was granted a certificate for the easternmost of the lots in the Lower Bazaar, and soon began to buy up the interests of the adjacent property owners until he had acquired an extensive sea frontage. He built some of Hong Kong's most prestigious early buildings such as the P. and O. Building and the Exchange Building, which was bought by Government and used for many years as the Supreme Court Building. With the accumulation of increasing capital he began to broaden his interests and secured permission from Government to build and operate a market. This was a most profitable venture and when the Lower Bazaar was destroyed in the Christmas fire of 1852, he soon rebuilt it, operating it under his firm's name, Kwong Yuen. During the period after 1848, when Hong Kong became a port of embarkation for thousands of emigrants, Achoy was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 88 CARL T. SMITH one of the leading brokers and charterers of emigrant ships. In front of his lots he erected a wharf which he leased to the Hong Kong, Canton and Macao Steamboat Company after its organization in 1865. In 1860, he appeared in the Courts on the charge of piracy. In response to a request of the Mandarin of his home district in Hoi Ping for assistance in suppressing some Hakka bandits, Achoy had chartered the vessel Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy from Kwok Acheong, the P. and O. Company's compradore. Engaging some Europeans in the Colony he took them up to Hoi Ping where they attacked some Hakka villages. Achoy pleaded that he had not realized that this would be against British law and therefore threw himself upon the mercy of the court.19 He again assisted his home district in 1865 by supplying the local militia with western-made armaments. This earned him official recognition and a biographical notice in the Hoi Ping Gazetteer. In later years his constitution was affected by habitual opium smoking and he did not participate actively in public affairs. He died in 1871, leaving a large fortune.20 In 1857, the editor of The Friend of China described him as being "no doubt the most creditable Chinese in the Colony". Tang Aluk, another contractor, though not as much of a community leader as Tam Achoy, was a generous benefactor of worthy projects. He was the largest contributor to the Chinese school book fund of 1859, contributing sixty dollars; Tam Achoy contributed fifty dollars and Kwok Acheong, the P. and O. compradore contributed twenty dollars; all other contributions ranged from ten dollars to fifty cents. The fact that Tang Aluk's name was that of "Number Six" indicates he was of humble origin. He began as a stone cutter. Most of them were Hakka, and it is probable that Aluk was of this group. In time he built up a successful contracting business. At his death in 1887 he left a large estate, much of which was in landed property. The administration of his estate involved many lawsuits among his heirs. A newspaper commentator observed that the estate was a gold mine for the legal profession as suits and appeals dragged through the courts for several decades after his death.2 THE MERCHANTS GROUP 21 Hong Kong had difficulty in attracting merchants with capital. We have mentioned the abortive efforts of Chinam and several ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG Tiuchau merchant, Ko Mun Wo 93 alias Ko Cho Heung of the Yuen Fat Hong. He was the founder of the firm which established itself in Hong Kong about 1858 and developed an extensive business in the importation of rice from Siam. It soon became one of the wealthiest Chinese firms. In 1881, Ko Mun Wo was the sixteenth highest rate payer, and when he died the year following, the value of his estate was estimated at $163,000. After his death the business was continued by his four sons. Tang Pak Yeung 16 alias Tang Kam Chi was the youngest member of the first Tung Wah Hospital Committee. He was a merchant in the chartering firm of Kwong Lei Yuen. He had received an English language education. He was not a large property owner, nor does his name appear in other lists of the elite. THE COMPRADORES GROUP The compradores were an important new class which arose in the nineteenth century in the port cities of China. A recent study by Yen-p'ing Hao entitled The Comprador in Nineteenth Century China, Bridge between East and West (Cambridge, Mass., 1970) shows how influential this group became in providing capital for the introduction of modern forms of communication, industry, mining, banking and journalism in the late Ch'ing Dynasty. The origin of the compradore system is in the Co-Hong organization through which China channelled all trade with foreigners before the opening of the Treaty ports in 1843. The compradores were recruited from the Canton and Macao area. A large majority of the most influential compradore families were from the Heung Shan District near Macao. When the foreign firms came to Hong Kong they brought with them their compradores. As trade increased on the China coast, the compradores were provided with an opportunity to accumulate considerable capital. This they invested in real estate and in Chinese commercial firms. The late Ch'ing Dynasty was often in financial difficulties. One method of raising income was through the sale of official degrees. The compradores and merchants of the port cities, who formed a newly-created bourgeois nouveau riche group within ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG 97 of attorney to Wei Akwong. His estate was held in trust until 1919, when the family property was sold at auction. We have mentioned Dent and Company (it failed in 1867) and Jardine, Matheson and Company as the leading firms in Hong Kong in the early years; but if we think of the financial giants today, the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank takes its place beside Jardines. The Bank was organized in 1865, and as we might expect its first compradore, Lo Pak Sheung alias Lo Chung Kong, was on Tung Wah's organizing committee. He died in 1877 and his position as compradore was taken by his son Lo Hok Pung (alias Lo Sau Ko)(44). Unfortunately, the son overcommitted himself in several speculative ventures, and not seeing any legitimate way of extricating himself from his financial difficulties, absconded in 1892 with over a million dollars of the Bank's assets; at least that is the figure reported in the newspaper accounts. An indication of his penchant for unwise investments is the $30,000 he put into the organization of the _Uet Po_ newspaper in 1885. Within a year, this had been spent, and he was forced to sell out to Lo Ping Chi, who was able to operate the paper with an expenditure of only several thousand dollars for a number of years.33 In the field of shipping, the P. and O. Steamship Company played an important role in the Hong Kong economy. They established a branch here in 1845. Their compradore was Kwok Acheong# alias Kwok Kam Cheung. The newspaper notice of his death states that he "originally belonged to... the boat people's clan, but afterwards obtained admission to Tam Achoi's clan, Tam Achoi being a Punti...."34 This substantiates my previous statement that the boat people who settled on land generally wished to lose the peculiarities of their origins. Acheong was one of the first settlers of Hong Kong, having organized a provisioning system for the Army and Navy at the time of the first Sino-British War. However, he did not receive the extensive land privileges granted to Loo Aqui for his services. When the P. and O. Company disposed of their shipwright and engineering department in 1854, it was taken over by Kwok Acheong. He developed a fleet of steamships in the 1860s, which provided keen competition to the European-controlled ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG 113 corporated as a more integral part of government, and its members may be regarded in many ways as the élite of the élite. But these developments are beyond the time limit set for this particular study. NOTES 1 See the studies by Chung-li Chang, The Income of the Chinese Gentry (Seattle, 1926) and The Chinese Gentry: Studies in their Role in Nineteenth Century Chinese Society (Seattle, 1955) and by Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China (New York, 1964). 2 The South China Morning Post, 12 July 1933, in column "Old Hong Kong". 3 Colonial Office Records (hereafter given as C.O.), Series 129-12. 4 The Friend of China, 6 Nov. 1861. 5 George Smith, The Consular Cities of China (London, 1847), p. 82. 6 Yen-p'ing Hao, The Compradore in Nineteenth Century China (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), p. 195. I have not been able to check the sources he cites. 7 These were Loo King A owner of I.L. 99, LL.102, I.L. 103; Lo Lye or Alloy A owner of M.L. 16 C., M.L. 19; Loo Foon owner of M.L. 16 D.; Loo Sing A owner of M.L. 17 C.; Loo Chuen alias Loo Chew alias Young Aqui alias Loo Choo Tung owner of M.L. 16 A., M.L. 28 A., M.L. 35 A. The family lived in Aqui's Lane, or as it is now known Kwai Wa Lane† running from Hillier to Cleverly Street and lying between Queens Road and Jervois Street. Here in 1872 lived Loo Wan Kew, Loo Yum Shing, compradore of D. Sassoon, Sons and Co., and Loo Achew. 8 The China Review, Vol. 1 (1872), p. 333, "The Districts of Hong Kong and the Name Kwan-Tai-Lo". This source also confirms the deleterious effect of Aqui's activities in Hong Kong: "In 1843, when there were but few merchants or shop keepers, one Sz-man-king, unto whom those who were in distress, in debt, or discontented, resorted, opened a place for gambling along Chung Wan to which all among the fishing-boat people, who loved gambling, came." 9 Quoted by R. M. Martin in his report, 24 July 1844, in G. B. Endacott, An Eastern Entrepot (London, 1964), p. 97. 10 E. J. Eitel, Europe in China (Hong Kong, 1895), pp. 168-169. 11 Endacott, op. cit., pp. 96-98. 12 Ibid., p. 107. 13 Ibid., p. 96. 14 A Singapore house was a pre-cut timber house ready for assembling imported from Singapore. At the time of the gold-rush in California, a similar type house was shipped from Hong Kong to San Francisco in large numbers. The trade enriched a number of Hong Kong carpenters. 15 C.O. Series 129-12, No. 97, 10 July, 1845. 16 C.O. Series 129-7, 23 July, 1844. 17 C.O. Series 129-3, Treasurer's Report 1847. 18 The Friend of China, 5 Jan., 1856. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 114 CARL T. SMITH 19 C.O. Series 129-78, No. 113, 24 Aug., 1860. 20 Tam Achoy was survived by five sons: Tam Kung Ping alias Tam Ping Kai, died 1887 at Canton, Tam Mo Seen, Tam Yun Yeen, Tam Kee Chun, and Tam Lin Tai. The latter had been adopted by Achoy's fourth wife in 1865. 21 Tang Aluk was survived by a daughter, the wife of Hu Yu Chan; a son Tang Tung Shang alias Tang Pak Shan, died 1899; and a grandson Tang Yeung Mau, the only son of Tang Shau Shan alias Tang Kau Chun. Some of the court suits revolved around whether the deceased son Tang Shay Shan was a natural or an adopted son of Tang Aluk. The family retained much of its real estate holdings up to the present. 22 C.O. Series 131-2. 23 The China Review, Vol. 1 (1872) p. 171. 24 K. G. Tregonning, Under Chartered Company Rule (Borneo 1881-1946) (Singapore, 1958) Chap. 1. 25 The China Mail, 23 July, 1891. 26 Ibid., 17 Oct., 1861. 27 For details on the Chiu (Hsü) family see: Hsü Jun, (Chronological Autobiography of Hsü Jun), #M. #****†# (1927). 28 See my article "The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong", Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 48 (May, 1970), pp. 30-31. 29 For notice of Cheung Achew see Chung Chí Bulletin, No. 45 (Dec., 1968) p. 11. 30 The China Mail, 9 Dec., 1858. 31 Ibid., 19 Dec., 1871; 7 Feb., 1872. 32 The Daily Press, 4 Nov., 1868. 33 Li Chin-wei, editor (A History of Hong Kong, 1848-1948) £34. điều (Hong Kong, 1949), p. 271. 34 The Daily Press, 23 April, 1880. 35 Archives of the London Missionary Society, London, South China, Box 8, 23 Sept., 1876. 36 C.O. Series 133-5. 37 The name of Ho Tsin Shin does appear on a list of contributors to the Berlin Missionary Society Chinese Vernacular School Fund in 1868 and 1869, 38 For reference to these various aspects of the career of Ho Shan Chee see The Daily Press 24 July, 1868, 20 Sept., 1878, The China Mail 28 Feb., 1882. 39 For details of the career of Ho Kwan Shan see The Daily Press 4 Oct., 1871. 40 The China Mail, 28 Aug., 1891. 41 A biographical sketch of Ho Kai is found in Wu Hsing-lien, (The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong) AA, SEP^S^ (Hong Kong, 1937). 42 The Hong Kong Telegraph, 3 Sept., 1891. 43 The information on the family of Wu Ting Fang is from the Archives of Presbyterian Missionary Society, New York. The exact relationship is deduced from probable evidence rather than having been directly stated in the sources, At the marriage of Ng Achoy and Ho Amooy, 14 Jan., Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG 115 1864, at St. John's Cathedral, Hong Kong, there were two Chinese witnesses, Ho Tsun Shin (father of Ho Mooey) and Ng Akwong (presumed brother of Ng Achoy and the former student of the Presbyterian Mission School).44 See biographical notice written by Wu Ting Fang, The Daily Press, 28 Aug., 1905. 45 Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and Western Cultures (Tokyo, 1963), pp. 49-50. 46 The Daily Press, 2 Feb., 1874. A biographical notice of Wang Tao appears in A. W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (Washington, DC., 1943), p. 836. 47 The Daily Press, 20 Feb., 1864. 48 Wah Tsz Yat Po, 7 Aug., 1902. Details of the life of Wong Shing are from various references to his activities in the reports of missionaries in the Archives of the London Missionary Society. 49 For a biographical account of Leung Tsun Tak see my article “Commissioner Lin's Translators”, The Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 42 (June, 1967), pp. 32-35. 50 For a more extended biographical account of Wei Akwong see my article “An Early Hong Kong Success Story: Wei Akwong, the Beggar Boy”, The Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 45 (Dec., 1968), pp. 9-14. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 118 H. J. LETHBRIDGE reception of mandarins passing through the Colony, negotiated the sale of official titles, and formed an unofficial link between the Chinese residents of Hong Kong and the Canton Authorities”. Such evidence is not conclusive, but it seems plausible to assume that by the 1860s Chinese in Hong Kong had acquired some experience in managing their own affairs typical behaviour in other Overseas Chinese settlements and had acted with some secrecy so as not to alarm the colonial authorities. What was, in effect, the first District Watch Committee was formed after a meeting of the Chinese community held on 1 February, 1866. Presumably this was a meeting of the Kaifong leaders, the more prosperous shopkeepers and merchants. According to the Registrar General's Report for 1867, after much discussion, the Community of the Five Districts to the west of the Parade Ground, agreed to elect a certain number of their body to act as Watchmen, whose pay should be disbursed by themselves and be collected by men especially appointed for the purpose'. It appears they agreed among themselves to send a petition to government asking for permission to organise a force of Chinese watchmen. In this petition they claimed a rumour had reached them that the roughs of Canton intended to celebrate the approach of the Chinese New Year by making a descent upon Hong Kong 'with the object of committing extensive robberies under cover of a conflagration'. Their intention, they wrote, was to protect their families and aid the police. The rumour of a possible criminal foray from Canton was treated with some scepticism by government officials, but the suggestion of a district watchmen force, organised and paid for by the Chinese themselves was readily accepted by the Governor, Sir Richard MacDonnell, and became embodied in the Victoria Registration Ordinance, No. 7 of 1866. As Norton Kyshe affirms : 'This may be taken as the origin of the system now known as "District Watchmen”. It seems reasonable to infer that the Chinese notables present at this meeting used the rumour of a foray from Canton to camouflage their real desire — their own Chinese police force. They wanted an amalgamation of the numerous private watchmen and street guards already employed by merchants, shopkeepers, householders and Kaifong. At that date — 1866 — the regular ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 134 H. J. LETHBRIDGE of its history64. The Hong Kong government utilised a number of Chinese associations that had developed independently, gave official status to a few and drew them for the convenience of administration into its orbit. In doing so, to some degree it had to forego total control over the Chinese population and share such control with a small number of Chinese notables. Both benefited from the arrangement. This system has been called one of 'indirect rule' but I feel the phrase conceals more than it reveals, for a committee such as the District Watch could on occasion shape government policy. Government had to play along with a number of Chinese committees for without their support the regulation of the Chinese masses would have been at best an uncertain matter. The heaping of honours on a small number of Chinese notables was, surely, a recognition of the key part they played in promoting stability rather than prizes given for their alienation from Chinese society. Such prominent Chinese, as I have suggested, were as much watchdogs for the Chinese community, and especially the Chinese bourgeoisie, as barking dogs for the colonial government. NOTES 1 Lennox A. Mills, British Rule in Eastern Asia, London, Oxford University Press, 1942, p. 398. 2 i.e., Sir Shouson Chow, Sir Robert Kotewall, Lo Man-kam, Dr. Li Shu-fan, and William Ngartsee Thomas Tam. 3 S. F. Balfour states that Hong Kong Island was owned originally by the Tang (Têng) clan of the New Territories: 'Hong Kong Before the British', Tien Hsia Monthly, vol. xi, 1941, p. 464. A translation of a Chinese notice printed in the Friend of China, 24 July 1858, reads: Tung Wing-Fook-Tong (sic) of the Sun-on district, was formerly sole proprietor of the Island of Hong Kong, and of the hills and coast of the North Side of the Harbour under the general name of Tsin Shat-Choy.... Lately Tung Wing-Fook-Tong petitioned the Magistrate of Sun-on to examine Tung's claim to Tsin Shat-Choy and the Magistrate issued a proclamation declaring that Tung Wing-Fook-Tong is the real owner of the Property. The editor asseverated 'as to his having been a Lord of this Isle, as well as of Tsim-shat-choy, —in a word, we do not believe a word of it'. Barbara Ward writes of fishermen that for reasons probably mainly connected with their spatial mobility and the lack of land, these fishermen do not have a developed lineage system nor any real concept of one'. See Barbara Ward, 'Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong: Their Post-peasant economy', in Maurice Freedman, ed., Social Organisation: Essays Presented to Raymond Firth, London, Frank Cass, 1967, p. 278. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE 135 4 The first census of the Island in 1841 gave a population of 5,650. In 1844 the population was given as 19,009. See Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1841-1931, Hong Kong, Noronha, 1932. The validity of the first census has been questioned by G. R. Sayer in his Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, London, Oxford University Press, 1937, p. 104. 5 The China Review, vol. 1, 1872/73, p. 333. 6 Ibid., p. 334. 7 E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, The History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1895, p. 282. The Man Mo Temple stands at the western end of Hollywood Road. It was originally a shrine patronised mostly by fishermen before 1841. For a description of the temple see Charles J. H. Halcombe, The Mystic Flowery Land, London, Luzac and Co., 1896, ch. xxvii. The temple was run by a committee appointed by the Five Districts and the committee used to hold an annual ceremony at Mount Davis for the dead... in celebration of the gods of literature and war: see the Hongkong Government Gazette (henceforth cited as the Gazette), 12 February 1879, p. 52. The properties of the Man Mo Temple were transferred to the Tung Wah Hospital by the Man Mo Temple Ordinance, No. 10 of 1908. Before the committee of the Tung Wah Hospital was organized, the Man Mo Temple Committee appears to have been recognised as representing the opinions of respectable Chinese. 9 J. W. Norton Kyshe, History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1898, vol. 2, p. 86. See also the reports of the Registrar General for 1866 and 1867 in the Gazette. 9 Ibid., p. 86. 10 In 1867 the police force consisted of 89 Europeans, 377 Indians (chiefly Bombay sepoys) and 132 Chinese, many of whom were employed as marine police. See Eitel, op. cit., pp. 445-6. As late as 1893 there were only two European policemen who could act as proper interpreters and only five who could speak some Chinese. See the Report of the Commission on the Po Leung Kuk, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1893, p. 81. 12 Correspondence on Hong Kong Gambling Houses, London, H.M.S.O., 1869, p. 21. 13 Eitel, op. cit., p. 447. 14 Gazette, 6 January 1872. The Police Commission set up by MacDonnell was not unanimous: broadly it agreed to recommend an Anglo-Chinese police force. The recruitment of Chinese police had been strongly advocated by Dr. Legge, as most likely to bring good understanding between the government and respectable Chinese', G. B. Endacott, History of Hong Kong, London, Oxford University Press, 1958, p. 160. 13 Osbert Chadwick, Reports on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, London, H.M.S.O., 1882, p. 42. 16 'Registration of Chinese Partners', Hong Kong Sessional Papers (henceforth cited as Sessional Papers), No. 43 of 1901, p. 22. The text reads: 'Head and District Watchmen employed to patrol the streets by day and by night, are to be recommended by the Chinese themselves, because they know whether they are trustworthy or not. If these men, however, should fail to maintain their good character and should be found to be unfit for the post by the Chinese residents of the district to which they belong, they should be dismissed at any time, in order that they may have something to fear'. The translation is clearly a bad one. 17 In 1883, the Registrar General, Frederick Stewart, used the district watchmen to conduct an enquiry into all Hong Kong schools. In the 1897 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g The District Watch Committee 137 to be the richest man in Hong Kong. When Ho Tung retired as chief compradore to Jardine, Matheson's in 1900, Ho Fook succeeded him. Ho Fook's assistant was Ho Kom Tong, another of Ho Tung's brothers. The members of the District Watch Committee were members of a small circle of businessmen, often related through ties of blood or marriage. When the Tai Yau Bank was established in 1914 with a paid-up capital of $6,000,000, the proprietors were named as Lau Chu Pak, Ho Fook, Ho Kom Tong, Lo Chung Shiu and Chan Kai Ming. Lau Chu Pak was compradore to A. S. Watson and Co., chairman of the Po On Commercial Association and chairman of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce; Chan Kai Ming was manager of the Opium Farm; and Lo Chung Shiu, assistant compradore to Jardine, Matheson and Co., was Ho Fook's brother-in-law. All were or became members of the District Watch Committee. 22 T. C. Cheng writes that Wei Yuk 'was very much concerned about law and order among the Chinese masses because in those early days riff-raff and political refugees from South China continued to come into Hong Kong. Thus it was at his suggestion that the District Watch Force was founded in 1888. Mr. Cheng appears to be mistaken about the date and is no doubt referring to the ordinance of that year, no. 13 of 1888 rather than to its proper date of origin. Wright and Cartright, Feldwick, and Professor Woo all state that the Committee was formed on Wei Yuk's suggestion. See: T. C. Cheng, 'Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils of Hong Kong up to 1941', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 9, 1969, pp. 17-18; Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and other Treaty Ports, London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Co., 1908, p. 109; W. Feldwick, ed., Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent Chinese at Home and Abroad, London Globe Encyclopedia Co., 1917, p. 576; Professor Woo Sing Lim, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Five Continents Book Company, 1939, p. 4. 23 Unfortunately all the records in the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs were destroyed or lost during the Japanese occupation and hence anyone trying to reconstruct the history of the District Watch must work mostly from scraps of information found in government publications, newspapers, books. 24 My guess is that a large number were traditional Chinese merchants from the Five Districts operating on a relatively small scale. The Committee after 1891 represented the views of a more westernised and modernised elite with a knowledge of modern business techniques and modern financial manipulations. Dr. Ho Kai, for example, played the stock exchange with great success and speculated in many fields, particularly land development. He was, properly speaking, a financier although his occupation is often given tout court as lawyer. He had also qualified in medicine at Edinburgh but gave up the practice of medicine soon after his return to Hong Kong in 1882 because of Chinese resistance to western medicine. 25 In 1903, for example, the Committee opposed the re-introduction of the night-pass system but suggested other remedial measures (see Index to Correspondence (General Register) 1894-1904, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1909, p. 100). In 1909 'at the request of the District Watchmen Committee, children who are hawking without a licence are on their first offence sent to the Registrar General who cautions their guardians. This procedure seems to have proved effective in each case' wrote the Registrar General in 1909. It is worth noting that both Registrar General and Committee wanted to end the night-pass system and were opposed by the Captain Superintendent of Police, who was unsuccessful. As for hawkers, very few Chinese regarded them as a serious menace although colonial administrators ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 138 H. J. LETHBRIDGE with a passion for tidiness disliked them intensely. In this case, I suspect, the Registrar General bowed to the will of the Committee. 26 There was a marked tendency for the committees of such associations to grow very large in size-so many affluent Chinese wanted their names recorded as committeemen, and to donate money, without of course doing any committee work. Professor Freedman supplies an explanation for this phenomenon in Singapore: 'Since office-holding occupies a strategic position in the formation of social status, it is not surprising that the structure of associations seems adapted to this function. This adaptation is clear in two features: the elaboration of offices, such that many positions are made available, and the institutional arrangements for filling the offices with the well-to-do', Maurice Freedman, Chinese Marriage and Family in Singapore, London, H.M.S.O., 1957, p. 95. 27 In 1903 the proposed scheme of detectives under the control of the Committee was not approved; but permission was given at a later date, apparently during the First World War and probably because of the shortage of European policemen. 28 In 1938 there were 5 Head District Watchmen, 6 Assistant Head District Watchmen, 26 detectives and 103 uniformed men. The position was approximately the same in 1941. 29 In 1902 the rate paid by Chinese shops was increased slightly and in 1924 it was increased by another 1/4 per cent. 30 Butters writes that the figures which appear annually regarding the cost of living in the report of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs are based on information obtained from the District Watch Force. At my request figures were furnished from the same source showing the cost of living of an ordinary labourer': H. R. Butters, Report on Labour and Labour Conditions in Hong Kong, Sessional Papers, No. 3 of 1939, p. 137. Applications from guilds and trade unions to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs for permission to hold 'sing songs' were granted conditionally on a district watchman attending the meeting to see that nothing unlawful transpired. See Butters, p. 126. The watchmen were always regarded as a source of information about the Chinese population. When the commission on chair and jinricksha coolies attempted to discover whether there was a secret union of public transport workers, the first people they contacted for information about the matter were district watchmen. See Report of the Commission on Chair and Jinricksha Coolies, Sessional Papers, No. 47 of 1901, p. 56. 31 The Registrar General in his report for 1868 made this quite clear: 'the chief object of the Chinese paying these watchmen is to drive away thieves, the cardinal evil of a shop-keeping population, And it is thought that the watchmen succeed, not only in arresting actual offenders, but also in keeping away those who live by pilfering'. 32 These constables were recruited mostly from Weihaiwei, a territory leased to Britain on 1 July, 1898. 33 These facts are taken from the reports of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs for the respective years. 34 See above: note 33. 35 The Lok Sin Tong was an association established by officials and village gentry in Kowloon about 1879 to perform charitable works in the surrounding district. See James Hayes, 'Old ways of Life in Kowloon: The Cheung Sha Wan Villages', Journal of Oriental Studies, vol. viii, 1970, p. 167. The Chung Sing Charitable Society, originally known as the Chung Sing Opera Society, was founded around 1917 by a leading merchant, Tsang Foo. This charity also maintained a free school. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE 139 36 In 1917 there were 31 guilds for employers only (in trades such as silk, sandalwood, wicker furniture and copper), 35 skilled craftsmen guilds (sandalwood workers, masons, tinsmiths, etc.) and 5 guilds with mixed membership (employers and workers). There were also 17 district societies, such as the Heung Shan (Hsiang-shan) resident merchants association and the General Commercial Association of the Tung Kun (Tung-kuan) merchants resident in Hong Kong. See the list of exempted and registered societies in the Gazette, 27 April 1917. 37 Wei Yuk was appointed in 1891 and served until his death in 1929. He resigned several times in order to allow a newcomer to join the Committee but was soon re-appointed. Lau Chu-pak was appointed in 1902 and served until his death in 1922. Sir Shouson Chow was appointed in 1917 and was still a member in 1949, the year of the demise of the Committee. 38 During the years 1929 to 1931 and in 1936 the Committee met four times a year at Government House. Lennox Mills states that members had the right to a guard of the District Watch Force on the occasion of weddings and other festivities'. The Secretary for Chinese Affairs tells us in his report for 1936 that through the kindness of His Excellency the Committee was able to meet the members of the Mui Tsai Commission on the occasion of their first visit to the Colony, 'All members attended and there was a valuable discussion with frank interchange of views'. When the Governor, Sir Henry Blake, left the Colony in 1903 on the day of his departure he inspected the District Watchmen. Clearly, everything was done by the government to give prestige and éclat to the Committee and the force. 19 T. C. Cheng, op. cit., p. 18. 40 Of the Chinese land population in the 1901 census 227,615 returned themselves as natives of Kwangtung Province, 179,296 of this number belonging to the Kwong Chau Prefecture, 28,844 came from Tung-kuan hsien, 28,587 from P'an-yü hsien, and 27,221 from Nan-hai hsien. The situation was substantially the same in the censuses of 1911, 1921 and 1931. In 1911, for example, 311,992 out of 350,418 Chinese in Hong Kong, exclusive of the New Territories, spoke Cantonese, 41 Op. cit., pp. 399-400. 42 Heung Shan, present-day Chung Shan, is the arid county on the west side of the Pearl River, stretching down to Macau. It was the Heung Ha, the Cantonese term for the province, district or village from which each person derives his ancestry, of many prominent Chinese, including Ng Choy (Wu Ting-fang), Yung Wing (Yung Hung), Wong Shing (Huang Shêng), and Sun Yat-sen. Many Chinese merchants in Hong Kong came from this county; for example, Wei Yuk, Ma Ying-piu (founder of the Sincere Company), M. Y. San (before 1941 the largest biscuit manufacturer in China), Tsang Foo, Look Poong-shan (founder of the Bank of Canton). Su Chao-cheng, organiser and leader of the Seamen' Strike in 1922, came from this county; in 1928 Su was elected to the Central Political Bureau of the Chinese Communist Party. The anarchist, Liu Ssu-fu, was also born there. In 1938 the Chung Shan Commercial Association had a membership of over 4,000 in Hong Kong. 43 In 1905, for example, at least seven members of the Committee were compradores to important western firms; one was manager of a native bank; another of a prosperous pawnshop; a third ran a large export firm. Ho Kai was primarily a financier rather than an entrepreneur. See on this point the Chinese speculator Marie-Claire Bergère, "The Role of the Bourgeoisie' in M. C. Wright, ed., China in Revolution: The First Phase 1900-1913, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1968, p. 236. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 140 H. J. LETHBRIDGE 44 Sir Robert Ho Tung was never a member of the District Watch Committee although he was at one time chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital Committee. Sir Robert's brothers—Ho Fook and Ho Kom Tong—and other relatives became members of the Committee. 45 Sir Chau Tsun-nin, who served on the Committee, was the son of Chau Siu-ki, a prominent financier and member of the Committee until his death. Chau Siu-ki (1863-1925) was killed in the collapse of a house during an abnormally heavy rainstorm. 46 I think one may conclude that by the time the Committee met the Registrar General most of the problems to be discussed had been thrashed over previously, most likely at the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce or at the Chinese Club, both located in Connaught Road. There was also a Compradores' Club. 47 For an account of Ho Kai's involvement in Chinese politics see Harold Z. Schiffrin, "The Enigma of Sun Yat-sen", in M. C. Wright, ed., op. cit., pp. 246 ff. 48 The Hong Kong Chinese General Chamber of Commerce was in close touch with the Canton Chamber of Commerce and members flitted between one and the other. Many members of the District Watch Committee had offices and businesses in Canton and invested heavily in Kwangtung enterprises. Many bought land. 49 Ho Kai, however, believed in the 'Open Door' policy in China, which he thought would be beneficial to both China, Hong Kong and the West. See the letter sent to Lord Charles Beresford in Beresford's book, The Break-up of China, London, Harper and Brothers, 1899, pp. 216-233. 50 This is made clear, I feel, by a perusal of the commissions of enquiry into the workings of the Po Leung Kuk and the Tung Wah Hospital. In both cases Ho Kai worked in concert with Lockhart to protect the interests of the Chinese community. Ho Kai was no yes-man. On the other hand, he did use his inside knowledge of government activities to line his own pockets. Endacott states that Ho Kai and his cronies were suspected of spreading rumours about British intentions in the New Territories before the takeover in order to reduce land prices. Endacott, op. cit., p. 263. See also Despatches and other papers relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, Sessional Papers, No. 32 of 1899, p. 20. 51 For example, Ho Fook, Chau Siu-ki and Wei Yuk all died in office. 52 This board was set up to oversee the working of the managing committee and to see that continuity in policy was maintained. 53 See note 52. An important function of the Advisory Board was to see that money was spent wisely. 54 The Committee controlled fee-paying cemeteries at Aberdeen and Tsun Wan. Burial was reserved for Chinese who had been permanently resident in the Colony. 55 This Committee, like the others listed above, was under the chairmanship of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs. Chinese temples were controlled, in accordance with Ordinance No. 7 of 1928, by this Committee. 56 The Chinese Recreation Ground was an open space situated off Hollywood Road. Funds derived from the rents of stalls in both Hollywood Road and the Yaumati Public Square in Kowloon. 57 Before 1941 there were 9 Chinese Public Dispensaries controlled and maintained by a committee under the chairmanship of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs. They were originally established to help combat plague. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE 141 in the Colony. In 1948 they were taken over by the Medical and Health Department. 58 G. W. Skinner, Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand, Ithaca, New York, Yale University Press, 1958, p. 79. 59 James Michie wrote: "The means taken to conciliate the Chinese (in Hong Kong) must be deemed on the whole to have been successful. There was first police supervision, then official protection under a succession of qualified officers, then representation in the Colony Legislature and on the Commission of the Peace. The colonial executive has wisely left to the Chinese a large measure of a kind of self-government which is more effective than anything that could find its expression in votes of the Legislature. The administration of purely Chinese affairs by native committees, with a firm ruling hand over their proceedings, seems to fulfil every purpose of government." The Englishman in China during the Victorian Era, Edinburgh and London, William Blackwood, 1900, vol. 1, pp. 280-1. 60 The Labour Advisory Board was established in 1937 and consisted of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, the Secretary and Cashier of His Majesty's Naval Yard, the Assistant Director of Supply and Transport of the China Command, a representative of the Public Works Department, the Manager of the Taikoo Sugar Refinery, the manager of the Hong Kong Electric Company, and the manager of the Taikoo Dockyard. The members consisted entirely of representatives of large government departments and employers of labour. The board rarely functioned. 61 The Chinese General Chamber of Commerce was founded in 1896 principally by Ho Kai and Wei Yuk. It was called at first the Chinese Merchants Bureau. In 1913, after a period of decline, a new building costing $40,000 was erected in Connaught Road. After 1913 the Chamber became one of the most influential bodies in Hong Kong, and many members of the District Watch Committee served at one time or another on its executive committee. The Chinese Club was founded in 1899 by Sir Robert Ho Tung and modelled on the European Hong Kong Club. A description of the Club's premises is to be found in Mrs. Archibald Little, The Land of the Blue Gown, London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1902, p. 323: "We were taken by the Committee into an upper room, where European comforts of curtains and cushioned arm-chairs were judiciously intermingled with Cantonese elegances of black carved wood and landscape marble." Mrs. Little was a member of the Anti-Footbinding League or Natural Feet Society. 62 See G. William Skinner for a detailed analysis of Chinese associations. See especially ch. 6 of his Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand. 63 For Overseas Chinese associations, see important works by the following: Maurice Freedman, "Immigrants and Associations: Chinese in Nineteenth Century Singapore," Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 3, no. 1, 1960, and Chinese Family and Marriage in Singapore, London, H.M.S.O., 1957; G. W. Skinner, Chinese Society in Thailand: An Analytical History, Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1957, and Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand, Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1958; William E. Willmott, The Political Structure of the Chinese Community in Cambodia, London, The Athlone Press, 1970; and Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life 1850-1898, New Haven, Conn., Yale University Press, 1965. 64 See Wilfred Blythe, The Impact of Chinese Secret Societies in Malaya, London, Oxford University Press, 1969. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g SUNG-TYPE POTTERY FINDS IN HONG KONG 149 among the sites, will at least be an important step towards an understanding of the overall pattern of early cultural and trade relations between China and South-east Asia over a period of several centuries. This comparative study will, of course, become more meaningful still when the pottery traditions of South China are better known, NOTES 1 A report of the finds at Shek Pik by Hayes and Watt appeared in the Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, Vol. I, 1968, pp. 19-23. 2 Jao Tsung-i: Kowloon in Historical Records of Sung Period, Hong Kong 1959. 3 Lo Hsiang-lin: Hong Kong and Its External Communications before 1842, Chapter on “Last of the Sungs", Hong Kong 1963. 4 According to the survey sheets and land ownership schedules kept in the District Office, Islands, New Territories Administration. 5 WW 1963.1, pp. 27-35. 6 WWTKTL 1958.2, pp. 34-37 and WW 1959.6, pp. 62-71. 7 WWTKTL 1958.2, p. 37. 8 L. and C. Locsin: Oriental Ceramics discovered in the Philippines, Tuttle, 1968. 9 Ku-Kung Po-wu-yuan Yuan-k'an, No. 2, 1960, pp. 121-123. 10 WW 1965.2, pp. 26-31. 11 UKK 1965.6, pp. 287-288. 12 Kuang-chou Hsi-ts'un Ka-yao I-tzu, 1958.9, Wen Wu Press. 13 See, for example, Plate V, KKTH 1956.4. Also Plate XVI (2) in J. C. Y. Watt: A Han Tomb in Lei Cheng Uk, Hong Kong, City Museum Handbook, 1970. 14 WWTKTL 1955.10. 15 See notes on pp. 161-3 JHKBRAS Vol. 9, 1969. 16 KK 1962.8 pp. 414-415 and KK 1964.4 pp. 196-199. WWTKTL = Wen-wu-ts'an-k'ao-tzu-liao WW = Wen-wu KKTH = K'ao-ku-t'ung-hsün KK = K'ao-ku Chinese Names and Terms Nim Shu Wan 稔樹灣 Kai Tak 啟德 Page 165 Page 166 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g A SHORT HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN HONG KONG JAMES HAYES* On the occasion of the disbandment of the Hong Kong Volunteer Corps in May 1866, His Excellency, after expressing his thanks for time, exertions and money spent for objects so essentially Public, went on to express his belief that the spirit which originated the Volunteer movement would be found to exist fresher and stronger than before, if any real and urgent necessity were to arise for defending, by force of arms, the rights of the Crown, or maintaining the supremacy of the Law in this Colony. The Hong Kong Volunteers would doubtless in such emergency come to the front again more numerous and efficient than ever! INTRODUCTION There have been military volunteers in Hong Kong for almost as long as there has been a Colony. Hong Kong was occupied in 1841 and the first volunteers were established thirteen years later, in 1854. However, the existence of a Volunteer force does not make Hong Kong unique. In this respect, as is shown below, it takes its place in the great movement which, in its modern re-incarnation, was created by patriotic fervour in the British Isles * Mr. Hayes is a member of the administrative branch of the Hong Kong Civil Service. He is a reserve officer of the Royal Hong Kong Regiment (The Volunteers) and has been Hon. Editor of this Journal since 1966. 1 The Hongkong Government Gazette, 26th May 1866, G.N. No. 81. The footnotes to this article are given at the foot of each page. The following abbreviations are used:- Vol — The Volunteer, the current journal of the Royal Hong Kong Defence Force published annually since 1950. Y.B. = Year Book of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps 1934-40. S.P. = Printed Sessional Papers of the Hong Kong Government, being papers presented to the Legislative Council of Hong Kong. Han. Hong Kong Hansard, being the published proceedings of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong. These were printed in the Government Gazette and the Hong Kong Daily Press. There are bound annual volumes in the library of the Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 152 JAMES HAYES in 1859 and spread outwards through the self-governing and other territories of what became the Commonwealth and Empire. It extended to Britain's Eastern Colonies and to the foreign communities of the treaty ports of China and Japan where, from time to time, various alarms and excursions added self-preservation to the list of factors motivating the continuance or periodic resuscitation of volunteer corps. In Hong Kong the Laws of the Colony early provided for their existence as a constitutional force. A succession of Ordinances established volunteers on a proper basis. The earliest of these was No. 2 of 1862, which was repeated with slight variation in No. 18 of 1882. An important re-modelling was carried out by No. 6 of 1893. This was followed by a Volunteer Reserve Ordinance No. 25 of 1910. Both these Ordinances were replaced by a further Volunteer Ordinance No. 2 of 1920, still modelled largely on the important 1893 Ordinance. Volunteer forces were the rule in the various foreign concessions in China, though save in the larger ones local volunteer forces tended to be formed and reformed whenever events seemed to warrant it. For example, the Shameen Defence Corps was formed after a serious riot in 1884 and was reformed from time to time, e.g. in May 1911 due to the unsettled state of affairs in Canton (see Diary of Events and the Progress on Shameen 1859-1938 compiled by H.S.S. and privately printed about 1938, pp. 19-26). The largest of the China volunteer units was, in time, the Shanghai Volunteer Corps. This originated at two public meetings held in April 1853 and its early doings are described in Chapter XXXV of Lanning and Couling's The History of Shanghai, Part I (Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1921). Interesting details of its development are given here and there in Brigadier J. V. Davidson-Houston's Yellow Creek, The Story of Shanghai (London, Putnam, 1962). As in Hong Kong, the passing of the first emergency resulted in the demise of the Corps. "Enthusiasm for the Volunteer Corps sank to a low ebb, members neglected to turn up for training and it was soon practically defunct" (p. 58). The Corps was again raised in August 1860 with the onset of the Taiping rebels, when 107 volunteers came forward for enrolment (p. 65). However, after the successful operations against the rebels the Corps "wilted and died" and was wound up in 1867 to "pay for its debtor's balance by selling its rifles" although the rifle club continued to function (p. 90). The Corps was again formed in 1870 following the Tientsin massacre and continued in being thereafter, its numbers fluctuating between 250-350 for the rest of the 19th century (pp. 92-93). It then continued to grow in size, like the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps, to meet the difficulties of the troubled 1920s and the war with Japan. The number of foreign residents in China is relevant to the size and location of Volunteer Corps. Some figures are given at pp. 292-295 of J. Dyer Ball's Things Chinese or Notes Connected with China, 4th edition, Hongkong, Kelly and Walsh 1903. There were, for instance, 4,424 foreigners in Shanghai (exclusive of those living in the French Settlement) in 1895 and 6774 in 1900. The Hong Kong Census of 1891 listed 10,446 British and foreign residents. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 154 JAMES HAYES account which is intended to provide a factual background to, and trace the major influences on, local volunteering over this long period. DEVELOPMENT AND ORGANISATION (a) 1854-1914 The different motivations, needs and attitudes of changing times provide some of the most interesting aspects of the history of the Hong Kong Volunteer Force. Danger is always a stimulus to volunteer efforts and the first Volunteers owed their origin to a foreign 'scare' occurring at a time of war with Russia and imagined insecurity in Hong Kong. This led the colonial authorities in June 1854 to take the initiative in calling for a corps of Volunteers for the defence of the lives and properties of themselves and their families in the temporary absence of a naval force sufficient to deal with an emergency. (It is interesting that Government called for an Auxiliary Police Force at the same time.) This call lost its magic when the emergency did not materialise and naval protection was restored, and for a few years there were no Volunteers in being.7 Attempts to form a new Corps in 1857 proved an utter failure, the subject was mooted in the press in 1860 without result, and the eventual establishment of a new body of Volunteers on 7 April 1862 can be traced to an enthusiast, Captain Frederick Brine, Royal Engineers, a regular officer who had formed the Shanghai Volunteers in 1861 and went on to form other corps at Hankow and Yokohama. This second Hong Kong corps was disbanded in May 1866. A third Volunteer Corps was formed in May 1878, arising out of the danger of war with Russia the previous year. It was entitled the Hong Kong Artillery and Rifle Volunteer Corps. Endacott gives a succinct account of this body: It numbered 150 by the end of the year, but when the crisis passed interest waned; there were quarrels, and all 7 See Vol, 1954, pp. 17-23 and Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, (Oxford University Press, 1958) pp. 90, 119. 8 Endacott, pp. 119-120. The Hong Kong Volunteers were organised as a battery of artillery with a band and rifle company added within a year see Major Arthur Chapman's article in Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai, etc. (1908) p. 274. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g # HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 155 equipment borrowed from the military had to be returned. Numbers fell, and by 1881 it practically ceased to exist. After Hennessy left, an appeal was made for government assistance, and Marsh, the administrator, agreed. The Volunteer Corps was disbanded, and a new Volunteer Corps consisting of two companies of Artillery was formed in November 1882, on a new basis which gave the volunteers more official standing.9 The Volunteer Ordinance No. 18 of 1882 regulated the reorganised body. The second and third Hong Kong Volunteer Corps spanned the period in which a renewed interest was taken in the volunteer movement in Britain. There had always been volunteer forces in Britain, especially during the Great War with France 1793-1814, but these then fell almost entirely into abeyance until 1859 when, because of a national panic arising from the hostile tone of the French Army and Government, and what was considered by many to be the defenceless state of the country, they were revived chiefly as rifle volunteers but partly as light horse, artillery and engineers.10 The large Volunteer Force that was formed at that time continued in being, gave valuable help to 9 Endacott, p. 179. 10 Sir J. W. Fortescue's County Lieutenancies and the Army gives a full account of the various forces raised at this period. More recently, an excellent account of one county's volunteer units is given in C. T. Atkinson's The Royal Hampshire Regiment, Volume 1, up to 1914, (the University Press, Glasgow, 1950, at pp. 375-377 and 430-435). Mr. Atkinson's account provides interesting background and comparison for the present article. He states that "like the original Volunteers of 1793-1814 the new corps provided their own arms and equipment and served at their own cost, except if called out for actual service. Volunteers were therefore normally of some substance, well-paid artisans, shopkeepers, clerks or even small professional men or manufacturers; people who normally stood aloof from national defence, they did not join the Militia and were equally unlikely to enlist in the Regulars or to aspire to a commission." Originally formed in many independent single-company corps, the volunteers were gradually converted into definite battalions and, later (1888) into volunteer infantry brigades. As with volunteer corps everywhere, opinions differed as to their need and usefulness, particularly in time of peace and, as Atkinson says, "it wanted enthusiasm, determination and devotion to carry on with the volunteer movement in those discouraging days, (in the 1870s and 1880s) and the country owes much to the officers and men who persevered." In Britain, the volunteers were converted into the Territorial Force on 1st April, 1908 and organised on the pattern of the Regulars into divisions and yeomanry brigades. Like the volunteers, the Territorial Force was specifically designed for home defence. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 156 JAMES HAYES the regular army and militia during the South African War 1899-1902 and was reorganised as the Territorial Force (TA) in the Army Reforms of 1908. This movement influenced events in many colonies, and in the future Dominions of Canada and Australia. Hong Kong was thus no exception to the rule, particularly as, in her case, there were recurrent times of insecurity and uncertainty in the years to come. — Another factor in the emergence of Hong Kong Volunteers at various times, and especially in its continuous manifestation from 1893 onwards, was the concern shown for Imperial Defence. Besides being an important port for the trade of and with China, Hong Kong was a naval base for coaling and refitting warships and was considered to be a vital link in the defence and maintenance of communications with the eastern parts of Britain's far-flung empire. In the 1880s there was much talk of its security which led first to the construction and arming of new batteries for coast defence at much cost—the Lei Yue Mun Fort dates from this time—and in the late 1890s the demand for the lease of the New Territories was made partly on defence grounds. This concern is reflected in the 1893 Volunteer Ordinance which made provision for two different bodies, the ordinary Volunteers—already well known to Hong Kong—and the Coast Defence Volunteers, who are here mentioned for the first time. (This Act also made the Hong Kong Volunteers subject to the Army Act whilst on active service in the same way as the Volunteers in England, and placed the Corps under the supervision of the Military Authorities).12 Imperial Defence was also later responsible, in 1902, for the conversion of the Corps, then comprising a field battery, machine gun and infantry companies, into garrison artillery which led to dissatisfaction among members and some resignations.13 The final stimulus at the end of the century was the enthusiasm and inspiration derived from being part of the British Empire which reached its emotional and material zenith in the decade between Queen Victoria's Silver and Diamond Jubilees in 1887 and 1897. An echo of this time remains in the Great Queen's 11 S.P., 1884-85, p. 83. 12 Section 18 of No. 6 of 1893 and Han., 1893, p. 70, 13 Twentieth Century Impressions, p. 277. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 157 statue now in Victoria Park at Causeway Bay which, up to 1941, stood in Statue Square, beside the Hong Kong Club in the centre of the city. Continuing with our survey, the period from 1893 up to the outbreak of war with Germany in 1914 was one of great activity for the Hong Kong Volunteers. It was one in which a great many important persons in the local community joined the Corps and when, reading between the lines, it was not only the 'done thing' to join the Volunteers but might be remarked upon if one did not. Pressure came from the Governor himself. When the Volunteer Reserve Ordinance of 1910 was in passage, Sir Frederick Lugard ended his statement by saying "I think that every young Englishman in this Colony ought to join the Volunteers, and every Englishman who is no longer young ought to join the force which I hope will at once be enrolled when this bill has been read a third time."14 The Volunteer Corps' annual inspection reports for the period are available in Hong Kong. They were printed for tabling at Legislative Council, itself an indication of an important activity. They make interesting reading and show the vitality of the Corps and its impact on Hong Kong European polite society and on the Establishment.15 As stated, the Governors of the time took a keen interest in the Corps and it was Sir Mathew Nathan himself (Governor 1902-07 and formerly an officer of the Royal Engineers) who is credited with inspiring the formation in 1906 of the Mounted Troop—known irreverently as "Mathew's Mounted Mugs"16—and the institution of the Volunteer Reserve Association which was eventually embodied by Ordinance in 1910. Another, more temporary, inspiration in 1899 had been the calling out of the Volunteers to assist the Regulars in repelling an expected attack on Kowloon by New Territories' villagers in arms against the British take-over, and their part in the occupation of the Kowloon Walled City later in the same year.17 Much of this resurgence in the popularity of the military—a phenomenon which is usually held to be un-British— 14 Han., 1910, p. 91. 15 See S.P., 1894-1908. 16 Vol, 1954, p. 50. was 17 See S.P., 1900, pp. 637-638, Y.B., 1940, p. 23, and Vol, 1954, p. 43. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 158 JAMES HAYES undoubtedly due to the Volunteer Movement and to the succession of small imperial wars in the last 25 years of the 19th century which popularised the Army, and fed the emotional needs of imperial Britain in the Victorian age. Between 1902 and 1914 it was due to the sobering effect of the Boer War and the growing realisation by many of the need to reform and rearm against a possible European enemy. Soldiers, in short, were in the public eye, and Hong Kong was no exception to the general rule. Here, and in the treaty ports, another factor in the popularity of, and support given to, the volunteer corps was the pool of potential recruits provided by the employees of the major European firms, many of whom had attended public schools in Britain and were well suited by their education and sentiment to play a leading part in the volunteer movement. (b) 1914-41 The 1914-18 War saw many Volunteers go off to the War in Europe, and led to increased duties for the Corps due to the need to employ regular forces on active service elsewhere. Numbers dropped and compulsory service was introduced in 1917.18 In 1920, shortly after the War, a new Volunteer Ordinance was introduced to replace those of 1893 and 1910 which regulated the existing Volunteer Corps and Volunteer Reserve. When introduced into the Legislative Council, it was stated to closely follow the old Ordinance, but with a few changes to meet altered times. The Volunteer Force was now "considered desirable for two reasons for defence against foreign enemies, and also in order to assist the Police and regular forces in case of any serious local disturbances'19 (my italics). We are coming nearer our own times in which the present Regiment was called upon in 1966 and again in 1967 to assist with “duties in aid of the civil power” i.e., internal security. The obligation to serve was also to become more serious. Every Volunteer was to be deemed to have engaged himself to serve for a period of three years and if he left before this without showing good cause he would henceforth have to 18 For the war period see Vol, 1954, pp. 58-67 and Endacott, pp. 284-285. See also the Military Service Ordinance, No. 19 of 1917, 19 Han., 1920, p. 15. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 159 pay certain sums into the Corps Funds. These variations to the old Ordinance are important as no fixed period under penalty had been enjoined in it, and no special duties other than active military service had been envisaged for the force. The reasons for these changes must again be sought in the changing nature of the times. The educated youth and the industrial labour of China had entered into a period of unrest and discontent brought about by their country's weakness. China had entered the war as an ally of the Western powers in 1917 but despite this they refused to give up tariff privileges and treaty ports (the European concessions) or to make their other Eastern ally, Japan, relinquish her territorial encroachments on China. The 1920s were a time of growing internal strife in China coupled with increased resentment of the West. Hong Kong was not excluded from the impact of ideological struggle. The Seaman's Strike of 1922 and the General Strike of 1925-26 crippled the port and damaged the economy of the Colony. An emergency situation existed, and thus a fresh impetus was given to the Volunteer Corps whose services were again needed for humdrum but essential work. Colonel H. Owen Hughes recalls being called out for six weeks in 1925, and combining office work by day with duty by night patrolling the streets and guarding hospitals and vulnerable points.20 Whoever decided that a new Ordinance was needed in 1920 was a man of prescience and discernment. Other amendments were made to the Volunteer Ordinance in 1926 and 1927 (No. 15 of 1926 and No. 27 of 1927) in the light of contemporary requirements. By the late thirties hostilities were again threatening in Western Europe and Japan's gradual encroachments in China led to actual war in 1937 and the occupation of Canton the following year. The danger which these events might bring to Hong Kong had already been anticipated. The Corps grew in size during this period and the Year Books between 1934 and 1940 make interesting reading. In the first issues we see that, following the Ordinance of 1933, the Volunteer Defence Corps consisted of one battery of artillery, a machine gun battalion that included three machine gun companies, corps infantry (largely Portuguese) and corps engineers and signals and armoured cars with a reserve company. 20 Vol, 1964, p. 42. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 160 JAMES HAYES By 1940 this force had been considerably expanded to include four batteries of artillery and one anti-aircraft battery, seven machine gun or rifle companies, a mobile column consisting of two platoons of armoured cars and three of medium machine guns, a fortress signal company, corps signals and engineers, an Army Service Corps company and others. All these men were recruited as volunteers, although no doubt some of them felt that the pressure exerted upon them by events and by their fellow-men made it easier to fall in with the rest than stay away. At any rate, the Commandant was able to say in 1940 that "the Corps is now as strong as it is ever likely to be".21 The G.O.C., Lieutenant-General E. F. Norton clearly thought they were good in quality as well as in numbers, because in a message dated 30th October, 1940 he said that the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps was "in an eminently satisfactory state of efficiency".22 This was no doubt true despite rapid expansion, but only because, as the Year Books show, its leaders had long been aware of the growing danger from Japan in the east and Germany in the west. In his message for the Year Book of 1936 the then G.O.C. had made a particular point of urging on the drive for volunteers,23 and in the 1937 issue the Editorial emphasized that, however willing, young men were useless in an emergency without previous training.24 Of the drive for efficiency there can also be no doubt. The Commandant's annual report ended with the statement that the headquarters staff of the Corps "had one object and interest..... to make the unit as efficient as possible to take its place beside the regular Army in the defence of the Colony.”25 The expansion of these last few pre-war years contains one feature of great significance: the inclusion of Hong Kong Chinese in the Corps in separate units. No. 4 (Chinese) Company was formed in October, 1937 "with two platoons each of 30 machine gunners"26 and No. 7 Company some time later. The Corps had been slow in this respect; although it is clear from the Com- 21 Y.B., 1940, p. 7. 22 Y.B., 1940, p. 4. 23 Y.B., 1936, p. 6. 24 Y.B., 1937, p. 3. 25 Y.B., 1937, p. 7. 26 Y.B., 1938, p. 47. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 161 mandant's annual report in the 1937 Year Book that there had been numbers of Chinese members serving in different units in the Corps before 1937.27 Some stimulus was required, and No. 4 Company's contribution to the 1938 Year Book tells us what it was. "Encouraged by the records of the Chinese units in the Shanghai and Malay Volunteers, Headquarters considered that the inclusion of a Chinese unit in the Hong Kong Defence Force was fully justified."28 This was a real innovation, even if it was partly brought about by the preparation for war and the search for more men. All through the 19th century and early 20th century, though it far outnumbered the European community, the Chinese element in the Colony, was considered to be the shifting sector of the population with the European element as the hard core. The fact that Chinese were willing to serve and were coming forward in numbers on a voluntary basis is a significant development, not only in the history of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps but of the Colony itself. These men were not coolies and street traders, but belonged to the settled middle-class that had developed in Hong Kong Chinese society over the years since 1841. War came to Hong Kong in December 1941. Including auxiliary units, the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Force had a mobilised strength of 2,200 at the Japanese Invasion.29 It played a memorable, and costly, part in the defence of the Colony and its members suffered along with their Regular comrades and civilian internees during three and a half years of imprisonment that included, for some, transfer to Japan to work in essential industry, like coalmines. The story of these years has been told elsewhere,30 but the fighting and the period as prisoners of war cost the H.K.V.D.F. the lives of 172 officers and men killed in action or died of wounds, 39 missing, believed killed, and 78 died as P.O.W. The Force was awarded 1 C.B.E., 1 D.S.O., 4 M.B.E.s, 3 M.C.s, 1 D.C.M., 6 M.M.s, 3 B.E.M.s and 18 27 Y.B., 1937, p. 6. 28 Y.B., 1938, p. 47. There is, however, a reference to 'all races' volunteering in 1914-18 for the forces and to serve with the Volunteers in Endacott, p. 284. 29 Vol, 1954, p. 112. 30 See note 6 above. 31 Vol, 1954, p. 111. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 162 JAMES HAYES mentions in despatches.32 On 1st May 1951, H.M. The King was pleased to approve the change of title of the Hong Kong Defence Force to be, in future, the Royal Hong Kong Defence Force and, in 1957, it was accorded the right to carry the battle-honour 'Hong Kong' like those Regular Infantry units that had taken part in the defence of the Colony. The Honour is worn on the Queen's Colour at present carried by The Hong Kong Regiment (The Volunteers).34 (c) The Post-War Period. The Volunteer Ordinance was re-enacted in 1948, and again in 1951; only this time, for the first time in the history of volunteer soldiering in the Colony, the Corps, now under the new Ordinance styled the Royal Hong Kong Defence Force, had to absorb and train conscripts recruited under the Compulsory Service Ordinance of 1951, as well as volunteer members. The new post-war Volunteer Ordinance of 1948 made a departure in that it created an infantry battalion to be known as "The Hong Kong Regiment", in addition to Force Head Quarters units. Whilst there had been a Machine Gun Battalion before the war it was more a collection of companies than a battalion organisation. As Colonel H. Owen Hughes who was the first C.O. of the new unit remarks, "The essential difference from the former H.K.V.D.C. was our establishment as an Infantry Battalion as opposed to the local formations of pre-war day, when the Corps had no proper Establishment but consisted of a number of independent and mostly support units, developed on an ad hoc basis". The 1951 Volunteer records that strength had crept up from 19 officers and 282 other ranks the previous year to 21 officers and 318 men, but was "still woefully short".36 It was at that juncture that the decision was taken by the Hong Kong Government to introduce a Compulsory Service Ordinance, since volunteers alone could not provide the numbers required. 32 Vol, 1954, p. 111. For war service in Hong Kong and elsewhere. 33 Vol, 1954, p. 111. 34 Vol, 1957, pp. 3 and 11-12. And now on the guidon carried by the Royal Hong Kong Regiment following the reorganisation mentioned in note 3 above. 35 Vol, 1964, pp. 42 and 45. 36 Vol, 1951, p. 31. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 163 for defence and internal security purposes. This Ordinance was similar to that introduced in Britain in the early post-war years, and was equally unpopular. It was suspended in 1961, having outlasted the British one by two years. Thereafter the Force reverted to Volunteers. Apart from retaining one infantry company and a Home Guard Company, the former infantry organisation was discontinued and the Hong Kong Regiment was reorganised as a reconnaissance unit with internal security duties, companies converting to squadrons, one of them later equipped with armoured cars. VOLUNTEER PERSONNEL Who were the Volunteers during this hundred years and more of service? Generally speaking they were mostly Europeans up to the establishment of Chinese companies in 1937-38, since when Chinese have played an increasingly important part in the manning of the Volunteer Force. The names of the famous Ninety-Nine who signed the Colonial Secretary's circular on 30th May 1854 show a predominantly British group with some Portuguese, Germans and Scandinavians. By 21st June following their number had risen to 127 comprising 92 British, 4 Danes and Swedes, 8 Germans, 16 Portuguese, 1 Italian, 1 Frenchman and individuals from 5 other countries. This mixture was representative of the polyglot foreign population of the time. It has been a feature of Volunteer life in the early and later periods, though not in the middle years from 1893. The Ordinance of 1862 made it easy for persons who were not British subjects to join. Volunteers needed only to be "such and so many of the Inhabitants of Hongkong as shall volunteer and offer themselves, and as His Excellency the Governor shall approve of" (Clause 1). Neither did the Rules and Regulations approved on 14th May 1862 make any stipulations about nationality. Christians and non-Christians alike were acceptable and could make either an oath or declaration of allegiance to Her Majesty Queen Victoria and of faithful service during the term of enrolment (Clause VIII). There then came a change. Whilst the 1893 Ordinance, though being more specific in many things, still said nothing to exclude 37 Vol, 1954, p. 21 38 Vol, 1954, p. 20. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 164 JAMES HAYES foreign nationals offering their services and having them accepted, the Rules and Regulations published in 1899 provided (Section 8) that no person was eligible to become a member of the Corps unless, inter alia, he was a British subject. It is interesting that neither the 1920 Ordinance nor its Regulations continued this requirement. It reappeared in the 1933 Ordinance, but only to the extent that all officers had to be British subjects, nothing being said about the men. We have corroboration that there were members who were not British subjects in the 1930s because the Commandant's Report in the 1937 Year Book mentions that 31 Dutch and German members had resigned during the past twelve months because they "were in danger of losing their national status should they continue to serve"39 It is not certain who was the first Hong Kong Chinese to join the Volunteer Corps. As stated above, he would not have had to have been a British subject until 1893. After that date he would have had to have been one and, in addition to age and health requirements, would have also had to be proposed by two members of the particular unit of the Corps to which he sought admission and be approved of by the Commanding Officer of the Unit and of the Commandant of the Corps, with his name, and those of his proposers, posted for not less than five days before admission (Section 9 of the 1899 Regulations). It is unlikely that these rules were designed to keep out Chinese. Indeed the thought that they might join probably never entered the framers' heads. It was not likely that Chinese would have been interested anyway, unlike Europeans other than British subjects, some of whom may have looked back with regret on the free and easy days of early volunteering in the Colony. As it happened, Hong Kong Chinese had more chance of admission than foreigners, as Hong Kong birth provided British nationality; and by this time many sons of the educated, well-established Chinese business families of the Colony would have qualified for entry had they been sufficiently interested in what, after all, would have been a strange environment. The 1920 Ordinance made no stipulations on nationality, which probably explains why a faded picture of the Armoured Car Company in 1926, shown at the Centenary Exhibition in 1954, features the late Sir Man- 39 Y.B., 1937, p. 6. Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 165 kam Lo (1893-1959) as a private.40 He was Oxford-educated and a prominent barrister, related through marriage to the Ho Tung family, and thus could fit in. He was no doubt persuaded to join because of the emergency created by the General Strike of 1925-26; that is, if he had not joined earlier. It would be interesting to know whether he was the first, or among the first, Hong Kong Chinese to join the Corps.41 Because of the empire-wide Volunteer Movement and because of or perhaps despite two World Wars, the British volunteers have often been ex-Regulars, ex-Militia or, mostly, ex-Volunteers either at home or in other places. A few examples will show this general tendency over the years. H. H. Read, who sent a letter and photograph of the 1882 Volunteers for the 1937 Year-book, mentions that he had come out from England in 1882 “and having served in the 2nd Norfolk Rifle Volunteers (Windsor Review 1881) I joined the Hong Kong Volunteer Artillery which was commanded by Col. Crawford, R. A.”.42 Sir John Carrington, Chief Justice of Hong Kong, who was Commandant of the Corps 1896-1901, had served with the British Guiana Militia before coming to Hong Kong.43 Arthur Chapman, Commandant from 1907, had come to Hong Kong in 1889 as Assessor of Rates and had served in his native Yorkshire for some years as a member of the 1st East Riding of Yorkshire Royal Garrison Artillery (Volunteers).44 Many other examples could be quoted, including His Excellency Sir Thomas Southorn, Colonial Secretary and Officer Administering the Government in 1935 who, in his address to the Corps printed in the 1935-36 Year Book, was described as "a Volunteer in Ceylon for many years".45 In the later period, because of two world wars, the amount of previous military experience met with in the Volunteers has been considerable, particularly in the period between the wars when there were many persons in the Colony who had seen much service in 1914-18. When the Volunteers got going in earnest 40 Vol, 1954, p. 240. 41 But see note 28 above. 42 Y.B., 1937, p. 28. 43 J. W. Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 2 Vols, 1898): see index. 44 Twentieth Century Impressions, p. 277. 45 Y.B., 1935-36, p. 4. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 166 JAMES HAYES four or five years after the end of the war, after a period of not unexpected lack of interest in any kind of soldiering, it is recorded by Colonel H. Owen Hughes that an evening spent in the Cricket Club brought forward a whole platoon (No. 1 Platoon of No. 1 Company) "many of whom had held a Commission in the War"46 Many of the Volunteers of this time had also served pre-war in Volunteer units elsewhere, and their records of service make interesting reading. As time went on, too, several generations of families, Portuguese, Eurasians, Chinese and also some Europeans with either a home or family continuity in the Colony through business or professional interests, provided several generations of volunteers. This is particularly true of the last 40 years, and many of the present generation of volunteers can give the names of fathers, uncles and cousins who have been volunteers, not just during the period of conscription, but stretching back into the inter-war and even to the pre-1914 period. An interesting study could be made of the social composition of the officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the Hong Kong Volunteers, at different periods in their history, to relate recruitment to the various racial groups and classes of persons available and to establish, what, if any, barriers were raised to the entry of any of these at any time. DRESS AND EQUIPMENT (a) Dress. Few photographs have survived from the earlier days of volunteering in Hong Kong. Of two that are mentioned in our records, one is of Volunteers in the 1860s and was shown at the centenary exhibition in 1954.47 Another dates from the 1880s and was sent by H. H. Read, mentioned above, with his letter to the Commandant for the Year Book for 1937. Some light on dress at this period is shed by the Rules and Regulations of 1882 (but not, unfortunately, by those promulgated in 1862). Section 27 of the 1882 Rules and Regulations state that "the uniform of the Corps will consist of a blue cloth Tunic with * Plates 11-20 illustrate this article. They relate to the middle period of Volunteer history, 1895-1932. 46 Vol, 1964, p. 42. 47 Vol, 1954, p. 239. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 167 scarlet collar and cuffs, black braiding, scarlet cord shoulder knots, and white metal buttons the same as worn by the late Corps. Blue cloth trousers with broad red stripes, the same as the Royal Artillery. Helmet of approved pattern with red pug-garee and white metal chin strap. Forage Caps of blue cloth with red band and red button on top." Under Section 30 officers were to provide their own clothing and accoutrements 'which will be as nearly as possible of the pattern and style of the Royal Artillery, substituting silver for gold lace' whilst under Section 31 a simple mess dress for all members under the rank of Commissioned Officers was to be approved and sanctioned, and could be worn as members thought fit on occasions of public entertainment. One of the interesting things about these early volunteers is that they were not confined to wearing uniform on duty but (Section 10 of the 1862 Rules and Regulations) were permitted to wear their uniform at any time, though considered as if on duty when doing so. This permissive attitude apparently persisted into the 1880s and it was not until the 1893 Act that soldiering was taken rather more seriously in this respect. The occasion was then taken to remove the, at one time fairly numerous, class of Honorary Member permitted under the 1862 and 1882 Rules who, on payment of an annual subscription to the funds of the Corps of not less than $5, could (1882 Rules) 'wear on all public occasions the uniform of the Corps and could take part in all shooting matches and other amusements' though not liable to be called upon to perform military duty. By 1893 the uniform had changed from blue to khaki. The Third Schedule to the Volunteer Ordinance of that year sets out the various uniforms appropriate to the various units and prescribes that to be provided and kept by officers. As usual, this was more elaborate than for the men and included mess kit as well as khaki. A photograph showing a gunner of this period is given in the 1954 centenary edition of The Volunteer ‘looking' as the writer recalled 'rather like a Sikh Policeman'.48 Another gunner of the same period describes the dress as being 'Khaki Uniforms with Indian Army topees in summer and blue-cloth uniforms and pill box caps in the winter. But though khaki was usual, 48 Vol, 1954, p. 44. 49 Vol, 1954, p. 43. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 168 JAMES HAYES it too could be brightened up pre-1914 in that, as Major Stewart writes 'shirts, boots and socks we provided ourselves. In the matter of shirts each man was free to follow his own individual choice, and thus a 'shirt-sleeves parade' provided a colourful and variegated spectacle',50 The First Schedule (Second and Third Appendices) to the 1920 Ordinance lists the uniform for officers and members respectively and for the first time kilts, sporrans, Balmoral caps and Highland garters appear in the list of items provided, in this case for a Scottish Company. This list is repeated in the 1933 Ordinance, again in the Second and Third Appendices to the First Schedule, only this time the kilts for the Scottish Company are specified as being "Gordon" instead of "khaki serge". It is also recorded that members of the Anzac Company were to be issued with a "Hat, Felt. Service dress..... 1". These items of equipment continued, more or less, until the outbreak of war in December 1941. Many photographs in the Year Books show the Corps' appearance at that time. In accordance with this pattern of regulation, the 1948 Ordinance and the 1951 Ordinance continued to specify items of clothing whilst at all times, there have been instructions issued by Commanding Officers on the subject. As early as the 1882 Ordinance, it was stated (Section 30) that “special dress regulations will hereafter be issued". Unlike the other ranks, officers had to provide and maintain their own uniforms and appointments at their own expense until the 1920 Ordinance. This, for the first time, included an allowance to be paid to each officer on his first appointment as an officer in the Corps (Section 9(1) of the Volunteer Regulations of that year), since repeated in later Ordinances or Regulations. (b) Weapons and Equipment It is not intended here to give a recital of this important aspect of Volunteer history, but only to give a few facts from the middle period, by way of illustration. In the 1880s the batteries were equipped with 7 pounder RML guns and the machine gun company with Maxim machine guns which were the weapons 50 Vol, 1954, p. 54. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 169 used into the 1890s and were carried on the short spells of active service in Kowloon and Kowloon City in 1899.51 The Maxims 'jammed continually, the barrels sometimes becoming red hot' according to E. B. Wetenhall.52 These light field guns were apparently dragged into action and on review, as he recalls marching in this way to Happy Valley for Queen Victoria's Jubilee celebrations in 1897.53 The same old Volunteer recalls that the rifles of the day were Martini Henry carbines, old discarded Household Cavalry weapons 'which kicked like the devil' when fired.54 About 1900, recalls Major Chapman, 'the six obsolete 7 pounder RML guns and the Martini Henry carbines were replaced by six 2.5 inch RML mountain guns and Lee Enfield rifles and M. E. carbines'. In 1904 these guns were replaced by 15 pounder BL guns and the rifles with the new army pattern, the MLE short.55 Apart from the 1854 body which was government-inspired and improvised, the Volunteer Corps in its early years met all expenses by raising its own funds. In the 1860s surviving in part into the 1880s the cost of the Volunteer Force was met from sums levied on members annually and on enrolment. According to Section 5 of the 1862 Rules and Regulations the entrance fee was $5 for effective members with monthly subscriptions of $5 for officers, $2 for staff Sergeants and Sergeants and $1 for the rank and file, whilst Honorary Members had to pay an annual subscription of $25, payable in advance. Fines were imposed for misdemeanours and also went towards Corps funds. In 1882 similar subscriptions and fines were imposed and (Section 43) all ammunition used in excess of a stated Government provision had to be paid for by the Corps or by individuals. However, changes were made in this period whereby the Volunteer movement, no longer left to its own unaided resources, became an established part of Colonial life. The Governor arranged for full equipment, guns and rifles to be supplied and a regular artillery officer was 51 Twentieth Century Impressions, p. 275. 52 Vol, 1954, p. 44. 53 Vol, 1954, p. 46. 54 Vol, 1954, p. 46. 55 Twentieth Century Impressions, pp. 275-277. The weapons and equipment of the 1920s-1930s are well documented in the Year Books 1934-40. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 170 JAMES HAYES supplied as Commandant.56 This trend intensified in the period after 1893. Indeed, in general terms, the 1893 Ordinance marks the transition from a private army to a public body subject to full military discipline and supervision and official financial scrutiny. This did not mean that public funds were to be spent lavishly on the Volunteer Corps. In the 1930s the Year Books speak rather wistfully of the fact that the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps was not treated so generously by its Government as were the Volunteers of the Colonial Governments of the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States, and did not have 'a fairy godmother' such as the Shanghai Volunteer Corps possessed in their Municipal Council57 (though in fairness it should be stated that their economies were more prosperous than Hong Kong's at this time). For instance, the need for a new Headquarters was pressing at this period and negotiations with Government were slow but had by February 1936 reached the stage when, as R. S. M. Parkinson observed sardonically at the Sergeants' Mess Annual Dinner 'they could confidently expect the building up within the next decade'.58 Like other departments of the public service, the Volunteers had to present their case for funds and take their turn in the queue. This account is no more than an introduction to the subject, which is large and important enough to deserve a full-length study similar to those of regular regiments of the British Army by professional military historians such as C. T. Atkinson, S. H. F. Johnston, and Marcus Cunliffe. However, even a short article demonstrates that Hong Kong Volunteers have a long and interesting history which in its military, community and social aspects is so much interwoven with the development of the Colony at large. Finally, Volunteering is required to generate its own momentum. In the pages of the pre-war Year Books, the post-war Volunteer Magazine and the letters and reminiscences of former Volunteers, there is abundant evidence of the spirit which has 56 Endacott, p. 209. 57 Y.B., 1935-36, p. 7 and 1938, p. 8. 58 Y.B., 1938, p. 35. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K. 171 kept the Force alive at all periods of need and, in quieter times, has kept the few going to whom volunteering is a way of life and worth doing for its own sake. One illustration of this may serve for the rest. When the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, General (later Lord) Harding inspected the Hong Kong contingent of the Coronation Parade that went to London in 1952 he said to C. S. M. Walker “You're a P. S. I., of course." Walker's chest swelled about three inches. "No, sir," he replied “a Volunteer with thirty years service" 59 59 Vol, 1953, p. 27. P.S.I, is Permanent Staff Instructor, seconded from the Regular Army. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE COLONY OF HONG KONG 173 a Convention between Captain Elliott, who was then our plenipotentiary, and the Chinese commissioner Ke-shen; and some adventurous spirits had soon after located themselves on it. Ke-shen got into disgrace with his government for the cession; but it was fully confirmed by the subsequent treaty, and the island received the status of a Colony from an order in Council dated the 5th April, 1843, its principal town to be dignified with the name of our Queen. When I arrived, it was under the government of Sir Henry Pottinger, who had brought the war to a successful close. To give you an idea of the place as I first saw it, I had proposed to take a walk with you along the Queen's Road from the west to the east, but I found that that would take too much time. That road was marked out, in many places imperfectly, from Sae-wan on towards Aberdeen, the waters of the bay, from which so much land has since been taken, coming, in the greater part of its course between East and West points, up to it on the north, Hollywood Road, and the streets running down from it to the Queen's Road, were also indicated in a rudimentary fashion. A little beyond the present Sailors' Home, were the Naval Stores, and, south of them, all the indentation of the hill where the Reformatory now stands was occupied with tents and huts peopled by the 55th Regiment. From that eastwards all was blank to the bluff where the Civil Hospital rises, and on which was a bungalow built by Jamieson, How & Co., and occupied by Mr. Edger, belonging to that firm, and in later years a member of the Legislative Council. On the other side of the road were some godowns of the same firm, washed by the sea. The next European buildings were Gibb, Livingston & Co.'s premises, enclosed within a ring fence, and where partners and employés all managed to reside, with none of the massive godowns which now seem to serve as buttresses to the offices. Up and down, and athwart, T'ae-p'ing-shan, were thread-like paths, with a Chinese house here and there, but the ground was mainly boulder and sandy gravel. Turning to the west, where Wellington Street runs into Queen's Road, you could see a few Chinese houses on either side of the latter, and Jervois Street was in course of formation, the houses on the north side of it having the waters of the bay washing about among them. Eastwards from the same point on to Pottinger Street, Queen's Road was pretty well lined with Chinese houses; ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE COLONY OF HONG KONG 177 It ought always to be considerably lower than that, seeing the majority of our population consists of people in the prime of life, and we have hardly any of the deaths of the very old, and not so many of the deaths of children, which are the principal elements in the mortality at home. My belief, however, is that for young people coming out here, who will live regularly, and somewhat abstemiously rather than the contrary, the chances of their living out, and being uninjured by, the years of their sojourn, are quite as good as they would be in London. Returning from this digression on the health of the Colony, I may observe that before the end of 1843, I moved from the Morrison Hill to a house in D'Aguilar Street, that now forming the offices of Lapraik & Co. It was then a very different house from the present, and hardly half the size, but I had to pay $130 a month for it. Those were good days for parties who had houses to let. In the following year I moved to a house in Hollywood Road, which I had built, and which was subsequently for many years the Printing office of the London Missionary Society. From these two houses I used to walk to the Post Office which I have mentioned, when there was any arrival in the harbour by which I might expect letters. If there were any letters for me I got them; and then the postmaster would say, "Here are letters also for so and so, and so and so, and so and so, in your neighbourhood. Please oblige me by taking them with you, and sending your coolie on with them." We used to get our home-letters then from Bombay by fast sailing clippers. It was an era when the "Lady Mary Wood" came in with the Mail on the 13th August, 1845. She was the first of the P. & O.'s Mail steamers, and her passengers had been, I think, 55 days on the way from London to Hong Kong. And now have we not the same noble Company's steamers coming in twice a month in much shorter time, and the French steamers, and those of the Pacific Mail Company? Above all, have we not the Electric Telegraph, flashing news almost instantaneously from this to home, from home to this, Ariel-like putting its girdle round the earth? Verily the difference is great between that time and this. In the early days there was next to no police guardianship; and the consequences were frequent disorders on the streets during the day, and many burglaries on a great scale during the night. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 184 REV. JAMES LEGGE the Colony, which his predecessor had not done, and which his successor was still less able to do. During all his time the Colony was in a dead-alive state. What trade had sprung up during its first years had rather decreased under Sir John Davis, and it was not till about 1854 that it received a fresh impulse. I remember walking, in 1849, one afternoon with old Mr. Holliday—so we should call him now with his stalwart sons among us—and having a gloomy conversation with him on the state and prospects of the place. Taking our stand at a point a little beyond what is now St. Paul's College, where we had a good view of the harbour, we counted 28 square-rigged vessels in it, storeships and all, with hardly a steamer among them. "After all,” said Mr. Holliday, "there must be some trade, else those vessels would not come to the place." By and by came the emigration to California, and afterwards that to Australia, but though these produced some excitement, they did little to the furtherance of trade. In 1850 the T'ae-p'ing rebellion began to be talked of, and, Sir George Bonham going on a visit to England, Dr. Bowring came down from his consulate in Canton to take his place, which finally became his own, when the other vacated his office in 1854, leaving his name in the Bonham Strand. About this time Yeh, whose name ere long became notorious all over the world, and who had for some time been governor of Canton province, was appointed viceroy of the two Kwang. The T'ae-p'ing rebels made themselves masters of Nanking, and the south and seaboard of China began to heave with rebellion. One body made itself master of Fat-shan, and Canton was threatened. Yeh, however, maintained himself there, keeping his executioners busy. The numbers put to death in 1852 and 1853 were very many every month, and they greatly multiplied, as the insurgents were gradually got under. It has always seemed to me that this was the turning point in the progress of Hongkong. As Canton was threatened, the families of means hastened to leave it, and many of them flocked to this Colony. Houses were in demand; rents rose; the streets that had been comparatively deserted assumed a crowded appearance; new commercial Chinese firms were founded; the native trade received an impetus which it had not lost till it was arrested by the superfluous vigour of some of Sir Richard MacDonnell's early ordinances. Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 198 NOTES AND QUERIES ROPE-MAKING AND DYEING/ CALENDERING ON AP LEI CHAU, HONG KONG Editor's note. The following Note describes a visit to Ap Lei Chau in March, 1971 with several members of the Ap Lei Chau Kaifong, namely Messrs. Tam Wah, Tam Keng-fat and Yue Yiu-wah. We first visited the shop, Kwong Po Wah (**), at 141 Main Street where Mr. Yue's father, Yue Kou, aged 73 and born on Ap Lei Chau, was waiting for us. Pre-war, Mr. Yue had operated a dyeing manufactory whilst his elder brother, Yue Yip, had operated a rope manufactory. Mr. Yue explained to us how the glazing or calendering part of the dyeing was carried out. The only visible sign of this activity was a large cut-granite slab. (See Fig. 1).* This had been the top part of the equipment. It had been obtained from Kowloon City, where there were many dyers and had been brought by boat and then carried by four coolies to his shop. The lower part, now destroyed, consisted of a wooden block of lai chee wood and a wooden roller of the same wood. (See Fig 1). The cloth, measuring two or three (up to 30 feet) in length and 2.4 ft in breadth was wound round the roller. A man stood with a foot on each end of the granite block and, holding on to a specially made wooden frame with his hands, moved it over the roller. Mr. Yue had not learned this trade from his father but from a partner whom he had financed. They did not buy cloth to sell retail but operated whenever persons brought white cloth to them for dyeing. At that time it was customary to dye dark blue or black. This was a part-time activity, and Mr. Yue supplemented it by rearing pigs and chickens and cultivating fruit trees. His elder brother, Yue Yip, had been a rope-maker at a long level platform behind and above the shop, Kwong Po Wah. This space, known as Ta Lam Lo (T), is now occupied by squatter huts. The area was long and wide enough to provide a working space 300 feet by 15 feet. One-sixth of it had a thatch made of palm leaves (). This was to provide cover for storage of materials and completed goods. Rope-making was of two kinds: using mit lam (*) for the trawling ropes of trawlers and wong ma lam (*) in com- * On p. 197. † Ap Lei Chau with Aberdeen has always been a home base for a fishing fleet. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g bination with rattan NOTES AND QUERIES 199 () for net frames only. The ropes were usually up to 20-28 in length and could be even 30+ ★, in which case the rope was turned round and carried part of the way back the rope road. Mr. Yue recalled that the first type of rope had been used by trawlers up to and through the Japanese Occupation but had stopped shortly after the Liberation. The second type had been made and used in local fishing craft up to his brother's death some 7-8 years ago. The ropes were twisted from three strands, so that there were three stands with handles at one end of the rope road and a single one at the other. Up to ten persons were employed in the work. Unlike dyeing, this business had been in the Yue family for several generations as both Yue's father and grandfather are reported to have engaged in this work. There were several pools at Ta Lam Lo filled with sea water and lime in which the ... was soaked for 10 days to soften it and preserve it. If fresh water was used salt had to be added. There is still some rope-making on Ap Lei Chau at a place beyond the Kwun Yum temple but the material used is nylon and wire. This place had also been used to manufacture the other kinds of rope in the earlier period and was known locally as Lam Lo Mei (44), being subsidiary to the main area. A short description of the calendering process is given at p. 190 of the 1970 Journal. This dates from the 1860s, and probably relates to Central China, Hong Kong, April 1971. JAMES HAYES CHARCOAL BURNING IN HONG KONG In his compendious work on China published in 1878 Archdeacon Gray of Canton wrote: "As coal is not used for domestic purposes, charcoal is in great demand, and charcoal-burners are to be seen daily on the hills. The hillsides of Pun-yu, Fa-yune, and Tsung-fa -districts of Kwun Tung- are studded with their fires; and on the slopes of the Lew-Shan range of mount- Page 225 Page 226 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g NOTES AND QUERIES + + + 201 Sha Wan villages about also remembers them. When I asked these ladies whether the charcoal burners were village people or outsiders, their reply was typical, and to the effect 'they weren't from our villages and probably not from adjacent ones either, but we didn't go near them to ask.' I have seen the Lantau and Lamma pits only, all linked with charcoal burning by the local people. The kilns, or rather the pits that remain, vary in size. Most are circular and fairly small, about 7 to 8 feet in diameter and a few feet deep at the present time. One of the Lamma pits, near Mau Tat, styled as ‘a big kiln' by the old village person mentioned above, is larger, being 15 feet across. Its earth walls are smooth and impregnated with tell-tale carbon. All these pits are cut into low banks or into the ground. Perhaps the last kilns to be operated in the Hong Kong area are some near the Shek O Road. According to Hok Tsui and Lan Nai Wan villagers living nearby, these were opened and operated by the Japanese during the war-time occupation of the Colony between 1941-45. They recall passing them and seeing them in operation when on their way to market in Shau Kei Wan, though giving them a wide berth for fear of trouble. Shau Kei Wan people say that the kilns were used to provide fuel for the electric plant at North Point, to which the charcoal was transported on little wooden trucks hauled by local men and women workers engaged by the Japanese. These pits differ from the others in that they are domed, being cut into a high bank. They are apparently very similar, though newer, to those north of the Kowloon hills described over twenty years ago by G. A. C. Herklots in The Hong Kong Countryside (Hong Kong, S.C.M.P. Ltd. 1947). His description is worth quoting in full, though he was not clear whether or not the pits were used for charcoal burning and he had not sought to ask in the villages of the area. "There are some curious dome-shaped holes by the path, one is actually immediately under the path. They are roughly six feet high in the centre and nine feet across. The sides are vertical, the roof domed and the floor space circular. The holes are holes in the ground and their roofs are level with the surface of the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 204 NOTES AND QUERIES in Macao, when he was a Cadet of the Hong Kong Civil Service, some thirty years earlier, and of how he had heard of Sir John's friendship for Macao and of his association with the Church of San Paulo and that it had had some influence on the hymn. Prof. Hugo Brunt, whose account of San Paulo is so well liked,* tells me that he is rewriting the article and adds that he was told by Mr. T. Bowring, then Director of Public Works in Hong Kong, about the influence of the ruins on his grandfather. It is not surprising that so many people, not making an effort to trace the date of the first publication of the hymn, were led to believe that it was written after Sir John Bowring had actually seen the ruin, but we are indebted to Prof. Goodrich for pointing out the facts. However, I have come across a reference which may serve to shed some light on the subject. There is a reference to the hymn in Rev. W. T. Keeler's Romantic Origins of some Favourite Hymns, London, Letchworth Printers, 1947, where mention is made that although the hymn was first published in 1825 the fourth verse was added after 1859. It is not impossible, therefore, that Bowring could have been impressed with the close appropriateness of his hymn to the Cross surmounting the old ruin at Macao and this could have explained how his name came to be associated with the ruin. Canberra, 1971. J. M. BRAGA * Journal of Oriental Studies 1-2 (1954-55) p. 344 seq. CEREMONIES OF PROPITIATION CARRIED OUT IN CONNECTION WITH ROAD WORKS IN THE NEW TERRITORIES IN 1960 Editor's Note. Early in 1960, road widening took place at Hiram's Highway which links the Clear Water Bay Road with Sai Kung Market. Objections to the work were received from villagers of Pak Wai, where the existing road passed behind the village fung shui grove and from Sai Kung Market where the road passed behind a family's ancestral hall. In accordance with usual Government practice, due notice was taken of these legitimate objections, and payments were arranged for ceremonies to offset the adverse influences which those concerned feared would result from disturbing the two locations. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g BOOK REVIEWS 213 we find, when he writes about family law, an attempt to describe the law in terms of formal (rather static) relationships. The dynamic element, how the law responds in practice to the needs and expectations of the people subject to it, is missing. Surprisingly, this element is also missing where one would most expect to find it in his consideration of commercial law as it was developed in the Mixed Court at Shanghai. Much of the book is concerned with Family Law and as such is still of interest though, consisting as it does largely of statement without exposition, it is of diminishing value in the light of modern anthropological techniques. But it is to the chapter on Commercial Law and to the Appendix of Mixed Court cases (at p. 142) that the reader will look forward most eagerly. The Mixed Court at Shanghai developed over the years its own distinctive brand of law, not consciously but in consequence of the cultural and commercial interplay which was the hallmark of Shanghai. Though the law administered between Chinese parties may be Chinese, the context within which the disputes arose could not be called wholly Chinese and the Court's decisions themselves display a 'mixed' character. Shortly after the publication of Jamieson's book, A. M. Kotenev's much more considerable work, Shanghai: its Mixed Court and Council, was published1 and from it we may learn considerably more about the operations of that court. But, even so, many of the questions which arise in our minds are left unanswered and we are given, for example, little elucidation on the true legal position of the compradore, on his rights and his liabilities. Perhaps Jamieson was too close to events to be able to consider these wider conceptual (though, at the same time, essentially practical) matters but, nevertheless, he fails to point out the basic principles behind the decisions to which he refers and the reader is left unenlightened. He confines himself to description and, in so doing, wrote a less valuable book than he might otherwise have done. 3 Looking at this book through the eyes of the nineteen-seventies, it appears disappointing. But, though it does not really live up to the enthusiasm of its re-publishers, at a time when interest in the formal study of Chinese Law is waxing fast, it is most valuable to have available once more a work which is part of the history of the development of Chinese law from its earlier ‘feudal' stage ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 214 BOOK REVIEWS into a modern system of law. No less important is the way in which this book tells us much of western attitudes towards Chinese law and of the ways in which the westerners attempted to come to terms with a system which was so unlike their own. Though we might today criticise Jamieson's comparative law approach and his defective anthropology, his book was a creature of its own time and of his own intellectual experience, and as such it must take a place on the sinologists' bookshelves. Notes 1. A. M. Kotenev, Shanghai: its Mixed Court and Council, (Shanghai: North China Daily News and Herald Ltd, 1925; now reprinted by Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company, Taipei, 1968). 2. But see now Hao, The Comprador in Nineteenth Century China, Cambridge (Harvard U.P.), 1970. 3. pp. 124-126. Hong Kong, 1971. DAFYDD EVANS CHINNERY AND CHINA COAST PAINTINGS, Henry and Sidney Berry-Hill, 64 pages text, 144 photographs, F. W. Lewis. Publishers, Ltd., England 1970, U.S.$30.00. The writers operate a picture gallery in New York City. In 1963 they published George Chinnery 1774-1852, Artist of the China Coast, which was reviewed in this Journal, Vol. 4, 1964, pp. 128-132. In spite of severe criticism of their previous efforts, the authors, in another volume under the present title, persist in claiming that Chinese Port Scenes painted in Cantonese style were influenced by Chinnery and therefore are "Chinnery School". Even though there are numerous pictured examples in both books that Chinese Port Scenes before, during, and after Chinnery do not change and bear no resemblance to English painting, the authors plod on with their futile theory. For some 26 illustrations in the List of Plates marked "Chinnery School", substitute “Chinese artist". Obviously this book is written for the inexperienced collector. It lacks bibliography, an index, and a comprehensive table of contents. The text is largely a lyrical history of China from Macartney through the Arrow War. It positively oozes opium and frequently lacks accuracy. Page 240 Page 241 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g BOOK REVIEWS 217 of Dr. Colledge in his Opthalmic Infirmary with his Chinese assistant, which was engraved and published in London 25 November 1834. Harriet Low continues "The pictures" (not picture) "were unfortunately all too late for the Exhibition". To attempt to substitute the double portrait in the place of two separate portraits seen is unethical. 1 As art experts the authors are careless. The medium in plate not given is watercolor and the "Chinese Military" scene was "later" engraved not "lithographed". It is also poor geography to say that Lord Macartney's Embassy entered the Yangtse, when it was the Peiho River. In the Introduction, they produce two alibis: “Paintings illustrated in the sequence and not otherwise designated are attributed to him" [Chinnery], “except for portraits of Hong Merchants which are referred to in general terms” and "Events are necessarily telescoped without rigid regard for precise chronology". What a multitude of sins one can try to cover up with statements like these. Is it really necessary to include Richard Henry Dana's "Two Years Before the Mast"? The voyage was along the California coast not to the Far East. Bryant & Sturgis, the owners, were of Boston as stated, but never had an office in Canton. Their China Trade business in Canton was handled by J. P. Sturgis & Co. There are illustrated 20 paintings by Lt. J. S. Rundle, R. N. of Opium War scenes, also a pen and ink sketch. The medium is not given. All midshipmen in European Navies in the 19th century were taught to sketch and paint watercolors, so presumably these are in watercolor. The authors surmise that Chinnery met Rundle and "probably saw some of the action paintings actually illustrated in this work", but offer no factual proof that any meeting took place. No mention is made of W. A. Knell, the marine artist, whose work, of course, is much better known. In fact, the authors give a very warped view of China Coast painting. No mention of Webber nor Huggins, nor Borget. The Daniells not to be confused with the Daniells of later date are mentioned, but the one Daniell illustration shown is Indian, inappropriate to a book on China Coast Paintings. Chinnery had European pupils - five at least but apparently they are unknown to the authors. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g BOOK REVIEWS 219 testify, long ago revealed the theoretical relevance of much of the earlier literature on China: it is pleasing to note, therefore, that some of the contributors to this volume are now combining field research with an extensive use of the available documentation on China. This has led to a much more sophisticated treatment of theoretical problems and has, I feel, made such works much more interesting to read and more intellectually attractive for people in other disciplines. The essays in this volume, apart from one by Professor Arthur P. Wolf, were in their original form papers written for, and discussed at, a conference on Kinship in Chinese society, held in New York in 1966 and sponsored by the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council (New York). As it is not possible for a workaday sociologist to discuss every paper meaningfully and in detail in a short review, I shall comment on only a few of the papers, not because they are necessarily the best or the more significant but simply because I have some comments on them. The first essay is by Professor Myron L. Cohen, who discusses a key problem: the structure of the Chinese family. Professor Cohen argues that the relevant components of the chia (family) can be reduced to three: the chia estate, the chia group, and the chia economy, and that the connection between the three components can assume a variety of forms or types. As he writes, 'the Chinese family has by and large been described in terms involving or assuming the existence of a chia in which the estate is concentrated, the group is concentrated, and the economy is inclusive'. Much of his essay is taken up by a rigorous discussion of chia variations, such as that an inclusive economy can be found in association with a dispersed estate and, of necessity, a dispersed group. Professor Cohen concludes that 'the possibility arises that a good deal of the movement of persons in Chinese society, movement connected with "horizontal" or "vertical" social and economic mobility, or with efforts to achieve such mobility, in fact occurred within a chia framework'. The points he makes are important and crucial: they illuminate basic concepts used to understand Chinese society; and I am persuaded by his claim 'that there may be more to domestic units than meets the demographer's eye'. There is certainly some evidence from nineteenth century Hong Kong to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g BOOK REVIEWS 221 Professor Jack M. Potter's essay on land and lineage in traditional China draws heavily on the data collected for his Hong Kong study, Capitalism and the Chinese Peasant (1968). He sets himself the problem of trying to account for differences in the distribution of strong lineage organization in various parts of China, of lineage structure Type Z, as described and formulated by Professor Freedman. The hypothesised factors favourable to the development of a strong lineage are given by Professor Potter as a rich agricultural environment, frontier conditions, the absence of strong governmental control, and commercial development; all present, he concludes, in the New Territories of Hong Kong, where the Ping Shan Tang lineage flourished. He also argues that in all areas lineage organization would tend to be weaker under strong dynasties and stronger in inter-regnal periods or under weak dynasties. Professor Potter affirms that the four variables 'can form a set of inter-related hypotheses that, if validated by further research, would allow us to predict when and where strong lineage organization tended to appear in Traditional China'. But I should also think that strong lineages must depend very much on the quality of the personnel contained within them; for some human groups do seem to produce a more adroit leadership for a longer period of time than others. An institutionalization of virtue, as it were, may take place in some groups (lineages) more readily than in others.* And the task of plotting the frequency of powerful lineages in China has scarcely begun, so far as I know. The study of Chinese society by Western scholars has been mainly androcentric in its selection of problems, thus reflecting Chinese views of their own social universe; but both Professor Freedman and Professor Arthur P. Wolf in their respective papers pay attention to the ambivalent and ambiguous status held by women in Chinese society. Professor Freedman's essay on ritual aspects of Chinese kinship and marriage discusses, among other matters, the problem of 'how is a woman to reconcile her duties as wife and daughter-in-law with those she has as sister and daughter?' The rites of marriage, he argues, "are not to be taken as simple statements capable of being given clear and unambiguous meanings by those who participate in them. Rites, as symbolic * Dialect groupings may constitute another variable that has not yet been examined. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, G.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* Prof. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* Dr. J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P.* R. E. Lawry, O.B.E., F.R.G.S.* Dr. Marjorie Topley, B.Sc. Econ., Ph.D.* 183, Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England. 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada. 3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. Members: ADAMS, Mrs. D. S. AKERS-JONES, D. - ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. ARMERDING, L. E.* ASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. ASHENHURST, Mrs. F. E. - AU, K. N. - AXILROD, Dr. E. BAKER, Dr. H. D. R. BAKER, W. E.* BALL, J. M.* The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. c/o Colonial Secretariat (Lands Branch), Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. Suite 1308, 2222 Kalakaua Avenue, Honolulu, Hawaii, 96815, U.S.A. 7, Peak Pavilions, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. C-4 Royden Court, 129 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. c/o Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. c/o Economic Research Centre, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. "Satis House", 9 Chase Gardens, Westcliff-on-Sea, Essex, England. c/o The Hongkong Electric Co., Ltd. 40, St. Mary Axe, London, E.C.3, England. c/o H. K. Refrigerating Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 291, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 227 BARD, Dr. S. M. BARNES, Mrs. A. M. BARR, Miss E. c/o University Health Service, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. Mercantile Bank Ltd., Bombay 1, India. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. BARRETT, Rev. Cyril, S. J. c/o Wah Yan College, Queen's Road, East, H.K. BARRY, Cmdr. R. S. BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. BEDLINGTON, Mrs. M. BELL, G. J. BERKOWITZ, Dr. M. I. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.* BEVERIDGE, R. J. BIRCH, Dr. A. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. BLUE, A. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BOEHMKE, Mrs. A. Karl BONSALL, G. W. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. BRIDGES, G. A. BRIGGS, G. G. BROOKS, D. E. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K. Unknown. c/o Royal Observatory, H.K. Unknown. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy. c/o 4A, Horsburgh Grove, Armadale, Melbourne, S.E. 3, Victoria, Australia. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. Unknown. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. 15, Lansdowne Crescent, Edinburgh, Scotland. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 4, Shouson Hill Road, A-2, H.K. c/o Hong Kong University Press, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. 167 Laurel Circle, Princeton, New Jersey 08540, U.S.A. c/o National Library of Australia, Canberra, Australia. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Radio Hong Kong, Broadcasting House, Broadcast Drive, Kowloon. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 228 BROWNE, Hon. H. J. C. BRUCE, R. BRUUN, F. BUNGER, Dr. K. - BURNHAM, W. L. BUTLER, Miss B. A.. BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G.. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Prescott College, Prescott, Arizona 86301, U.S.A. c/o H. Tonkin & Co., 908 Takshing House, H.K. 532 Bad Godesberg, Lukas-Cranach-Str. 14, Germany. 191, Prince Edward Road, Kowloon. c/o Public Services Commission, Room 573 Central Government Offices, 5th Floor, H.K. c/o The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. BUTTERFIELD, Mrs. Ellen 5K Bowen Road, Ground Floor, H.K. CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. · CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CARLSON, Miss R. E, - CATER, Hon. J. - CENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES CHAMBERS, J. W, CHAN, Alfred T. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam CHAN, Sui-Jeung CHAR, Tin-Yuke CHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A. CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Ching-ho CHEN, Tsun-teh Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. Room 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. c/o Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Ave., H.K. c/o Dept. of Commerce and Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Coronet Court, 14th Floor, "H", North Point, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon, 33 Tin Hau Temple Road, 3rd floor, H.K. 3898 Diamond Head Road, Honolulu, Hawaii 96816, U.S.A. B2, Bowen Hill, 12 Peak Road, H.K. c/o Geographical Research Centre, CUH.K., 545, Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o New Asia College, C.U.H.K., 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Room 11, 21st Floor, Block B, 395 King's Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g CHEN, Yih CHENG, Dr. Siok-hwa CHENG, T. C. · CHEUNG, Hon. Oswald - CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHOA, Robert · CLARK, Mrs. A. T. · COHN, Dr. A. J. COLLIN, P. H.. COLLINS, Mrs. D. A. COMBER, L. CORBALLY, E. - COSTANTINI, G“ · COTTON, P. C. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. Dept. of History, Nanyang University, Jurong Road, Singapore, 22. c/o United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Room 703, Prince's Building, H.K. 229 c/o Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o Sperry Rand, 404-5 Fu House, Ice House Street, H.K. 13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K. 15 Cambridge Road, 2nd Floor, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of European Language, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. K.P.O. Box 6086, Kowloon, c/o Central Magistracy, Albert Road, H.K. 19, Boulevard de Montmorency, 75-Paris, 16C, France. c/o Humphreys Estate & Finance Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 44, H.K. COWPERTHWAITE, Lady 45 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. CREMA, M. + CRONE, Dr. D. L. CUMINE, E. - c/o Italian Consulate General, Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 16A Bellevue Court, 41 Stubbs Road, H.K. 14, Embassy Court, H.K. CUMMING, Mrs. D. M.* - Unknown. CURTIS, Miss S. DAIKO, P. T DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. - - DAVIES, Major G. V. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. 26 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. P. O. Box 201, H.K. - P.O. Box 5096, Kowloon. - P.O. Box 5096, Kowloon, c/o MOD Chinese Language School, B.F.P.O.1., H.K. East Penthouse, Marina House, 17 Queen's Road, C. H.K. Dept. of Philosophy & Psychology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy DAWSON, Prof. J. L. M. - Page 255 Page 256 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 230 DAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. - 1 Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. DAWSON GROVE, Miss J. As above, DEVONSHIRE, Mrs. John W. DIAMOND, A. I. DJOU, G. G. DOWER, Mrs. Christine DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* DRAKEFORD, L. S. DUNCANSON, J. D.* DWYER, Prof. D. J. - EDWARDS, O. P. EITZEN, Mrs. J. EMERSON, G. C. ENDACOTT, G. B. - EUSTACE, Col. F. A. - EVANS, C. J. EVANS, David S. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVANS, P. J. - - EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. + FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* - FEHL, Prof. Noah E.* FESSLER, L. - FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, A. J. + - - + 4B Rose Gardens, 9 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. No. 1, Stubbs Road, H.K. A-3, 1st floor, 3 Conduit Road, H.K. 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 121 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. 26 Leinster Mews, London W.2. England. c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K, 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Flat 16A, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Road, Kowloon, c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Flat B-10, 25 Park Road, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, 1906 Prince's Bldg., H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. c/o Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 25, The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, Guildford, Surrey, England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. c/o American Universities Field Staff, 15 Tung Shan Terrace, 2nd Floor, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon. 8, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. . Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 231 FOORD, Dr. R. D. FORD, J. F. - FREARSON, William FREEDMAN, Prof. M. FROST, Dr. C. C. - FRY, R. A. FUNG, Mrs. Lawrence FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* GAILEY, Mrs. Norah · GALVIN, J, A, T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. + - GEOFFROY-DECHAUME, F. - GEORGE, T. J. B. - GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H.* - - GILKES, D. A. - GIMSON, C. H. - GOLDBERG, Frank J. M. - GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODBODY, D. M. - GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H, A. + GORDON, Hon. S. S.* - GRANT, I. F. H. - GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. - - + - - 48 The Rutts, Bushey Heath, Hertfordshire, England. c/o Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon. 908 Caritas, 2 Caine Road, H.K. 187, Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, NW.1., England. 88. South Shore Drive, Springfield, Massachusetts 0118, U.S.A. 13, Leighton Hill Flats, 16 Link Road, H.K. 65 Mt. Kellett Road, Ground Floor, H.K. c/o Bank of East Asia, Ltd., Des Voeux Road, C., H.K. Flat 16, 14 Mt. Austin Road, H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland. c/o Central Magistracy, H.K. 8128 Hamilton Spring Road, Carderock Springs, Bethesda, Maryland 20034, U.S.A. c/o French Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England. c/o P.O. Box 64, H.K. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England. 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o Public Works Department, H.K. 100 Peak Road, Flat 2, The Peak, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 727 Prince's Building, H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, USA. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 232 GREGORY, Prof. W. G. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. - HAFFNER, C. HALL, Miss J. - Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Unknown. Spence Robinson Architects, The Atelier, Broadwood Road, H.K. Secretariat for Home Affairs, International Building, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. - c/o St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HAMILTON, Bill G. 13768 Hower Drive, Saratoga, Calif. 95070, U.S.A. c/o Dept. of History, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. HARDEN, Mrs. G. T., Jr.* - 15 Shek O, H.K. HARRISON, Prof. B. HARTWELL, Sir Charles HARTWELL, Lady HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. - HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Prof. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. HICKS, Miss Catherine M. HILSDALE, Mrs. E. P. HO, Mrs. Hungchiu HO, Teh-kuei HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W. HODGE, Peter HOLMES, Hon. D. R. - - c/o Public Service Commission, Central Government Offices, H.K. As above. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. Room 129, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 41, Island Road Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Sevenoaks TN13 7, England. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. c/o St. Anne's College, Oxford, England. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., H.K. 2, Ava Mansions, May Road, H.K. 2762 Woodshire Drive, Los Angeles, Calif. 90068, U.S.A. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lakeside Building, 13th Floor, B, 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. 50, Village Road Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Secretariat For Home Affairs, International Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 233 HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, E. E. HOWARD, W. 1.* HOWARTH, Richard H. - HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. - HOWNAM-MEEK, R, S. HOWORTH, J. F. + HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung-Pei HUGHES, G. M. + - HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* - HUI, Miss Wai-haan HUNG, Chiu-sing HURT, Miss E. J. - HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. IRETON, Mrs. P. H.* IU, Miss S.* JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JENNER, J. P. JOHNSON, G. E. JOHNSTON, James J. JONES-PARRY, Rupert 7 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282, H.K. American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Flat 2, Coombe Apts., 15 Coombe Road, The Peak, H.K. Unknown. c/o Midland Bank Ltd., St. Mary Street, Weymouth, Dorset, England, c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. P.O. Box No. 20027, 1 Hennessy Road Post Office, H.K. c/o American International Assurance Co., Ltd. AIA Building, I Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong H.K. 48 Headland Road, H.K. c/o Skilts Residential School, Gorcott Hill, Nr. Redditch, Wores., England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. P.O. Box 362, Langley, Washington, 98260. U.S.A. c/o Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. 2, Stafford Road, Kowloon, c/o International Bank of Commerce, Central Building, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, B.C., Canada. P.O. Box 65, Marshall, Arkansas 72650. U.S.A. Longman Group (Far East) Ltd., P.O. Box 223, H.K. 3 Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 234 JORDAN, Dr. David K.* KANN, P. R. - - - KELDAY-SANDERS, Alan John KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. KESSELRING, Dr. R. KESWICK, H. KESWICK, S. L. KIDD, S. T. - KINOSHITA, J. H. Dept. of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, CA 92037, U.S.A. 1, Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. 403 Ridley House, 2 Upper Albert Road, H.K. P. O. Box 16004, H.K. Unknown. German Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. KINSEY, Miss Margaret J. Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. KJELLBERG, Carl C:son KJELLBERG, Mrs. I. - + KNIGHTLY, F. J. KNOWLES, Miss M. G. - + 55, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Training & Examinations Unit, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland. KURATA, Mrs. Mary F. + 313 Main Street East, Shelburne, Ontario, Canada. KVAN, Rev. E.* KWAN, Hon. Sir Cho-yiu KWOK, Chin-kung KWOK, W. LAI, T. C* c/o Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. Extra-Mural Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 12th Floor, Shui Hing House, Kowloon. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 235 LAM, Yung-fai ■ LAMBERT, Miss D. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. c/o The Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation, P.O. Box 64, H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W.* Nighclere (Middle Flat), 3 Middle Gap Road, H.K. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. Barns House, Kirkton Manor, Peebles, Scotland. LAU, Wai-mai, Michael c/o Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, H.K. LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. LECKIE, J. B. H. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph 2nd., Brussels 4, Belgium. LEE, Miss Flossy Tsu-wei c/o University Library, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. LEE, J. S.* 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. LEE, R. C.* c/o Lee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 25th Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. LETHBRIDGE, H. J. c/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. LEUNG, Pak-kui 22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. LI, Dr. Choh-ming c/o The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. LI, Shi-yi 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon, LINDSAY, T. J.* 3, Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W, Australia. LINTHWAITE, Mrs. F. I. c/o Nackermann Versand Ltd., LIU, D. H. P.O. Box K-45, H.K. LIU, Sydney C. c/o American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road, H.K. LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan Rose Court, 117 Wongneichong Road, 12th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. LLEWELLYN, J. c/o Dept. of Chinese, Australian National Univ., Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia. LO, Prof. Hsiang-lin c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. LO, T. S.* c/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, H.K. + c/o Lo & Lo, Jardine House, 7th Floor, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 236 LOBO, Mrs. R. H. - LOCKING, J. R. LOFTS, Prof. B. - LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, F. B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. LUK, George Ping-Chuen* LUM Miss Ada* LUPTON, G. C. M. LUTZ, Hans F. - LYNCH, Rev. P. Francis MA, Prof. Meng - MACK, A. M. MACKEITH, J. S. - MACKENZIE, J. MACLEAN, Roderick MAGEE, M. W. P. MAHLKE, W. J. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. - Race View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. c/o Trade Development Council, Ocean Terminal, Deck 2, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, HK. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. 176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. B-38, Po Shan Mansions, 10 Po Shan Road, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, c/o 54 Ravenscourt Gardens, London, W6, England. Tai Yuen Lau, Flat A, 3rd Floor, Tai Pak Street, Tsuen Wan, N.T. Maryknoll Center House, 120 San Min Road, 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan. c/o Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. No. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England. 7 Bodga Wood Walk, York Y01 5 HN., England. c/o Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. c/o The Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon. 19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, MAO, Dr. Wen-chee, Philip - 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J... McBAIN, E. B. McBAIN, G. P. O. Box 104, Macau, c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 237 MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. McCOY, Dr. J. 2 McDOUALL, J. C.* MCCRARY, M.* McELNEY, B. S. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA. The Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxfordshire, England. Flat 6A, United Mansion, 7 Shiu Fai Terrace, H.K. c/o Johnson Stokes & Master, H.K. Bank Building, H.K. McFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. c/o University of Hong Kong, H.K. McGEE, Mrs. Joan S. MCGEE, Dr. T. G. Flat 1A, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. McKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. Maryknoll House, Stanley, H.K. MEFFAN, Mrs. I. E. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. MUNN, Mrs. Elizabeth NEILD, Mrs. C. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Dr. Ronald C. Y. NG, Peter P. K. NICHOLS, E. H. NICOL, C. A. A. NIXON, F. A. B10, Repulse Bay Mansion, Repulse Bay, H.K. The British Council, Halls Croft, Old Town, Stratford-upon-Avon, England. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. 34 Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th Floor, H.K. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. 64 Mile, Taipo Road, N.T. c/o Taikoo Dockyard, Quarry Bay, H.K. 1201 Manson House, Nathan Road, Kowloon, c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 164 Prince Edward Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon, 304, Man Yee Building, H.K. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. No. 8 Abermor Court, 15 May Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 238 NORONHA, J. E. - O'BRIEN, Dr. J. P. O'CALLAGHAN, Sean OGDEN, B. J. N. OLIVER, J. R. + ORR, Iain C.. OU, Miss G. - OVERBURY, Miss U. M. OXLEY, C. W. B. - PANG, Potter · PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PAYNTER, J. L. PENNELL, W. V. - PERESYPKIN, O. P. PICKFORD, J. B. - PIMPANEAU, Prof. J. PLAG, Rev. A.* POLAND, T. D. PORDES, F. - POSTON, Williams S. PRESCOTT, J. A. PYE, Miss Beverley QUESTED, Mrs. R. K. I. + + - c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. Sandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, Sandy Bay, H.K, Y.M.C.A. International House, Waterloo Road, Kowloon, c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. 17 Crown Terrace, 3rd Floor, Bisney Villas, H.K. c/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Secretariat for Home Affairs, International Building, 10th Floor, H.K. c/o The H.K. Model Housing Society, 908 The H.K. Chinese Bank Building, H.K. 11A, Stanley Beach Road, G/F., Stanley, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Department, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. c/o Canadian Trade Commission, P.O. Box 126, H.K. C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. 15 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K. 7000 Stuttgart 1, Roemerstr 41, Germany. (Federal Republic). 3 Coombe Road, First Floor, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. Flat B-4, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. House 8, 61 Mt. Davies Road, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o B.N.P. Central Building, 2nd Floor, H.K. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. J Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 239 RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. - RASSIM, Mrs. E. RAYNE, R. N. - REAR, John REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, R. E. REES. W. H + RICHARDS, Mrs. Patricia RIDE, Sir Lindsay* RIDE, Lady* RIGBY, Lady ROBERTSON, Dr. David G. ROBERTSON, Mrs. David G. ROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M. + Room 466 Establishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. c/o Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. c/o Dept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 154-158 Caine Road, H.K. 101 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. 4 Coombe Apartments, 15 Coombe Road, H.K. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. 23A Tintagel House, Stanley Fort, BFPO 1. Villa Monte Rosa, Block E2, 11th Floor, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 18B, Headland Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Social Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st fl., N.T. ROBINSON, Prof. K. E.* - + RÕE, Capt. J. S. ROGERS, Rev. D. L. - ROTHE, U.⭑ ROY, Dr. A. T.- RUMJAHN, S. M. RUST, H. A. + RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. RYDINGS, H. A. SALMON, Andrew + + N.T. c/o The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 350, H.K. Union Church, Kennedy Road, H.K. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. c/o Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. P. O. Box 448, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. E-7, Woodland Heights, 2 Wongneichong Gap Road, H.K. c/o The Library, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Superintendent's Qtr. H.M.P. Tong Fuk, Lantao, N.T. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 240 SALMON, Mrs. P. A. - SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHNEIDER, H. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, David S. SELLETT, G.* SERSALE, Miss S. M. SHANNON, Capt. J. M. - SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, David SHOEMAKER, J. F. SHU, Dr. H. T. SIEGEL, H. W. + SINFIELD, G. H. C.* SJOHOLM, Gunnar A. - P SKELSON, Mrs. R. E. SLEVIN, B. F. · SMITH, L.* SMYTH, Miss L. SO, Dr. Chak-lam - SOO, Dr. Hoy-Mun SPERRY, H. M.* SPOONER, M. G. - T ■ · + 40 Plantation Road, The Peak, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Jebsen & Co., P.O. Box 97, H.K. c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o H.K. Govt. Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. England. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543, Tai Po Road, Kowloon 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. B-4, Garden Mansions, Repulse Bay, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. Unknown. Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. A3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. Unknown c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 249, Jalan Pekeliling, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Allied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K. c/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 241 STAFFORD, Peter STANLEY, Major H. F. - STANTON, W. T.* STEVENS, Major K. G.* STOKES, J. + STONEY, G. S. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. STOWE, C. - STRAUSS, Prof. W. P. c/o The Mandarin Hotel, Connaught Road, C., H.K. c/o H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. 9 Cherry Glebe, Mersham, Ashford, Kent, England. 427, Boubury Road, Oxford, England. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. As above. Unknown. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SU, Samon SWIRE, A. C.* SYKES, Major A. E. TALBOT, H. D. B. TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. Jack C. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin TARARIN, P. A.* - THOMAS, L. F. THROWER, Prof. L. B. TILL, Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. + + TOMLIN, Mrs. Ian. · - Union House, H.K. 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Floor, Flat "C", Kowloon, c/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. c/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. c/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lycmun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K. A1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt. 402, H.K. Room 1701, Central Building, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England. 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. 19, Tai Tam Road, Lower Flat, Stanley, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 242 TOOGOOD, C. W. - TORRENS, Dr. Paul R.. TORRENS, Mrs. Paul R. TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TUCK, Miss Jean TURNER, Sir Michael* UHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr. VALE, Miss M. VARNEY, Dr. C. B. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIÒ, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. VOSS, Dr. A. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. 59A Nga Tsin Wai Road, A2, Kowloon, As above. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. Unknown. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. Unknown. 'Whispers', Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o Dept. of History, Duke University, Durham, N. Carolina, U.S.A, 49 Talbot Road, London, W.2. England. c/o Dept. of Geography, United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Belmont Court 10A, 10 Kotewall Road, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 27, Babington Path, H.K. WAINWRIGHT, Mrs. J. A. 5, Goldsmith Road, Jardines Lookout, H.K. WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WATERS, D. D. WATSON, James L. WATSON, K. A. WATT, James C. Y. WEBSTER, J. L. H. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, North Devon, England. Morrison Hill Technical Institute, 6 Oi Kwan Road, Morrison Hill, Wan Chai, H.K. Dept. of Anthropology, University of Houston, Houston, Texas 77004, U.S.A. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. c/o The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. c/o The British Council, P.K. 15, Sisli, Istanbul, Turkey, 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. c/o Weinrebe & Pennell Ltd., Room 805 The Bank of Canton Building, H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g WESLEY SMITH, Peter WHITE, Robert N. - WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V. + WILLIAMS, P. B. WILLIAMS, R. A. WILLIAMS, W. D. F. - - - 14 Pokfield Road, 4th Floor, H.K. 12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K. 58 Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 10, The Albany, H.K. c/o Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 243 King Fung Villa, 104 Miles, Castle Peak Road, N.T. WILLIAMS, Mrs. W. D. F. As above. - WILSON, B. D. · WILSON, Miss E. M. WINKLER, E. - WONG, Kwok-fong WONG, - Mrs. Margaret Homan. WONG, Peng-cheong* WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss S. WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, Miss B. R. WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. WU, Hei-tak - - YAO, Miss Joyce T, Y.- YEUNG, Walter, W. T. · YOUNG, Miss P. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. + ZIMMERN, W. A. + + - · 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. Flat 104, The Hermitage, 75 MacDonnell Road, H.K. Flat 402, 12 May Road, H.K. 92-A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. 39 Mody Road, 10th floor, Front, Kowloon, c/o Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, Room 732/735, Alexandra House, H.K. 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. G. P. O. Box 497, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Dept. of Education, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 38 Kotewall Court, Kotewall Road, 6th Floor, H.K. - · 60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K. c/o Triangle Motors Ltd., Morrison Hill Road, H.K. City Hotels (Development) Ltd., Executive Offices, 2nd Floor, Mandarin Hotel, H.K. The Hon. Secretary (P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h S27030 DATE OF HKG. 22 JUN 1973 CLASS NO. BES AUTHOR RO. R8 A8 H7 REBOUND C The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in April, 1973. 1,000 copies. Price per copy: HK $18 US $3.50 postage extra UK £1.40 Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by Yɛ OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. should be revised to S27030 DATE OF HKG. 22 JUN 1973 CLASS NO. BES AUTHOR RO. R8 A8 H7 REBOUND C The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in April, 1973. 1,000 copies. Price per copy: HK $18 US $3.50 postage extra UK £1.40 Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by Yɛ OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. The final output in HTML is S27030 DATE OF HKG. 22 JUN 1973 CLASS NO. BES AUTHOR RO. R8 A8 H7 REBOUND C The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in April, 1973. 1,000 copies. Price per copy: HK $18 US $3.50 postage extra UK £1.40 Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by Yɛ OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, K.C.M.G., M.B.E., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1972: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Professor Ma Meng, M.B.E., B.A. Hon. Secretary: M. Smithies, M.A.(Oxon), M.A.(Calif). Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) G. A. Bridges, M.A. James C. Y. Watt, M.A. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. The Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Responsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1971 · HON. TREASURER's ReporT FOR 1971 - THE LIBRARY, 1971 - - TRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH Chinese Medicine and its Contribution to Modern Medical Science (A Lecture given on 16th November, 1971) DR. F. I. TSEUNG - Some Nineteenth Century Water Colours of Canton and the Far East (A Lecture given on 15th December, 1971) P. H. COLLIN - Raja James Brooke and Sarawak: An Anomaly in the 19th Century British Colonial Scene (A Lecture given on 18th January 1972) -DR. L. R. WRIGHT ARTICLES: The Establishment of the Tsungli Yamen: A Translation of the Memorial and Edict of 1861 — J. L. CRANMER-BYNG Sir James Haldane Stewart Lockhart: Colonial Civil Servant and Scholar- HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE A Historical Review of Housing Conditions in Hong Kong DR. E. G. PRYOR Traditional Chinese Regional Architecture: Chinese Houses LINDA F. SULLIVAN · - Page 1 6 9 12 20 29 41 - - 55 89 130 The Origins of Hong Kong's Central Market and the Tarrant Affair Dafydd Emrys Evans Archaeology in Hong Kong and South China (1938) — W. SCHOFIELD ― Three Chinese Deities: Variations on a Theme KEITH STEVENS NOTES AND QUERIES - Who Hoisted the Union Jack? DR. J. R. JONES China's Earliest Printing—a Note a Note L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH - - Unusual Trees in Hong Kong: the Canton Water Pine SHEN DZE-CHIA A Note on Agricultural Change in Hong Kong AIJMER - Letting Go the Wooden Goose JAMES HAYES 150 - · 161 169 196 - 197 - 198 GORAN - 201 207 - 207 - 213 Programme Notes for the Visit to Pokfulam, Hong Kong Island, 29th July, 1972 - JAMES HAYES - BOOK REVIEWS - ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h the help they have rendered to the Society in its learned and cultural activities: 20th January 15th February 15th March 27th April 19th May 18th October 17th November 15th December Professor L. Carrington Goodrich "The Ming Biographical Project" Mr. James Hayes An informal talk on the scope and activities of the 28th International Congress of Orientalists held in Canberra in January 1971 (illustrated with slides). The Rev. Carl T. Smith "The Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong”. Dr. Hui-Ching Lu "T'ai Chi Chuang: Its Principles and Practice", (illustrated by a 15 minute film show). Professor Woodbridge Bingham "The People of T'ang China as we know them today". Dr. F. I. Tseung "Chinese Medicine and its contribution to Modern Medical Science". Mr. M. J. Smithies "Village Mons of Bangkok Province" or "The Survival of Good and Bad Ghosts Beyond the Traffic Jams", (illustrated with slides). Mr. P. H. Collin "A British Officer in China, 1857-58", (illustrated with slides). Council: During the period under review your Council met nine times and, naturally, much of the business dealt with was of a routine nature. There were however in addition a few important matters of general interest which called for the consideration and action of your executive body and these are now mentioned separately here. Hon. Secretary. On the departure of Mr. J. L. H. Webster from the Colony (as foreshadowed in my last Report), Miss E. M. Bellord, also a member of the staff of the local British ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h CHINESE MEDICINE AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO MODERN MEDICAL SCIENCE DR. F. I. TSEUNG, O.B.E., J.P., K.ST.J., LL.D.* (The text of a lecture to the Branch given on 16th November, 1971) Many people seem to despise Chinese medicine thinking that it is only of legendary or historical interest and that it has no scientific value. Being a scientifically trained medical man, I will not believe theories of a superstitious nature; but to say that Chinese medicine is of no use at all would be too bold a statement to make. Realising that China and her people have existed long before the introduction of scientific medicine, there must be some good in it, although we may not yet know its intrinsic value. I therefore venture to relate some salient points of China's contribution to the medical world. It is my hope that this may create an interest to explore further the scientific value of Chinese medicine. To begin with, the Chinese character I (yi) has a very significant origin. This character consists of a radical Fang (fang), meaning a cavity, with a radical Chi or Shih (chi/shi), meaning an arrow inside it. The radical Shu (shu) means some knife or instrument, and the radical Yau or Yu (yau/yu) means alcohol. The whole character then signifies that an arrow has entered the cavity (thus creating a wound) and that it is necessary to use some knife or instrument to extract it and then apply alcohol to treat it. To a modern medical mind, this seems very scientific. Although there is no denying the fact that superstitions are prevalent in China, it has to be pointed out that the regular Chinese doctor is one who treats diseases according to certain rules and standards, and that he has a clear conception of his noble calling. In spite of the varied speculations and sometimes absurd theories as to the causation of diseases, there is yet a rational, semi-scientific and dignified practice which is based on the accumulated knowledge * Dr. Tseung, who was born in Hong Kong in 1903, is a distinguished member of the medical profession here. He is a past president of the Hong Kong Chinese Medical Association, was Commissioner of the St. John Ambulance Brigade and has also been active in community and educational activities for many years, including four years as President of United College, now part of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h CHINESE MEDICINE 19 competitive examinations. Thus, it appears that the medical services of this period were quite well organized. The Tai I Yuan (太醫院) had special charge of medical education, the Han Lin I Kuan Yuan (翰林醫官院), of general administration and the Yu Yao Yuan (御藥院), of the medical needs of the Imperial Household. Such is a brief summary of the contributions of Chinese medicine. It will be seen from the above that whilst the Chinese have acquired a lot of experience, accumulated a mass of information, collected a great variety of facts, formulated some fundamental principles, anticipated many discoveries, invented some useful methods, some of which have been brought to a high degree of excellence, yet they have never pursued a single subject in a way calculated to lead them to final success. It is a bad tradition that the leading medical men in China seldom passed on their knowledge to others, including sometimes even their own sons; and even if they did pass on, they did not impart a full hundred per cent of their knowledge, accumulated experiences and technique. Most of them know what it is, but cannot explain the whys and wherefores. It is due to this that most of the things hinted at have remained barren of results until centuries later, when modern science stepped in and secured the prize. It is a matter much to be regretted, that in spite of a good start, the native doctors never seem to have pushed their investigations further, but, on the contrary, have lost many of the valuable clues left them by their ancestors.* I am sure that if, in joint co-operation with our foreign medical colleagues, preferably through the medium of the World Health Organization, we put our heads together, forget our prejudices and work persistently on it, we shall succeed in bringing out much more from this old historical art. *This echoes the words used by S. W. Williams in 1848 in the first edition of his classic, The Middle Kingdom, vol. II, p. 192:- On the whole it may be said that, in all departments of learning, the Chinese are unscientific, and, that while they have collected a few facts, invented many arts, and brought a few to a high degree of excellence, they have never pursued a single subject in a way calculated to lead them to a right understanding of it, and proper classification of the information they possessed relating to it. Editor. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h SOME NINETEENTH CENTURY WATER-COLOURS OF CANTON AND THE FAR EAST P. H. COLLIN* (The text of a lecture to the Branch given on 15th December 1971) A small collection of mid-nineteenth century water-colours of the Far East recently came to light in a London dealer's. The paintings are mainly of China, in particular Canton, with inscriptions and dates in pencil or paint; at some later date, they have been numbered in Roman numerals in ink on the reverse. The list of the paintings is as follows, showing the number on the reverse, the inscription on the face of the painting (in italics), and a brief description by the author. The spelling and punctuations are as in the originals. II Sumatra Straits of Sunda Nov. 14 57 A view of islands, with a native dhow. III After heavy rain. Straits of Sunda A sailing vessel. IV China Sea the green clouds are from nature Small junk against the sunset. V North Wantong|Id. Bocca Tigris Decr 16th 57 A fort with a red-coated soldier on guard and mountains seen on the far side of the channel. VII Canton Feb 58 A view looking across roof-tops towards a pagoda and the west gate. XI Febry 58 Canton Bamboo grove beyond White Cloud Mountains The Jingal pic-nic Feb 20th 58 Some soldiers and Chinese sitting by bamboos, looking across paddy fields to a clump of bamboo where a group of figures are visible. Mountains in the distance. XIII Canton 58 Three horses and riders with, beyond rolling country, the pagodas of Canton. * Mr. Collin was formerly Lecturer in English at the University of Hong Kong and is now a publisher in London. Plates 32-33 illustrate this article. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 22 P. H. COLLIN of the time. The painting of the praya at Macao (No. XVII) is a scene which is found in many nineteenth-century illustrated books;* the picture of the East walls of Canton (No. XXXV) is virtually the same as that of the frontispiece of Fisher's Three Years' Service in China, that of Howqua's garden (No. XLV) closely resembles the frontispiece of Albert Smith's pamphlet To China and Back. The dealer from whom the paintings were acquired was unable to identify their origin, nor the artist whose initials G.A.S. appear on numbers XXXIII and XLV. Nor was it possible to find any clues as to the whereabouts of the missing paintings, which, to go by the Roman numbers on the reverse, must be at least twenty-five in number. To discover the identity of the artist, there are certain clues in the paintings themselves. In view of their dates, it seems certain that he must have come to the Far East in connection with the "Arrow" war and the capture of Canton in December 1857. Reinforcements for this campaign were requested by Admiral Seymour in the summer of 1857 and arrived in China waters during the autumn of that year. The first to arrive were the steam-transports Imperador and Imperatrix, which reached Hong Kong on 28th October and 6th November respectively. Some time after them came the Adelaide, also a steamer, which, although leaving England at the same time as others (the Imperador left Plymouth on August 10th, the Imperatrix on 12th August, the Adelaide on 17th August), only arrived in Hong Kong on December 1st. Wingrove Cooke, in his despatches to "The Times", reveals the impatience of the Hong Kong garrison with what he calls "this lagging log, the Adelaide." In a later report, he states that "the long-expected Adelaide made her appearance on the 1st, having on board twenty officers and 507 rank and file". Judging from the date on the first painting, the artist we are concerned with must have been aboard the Adelaide: perhaps he devoted himself to painting to relieve the tedium of the excessively long voyage. There were, of course, people in Hong Kong at the time who might have painted the pictures. Albert Smith mentions meeting on 24th August 1858 the son-in-law of the P. and O. agent, a “Mr. * As, for example, in James Orange, The Chater Collection, Pictures relating to China, Hong Kong, Macao 1655-1830 (1924). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 24 P. H. COLLIN "Soon after moving on, we came to a rivulet, the course of which assured us our problem was solved; there must be a pass through the mountains. We followed the stream, and emerged on the great plain. Our spirits rose, and we walked on, admiring the peacefulness and tranquillity of everything, and the hospitality of the poor industrious countrymen. We concluded that we might with ease and comfort walk to Pekin. Some quail fell to some of our sportsmen's guns, and some distant trees gave promise of the nobler woodcock. On nearing this wood, we found that it formed the background to a large village, but we saw a path leading round outside, which we resolved to follow. We were considerably astonished by several villagers coming forward gesticulating, and, as we afterwards supposed, entreating us not to go on. We could not at the time quite make out what they meant, but supposed that they did not wish us to pass through the village. So on we went by the outer path, and entered a grove of tall pine-trees. We were instantly saluted by such a din of gongs, and clamour of voices as I never heard as if we had upset a hive of people. Individual Chinese soldiers displayed themselves, beating two swords together, and capering about, as if to challenge us to single combat. We caught one man, and tried, through our interpreter, to explain that we were only out for a walk. "It was manifest enough that the scrape we had been endeavouring to avoid, we had at last fallen into, and in a more unpleasant form than we anticipated; in fact, that we had stumbled on the enemy's camp. The hum of voices sounded as if upwards of a thousand people were in movement. Our first step was to load, and our next to get back into the open plain, where we could not be surrounded without seeing our assailants. Whilst we were loading, bang came a great jingall shot right among us, fortunately hitting no one. Another shot or two were fired which were not very well aimed, and we got on to the plain. "Of course our danger was that we should be cut off from Canton, whence we were distant, as the crow flies, about six miles. But, unfortunately, it was not visible from where we were, and of course we only had an idea of about where it ought to be. We saw from the plain that there was a succession of villages in the direction of the city, and we feared the alarm would spread, and that we should be headed by these villagers turning out in front of us, Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 26 P. H. COLLIN Major George Augustus Schomberg was then aged 36, and in command of the artillery company which accompanied the Royal Marine battalions. After staying at the Bogue for some days, the attacking forces moved up towards Canton. The authors of The Royal Marine Artillery, 1804-1923 give the general plan of attack: “It was arranged that the ships should bombard the city on its river front, in conjunction with a bombardment by a battery of heavy mortars, in charge of the marine artillery, which was placed in position on December 24th and 25th on Dutch Folly Island, opposite the southwest front of the city. Under cover of the bombardment the military and naval brigades were to land to the east of Canton and carry by escalade the eastern wall of the city. The First Brigade comprised the two Marine battalions and was led by Colonel Holloway. The mortar battery on Dutch Folly Island was manned by the Royal Marine Artillery Company, under Major Schomberg.” The bombardment at first proceeded according to plan, though Wingrove Cooke suggests that Schomberg's battery had difficulty in finding the range of Gough's Fort which was over 4000 yards away, on the other side of the city. After the successful landing of the troops, relates the Royal Marine Artillery history, "Major Schomberg's gunners, whose task it was to clear the way for the assailants at the point of escalade, began shelling the eastern wall between the two gates, firing across the city, at daylight. They kept up their bombardment until the moment fixed for the assault, just before nine o'clock; until, indeed, after the first scaling ladder parties had reached the walls and the foremost of the stormers had mounted to the ramparts. Major Schomberg was watching with his glass from a crow's nest above the battery, a signaller beside him, but, in spite of that, some of the leading men of the stormers, who had swarmed up the ladders too impetuously and got in advance, were hit by pieces of shell before their presence on the ramparts could be made out from Dutch Folly Island.” Details of the casualties occasioned in this incident vary according to the source of information. Cooke simply states that "the men had been brought up so near the walls, that the shells from our ships were falling among them", while Fisher says "the French escaladed on our left, but advanced to the attack a few minutes before the time agreed upon, an act of impatience which caused ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 28 P. H. COLLIN NOTES 1 Wingrove Cooke, China, London, 1858. p. 254. 2 Ibid., p. 279. 3 This was J. Scarth, who in 1860 published Twelve Years in China, illustrated from his own sketches. In this work Scarth has little to say of the events in Canton during the Arrow War, pointing out that the subject had been fully treated by Wingrove Cooke. 4 Albert Smith, To China and Back, London, 1859, p. 27. 5 J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, 1900 edition, p. 38, gives the following description. "Gingals, or Jingals, are long tapering guns, six to fourteen feet in length, borne on the shoulders of two men and fired by a third. They have a stand, or tripod, resembling one of a telescope”. 6 Lt. Col. Fisher, Three Years' Service in China, London, 1863 p. 25. 7 Ibid., p. 72. 8 E. Fraser & L. G. Carr-Laughton, The Royal Marine Artillery. 1804-1923, London, 1930, p. 459. I am indebted to Miss J. S. Crockett of the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, for drawing my attention to this work. 9 Ibid., p. 462. 10 Cooke, op. cit., p. 329. 11 Fisher, op. cit., p. 4. 12 Parliamentary papers on Lord Elgin's mission to China. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h RAJA JAMES BROOKE AND SARAWAK: AN ANOMALY IN THE 19TH CENTURY BRITISH COLONIAL SCENE LEIGH R. WRIGHT* (The text of a lecture given to the Branch on 18th January 1972) To the reading public a hundred years ago the name of Raja James Brooke and his oriental kingdom of Sarawak, then a medium-sized principality on the northwest coast of Borneo, conjured up visions of dark impenetrable jungles; tropical rivers and mangrove coasts infested with the fiercest and most barbaric of pirates; and a pagan headhunting primitive people, ruled over by a Malay sultan and a court of Malay chiefs who had over long years of decline and corruption been reduced to only slightly more respectable status than the pirates. Brooke was usually presented in a highly romantic light—the best type of British export, the humanitarian colonial who helped penetrate the barbaric darkness of remote Borneo and who was holding the thin precarious line of civilization. Joseph Conrad and later, Somerset Maugham, added to the romance and colour surrounding the Borneo and Malay world of which Brooke was an important part. Much that went to make up this mental picture of Borneo in the English reading world was fact. There were pirates aplenty. The Sultanate of Brunei had declined to a low state of impotence and corruption, Brunei was by the nineteenth century one of those decaying Moslem states of the Malay world about which the historian Lennox Mills wrote, + The rule of the Malays was as weak as it was cruel and oppressive; individually brave, they were unable to prevent their state from crumbling to pieces before their eyes. The Malay nobles appear to have divided their time between intrigue and dissipation at Brunei Town, and the oppression of their Dayak subjects. + Many of the Dayaks were indeed the fierce headhunters that were depicted in the nineteenth century accounts. And James Brooke * Dr. Wright is Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Hong Kong. He is the author of The Origins of British Borneo, Hong Kong University Press, 1970. 1 L. A. Mills, British Malaya 1824-67, (Singapore 1925), p. 284. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h RAJA JAMES BROOKE AND SARAWAK 31 slavery. One of the Brunei princes, Raja Muda Hasim, had shown a rather more friendly attitude toward European traders out of Singapore than had the pirate chiefs. Brooke was commissioned to make contact with Hasim and see what he could do to make English ships welcome in the rivers of Borneo. Brooke was given a letter from Governor Bonham addressed to the Sultan of Brunei, Omar Ali Saifuddin. Sarawak in those days was the southernmost part of the Brunei sultanate, little more than the Malay village of Kuching and the Sarawak River. The local Malay chiefs had for some time been in rebellion against the extortionary rule of the Brunei governor, and Raja Muda Hasim had been sent to suppress the rebellion but without much success. It was in Sarawak that Brooke, on the 15th August 1839, met Hasim and his brother Bedruddin who impressed him with their “overawing and stately demeanour”, and their above average intelligence and political acumen. They were not at all the ordinary dissipated Malay chiefs that proliferated in the environs of the Brunei court. Brooke was made welcome and carried on conversations about Malay politics and trade. He then continued his voyage to Celebes and again returned to Kuching in the summer of 1840. Without going into the details of Malay intrigue and procrastination that surrounded a most fascinating episode of British colonial history, suffice it to say that within a year Brooke had successively: convinced himself that it was worthwhile attempting to settle the rebellion in a just and fair way; had thrown the considerable weight and prestige of his expedition behind Hasim; had negotiated an end to the rebellion, which characteristically included a fair and humane amnesty for the rebellious chiefs; and had accepted in the bargain the governorship of Sarawak. Brooke wrote a lively account of the proceedings for his journal entry,2 Under the guns of Royalist, and with a small body of men to protect me personally, and the great majority of all classes with me, it is not surprising that the negotiation proceeded rapidly to a favourable issue. The document was quickly drawn up, sealed, signed, and delivered; and on the 24th of 2 R. Munday, Narrative of Events in Borneo and Celebes from the Journals of James Brooke, Esq. (John Murray, London, 1848), Vol. I, p. 271. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h RAJA JAMES BROOKE AND SARAWAK 37 France, and in 1859 he "broke off" relations with Britain, upon which the Foreign Secretary, Lord Russell commented,12 Tell Brooke that the people of Sarawak are welcome to any independence they can achieve and maintain but that a British subject cannot throw off his allegiance at pleasure. And Spencer St. John noted13 that "the Raja's correspondence during this year with Her Majesty's Government was not pleasant, and ended, apparently, in complete estrangement”. Over the years Brooke had acquired a respectable following of supporters in Britain and Singapore, among whom were some influential figures such as Lord Grey, Bishop Wilberforce of Oxford, and the late Victorian philanthropist, Miss Angela Burdett-Coutts, later Baroness Burdett-Coutts. His friends now took up his cause and lobbied Whitehall from the Prime Minister's office down. Britain refused to extend a colonial or protectorate status to Sarawak on practical political grounds. Henry Layard, an under-secretary in the Foreign Office, wrote that a protectorate was declined because of the "inconvenience of such relations between this country and a foreign territory", because Sarawak “would not be of sufficient value politically and commercially", and because Brooke's title was not "sufficiently clear"14 Brooke's friends persuaded the Government to have another look at Sarawak, and in 1861 Lord Elgin, who was about to depart as the new viceroy of India, was instructed to investigate the prospects and potential of Sarawak. He delegated the task to Colonel Cavenagh, Governor of the Straits Settlements. In due course Cavenagh and Elgin provided an optimistic assessment of Raja Brooke's state and suggested making Sarawak a lieutenant-governorship under Singapore. "I am disposed to think", wrote Lord Elgin,15 that the acquisition of Saigon by the French and the persistent endeavor of the Dutch authorities to cripple British trade... give enhanced importance to the preservation of the independence of Sarawak as a matter affecting British interests.' 12 See correspondence between the Foreign Office and Raja Brooke between 26 November and 17 December 1859, FO12/35. 13 Spencer St. John, Life of Sir James Brooke, Rajah of Sarawak, (Edinburgh, 1879) p. 327. 14 Layard memorandum to Lord Elgin, 2 January 1862, FO12/35. 15 Elgin to Russell, 8 January 1863, FO12/35. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h RAJA JAMES BROOKE AND SARAWAK 39 the "local authorities" rather than from the sovereign prince of Sarawak, as was usual. Thus the anomalous status of Sarawak in the view of some officials remained, and this technicality provided an opportunity for a subsequent permanent undersecretary in the Foreign Office to declare that Brooke had not been recognized as a reigning prince. Julian Pauncefote opined in 1877,19 Raja Brooke has not forfeited his claims of British nationality by accepting the position of ruler of Sarawak and as a matter of constitutional law it is competent to Her Majesty to recognize him as a sovereign prince but no such recognition has yet taken place. James Brooke died in 1868, happy at having received his country's recognition, and confident that it was merely a step toward the desired British protectorate. In this he was prophetic. Although a formal protectorate was not granted until 1888, Britain made it quite clear by a pronouncement late in 1868 that her paramount interests on the northwest coast of Borneo constituted it a British sphere.20 Raja James Brooke was presented at court on two occasions, in 1847, and again in 1857. His nephew and successor, Charles Brooke, visited England in 1869 and asked to be received officially. He was told that he might write on his card and be presented as "Mr. Brooke, Raja of Sarawak". The second white raja was incensed and refused to appear until finally, in 1874, he was presented as "His Highness, the Raja of Sarawak”, and granted a place just below the Indian maharajas in the order of precedence at Court. Until 1888, Britain's empire building in Borneo was done largely by proxy, by Englishmen indeed, but by the agency of political structures and vehicles outside the direct control of Whitehall. That was the role of the Brooke raj, and later of the chartered company that ruled North Borneo, so far as they were a part of the British empire. One of Brooke's friends, John Abel Smith, M.P., was quite accurate when in 1866 he noted rather sourly,21 The English government is quite alive to the importance of Sarawak to British interests, but as long as Raja Brooke 19 Pauncefote minute, 2 January 1877, FO12/43. 20 FO to Hennessy, 2 December 1868, FO12/34A. 21 Owen Rutter (ed) Rajah Brooke and Baroness Burdett-Coutts, London, 1935, p. 272. Page 45 Page 46 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 54 J. L. CRANMER-BYNG Councillors at Jehol at this time: Mu-yin; K'uang-yüan; Tu Han; Chiao Yu-ying. Information on all these officials can be found in Hummel, Eminent Chinese, especially in the biography of Su-shun. Their power relationships are discussed in Banno, China and the West, passim, but especially 55-56. The term "minister of the imperial presence" (yü-ch'ien ta-ch'en) is rendered by Brunnert and Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization, p. 28, no. 101, as adjutant-general. II Tengchow is on the northern side of the Shantung promontory. In fact it was not opened to foreign trade which was carried on at Yen-tai near Chefoo. S. Wells Williams, The Chinese Commercial Guide, 211-212. Ch'aochow was the old name for Swatow; Ch'iungchow is in Hainan. Taiwan City and Tamsui were ports on the island of Taiwan which came under the administration of Fukien province. 12 Ch'ung-hou was appointed to this post by an edict of 20 January with the designation superintendent of trade for the Three Ports, with his headquarters at Tientsin. Hsueh Huan, governor of Kiangsu and acting imperial commissioner at Shanghai, was made responsible for the newly opened ports along the Yangtze and the coast to the south of it, by the same edict. As far back as 1844 the imperial commissioner at Canton was currently designated imperial commissioner for the Five Ports. With the addition of new ports it was made a concurrent post of the governor of Kiangsu in 1861, until 1868 when it was made a concurrent post of the governor-general of Liang Kiang residing at Nanking. In 1870 the post of superintendent of trade for the Three Ports was raised to an imperial commissionership and held concurrently by the governor-general of Chihli. It is not clear when the commonly used designations for these two posts viz: superintendent of trade for the southern ports and superintendent of trade for the northern ports were first used. Meng, The Tsungli Yamen, 40-41; Banno, China and the West, 233-5. 13 Article 3 of the Convention of Peking between Britain and China refers. See W. F. Mayers, Treaties Between the Empire of China and Foreign Powers, 8. The phrase to avoid complications arising is a euphemism for 'to avoid peculation'. 14 Tentatively we have translated the Chinese phrase hui-tan as counter-foil. Note 19 also refers. 15 The term is fuyin. See Brunnert and Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization of China, 793. 16 See Frank H. H. King, A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911. 17 Translated in collaboration with Mr. Vei-Tsen Yang. Chinese text in Ch'ow-pan wu shih-mo, Hsien-feng, 72: 2-3. A second edict was issued on the same day, and on the same subject, to the Grand Secretariat. This edict was translated by T. F. Wade along with the six-point memorandum. Note 2 above refers. 18 Not to be confused with the Russian Hostel nor with the language school for the Russians in Peking, both of which were often referred to in Chinese documents as O-lo ssu-kuan, thus making confusion likely with the Russian language school referred to here. See Meng, The Tsungli Yamen, 111, note 48. 19 Lit. 'draw up a joint document'. Glossed by T. F. Wade as a paper signed by both parties showing that the amount deducted is in due proportion to the collection'. Translation of Peking Gazette in F.O. 17/352 p. 42. 20 Presumably referring to Robert Hart, the Inspector General of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, and the westerners serving under him. On the general subject of foreigners taking part in the administration of China after the middle of the nineteenth century see Fairbank, The Chinese World Order, 273-5; also Fairbank "Synarchy under the Treaties" in Fairbank (ed.) Chinese Thought and Institutions, 204-231. Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 56 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE In 1878, after success in the competitive examination held by the Civil Service Commissioners in London, he was appointed a Hong Kong cadet by the Secretary of State for the Colonies. He had wished to join, like his friend E.D.H. Fraser,3 the Indian Civil Service but his address to the Civil Service Commissioners for service in India had been turned down. Lockhart was the eighth cadet officer appointed to Hong Kong after the introduction of Hong Kong cadetships by Sir Richard MacDonnell in 1861. Sir Richard had been concerned to recruit young men from Britain who would train to become interpreters, for there was a great need for such persons in the Hong Kong public service at that time. But Sir Richard's scheme was not, properly speaking, an innovation since it was closely modelled on the system devised in 1854 for supplying interpreters to the Consular Service in China. The practice in Hong Kong was for a successful cadet, who had to be between the age of 20 and 23 on the first day of his examination, to remain in Britain for one year after appointment, during which time he was required to begin learning Chinese and to attend a class for students at King's College, London, held by the Professor of Chinese at that institution. The cadet was also employed for some hours daily at the Colonial Office in the work of the Department. At the end of his year's study the cadet was examined in Chinese, and the confirmation of his appointment depended upon both his passing a satisfactory examination and on the performance of his duties in the Office. Lockhart appears to have had no difficulties in meeting these requirements. It seems likely that the European public in Hong Kong first knew of Lockhart when they saw a notification from the Colonial Secretary, W.H. Marsh, in the Government Gazette of 1879 which simply stated: 'It is hereby notified that James Haldane Stewart Lockhart, Esq., has been appointed by Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, to be a Cadet in the Hong Kong Civil Service, and that he reported his arrival in the Colony on Tuesday, the 18th November, 1879.' Lockhart had set out from England by P. and O. steamer some time in September 1879; and, as was the form, immediately reported his arrival in Hong Kong to the Colonial Secretary. At that date it was the custom for a newly arrived cadet from Britain to spend a few weeks in the Colony before proceeding to Canton. During his brief stay in the Colony, the cadet was quizzed by senior officials, instructed as to his future ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 70 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE depressed and the Grant-in-Aid was increased, but not to its original figure. Lockhart had received the administration of a territory that could never be a great financial success. Except for two periods of leave, in 1909 and 1918, and short absences from the Territory, such as ceremonial visits to the Chinese Governor of Shangtung at Tsinan, Lockhart was continuously in charge for nearly nineteen years. Weihaiwei was an extremely healthy place, free of malaria, with a climate like that of a northern European country and Lockhart was able to indulge in the recreations he loved most. He rode nearly every day or played a round of golf on the mainland on Yuan Shih-k'ai's parade ground. The dedication to Lockhart of Johnston's book, Lion and Dragon in Northern China, reads: 'In memory of two moonlit nights at Lutao-k'uo, five frosty mornings at Pei-K'uo Temple and a hundred breezy gallops over the hills and sands of Weihaiwei.' In 1904, Johnston, then Acting Assistant Colonial Secretary at Hong Kong, had been appointed to Weihaiwei and the two men, who had worked together previously in Hong Kong, soon became close friends. In 1919 Johnston accepted an appointment as tutor to the ex-Emperor of China, P'ü-i,37 and Lockhart in his report for that year spoke of the 'great loss to the service. He had served uninterruptedly in Weihaiwei since 1904 and had proved himself an officer of exceptional administrative capacity, his intimate knowledge of the Chinese, their customs, and their language having won for him a high place in the esteem of the native population with which his duties brought him into such intimate contact.'38 They were both Scots but their friendship, it would seem, was based not on tribalism but on a mutual admiration for Chinese civilisation. Lockhart left Weihaiwei on 23 April, 1921, on H.M. Ship Cairo, a passage having been placed at his disposal by the Commander-in-Chief, China Station. His popularity with all classes of the Chinese population 'was evidenced by the erection of two "Pei" (commemorative tablets) in his honour and the presentation of numerous addresses and scrolls, two "myriad name" umbrellas, one dress of "myriad name robes" and a bowl of pure water (the symbol of purity of administration).'39 Lockhart had been popular mainly because he understood the Chinese and left them alone. As he wrote: "There is in China a ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART 77 Lastly, reference should be made to Lockhart's great interest in Chinese painting. He built up during the forty years he spent in Hong Kong and China a notable collection of Chinese paintings dating from the Sung Dynasty (960-1279) down to the closing years of the Empire, including one by the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi herself. Lockhart's collection was exhibited in June 1928 at the Betty Joel Galleries, Knightsbridge, and created wide interest. In January 1972 a painting by Yün Shou-p'ing (1633-1690), one of the six masters of the early Ch'ing Dynasty, was presented to the University of Hong Kong by Lockhart's daughter, Mrs. Mary Stewart Lockhart, 'in memory of her father and as a perpetual token of her father's admiration and affection for the Chinese of Hong Kong.'65 The remainder of Lockhart's collection of Chinese coins, paintings, and papers have been given to George Watson's College. LAST YEARS Lockhart returned to England in 1921 and settled down with his family in South Kensington, London. He returned with undiminished vigour, his interest in China and in things Chinese as acute as ever, and he continued to keep in touch with his Chinese and European friends in Asia. Jean Gittins, Sir Robert Ho Tung's daughter, tells us in her autobiography66 that when the Lockharts heard she was contemplating staying in England, they at once suggested she should live with them and that Lockhart should act as her guardian. Lockhart became a regular attendant at the Council meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society — he was in fact one of its oldest members (nominated in 1879) and of its vigorous North China Branch (nominated in 1885) — and he contributed a number of book reviews to its Journal. He frequently presided at the ordinary meetings and lectures given under the Society's auspices and in 1928 became its honorary Secretary and also the Society's nominee on the Governing Body of the School of Oriental Studies at London University. He held both these honorary appointments until 1935, when failing health forced him to resign from both. He died on February 26, 1937, aged 79, at his home. The Times obituary was headed appropriately: 'Forty years in China', and it spoke of him as 'a colonial official who had served with distinction for more than 40 years in the Far East.'67 The obituary in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society said: 'most of his contemporaries in Hong Kong have passed away or have left the Colony, but there are still ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART 79 relationships between ruler and ruled, proper behaviour according to status. Lockhart was a scholar-administrator in the Confucian sense. The profession of Colonial Civil Servant is coming to an end with the dissolution of the British empire. Lockhart, then, is a representative of a stage in the evolution of English society — the stage of imperial expansion that is now over and can never return. In contemporary Hong Kong the European official is not likely to be a Chinese scholar, for the system of language training that produced a Lockhart has been radically curtailed?. Yet if an official is of a scholarly turn of mind, he is now more likely to be found reading history, politics or economics. The scholar-administrator of Lockhart's type is not to be found. He has become a specialist or bureaucrat. There is no doubt that Lockhart would have been saddened by this consummation. NOTES 1 Sir William des Voeux, My Colonial Service..... London, 1903, vol. 2, p. 211. 2 George Watson's College was founded by George Watson, first accountant of the Bank of Scotland, who died in 1723. It became a day school in 1878. The Senior School has now about 890 boys. 3 Sir Everard Duncan Home Fraser, K.C.M.G. (1859-1922). Educated at Aberdeen University. Passing a competitive examination, he was appointed a student interpreter in China in 1880, being promoted Acting Consul at Foochow in 1886. At the time of his death, Fraser was Senior Consul in Shanghai and, therefore, chairman of the Consular Body. 4 In Britain the first chair of Chinese was created in 1838 at University College London. In 1846 Samuel Fearon, the Registrar General of Hong Kong, was appointed Professor of Chinese Language and Literature in King's College, London. The next incumbent of the chair at King's appears to have been James Summers, who was twenty-four at the time of his appointment in 1852. Summers had been for a few years a tutor at St. Paul's College, Hong Kong; but Hong Kong society was highly critical of the elevation to a chair of a mere stripling (see J. W. Norton-Kyshe, History of the Law and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. i, p. 348). Summers resigned at the end of the 1872/73 session and apparently departed for China and Japan. He was succeeded by Robert Kennaway Douglas (1838-1913), who was also Senior Assistant in the Department of Printed Books in the British Museum. It was presumably Douglas who first introduced Lockhart to Chinese. (On Douglas see the short obituary in T'oung Pao, vol. xiv, 1913). For a long time the sole chair of Chinese in Britain was that at King's College until a chair was created in 1876 for Dr. James Legge at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Professor Douglas had few full-time students, only a Frenchman and a Pole; Legge had only one student and Sir Thomas Wade at Cambridge 'n'avait qu'un auditeur: il est vrai qu'il était Chinois'. (See Henri Cordier, 'Les Études Chinoises', T'oung Pao, 1898, p. 48). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 80 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE 8 E. T. C. Werner, Autumn Leaves: An Autobiography, Shanghai, 1928, pp. 487-8. Werner, a student interpreter, studied Chinese in Peking in 1884. With him were two Hong Kong cadets -- Henry Francis May and Thomas Sercombe Smith. May became Governor of Hong Kong and Smith Puisne Judge in the Straits Settlements. 6 E. H. Parker, John Chinaman and a Few Others, London, 1903, p. 210. 7 Ibid., p. 211. 8 Lockhart's preface to A Manual of Chinese Quotations, 1st edition, 1893, p. iii. Lockhart also states: 'my attention was first called to the Ch'êng Yu Kao by my late teacher Mr. Ou-yang Hui.... I commenced to translate it under his guidance.' 9 A report of Ho Kai's speech is given in one of a series of articles called Old Hong Kong by 'Colonial', published by the South China Morning Post (June 17, 1933-April 13, 1935). Mimeographed copy, University of Hong Kong Library, 10 See, for example, T. O. Ranger, ‘African Reactions to the Imposition of Colonial Rule in East and Central Africa', in L. H. Gann and Peter Duignan (eds.), Colonialism in Africa 1870-1960, Cambridge, England, 1969, vol. 1, pp. 293-324; Lord Hailey, An African Survey, 2nd edition, London, 1945, pp. 527-8; and also J. D. Legge, Britain in Fiji 1858-1880, London, 1958, especially his ch. ix, 'Native Authority Systems'. 11 For a more detailed account of Lockhart's design see my article, "The District Watch Committee: "The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xi, 1971, pp. 116-141. 12 Hong Kong Sessional Papers (cited henceforth as Sessional Papers), no. 26 of 1896, pp. 425-427. 13 T. H. Whitehead (1851-1933). See obituaries in the Times of 17 May, 1933, and in the South China Morning Post of 18 May, 1933. He was from 1883 to 1902 manager of the Hong Kong office of the Chartered Bank. Whitehead, a great imperialist, was a member of the Royal Empire Society, the Fellowship of the British Empire, and the China Association. The Times speaks of him as a typical Scot, of rugged energy and determination, and of great intellectual force.... In the domestic politics of Hong Kong Colony he took an active, not to say aggressive part.... In his retirement he was active in promoting emigration to the Empire, especially of boy scouts. 14 Sessional Papers, no. 26 of 1896, p. 431. 15 Ibid., p. 428. 16 Ibid., p. 429. 17 Most of the clerks in the Registrar General's Office were recruited from Queen's College. 'In March 1900, at the Queen's College Prize Giving, the Hon. Stewart Lockhart, C.M.G., said: "I do not know what the Government would have done if it had not had the College to turn to when it wanted a staff at work in the New Territory, and I cannot give them any higher praise than to say they are carrying on their duties in a manner worthy of the College in which they received their education." See Gwenneth Stokes, Queen's College, 1862-1962, Hong Kong, 1962, p. 66. 18 Norton-Kyshe, op. cit. vol. 2, p. 461. +3 19 See 'Extracts from a Report from Mr. Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong', Sessional Papers, no. 9 of 1899. 20 Ibid., p. 198. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART 81 21 'Despatches and Other Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong', Sessional Papers, no. 32 of 1899, p. 13. 22 Ibid., p. 36. 23 Ibid., p. 65. 24 Ibid., p. 69. 25 'Report on the New Territory during the first year of British Administration', Sessional Papers, no. 15 of 1900, p. 252. 26 'Report on the New Territory for the Year 1901', Sessional Papers, no. 22 of 1902, p. 4. 27 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1921. 28 Alfred Hancock and his brother Sydney were partners in the firm of A. and S. Hancock of Queen's Road, Hong Kong. In 1906 Alfred Hancock had resided for over fifty years in Amoy and Hong Kong. In the 1920s the firm had moved to Des Voeux Road and the chief partner was H. R. B. Hancock, Lockhart's brother-in-law. The firm was still active in 1940. 29 The walled city of Weihaiwei, captured by the Japanese in 1894, by the terms of the 1898 Convention was not under British jurisdiction but nominally under a Chinese sub-district deputy magistrate. The British sphere of influence extended for an area of 1,500 square miles east of the Leased Territory. 30 On the Chinese Regiment see: Captain A. A. S. Barnes, On Active Service with the Chinese Regiment, London, 1902; C. E. Bruce-Mitford, The Territory of Wei-Hai-Wei, Shanghai, 1902, pp. 22-24; R. F. Johnston, Lion and Dragon in Northern China, London, 1910, pp. 82-3; and Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1906. The only servicemen left in Weihaiwei after 1906 were the small body of Royal Marines of the Island Guard, 31 Johnston, op. cit., p. 82. 32 L. K. Young, British Policy in China 1895-1902, London, 1970, p. 73. 33 Johnston, op. cit., p. 80. 34 The Weihaiwei School was opened with only four pupils in 1901 by a Mr. H. J. L. Beer. In 1903 a new school house was built near Port Edward, partly with the aid of a debenture loan subscribed by British subjects in Shanghai. The new school had dormitories for forty boys. The school, which took boys between ages of 8 to 14, was mainly for the sons of British expatriates. Pupils came from places as far apart as Mukden, Canton, Kobe, and Chungking. The school closed in 1925 when it became apparent that the rendition of Weihaiwei was close at hand. Weihaiwei's fine climate contributed to the school's success with expatriate parents. 35 Johnston, op. cit., p. 96. 36 Sir Reginald Fleming Johnston, K.C.M.G. (1874-1938). Johnston was educated at Edinburgh University and Oxford. He arrived in Hong Kong as an Eastern Cadet, fresh from Magdalen, on Christmas Day, 1898. In 1904, Robert Walter, Secretary to Government and Magistrate at Weihaiwei, was seconded for service as Emigration Agent at Ch'iu-wang-tao for the Transvaal Government and Johnston was appointed to take his place. In 1906 he was appointed District Officer and Magistrate and resided in the heart of the Territory. In 1919 when he took up his appointment as tutor he was Senior District Officer. In 1927 he returned to Weihaiwei as Commissioner. After the rendition of Weihaiwei in 1930 he became Professor of Chinese, University of London, and Head of the Department of Languages and Cultures of the Far East, School of Oriental Studies, 1931-37. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 82 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE It is an interesting comment on Johnston that he visited England only twice in twenty-eight years of residence in China. See Johnston's obituary in the Times of 8 March, 1938. 37 R. F. Johnston's, Twilight in the Forbidden City, London, 1934, describes his experiences as an Imperial tutor. 38 Much information on Johnston's experiences as District Officer and Magistrate are given in his book, Lion and Dragon in Northern China. 39 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1921, p. 3. 40 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1903, p. 5. From time to time the Magistrate's office issued proclamations in Chinese, notifying the people of the wishes of the Government. All the villages of the Territory were provided with large notice boards on which such proclamations were posted. The style of governing in Weihaiwei owed much to Chinese example. 41 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1904, p. 26. The statement is taken from Johnston's 'Report of the Secretary to Government for the Year 1904'. This is a most interesting report on Chinese society in Weihaiwei, 42 The China Review was founded in 1872 by N. B. Dennys. The publication terminated with vol. xxv, 1901. It was published bi-monthly. 43 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1937, pp. 391-3. 44 In his obituary notice of E. H. Parker, E. T. C. Werner wrote: "The editor's request to write this notice puts me in a rather awkward position, for I cannot but refer to the very great amount of valuable sinological work which has been done by members of the British Consular Service in China. Considering its relatively small size, the Service has produced proportionately more brilliant sinologists than any body connected with the Far East.” See Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (henceforth cited as JNCBRAS), vol. lvii, 1926, p. vi. 45 Sir Cecil Clementi (1875-1947). Educated at Oxford. Hong Kong cadet in 1899. Governor of Hong Kong 1925-30. He published, among other books, The Chinese in British Guiana, Georgetown, 1915, Cantonese Love-Songs, Oxford, 1904, and Summary of Geographical Observations taken during a Journey from Kashgar to Kowloon, 1907-8, Hong Kong, 1911. 46 Lockhart's interest in the Chinese language is recognised in the dedication to him of Mok Man-cheung's Tah Tsz Anglo-Chinese Dictionary, 2nd edition (Chinese foreword dated 9th October, 1914). Mok had served in the Registrar-General's department with Lockhart, and moved to the Supreme Court as an interpreter in 1891. See also note 71 below. 47 China Review, vol. xxi, 1892/93, p. 405. 48 Vols. xx to xxii. The disputants included E. J. Eitel, E. H. Parker, E. D. H. Fraser, H. A. Giles, and Lockhart. The first edition of Lockhart's book was dedicated to Dr. John Chalmers, the distinguished sinologue, and the second to Dr. James Legge as well. Lockhart spoke of them as 'two famous Aberdonians'. 49 China Review, vol. xxi, 1892/93, p. 412. 50 China Review, vol. xxii, 1893/94, p. 547, 51 T'oung Pao, vol. viii, 1897, pp. 412-430. 52 Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 6, 1930-32, p. 812. 53 Chinese Recorder, Sept. 1903, p. 464. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART 54 Index to the Tso Chuan, p. iii of Lockhart's preface. 55 Ibid., p. iii. 56 T'oung Pao, vol. xxix, 1932, p. 180. 83 57 On the study of folklore see Alan Dundes (ed.), The Study of Folklore, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1965. 58 N. B. Dennys (1840?-1900), a student interpreter in the Consular Service, published in Hong Kong in 1867: The Folklore of China, and its affinities with that of the Aryan and Semitic Races. It was a reprint of a series of articles first published in the China Review. Dennys' study is influenced particularly by the work of Max Müller. A typical example of Dennys' conjecturing would be the following: 'But what are we to make of the monotheistic spirit pervading the numerous sayings in which the "Heaven" of the Chinese answers to the "God" of Christian Europe or the "Jehovah" of the chosen race? Is this the spontaneous invention of an isolated people, or is it the surviving trace of a long-forgotten worship, when the ancestors of the Chinamen and the Semite worshipped at the same tomb?' (p. 155). See also Thomas Watters, 'Chinese Fox-Myths', JNCBRAS, vol. viii, 1873. The article by E. T. C. Werner, 'China's Place in Sociology', China Review, vol. xx, 1891/92, pp. 303-310, provides another example of the speculative thinking current among the educated in the 1880s. 59 Lockhart's circular was also printed in the JNCBRAS, vol. xxi, 1886, p. 120. 60 China Review, vol. xiv, 1885/86, p. 352. 61 In 1860 the Hong Kong Daily Press published a separate newspaper in Chinese. This was the Chung Ngoi San Po and its first editor was Wong Shing (Huang Shêng). 62 The collection contains over 600 letters from R. F. Johnston to Lockhart. 63 JNCBRAS, vol. xlvii, 1916, p. 152. 64 Arthur Bradden Cole, An Encyclopedia of Chinese Coins, New Collegiate Press, Kansas, 1967, vol. 1, p. 335. 65 South China Morning Post, 5 January, 1972. 66 Jean Gittins, Eastern Windows, Western Skies, Hong Kong, 1969, p. 47. 67 The Times, 4 March, 1937. See also the obituary in the North-China Herald of 10 March, 1937. The South China Morning Post on 1 March, 1937, declared that Sir James' name is immortalised in Hong Kong by Lockhart Road on the Praya Reclamation.' Lockhart received the C.M.G. in 1898 and became a K.C.M.G. in 1908. 68 R. F. Johnston's obituary notice of Lockhart: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1937, p. 393. Johnston states he was one of the first to receive the honorary degree of LL.D from the newly founded University of Hong Kong. He received this honour in 1919 and was in fact the twelfth person to be so honoured. 69 See, for example, Lockhart's letter to Dr. G. E. Morrison after Morrison's speech to the China Association in 1907: 'I admired your pluck', Lockhart wrote, 'in telling your hosts what could not have been entirely pleasing to their self-satisfied ears, and in giving expression to what you well know will not make you popular with the white men in the Far West. You boldly advised removal of the troops. See Cyril Pearl, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 84 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE Morrison of Peking, Sydney, 1967, p. 186. There is a blunt letter from Lockhart to Sun Yat-sen, who had protested against his banishment from Hong Kong in 1896, given in Harold Z. Schiffrin, Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution. Berkeley, California, p. 145: 'I am directed to inform you that this Government has no intention of allowing the British Colony of Hong Kong to be used as an Asylum for persons engaged in plots and dangerous conspiracies against a friendly neighbouring Empire, and that, in view of the part taken by you in such transactions, which you euphemistically term in your letter "emancipating your miserable countrymen from the Tartar yoke", you will be arrested if you land in this Colony under an order of Banishment issued against you in 1896.' One feels that although this was an official letter it expresses precisely what Lockhart felt. 70 Cadet officers (administrative officers) are still expected to learn Cantonese but the present standard is that reached after an eleven-week course at the Government language school; before the war cadet officers usually went to Canton for a two-year full-time course. 71 Since writing note 46 above, I have found another reference to Lockhart's scholarship. James Dyer Ball writes in the second edition of his Cantonese Made Easy (Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1887): 'Great care has also been exercised in a careful revision of the lessons, and here the author must acknowledge the great assistance rendered to him by the Hon. J. H. Stewart Lockhart, C.M.G., who kindly volunteered to assist him.' Page 90 Page 91 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART: A BIBLIOGRAPHY 'Canton Syllabary', China Review, Vol. 10, (1881/82), no. 5, pp. 312-326. "The Structure of Chinese Characters. By John Chalmers', China Review, Vol. 12, (1883/84), no. 1, pp. 1-4. 'The "Phonetic" Shwoh Wan', China Review, Vol. 12, (1883/84), no. 2, pp. 63-64. 'A Sketch of Formosa' (with A.R. Colquhoun), China Review, Vol. 13, [1884/85], no. 3, pp. 161-207. 'Contributions to the Folk-Lore of China', China Review, Vol. 14, [1885/86], no. 6, pp. 352-353, same in Vol. 15, [1886/87], no. 1, pp. 37-39. 85 'Enigmatic Parallelisms of the Canton Dialect' (with T.W. Pearce), China Review, Vol. 15, [1886/87], no. 1, pp. 40-46, no. 2, pp. 119-123, no. 3, pp. 168-175, no. 5, pp. 277-284, no. 6, pp. 357-366, Vol. 16, [1887/88], no. 5, pp. 287-300, no. 6, pp. 348-359, Vol. 17, [1888/89], no. 1, pp. 37-45. 'Note on Chinese Puzzles Can Anyone Solve the Subjoined Puzzles?', China Review, Vol. 18, [1889/90], no. 5, p. 321. 'Chinese Folk-Lore', Folk-lore, Vol. 1, [1890], pp. 359-368. 'The Marriage Ceremonies of the Manchus', Folk-lore, Vol. 1, [1890], no. 4 A Manual of Chinese Quotations. Being a translation of the Ch'êng Yü K'ao Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1893. (Second edition 1903). 'The Reviewer Reviewed or Mr. Lockhart's Reply to Mr. Giles' Review of the Manual of Chinese Quotations', China Review, Vol. 22, [1893/94], no. 2, pp. 547-551. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 88 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE Report of the Commission to inquire into the existence of insanitary properties in the Colony, Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1898. 'Report of the Commission to Enquire into the Public Works Department', Hong Kong Sessional Papers, no. 13 of 1902, pp. 125-368, REVIEWS IN THE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY 1927, pp. 643-4 1928, pp. 648-9 1929, pp. 197-8 1929, pp. 410-12 1929, p. 944 1930, p. 487 1931, pp. 677-8 1931, pp. 872-3 1932, pp. 672-5 1932, pp. 1025-6 1934, pp. 151-3 1935, pp. 189-90 1935, p. 395-6 Herbert H. Gowen and Josef Washington Hall, An Outline History of China. Louise Wallace Hackney, Guide-Posts to Chinese Painting. A.E. Grantham. Hills of Blue. A Picture Roll of Chinese History from Far Beginnings to the Death of Ch'ien Lung, A.D. 1799. V.A. Riasanovsky, The Modern Civil Law of China (part 1). Rodney Gilbert, The Unequal Treaties: China and the Foreigner. Sir Harold Partlett, A Brief Account of Diplomatic Events in Manchuria. Fr. Schjöth, The Currency of the Far East. V.A. Riasanovsky, The Modern Civil Law of China (part 2). G.F. Hudson, Europe and China: A Survey of their Relations from the Earliest Times to 1800. Leonard Shiblien Hsü, The Political Philosophy of Confucianism. E.T. Williams, China Yesterday and To-day. Roswell S. Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800-1900. Bernard M. Allen, The Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Satow, G.C.M.G.: A Memoir. [1930, pp. 217-221 Obituary of Sir E.M. Satow by J.H. Stewart Lockhart] ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 92 E. G. PRYOR with the law particularly, also, as the government lacked sufficient staff of adequate competence. This situation became a source of some concern to Dr. Murray, the Colonial Surgeon, who in 1859 reported that: Hong Kong presents no feature either in climate or position which should make it peculiarly unhealthy. Because of its situation, its natural advantages and its weather, Hong Kong should be the best drained, the best watered, and in every way, the best regulated of towns from a sanitary point of view.... Ordinance No. 8 of 1856 makes it unlawful to construct or reconstruct a house without a sufficient water closet and ashpit to the satisfaction of the Surveyor General. Houses recently built have been allowed to be erected without the slightest regard to any one of these particulars. The fact is there is legal machinery enough to enforce any and every reasonable requirement and to ensure the sanitary condition of the Colony but there exists an unaccountable objection to putting that machinery into action. In 1860, the Kowloon Peninsula up to Boundary Street came under British sovereignty under the Convention of Peking (Figure 1) and this provided more room for urban growth which the prospering trade of the port had stimulated. Yet more Chinese came from the Mainland to seek employment in Hong Kong and, after a few years, to return to their families. Despite the continual outflow of people, the newcomers arrived in such numbers that by 1865 the population had increased to some 125,500 persons of whom 63% were adult males, which reflected the "frontier" character of the Colony. Demand for accommodation became more acute and, in the continued absence of the adequate enforcement of building regulations and the general lack of satisfactory water supplies and other public utility services, the general sanitary condition of the Colony became the cause of some concern particularly to Dr. Murray who, during his term of office from 1858 to 1872, repeatedly drew attention to the exceedingly unhealthy state of Hong Kong. McCoy took over as Colonial Surgeon in 1872 but died soon after, and his place was filled by Dr. Phineas Ayres in November 1873. Ayres was outspoken over the state of the Colony's public 1 Quoted in Wellington A. R., Public Health in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1930, p. 13. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG 93 health and in his first annual report went so far as to predict the eventual outbreak of an epidemic of "unenviable renown".2 He found houses commonly occupied by three to eight families per room which were in a filthy state and were constructed without any regard to basic sanitary requirements. Such properties were owned both by Europeans and wealthy Chinese who exacted high rents secure in the knowledge that, because of the critical shortage of accommodation, the tenants were in no position to seek more equitable terms or improvements. Efforts by the government to improve standards of construction and health met with determined resistance from property owners. To take but one example, in early 1878 the Surveyor General, J. M. Price rejected some plans of Chinese tenement houses on the grounds that they would be unhealthy; to help improve the situation he made certain recommendations for better ventilation by widening the alley at the rear of the premises. This action met with a storm of protest and culminated in a petition to the Governor, Pope-Hennessy, to the effect that the buildings were designed in accordance with the requirements and habits of Chinese people. The petitioners further claimed that: • these habits, although condemned by the more recent rules of western science are, as a matter of fact, the outcome of a lengthened experience among the Chinese living in large and crowded cities, and are as deep rooted as most of their social customs, so it is quite certain that the tenants, as they would not understand the reason, would in no way avail themselves of the facilities for the free access of light and air. The windows looking out into the proposed alleys would be kept closed and the alleys themselves would be made receptacles for the deposit of refuse... Chinese tenants are, as a rule,... unable or unwilling to pay high rents, and it is only by so dividing the houses that many families can reside in each division that Chinese property is made profitable and at the same time the necessary lowness of rent attained 2 "Annual Report of the Colonial Surgeon", The Hongkong Government Gazette, 4th April 1874, p. 157. 3 "Chinese Houses", The Hongkong Government Gazette, 27th July, 1878, pp. 370-371. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 94 E. G. PRYOR The Governor was favourably inclined to the petition but at the same time wished to "save face" for his Surveyor General. He thus expressed the view that he "... would be glad to learn that the memorialists could see their way to conforming to the essentially Chinese style of dwelling . . . and which, while economising space to the utmost, admits of a certain amount of light and ventilation through the small square spaces left at the back, called smoke holes."4 It is worth taking some note of the contents of the petitioners' statement, particularly in respect of the "deep rooted" living habits of the Chinese and the limited capacity of the tenants to pay rent as both these issues emerge in subsequent chapters of Hong Kong's history. By 1876 the population of Hong Kong had increased to over 139,000 of whom 93.5% were Chinese. Steady growth occurred over the next five years so that by the time of the 1881 census 160,400 persons were resident in the Colony, representing an increase of 15.3%. It is relevant to note at this juncture that over the period under review (1841-1881) development was heavily concentrated along the western part of the northern coast of Hong Kong Island and that, in view of the steep terrain, a series of reclamations had to be formed to provide room for new urban growth (Figure 2). The expense and difficulty of creating building sites consequently placed a high premium on land and this, in turn, provided developers with a good reason to justify the fullest exploitation of their properties. The Chadwick Report After some 40 years of growth and general neglect over both the enforcement of building and health regulations and the provision of sanitary services, the condition of the city by 1881 was extremely bad. The British Government therefore sought the services of a sanitary engineer, Osbert Chadwick, who presented a report in 1882 giving his assessment of the situation in Hong Kong. Chadwick's report provides some most interesting information which is worth considering in depth in view of events in subsequent years. 4 Ibid., p. 372. 5 5 Chadwick O., Report on the Sanitary Condition of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1882. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG 97 Pokfulam supply is distributed on the intermittent principle, conducted in a manner which subjects it in the highest degree to all the well-known dangers appertaining to that system. The water from the Wong-Na-Chong dam is not actually turned off daily, but the pipes are so small that the supply is virtually intermittent at the western extremity of the district which it supplies.6 Families in houses with no water supply had to hire water carriers to obtain their day's supply from public standpipes. The water at these points was turned on between 2 a.m. and 5 a.m., and there was usually a mad scramble during this brief period; those who were left out had to obtain their supplies from distant water holes and streams on the hillsides. It is not surprising that under such vile conditions the life expectancy of the Chinese citizens of Hong Kong was relatively short. To illustrate this point, Chadwick produced statistics to show that the mean age at death of adults (persons over 20 years) was 43 years in Hong Kong in 1881 compared to 55 years for the whole of England in 1840. No wonder then that Chadwick was forced to the conclusion that "…the foregoing facts clearly show that the health of the population is not so good as to make it presumptuous to attempt to reform time-honoured abuses; on the contrary, to my mind, they prove that reform is urgently required." Chadwick made a considerable number of bold recommendations which the seriousness of the situation demanded. In particular, he recommended the provision of open spaces at the rear of buildings, the prohibition of cocklofts and earthen floors, the provision of a window in every habitable room, and the limitation of overcrowding so that each adult would have 400 cu. ft. of unobstructed space in undivided rooms and 600 cu. ft. in rooms divided into cabins. Further recommendations included the reconstruction of the drainage system, the improvement of the water supply, the requisition and reconstruction by Government of existing public latrines and the provision of additional facilities, the provision of public bathhouses and a laundry, the construction of new markets, and the improvement of the scavenging system. Other notable recommendations were that before building lots were offered for sale, the roads should be laid out, surfaced, and provided with drains; that Government… 6 Ibid., p. 16. 7 Ibid., p. 22. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 98 E. G. PRYOR ment should carry out improvements to existing properties financed from an improvement fund set up by contributions from the license fees on gambling houses; and that for buildings not capable of improvement the Government should acquire, demolish, rebuild and sell the properties concerned. Chadwick's report was a landmark in the history of Hong Kong, and as with Dr. Ayres in 1873 he drew attention to the serious consequences that would arise if nothing were done to alleviate the bad sanitary condition of the Colony. On this point Chadwick reported that: It is stated that, hitherto, Hong Kong has escaped the epidemics which have afflicted other places in the neighbourhood. The settlement is but 40 years old and the subsoil beneath the city may not yet be sufficiently saturated with filth to make it a hot bed for disease and a breeding ground of filth poison. It is somewhat premature to assume that this happy immunity will always continue for the process of saturation is slowly but surely going on and if unchecked cannot fail to bring forth abundant fruit, in the form of misery and disease. Another twelve years elapsed before Chadwick's warning took the form he predicted. Prelude to Disaster 1882-1894 Chadwick's report prompted the government into action and, as a first step towards meeting the problem, a Sanitary Board was set up in 1883 under a draft Order and Health Amendment Ordinance which gave the Board wide powers to deal with insanitary houses, the inspection of premises, compulsory disinfection and the removal of persons who were a source of disease. However, strong opposition from property owners caused these provisions to be withdrawn although the Board remained in existence. Further attempts were made in 1887 to introduce a Public Health Ordinance which, among other things, provided for the reservation of open spaces at the rear of buildings, the provision of privies and the fixing of a minimum standard of 300 cu. ft. of internal living space per adult. Great opposition against these proposals was voiced in the local press on the basis that the poorer classes would suffer 8 Ibid., p. 22. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 100 E. G. PRYOR Such improvements, however, were inadequate to overcome 50 years of neglect and insensitivity to the basic requirements for good public health and in 1894 the bubonic plague descended upon Hong Kong with a vengeance. The Great Plague of 1894 and Remedial Action Lengthy accounts have been written about the bubonic plague of 1894 including case histories of the agonies suffered by its victims. Suffice it to say that of the 2,679 persons treated in government hospitals, 2,485 died in great misery giving a mortality rate of almost 93%. Of the victims, the vast majority was Chinese. The worst afflicted area was the Western district and particularly the Tai Ping Shan locality. In seeking an answer to the outbreak, Dr. J. A. Lowson reported that: Predisposing causes are, speaking generally, insanitary conditions, and of these filth and overcrowding must be ... two of the most important factors. The district of Tai Ping Shan supplied these factors in a marked degree at the beginning of the outbreak, the majority of houses being in a most filthy condition, as owing to the uncleanly habits of the people, the amount of ... rubbish accumulates in a Chinese house ... to an extent beyond the imagination of most civilised people. When to a mixture of dust, old rags, broken crockery, moist soil etc. is added faecal matter, and the decomposing urine of animals and human beings, a terribly insanitary condition of affairs prevails; and that this is no overdrawn picture of what was to be met with in Tai Ping Shan, many Europeans know to their cost. ...10 Dr. Lowson made a number of strong recommendations as to the measures which should be enforced to prevent further outbreaks of bubonic plague. Among other things, he urged that existing regulations should be strictly applied regarding the design and construction of house drains, the closure of insanitary buildings and the provision of adequate lighting and ventilation of premises. He further recommended that the use of basements as domestic accommodation should be prohibited, that all wells situated in densely 10 Lowson J. A., "The Epidemic of Bubonic Plague in Hong Kong, 1894", Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1895, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, Hong Kong, 1895, p. 182. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h # REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG 101 populated areas which were used for portable purposes should be closed, that all private lanes and streets should be brought under government control and that back-to-back houses should be demolished as soon as possible. Under such desperate circumstances, the government was obliged to take strong action and in the same year as the plague struck it passed, on an emergency basis, the Tai Ping Shan Resumption Ordinance. Under this statute the inhabitants from 8.5 acres of land in the worst affected area were evicted, their properties were resumed and demolished, and the area was laid out anew. The various works were completed by 1899 at a total cost of over HK$944,000. Two smaller schemes in the same locality were carried out in 1902 and 1903 at a cost of some HK$271,000; the total area involved in these schemes was about 0.7 acre. Other measures were introduced in 1894 in the Closed Houses and Insanitary Dwellings Ordinance under which the height of buildings was limited to between 25 ft. and 76 ft. depending on the length and width of the street. The Ordinance also gave powers of inspection to the Sanitary Board to ascertain breaches of the law against overcrowding, the standard of measurement being 30 sq. ft. of floor area and 400 cu. ft. of air space per occupant. Despite the apparent necessity for such measures the unofficial members of Legislative Council pressed for less restrictive clauses. In 1895 there was a respite from the plague with only 44 reported cases, but in the following year over 1,200 persons were afflicted. Thereafter, the plague became an annual visitation, mainly in the torrid summer months, and persisted until 1907. Altogether, there were some 13,000 victims between 1894 and 1906 giving an average of over 1,000 a year. The continued concern of the government over the insanitary condition of the Colony led to the appointment of a commission to look further into the matter and a report12 was duly submitted in 1898, the year in which the New Territories were leased from China. After a comprehensive survey of 3,095 houses in two health districts, 11 Minute by the Principal Medical Officer on the Report of the Public Health and Building Ordinance Commission, Appendix A. p. 5 in the Blue Book Reports on Sanitation and Housing 1900-1907, Hong Kong, 1907. 12 Report of the Commission to Inquire into the Existence of Insanitary Properties in the Colony, Hong Kong, 1898. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 102 E. G. PRYOR the Commission reported that "there are many insanitary properties in the Colony, and dwellings which, in their present condition, are unfit for human habitation." The Commission came to the conclusion that it was unnecessary for the government to undertake widespread resumption but that it would be sufficient for various improvements to be carried out at the owners' expense. The principal improvements which were recommended were the provision of open spaces at the rear of premises and the prohibition of cubicles under certain conditions. In the compilation of the Commission's report, the views of Dr. Ayres, the one-time Colonial Surgeon, were sought. He very observantly commented that: Many laws have been made in the 20 years previous to 1894 to remedy the insanitary state of the Colony, but most have remained dead letters owing to the difficulties of enforcing them and the prejudices of the Chinese especially and other sections of the community. The labours of Hercules in cleansing the Augean stables were a trifle compared with that the Government has to contend with in the near future in cleansing the City of Victoria and other inhabited portions of the Colony.14 The recommendations of the Commission were by and large incorporated in the Insanitary Properties Ordinance of 1899, the provisions of which, however, the then Director of Public Works regarded as a compromise designed to meet objections by the unofficial members of the Legislative Council and the propertied interests which they represented.15 Chadwick Returns and New Reforms Despite all the steps taken by the colonial government to come to grips with the problems created by the disorderly growth of the city, deep feelings of discontent were expressed by certain sections of the community against the inadequacy of the administration's efforts. In particular, the Hong Kong Chamber of Commerce in 1901 went so far as to gather 1000 signatures for a petition to the Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies to set up a commission to investigate, report and make recommendations on the sanitary 13 Ibid., p. 12. 14 Ibid., Appendix 14, p. 52. 15 Letter of 18th July 1901 to the Hon. J. Chamberlain, op. cit., p. 48. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG 103 condition of Hong Kong and to appoint an independent expert to advise the commission. As a result, Chadwick, who so competently advised the government on the sanitary needs of Hong Kong in 1882, was given the task of reappraising the situation from an engineering point-of-view, and in 1902 he submitted his report. He concluded that the sewerage system had been constructed in accordance with the principles laid down in 1882 and that, on the whole, the system was working well. He also found that scavenging was efficiently carried out but that the storm water drainage system needed reprovisioning. As for insanitary buildings, he stated that the situation was worse than 20 years previous and recommended that extensive resumption and reconstruction be undertaken. In his report Chadwick noted that: + recommendations made from time to time during the past 20 years by the professional advisers of government have been practically set aside. The reason for this is simple. If the number of people which can be packed on a given plot of ground is reduced by limiting height and by reserving open spaces, obviously the value of that plot is reduced also. Now land is costly in Hong Kong, either it has to be excavated in the hillside or reclaimed from the sea. Naturally, the land owner desires to get the best rental for his land by crowding as many tenants upon it as possible. Consequently, during the past 20 years, numerous Buildings Ordinances have been brought before the Legislative Council, but in each case, many salutary provisions have been withdrawn or emasculated at the request of the unofficial members representing the landed interests.17 The principal legislative measure introduced after the submission of Chadwick's report was the consolidation and introduction of new building and health regulations in the form of the Public Health and Building Ordinance of 1903. Under this Ordinance the minimum standards of accommodation were set at 50 sq. ft. of habitable floor area and 550 cu. ft. of unobstructed internal air space per adult person provided that any room which did not contain a cubicle could be inhabited at 35 sq. ft. and 330 cu. ft. per person. 16 Chadwick O., The Sanitary Condition of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1902. 17 Ibid., p. 34. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 104 E. G. PRYOR Section 151 of the new Ordinance restricted the depth of domestic buildings to not more than 40 ft; greater depths could be permitted, however, if every storey were provided with windows to ensure that the whole storey was adequately lit. Another provision prohibited rooms in existing domestic buildings which had neither a window nor skylight. Cubicles were limited to no more than two per room and each cubicle had to have a minimum floor area of 64 sq. ft. and a minimum depth or width of 7 ft. In rooms with no adequate natural lighting and ventilation, cubicles were prohibited. Section 179 of the Ordinance when first mooted required every domestic building to be provided with open space at the rear equivalent to not less than half the roofed-over area of the building; however, due to opposition from property owners, this provision was made to apply only to buildings erected on land leased after 1903. For buildings erected on land obtained before that date, the amount of open space to be provided was not less than one-third the roofed-over area. In the case of building heights, opposition from vested interests also resulted in differential controls being applied so that on land obtained after 1903 the height of buildings was limited to a dimension not greater than the width of the street whereas for land that was leased before 1903 the maximum height was set at one-and-a-half times the street width. A maximum height of 76 ft. and a maximum of four storeys also applied in addition to the above limitations. These provisions remained in effect until 1935. It was not long before the new regulations came under attack, and in 1906 a commission was appointed to look into the effectiveness of the Ordinance and also the existence of corruption in its application. The Commission was very sceptical over the value of many of the new regulations and, in particular, criticised the prohibition of cubicles as this was frequently the only means by which Chinese families could obtain accommodation at a rental they could afford.18 The Commission also found that corruption amongst all grades of the officers of the Sanitary Board was prevalent which, in turn, reduced or nullified the effectiveness of the regulations. 18 Report of the Commission Appointed by his Excellency the Governor to Enquire into and Report on the Administration of the Sanitary and Building Regulations Enacted by the Public Health and Buildings Ordinance 1903 and the Existence of Corruption among the Officials Charged with the Administration of the Aforesaid Regulations, Hong Kong, 1907, p. 10. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG 107 had to be obtained. Under the Public Health (Sanitation) Ordinance of 1935 more stringent conditions were introduced to ensure the provision of adequate latrine facilities but the minimum standard of accommodation for the assessment of overcrowding was brought down to 35 sq. ft. of habitable floor area and 350 cu. ft. of unobstructed internal air space per adult. Whilst the new building regulations provided a means for the limitation of congestion through the over-intensive use of land, the enforcement of measures to relieve overcrowding within buildings continued to meet with little success and this matter became the subject of an inquiry by another housing commission which was appointed in 1935 to consider what steps should be taken to remedy the situation.21 It was estimated by the commission that in 1935 there was a shortage of between 25,000 and 35,000 flats. In commenting upon the badly congested living conditions in many districts it was noted in the commission's report that, to a large degree, the existence of such conditions could be accounted for by the fact that before coming to Hong Kong many Chinese were used to living in compact rural communities where sanitary arrangements were very basic and overcrowding merely a way of life.22 This acceptance of minimal standards plus a fatalistic attitude towards life thus produced no strong demand for improvement when families moved to Hong Kong. Another relevant factor noted in the commission's report was that the housing problem was attributable in a large measure to the fact that most working-class families could not afford to rent a whole tenement floor, with the consequence that living space was sub-divided and rented out to separate households. Moreover, the law took no account of the needs of different families or sexes for separate accommodation for, as noted, the minimum standard of occupation was set at 35 sq. ft. of floor area and 350 cu. ft. of internal air space per adult person. This arbitrary measure assumed that the available living space could be evenly distributed among all the occupants of a dwelling. The recommendations made by the commission added weight to some of the proposals put forward in 1923; namely that in order to 21 Report of the Housing Commission, 1935, Hong Kong, 1938. 22 Ibid., p. 11. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 108 E. G. PRYOR reduce overcrowding it was essential to provide more and better designed houses, to decentralise the population into new self-contained communities and to reduce building density. The commission also recommended the setting up of a permanent town planning and housing committee and the provision of more public parks. It made the further suggestions that the provision of adequate housing for the poorer classes should not be left to private enterprise without assistance and that consideration should be given to the financing of slum clearance and subsidised housing by means of a special tax, loan or issue of housing shares. The tide of events again overwhelmed any intentions the government had for implementing the findings of the commission for in 1937 the Japanese declared war against China and this brought 750,000 refugees into the Colony. However, a Town Planning Ordinance was passed in 1939 to provide for the layout of new urban areas and the replanning of districts already developed although nothing was immediately achieved under this Ordinance as the Colony was engulfed in December 1940 by the Japanese conquest of South-East Asia. The Past Meets the Present: 1945-1971 There was considerable damage to property during the war and a survey carried out in 1946 showed that almost 8,700 domestic units had been destroyed and some 10,300 damaged.23 The number of persons displaced as a result totalled 161,000 of whom 154,000 were Chinese. Although the population of the Colony had been reduced to 600,000 persons by 1945 as a result of Japanese deportations and voluntary movements back to China, large numbers of displaced people came back with the return of peace so that by 1947 there were some 1.8 million persons in Hong Kong. It is not hard to imagine the circumstances under which most families had to live in view of the depleted stock of housing and the limited availability of public services during the immediate post-war years. The housing problem became even worse as a consequence of the establishment of the People's Republic in China during 1948-49 which motivated yet more refugees to seek shelter in the Colony. 23 Building Reconstruction Advisory Committee, Final Report, Hong Kong, 1946, Appendix 2, p. 13. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG 115 and Kowloon, government housing is found predominantly in the outer districts of Hong Kong Island South, New Kowloon and Tsuen Wan/Kwai Chung (Figure 8 and Table 3). The concentration of private housing in the inner districts has been due to a number of factors including the better prospects for the letting or selling of accommodation in localities which are already provided with various services and community facilities. In addition, the established interests of property owners have favoured redevelopment rather than investment in newly developing peripheral areas where large capital outlay is required for both the acquisition of land, and the construction of buildings. Family ties within the main urban areas and reluctance to change jobs have also probably reinforced the inertia of households to decentralise. By comparison, government housing estates have necessitated the development of large areas which, generally, have been available only in the outer districts. There is thus a tendency for the peripheral development areas to become "one class" towns comprised mainly of lower income groups. Sociological studies indicate that this can result in a lack of community leaders and thus inhibit the formation of a cohesive neighbourhood structure.26 Nevertheless, this problem is not insurmountable as various administrative and fiscal measures could be applied to encourage the decentralisation of private housing and, conversely, to discourage excessive investment in the central districts. Looking Ahead There is no doubt that over the past 130 years Hong Kong has faced many difficult problems in its endeavour to provide housing for its people. Often, these problems have been compounded by other difficulties, such as typhoons, droughts and floods, which have placed severe strains on the resources of private developers and, lately, of the administration. Many of the factors which have contributed to Hong Kong's housing difficulties are still much in evidence but, with the increasing participation of government and 26 Mitchell R. E., Levels of Emotional Strain in S.E. Asian Cities—A Study of Individual Responses to the Stresses of Urbanisation and Industrialisation, Volume II A Project of the Urban Family Life Survey, Hong Kong, 1969, p. 434. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h CHI SHAN KOWLOON WESTERN DISTRICT VICTORIA SOURCES PORT DIVEICH WORKS P. T. D. MAR HOUR HUNG HOM BAY HONG KONG ISLAND MILE! V/2 * KOWLOON BAY NORTH POINT EMUN TONG 2 MILES NOTATION PERIOD OF RECLAMATION UP TO 1987 APPROX ACREATES THECLAIMED 330-4 10-1904 1905–1924 537-4 +2 882, 1945-1967 IZITO + APPROVED PROJECTS IN HAND HONG KONG HARBOUR SHOWING VARIOUS STAGES OF RECLAMATION AT 31-3 · 67 LEI YUE SEM 118 E. G. PRYOR FIG. 2 = However, upon closer inspection, it appears that the original text is likely a mix of geographical names, abbreviations, and figure/table references, possibly from a historical document or map related to Hong Kong. To better format this text, I will reorganize it into a more coherent structure while adhering to the given rules. # HONG KONG HARBOUR RECLAMATION ## GEOGRAPHICAL AREAS CHI SHAN KOWLOON WESTERN DISTRICT VICTORIA HUNG HOM BAY HONG KONG ISLAND KOWLOON BAY NORTH POINT EMUN TONG LEI YUE SEM ## RECLAMATION DETAILS PERIOD OF RECLAMATION APPROX ACREATES RECLAIMED UP TO 1904 330-4 1905–1924 537-4 1945-1967 882 ## ADDITIONAL INFORMATION SOURCES PORT DIVEICH WORKS P. T. D. MAR HOUR V/2 IZITO + APPROVED PROJECTS IN HAND E. G. PRYOR FIG. 2 However, to strictly follow the output format requested, the above Markdown formatted response should be converted to HTML. Here is the final output in HTML as requested: CHI SHAN KOWLOON WESTERN DISTRICT VICTORIA SOURCES PORT DIVEICH WORKS P. T. D. MAR HOUR HUNG HOM BAY HONG KONG ISLAND MILE! V/2 * KOWLOON BAY NORTH POINT EMUN TONG 2 MILES NOTATION PERIOD OF RECLAMATION UP TO 1987 APPROX ACREATES THECLAIMED 330-4 10-1904 1905–1924 537-4 +2 882, 1945-1967 IZITO + APPROVED PROJECTS IN HAND HONG KONG HARBOUR SHOWING VARIOUS STAGES OF RECLAMATION AT 31-3 · 67 LEI YUE SEM 118 E. G. PRYOR FIG. 2 = Let's correct and simplify the output directly in HTML as per the instructions: HONG KONG HARBOUR RECLAMATION CHI SHAN KOWLOON WESTERN DISTRICT VICTORIA SOURCES PORT DIVEICH WORKS P. T. D. MAR HOUR HUNG HOM BAY HONG KONG ISLAND MILE! V/2 KOWLOON BAY NORTH POINT EMUN TONG 2 MILES PERIOD OF RECLAMATION UP TO 1904 1905–1924 1945-1967 APPROX ACREATES RECLAIMED 330-4 537-4 882 + APPROVED PROJECTS IN HAND HONG KONG HARBOUR SHOWING VARIOUS STAGES OF RECLAMATION AT 31-3 · 67 LEI YUE SEM 118 E. G. PRYOR FIG. 2 = The final answer is: CHI SHAN KOWLOON WESTERN DISTRICT VICTORIA SOURCES PORT DIVEICH WORKS P. T. D. MAR HOUR HUNG HOM BAY HONG KONG ISLAND MILE! V/2 * KOWLOON BAY NORTH POINT EMUN TONG 2 MILES NOTATION PERIOD OF RECLAMATION UP TO 1987 APPROX ACREATES THECLAIMED 330-4 10-1904 1905–1924 537-4 +2 882, 1945-1967 IZITO + APPROVED PROJECTS IN HAND HONG KONG HARBOUR SHOWING VARIOUS STAGES OF RECLAMATION AT 31-3 · 67 LEI YUE SEM 118 E. G. PRYOR FIG. 2 = ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h # COMMISSIONER OF CENSUS MID LEVELS PERCENTAGE CHANGE P = 204 20-40 HONG KONG METROPOLITAN AREA – 1961/1971 FIG. 6 122 E. G. PRYOR ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 144 LINDA F. SULLIVAN must build a shelter from the natural world. Yet as he builds, he is always careful to consider the way in which nature will affect his life and is careful to bring a little bit of it into his home. Finally, there is a persistent desire to maintain the privacy of his family, and of his inner thoughts. NOTES 1 George B. Cressey, China's Geographic Foundations, A Survey of the Land and Its People, (New York: McGraw-Hill Co., Inc., 1934), p. 12. 2 T. R. Tregear, A Geography of China, (London: University of London Press, 1965), p. 31. 3 Ibid., p. 211. 4 The reasons for vertical cleavage in the loess region are as yet only hypotheses. Tregear (p. 212.) states that the most probable theory is that originally the region was covered with steppe grass which was successively buried by the loess dust storms from the Northwest and then fresh grass would grow. The decayed grass left minute vertical hollow tubes in the soil along which cleavages were formed. 5 Ibid., p. 61. 6 Liu Tun-chen, A General Discussion of Chinese Houses, (People's Republic of China: Architectural Engineering Publishing Company, 1957), plate No. 1-8, p. 11-16. 7 Bulletin of the Society for Research in Chinese Architecture, (V, 1). * Liu, Op. cit., plate No. 56, p. 29. 9 Ibid., plate No. 93, p. 42. 10 Ibid., plate No. 73, p. 36. 11 Ibid., plate No. 45, p. 25. 12 Ibid., plate No. 44, p. 25. 13 Ibid., plate No. 69, p. 35. 14 Ibid., plate No. 71, p. 36. 15 Colin Penn, "Chinese Vernacular Architecture," Royal Institute of British Architects, October, 1965. 16 Ibid. 17 Hsieh T'ing-yu and Kuo Ch'ang-ch'eng, The Hakka Chinese Origin and Folk Songs, (San Francisco: Jade Mountain Press, 1969). Their 18 Chinese Architecture: A Simple History, Volume 1, The Old Architecture of China: A Simple History, (China Industrial Publishing Company, 1963). 19 Ibid., plate No. 105, p. 45. 20 Ibid., plate No. 118, p. 48ff. 21 Ibid., plate No. 119 & 120, p. 48ff. 22 Maurice Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwang-tung, (New York: Humanities Press, Inc., 1966), p. 1. Jaco 23 Wong Chung Hong, "Walled and Moated A Hong Kong Village," Arts of Asia, Vol. No. 4, July-August 1971, p. 22. 24 Ibid., p. 26. 25 Ibid. Page 150 Page 151 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 146 up LINDA F. SULLIVAN N + down. ئيسية + Fig. 1. Ground and upper floor plans of cave dwelling, Honan (Reproduced from p. 110 of Andrew Boyd's Chinese Architecture and Town Planning 1500 BC - AD 1911, London, Alec Tiranti, 1962) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE CULT 147 Fig. 2. Ground floor plan of a simpler type of rectangular Hakka dwelling (Reproduced from Boyd, op. cit., p. 106) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 148 LINDA F. SULLIVAN L D Fig. 3. Ground floor plan of circular Hakka dwelling (Reproduced from Boyd, op. cit., p. 108) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE 149 (Reproduced from Boyd, op. cit., p. 109) Fig. 4. Ground floor plan of larger circular Hakka dwelling ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 170 KEITH STEVENS combination of an historical hero, with considerable legend surrounding him, and a mythical being who is very popular in Chinese folklore; thus creating a complicated and fabulous story. The second, Fa Chu Kung, was in all probability a historical being, the actuality of his origins lost in time, who now appears as a legendary being. The third, Cheng Ho, is a comparatively recent and well-documented historical being, deified by popular appeal, with little myth or legend added to his story. Two of the three are popular Taoist spirits or gods (†‡) and believed to be beneficent whereas the third, T'ai Sui, is a feared Taoist god. The detail of the development of each cult, the recognition features of each deity, the frequency of sightings and the identities of other deities co-located with the main deity described below are based on sightings and conversations in some two and a half thousand temples, and six god-carvers' shops located in Hong Kong and Macau, Taiwan, the Philippines and in most parts of South East Asia; and also from notes culled from many books, mostly written by Christian missionaries who so often vented their spleen on the subject of heathen idols. One final prefatory note is necessary at this point, a short description of a novel which is one of the main sources of myth and legend about the gods. The novel, the Feng Shen Yen I (#Ħ✯A), The Deification of the Gods*, written in about the fifteenth century about the supernatural, describes the historical struggle between the last king of the Shang Dynasty, King Chou (*†£) and the victor, the first king of the subsequent Chou Dynasty, King Wu (1). The capital of the Shang Dynasty was the ancient city of Anyang, where King Chou, infamous for his tyranny, cruelty and excesses is said to have reigned for thirty-three years, 1154-1121 B.C. King Chou was destroyed with the Shang Dynasty in the flames of his palace at the Deer Terrace after a crushing defeat by a rebellious army under Hsi P'o (‡) on the banks of the Yellow River. Hsi P'o founded the Chou Dynasty and is remembered as King Wu (1). This defeat of the Shang and the inception of the Chou is variously * See (in translation) Lu Hsun, A Brief History of Chinese Fiction, Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1959, pp. 220-224, where the title is rendered Canonization of the Gods. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 180 KEITH STEVENS If the image of T'ai Sui wears shoes, claimed a Fukienese temple keeper, a drought is presaged, and if without, floods are expected; but if one foot is shod and the other is bare, then balanced weather will be the lot of the region. Images of T'ai Sui with one bare foot have been seen in temples in Hong Kong, Singapore and Bangkok. Variations from the basic characteristics The youth holding a scroll or plaque of split bamboo is depicted seated, except in a very few sightings where he stands. In the sixty-year cycle of Chinese deities, each year is ruled by a particular image of that year, who is called the “T'ai Sui of the present year" and the scroll has one of the following inscriptions on it: Tang Nien T'ai Sui (††★★). Liu Nien T'ai Sui (*) Chih Nien T'ai Sui (††✯✯) or Chia Nien T'ai Sui (P‡★A) Yin Ch'iao as a fierce general often has three eyes and six arms, wears armour, and a Taoist crown on a bald head, and has fierce, almost vertical, eyebrows. He holds in five of his hands two discs, one with the character for the sun and the other with the character for the moon, a large ring, a fly whisk, whilst his sixth hand rests on his left knee. In Foochow, in the temple of the City Guardian, one of the side altars was devoted to T'ai Sui. His image was dressed in yellow garments, he had a black beard and a necklace of skulls about his hand. The skull necklace, according to Hodous, is a symbol of his authority over the lives of men. Beside him on his left is a trio of small images a foot high representing the present year, last year and next year. Also on either side of him, are the twelve images representing the twelve months or branches and pictures of the twenty-four seasons. In only two sightings, one in Penang and one in Singapore, had he a blue face, fierce fangs, was standing, dressed in armour, and carried a mace in each of his hands. One of these images of T'ai Sui, labelled the Great Year of the Moon (A) was one of the twenty-four Celestial Generals (A) who range down each side of some temples. (Plate 17) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 186 KEITH STEVENS features, but as with all Chinese images there are local variations of which two major ones observed have been: a. A shiny black Fa Chu Kung with six arms and standing barefoot, holding in his six arms: (1) a sword held in each of three of them, (2) a scimitar in one, (3) a magic ring in one (this is identical to the bracelet of San T'ai Tzu), (4) the sixth has a hand making the magical sign described above. He is dressed in flowing golden robes, and has a small snake entwined around the arm with the hand making the magical sign. (Plate 25) b. A Ch'ao Chow style carving of Fa Chu Kung has two pillars protruding from the base on either side of his body reaching to his waist height, making two "side table" tops on either side of him. On one side, on the "table top", stands a vase and on the other stands a bowl. Otherwise he is exactly as described in the basic description. The images most likely to be confused with Fa Chu Kung are those of his two brothers which apart from the colour of their faces are identical to his. They have never been observed on an altar without him.* Also possibly confused with Fa Chu Kung is T'ai P'ao or Sha Ho Shang who is described at the end of this article. Titles Fa Chu Kung is known by various names or titles than by his best known title of Fa Chu Kung. According to Fukien temple keepers, Fa Chu Kung means the Controlling Duke. There is, however, a Buddhist term, Fa Chu, for the Lord of the Dharma, which is the Buddha himself. It is unlikely that this is the origin of Fa Chu Kung's title, even though several informants have suggested that, as he is black, he was an Indian and was formerly a trader from India. The various titles and names by which he is referred to, are: a. Fa Chu Sheng Chün 法主聖君 Title given in Mutseh near Taipei to the group of the three brothers, all to be seen on one * See Plate 26. A Fukienese god-carver's sketch of Fa Chu Kung is at Plate 27. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 194 KEITH STEVENS in Thailand and at Nakorn Sri Thammarat. The few observed examples of his statue have all been in temples run by Fukienese emigrants, and probably the most famous statue is to be seen in Malacca in a temple run by Fukienese emigrants from An Chi county. (Plate 28) There does not appear to be a standard identification characteristic for images of Cheng Ho. The Malacca statue is of sandal wood, carved some 8" high, in Amoy style, depicting a Mandarin seated on a throne with his right hand clutching his girdle, his left palm cradling a flat elongated plaque of office or sceptre, which rests in the crook of his left arm. He is beardless and has the raised eyebrows so often seen on Chinese opera generals; he is wearing a military hat with one pompom on top, and a tassel hanging from each side of it over his shoulders. He is accompanied by two standing attendants; the one on his left a military attendant is carrying his sheathed sword, and the one on the right a civil attendant is carrying his seal of office wrapped in a red cloth. Alongside, on the same altar, is Kuan Kung, the Chinese god of loyalty and patron of soldiers, who is also the patron of Chinese businessmen. In the temples listed above, Cheng Ho has several birthdays and feast days, the most common of which is the 30th day of the sixth lunar month. One of the many images on sale in a Singapore godshop, was another Amoy style carving of Cheng Ho, some 10″ high in wood, now in the possession of an English news correspondent. This image of the Admiral depicts him as an elderly benign man without a beard, dressed in gilt dragon robes, and standing with a fly whisk in his right hand and a scroll in his left. (Plate 29) Cheng Ho in Java and the Philippines The Admiral is held in the highest esteem in Semarang in Java as the Chinese patron deity of the town. It is said that he left behind in Java some ten men under his sick navigator, Ong King-hong, who founded the town of Semarang. Before 1724 a statue of Cheng Ho together with four carved wooden attendants was brought from China, and these stand in a cave near the town. During the British occupation of Java in 1945 the commander of the British forces recommended the Chinese of Semarang to evacuate the town for their own safety. After consultation with Cheng Ho, they decided 11 Willmott, D. E., The Chinese of Semarang, (Cornell U. P., 1960). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h NOTES AND QUERIES 197 and his three small survey ships have given their names respectively to Sulphur Channel, Starling Inlet and Plover Cove. J. R. JONES. CHINA'S EARLIEST PRINTING A NOTE LLL In Volume 7 (1967) of this Journal I published a brief note entitled "Printing, a new discovery." This told of a find in a stone stupa, standing in the courtyard of a temple called Pulguk-sa, in Korea, erected in 751, of a printed Buddhist sutra. The find was hailed by the Korean archaeologists as perhaps the oldest example of printing known, although the exact date of the printing still remains a mystery. Recently I have learned that the Chinese discovered another piece of printing as far back as 1944. (Somehow, perhaps because of the war, news of this had escaped my attention.) Known in Chinese as T'o-lo-ni ching chou (dharani sutra charm), it was unearthed in a T'ang dynasty grave site in Chengtu, Szechwan, inside the silver bracelet of a young woman. As Professor Max Loehr has written, it "is a charm printed on a single sheet showing a six-armed Bodhisattva figure in the center of concentrically laid out Sanscrit words written in Lantsa letters." This is surprising, but not unreasonable. In the last half of the Tang, Chengtu happens to have developed into perhaps the chief center of printing, and, as everyone knows, by the middle of the eighth century Chinese civilization had reached one of its heights. It was the age of Li Po and Tu Fu, Wu Tao-hsüan and Wang Wei, and Buddhism was at the summit of its influence. With the demand for reduplication in every circle - Confucian, Buddhist, and Taoist - and with all the tools and techniques at hand, the printing of a highly popular charm seems natural. So it came about that there have come to light charms, printed within a few years of each other, in Korea (751?), China (757), and Japan (764-770). Bibliography: Chung-kuo pan-k'o lü-lu, compiled by the Peking Library (Peking 1961), pl. 1, text Vol. I, p. 7; ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 198 Chinese Woodcuts NOTES AND QUERIES by Max Loehr (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), p. 1. Columbia University, 1971. L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH UNUSUAL TREES IN HONG KONG: THE CANTON WATER PINE If you leave Kowloon and proceed along the Tai Po Road, shortly after passing the Hong Lok Yuen orchard, you will come to an open area with villages and flower farms by the roadside and with hills in the background bounding the valley. Near milestone 184 on your left is a large Cantonese village, Tai Hang, and in this village at the back of Fei Sha Wai, there are two fascinating but often overlooked trees standing at no great distance from the road. These are Chinese Deciduous Cypress, or Canton Water Pine as it is sometimes known. The scientific name is Glyptostrobus pensilis. Belonging to the family Taxodiaceae, Glyptostrobus is a genus which contains only the single species pensilis. Its distribution is confined to the Provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung in South China, and mature specimens are very uncommon in Hong Kong. The tree may be recognised by its light-brown, fibrous bark, and its foliage which demonstrates two types of leaves: overlapping scales on fruiting twigs and thin needles on the sterile twigs, both of which are a delicate green in spring, turning brown and falling in autumn. The long-stalked cones are pear-shaped and about one and a half inches long. These two old specimens are said to have been planted by one of the ancestors of the village. On asking about the possible age of these two trees, the Village Representative Mr. Man Tse-leung said that they had been planted by one of his ancestors in the Ming Dynasty with seedlings from Law Fu Shan, Canton from where the Man family came some 400 years ago. The Village Representative's account of the origin and age of these two ancients is not without precedent. It is a world-wide practice for an emigrant to take something representative of his old country with him to his new home, in order to give later generations something from his country of origin. Mr. Man's ancestor apparently did just such a thing. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h NOTES AND QUERIES “LETTING GO THE WOODEN GOOSE” 207 LI Mau-ying (*), posthumous name Man-kan (††), an official of the Sung dynasty who graduated chin-shih in 1226, was given an estate on Lantau, one of the larger islands of the Hong Kong region.* His rights continued through succeeding dynasties but were mostly extinguished at the land settlement that accompanied the lease of the New Territories to Britain at the end of the 19th century. A curious story is linked with the Li's ownership of their Lantau estates, indicating that this grant of land may have been given in a novel fashion. According to a villager of Sha Lo Wan, Lantau Island (1913-1962) who had an interest in local tales, the emperor was so pleased with Li that he told him to put a wooden duck on the sea and that he could have whichever land it touched. There is an echo of this in Cecil Clementi's minute to the Colonial Secretary of 16th June 1904 in a file about the Tang clan's claim to Tsing Yi Island (CSO1903/8551).† Without there being any apparent reason or preparation for making such a statement—probably because a whole section was omitted by the copier—one paragraph suddenly states 'For the method of "letting go the wooden goose" see minute of this date in N.T. 7466/03'. This file is unfortunately no longer in existence. Can any reader explain this 'system' of deciding upon which land to include in a grant? Hong Kong, 1972. JAMES HAYES PROGRAMME NOTES FOR THE VISIT TO POKFULAM, HONG KONG ISLAND, 29TH JULY, 1972‡ Today's visit is to a part of Hong Kong island that has not been subject to the same amount of change as other districts. Even today * For the Li family see Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963 (this is a part-translation of the Chinese version published in 1959), p. 73 and plate 20 and his article "This Sung Wang T'ai and the Location of the Travelling Courts by the Sea Shore in the Last Days of the Sung" in Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. III, No. 2 (1958) at p. 212 (English text) and note 29 (Chinese text), with Plate XI. † Located in the Public Records Office of Hong Kong. ‡ Printed here for the convenience of members who were unable to join the party on this occasion. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 208 NOTES AND QUERIES it is easy to see what it was like in 1841 when Britain occupied Hong Kong. University Hall began life in the early 1860s as Castle Douglas, the fanciful creation of Douglas Lapraik, an early Hong Kong ship-owner (see J. Llewellyn's article from Volume XI, (1967-68) of Outpost, the annual magazine of University Hall Students' Association). The house and estate were sold to the Société des Missions Étrangères de Paris (hereafter called the French Mission) in May, 1894, rebuilt and extended, and renamed Nazareth House. The Mission figures prominently in today's tour, since we shall visit the Maison de Béthanie, opposite Castle Douglas, that also belonged to it. Before proceeding further to describe Nazareth House and Béthanie, I shall mention something of its work and history. According to Samuel Couling's Encyclopaedia Sinica (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1917) p. 378, the Société, all of whose members were French, was, at the time he wrote, a society of secular priests who, without being tied to any religious vow, devoted themselves to the propagation of the Catholic faith in the Far East. It originated in the middle of the 17th century by some French priests proceeding by invitation to Tonkin to assist the work of the Jesuits there. Its first missionary to reach China proper was Mgr. Pallu in 1681. It had no Superior-General but was administered by the heads of the different Missions, and by the Directors of the Seminary in Paris. The Society provided more workers and more martyrs than any other of the bodies that evangelized the Far East. At the time Couling wrote, it had under its care 12 Vicariats with 462,321 Christians, and more than 160 of its members had been made bishops. Besides its Missions in China, the Société had in Hong Kong a famous printing house, the Nazareth Press, which began its work soon after the first Nazareth House was opened in Macau in December 1884. Nazareth House soon moved to Hong Kong, to Tai Ku Lau, Pokfulam, (see below) 1885-1891, then to Richmond Terrace above Kennedy Town in the Western District of Hong Kong (1891-1895) and then to Castle Douglas, renamed Nazareth (1895-1953). The printing press went with it in all these removals. The Nazareth Press was a notable achievement. It occupied a special building at Tai Ku Lau, with the presses on the ground floor and the setting rooms above. A special extension was later built ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h BOOK REVIEWS CHINESE CONNOISSEURSHIP: THE KO KU YAO LUN. The Essential Criteria of Antiquities. A translation made and edited by Sir Percival David. Introduction, etc., 62pp., translation text 292pp., reproduction of original Chinese text 50pp.: 32 plates; indices of names, subjects and books referred to. Faber, 1971, £15.00. The Ko-Ku Yao-Lun (referred to here as KKYL) is not such a difficult book, provided one is conversant with the peculiarities of Ming "authorship" and publishing practices and provided one can find one's way through the vast labyrinth of pre-Ming literature. The first and most prominent characteristic of Ming writing is that the material is hardly ever original. Most Ming authors, writing on any subject, tend to plagiarise with more or less skill from earlier writers, adding interjections which may or may not serve as connecting passages between long unacknowledged quotations. Ming publishers, especially those of the sixteenth and early 17th centuries, have no qualms about freely "editing" a well-known title on grounds of commercial expediency, or changing the title or "author" of a well-established work and calling it a "new" publication. When Ming authors actually write, they adopt a style that is grammatically straightforward enough but the writing is usually choked with erudite references to classical or pre-Ming literature. The Chinese "scholarly" practice of referring to a historical person by one of his many names or, worse, by one of his several official positions which he might have held however briefly at some stage of his career, is one of the most vexing inconveniences faced by the uninitiated. This practice is carried to its extreme in the Ming period. Sir Percival David came across the KKYL while doing research for his famous study of Ju wares of the Sung period. He then developed great interest in the book, so much so that he wanted to translate it and, in association with other specialists, make a detailed study of the book and subjects connected with it. To the great misfortune of students of Chinese art, he was not given time to finish his task before he died in 1964 after having, on and off, worked on the project for nearly ten years. Any criticism of the book as it stands must be made and read with this important fact in mind. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h BOOK REVIEWS 217 fourteen centuries (i.e. from the 7th century, the period of the beginning of the grand romance of the Lan-t'ing Preface, to less than ten years ago?) evaporates in the presence of the magical magnificence of the calligraphy. By religiously translating every single word of the miscellaneous writing on the Lan-t'ing as collected in the KKYL by Wang Tso, Sir Percival David became the first Englishman to dive into the dark waters of the mystery of the cult of Lan-t'ing. The translation reads well, even if no attempt is made to ease the task for the English reader of identifying personages referred to by multifarious names and titles. A great deal of patience and labour must have gone into the translation of this long section which can only have minimum appeal to the general reader but will be useful to the specialist student who wishes to explore the more esoteric subjects of Chinese art—although the student must also expect to do some homework before he or she can achieve full understanding of the stories told in this section. Similar criticism can be applied to other sections of the book which are mainly Wang Tso's additions. They deal with such subjects as imperial patents, imperial seals, and wandering spirits. The reviewer must not give the impression that there are no notes at all; but that many more notes are required to make such a strange (in the sense of being foreign) book intelligible to the English reading public which, though large in numbers, is not and cannot be generally familiar with China of the 14th century and before. Of the notes which are given, some are useful, such as that on "hsi-p'i" lacquer on pp. 145-6. All in all, the most accomplished production of the book contrasts sharply with the unfinished nature of its contents. And this brings us back to the cautionary remark made earlier, that the book must be judged as an unfinished work. With this work, Sir Percival David has taken English scholarship in Chinese art history to the verge of a new level of understanding. It is hoped that a new generation of scholars will follow the path that he has shown. As a postscript, it may be mentioned that the plates, chosen by Mr. Basil Gray who has otherwise done excellent work in preparing the book for printing, do not relate too well to the subject matters dealt with in the book. Again, to perform this task satisfactorily, it would have been necessary to do a great deal of research into the kind of objects which would go into the collection of a Ming scholar. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 218 BOOK REVIEWS dilettante. Nevertheless, one would have wished for at least a reproduction of one of the many important Lan-t'ing rubbings which form such an important part of the book. The reviewer therefore begs the permission of the editor of this journal to reproduce one of the most interesting versions of the Lan-t'ing mentioned in the text; that of an early rubbing of the version caused to be carved by the Sung calligrapher Hsueh Shou-p'eng, supposed one-time owner of the ting-wu stone, from a T'ang copy of the "original".* Chinese University of Hong Kong. NOTES J. C. Y. WATT. 1 For a critical account of the Tu-hui Pao-chien, see Yu Shao-sung's (***) Shuhua shulu chieh-t'i (#£###). 2 Almost from the beginning, there have been scholars who were sceptical of the authenticity of the version which appeared at the beginning of the Tang and good copies of which have been handed through the centuries as being very near the original. However, up till the beginning of this century, sceptics have been "laughed off the stage" by "those who know". The controversy nevertheless continued. The last outburst was in 1965 when a series of articles appeared in the journal Wen-wu, which were sparked off by the discovery of the tombstone of one of Wang Hsi-chih's cousins. For the first time, the sceptics, led by a figure no less than Kuo Mo-jo himself (President of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and grand old man of letters in China), had the upper hand - with the help of archaeological evidence. * See Plate 31. LONG-TERM ECONOMIC AND AGRICULTURAL COMMODITY PROJECTIONS FOR HONG KONG 1970, 1975 and 1980, by The Economic Research Centre of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1969, 248 pp. Reading this study puts one in mind of a music student patiently practising scales on a piano - an exercise, apparently pointless and ploddingly executed, yet with the virtues of keeping the student busy and contributing to some unseen attainment. The authors of this study, directed by Professor Tang, nowhere explain why they wrote it beyond stating that the U.S. Department of Agriculture paid them to make these commodity projections. Perhaps cash is regarded as a self-explanatory motive for academic research in Hong Kong. Nor does the conception of the study become any clearer to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h BOOK REVIEWS 227 points out, that they have sometimes had interests in the twentieth century homeland which chimed with those of the secular patriot: notably in anti-Japanese activities, but in contrast to the messianic organizations there are no long-range idealistic goals. Like these groups however, messianic organizations have tended to splinter, as indeed have many kinds of Chinese association. And the coordination of the lodges and halls of the two kinds of grouping appears to have been weakened by the various ecological and sub-cultural differences between the regions they tried to encompass. This is itself an interesting matter which cannot be pursued here. But it is one that should perhaps have engaged the author rather more. As an introduction to a vast, intriguing and complex subject, this book certainly deserves attention, and the specialist will welcome some of the more contemporary material. It has some fascinating illustrations and photographs and is well translated from the original French. But it is too ambitious. The material is just too heterogeneous, the social and historical context too broad, and the theoretical context too narrow, to warrant some of the more generalized assertions and suggestions that are made. Hong Kong, 1972. MARJORIE TOPLEY CHINESE VILLAGE PLAYS FROM THE TING HSIEN REGION (YANG KE HSUAN), a collection of forty-eight Chinese rural plays as staged by villagers from Ting Hsien in Northern China, tr. from the Chinese by various scholars after the original recordings and edited with a critical introduction and explanatory notes, SIDNEY GAMBLE, Research Secretary of the Chinese National Association of the Mass Education Movement, Amsterdam, Philo Press, 1970, (xxix+762p.). This is a translation of the Choice of "Yang ke" from Ting Hsien district, Ting Hsien Yang ke hsuan Akif, published by Li Ching-han and Chang Shih-wen in the early nineteen thirties. Unfortunately the few photographs of the original have here been omitted. A copy of the Chinese text is in the Fung P'ing-shan Library of Hong Kong University, and Professor Lo Tzu-k'uang has just reprinted it in his marvellous series of reprints on folklore. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h BOOK REVIEWS 236 student can afford, or indeed wishes, to carry Cordier and his successors around, and yet needs a handy reference. Hong Kong, September, 1972 JAMES HAYES MANDARIN PRONUNCIATION EXPLAINED WITH DIAGRAMS. Raymond Huang. Hong Kong. Hong Kong University Press. It is truly unfortunate that the book under review fails to do what it was intended to do. The expressed goals are important, and students and teachers of Chinese do indeed need a pronunciation guide of the type proposed in the present volume. However, the book is marred by some basic mistakes which effectively destroy its credibility and negate its value as a guide for beginners. From the text and references one can deduce that the author is a trained phonetician and that his knowledge of English phonetics is very good. But it is also obvious that he did not give the same attention to Chinese. As a result his articulatory description of Chinese is full of errors, the Chinese-English contrasts are unreliable, and the overall product is more harmful than helpful. As a minor example, in discussing Mandarin tones the author has confused the 5th tone as marked in Mathews' Dictionary (all of which are reflexes of entering tone forms in final -p, -t, and -k, still distinctive in some Mandarin dialects) with his own 5th tone which is the modern Mandarin unstressed, atonic form. Thus (p. xxvi) he marks the question particle ma as 5th tone in his system because it is often toneless, but he notes that the 5th tone does not occur in modern Peking Mandarin and seems to imply that this is why Mathews' Dictionary marks this character with 4th tone. Historically this particular form was not in the entering tone category and would never be marked 5th tone in Mathews. Huang's comments simply compound confusion on the matter. But a much more flagrant error is his attempt to describe Mandarin initial stops and affricates as contrasting on a voiced-voiceless axis. Thus, the author tells us that the Wade-Giles initial consonant pairs p p', t t', k k', ch ch', ts ts' contrast in the same way as English p b, t d, k g, ch j and ts dz. If this were actually true, one of the major stumbling blocks would be removed from ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h BOOK REVIEWS 237 the path of English speakers learning Mandarin. A pronunciation problem exists because most English speakers do just what Huang directs them to do, i.e., make voiced-voiceless contrasts for these initial sounds instead of the voiceless aspirate-inaspirate contrasts made by the native speakers. If such mistakes are understood by the native speaker it is only because they are adapting to the pronunciation errors and not because the errors are unimportant. Such adaptation is of course automatic and easy if this is the only mistake a beginner makes. However, any beginning student can be expected to add mispronunciations of tone and vowel to the problem of the initials and it is clear that the pronunciation errors can easily multiply beyond the ability of the native speaker to compensate for them. In the long run every area of mispronunciation is equally important and the language instructor cannot afford to let students reinforce any weaknesses.* It is ironic that many older works were more accurate than Huang in this respect. Wade-Giles p', t', etc. represent a clear attempt to demonstrate that these contrasts were NOT voiced versus voiceless. Huang misses the point altogether when (pp. xx-xxi) he says "voiceless plosives should be written as P, T, K, and the voiced ones simply as B, D, G." The Yale system uses such a symbolization but obviously the symbols themselves are totally unimportant, purely a matter of agreement among the users. The critical point is how these symbols are related to pronunciation in articulatory terms. Here Huang misdirects the student, while the textbooks using the Yale romanization write b, d, g, but clearly describe them as representing voiceless consonants. Huang continues to mislead his readers by equating English and Chinese sounds when they are not equal. On page xxvi he equates Mandarin yi with the English vowel in see. This is phonetically inaccurate and touches on another common area of mispronunciation in Chinese. The English vowel as in see normally has an off-glide [-iy] with a shift in position of articulation. The Chinese vowel in yi has no offglide and, after the initial consonant or semiconsonant, is pronounced as a pure vowel [-i]. A similar situation exists *Y. R. Chao suggests (Mandarin Primer, p. 21) that, failing to master voiceless initial stops and affricates, the student may "as a last resort" pronounce them as their voiced English counterparts. He then notes, "The use of voiced consonants.... is not absolutely correct and will give a strong foreign accent." ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 湍 瑛 H 也于 带 領緊稽 左 右 引 篤 林 脩 稽山陰之 和九年在發 少 又 亭 流 有 楔 曲 地事 之初會 Plate 31. The beginning of the Lan-t'ing Preface. Rubbing from Hsüeh Shou-p'eng's version. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r HKS 00001 MAY BIS OR NO. REBOUND 2 4 The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in November, 1974. 1,000 copies. Price per copy: HK $18 US $3.50 UK £1.60 postage extra Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by YE OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r The Hong Kong Branch of the Asiatic Society Royal Asiatic Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, K.C.M.G., M.B.E., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1973: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Professor Ma Meng, M.B.E., B.A. Hon. Secretary: Miss M. G. Knowles, B.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) G. A. Bridges, M.A. M. Smithies, M.A.(Oxon), M.A.(Calif). James C. Y. Watt, M.A. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. The Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Responsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1972 - HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1972 - THE LIBRARY, 1972 - ARTICLES: Page 1 Transactions of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society, 1845-46 — H. A. RYDINGS 11 The Yaumatei Typhoon Shelter, Hong Kong, 1900-1915 A. J. S. LACK 13 The Kam Tin Gates PETER WESLEY-SMITH 28 Early Steamships in China-A. D. BLUE 41 45 Persians, Arabs and Other Nationals In T’ang China CHIU LING-YEONG 58 Swatow (Ch'auchow) Horizontal Stick Puppets - HELGA WERLE 73 Five 19th Century Kwangtung Art Catalogues CHUANG SHEN 85 REPRINTED ARTICLES Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in SUNG HOK-P'ANG (with a memoir of the author by Lo Hsiang-lin) 111 NOTES AND QUERIES Notes on Chinese Temples in Hong Kong — CARL T. SMITH 133 'Ling Chih' at Canton, 27th May 1886 Hai Ju; Ming Patriot, Spark for Revolution and God 139 KEITH STEPHENS 144 Another Volontieri Map? - William Thomas Mercer (1822-1879) Hong Kong's Poet Laureate? HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE 146 Old Bills of Lading (McMullen Collection) — H. A. RYDINGS 151 Visit to the Sukhothai Sites in Thailand — MICHAEL SMITHIES 154 Deep Bay Marshes 163 168 BOOK REVIEWS 169 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 8 7 May 4 June Professor Chu-tsing Li "The Chinese paintings in Nelson Gallery" (illustrated with slides). Professor Winston Hsieh "The Canton Delta Project" 17 September Professor P. B. Harris 6 October "The Republic of virtue: Maoism and Rousseauism considered" Mr. James W. Hayes (Organizer) Visit to Cape D'Aguilar, Hong Kong Island. 12 November Mr. James Lethbridge "Duellists in nineteenth century Hong Kong". 10 December Dr. Hugh Baker "On how to worship oneself in ancestor worship". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r # THE LIBRARY OF THE HONG KONG BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY # REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1972-73 A catalogue of the library, printed by the offset method from the existing card catalogue, was issued in August. It was hoped that by making the contents of the collection better known to members, greater use would be made of the books. This has not, however, been noticeably so, and it seems that the main deterrent is accessibility. This problem will only be overcome, as has been frequently stated, when the Branch has its own premises. Copies of the catalogue were distributed free of charge to members of the Branch resident in Hong Kong, and to a few institutions overseas with which we have exchange arrangements, including the parent body in London and other branches of the Royal Asiatic Society. The small number of copies remaining in stock will be distributed to newly joining members. It is proposed to issue annual supplements, of which the first will appear shortly, until it becomes necessary to produce a complete new catalogue. By far the most important accession during the year was a collection of nineteenth-century bills of lading formed by Rear-Admiral M. A. McMullen, C.B., O.B.E., R.N. (Rtd.), obtained as a gift through the offices of Dr. J. R. Jones, Past President of the Branch. The bills are for various consignments to and from China ports, and there is a brief description of the collection on p. 37 of the printed catalogue. Xerox copies of the bills of lading have been made for ready consultation, and a calendar with index will be appended to the first supplement to the catalogue.* There were again no purchases for the Library, since the small use made of the collection does not merit such expenditure. However, we are grateful to the numerous donors who have kindly added to our stock, which now totals 325 books (including 17 in Chinese) and 46 pamphlets. *In view of the interest of the subject, the calendar with index has been included in the Notes and Queries section of this issue of the Journal on p. 175 seq. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY 15 yearly. It was also resolved that "This Society do communicate with similar Societies in India and at home, requesting them to send us Reports of their proceedings, this Society promising to act in the same manner towards them" (9). The importance of India, and the establishing of a system of exchange of publications, are matters to which further reference will be made. Three days after the inaugural meeting the Committee of management met, again at Dr. Dill's house, and recorded the names of seventeen doctors as members. A list of ten British medical periodicals was approved, and the Secretary was asked to order them through "Mr. William's the Bookseller" (10), but a decision on other titles "from America, India and other countries was referred to a subsequent meeting." At the first general meeting of the Society an introductory address was given by Alfred Tucker, the newly elected President, on "The advantages to be gained by a Medical Association, and a cursory review of diseases incidental to Europeans in China.” The latter part included a "synoptical table of the first 1,000 patients sent on board the Minden's Hospital for treatment" (Transactions, p. 8-10), from which it is seen that dysentery (359 cases) was the most prevalent disease, followed by remittent fever (165 cases). The overall mortality rate was 31.5%. Nearly half of Tucker's address was concerned with the efficacy of the various remedies available for different diseases. It is interesting to note that he hoped "one day to see a Medical School established at Victoria. . . It is only by education that we can expect to remove the old deep-rooted prejudices of ages, and in what better manner could the pupils educated at the Schools instituted for the Chinese be made useful instruments for introducing the Scriptures among their deluded countrymen.” To this theme we shall revert later. Apart from Dr. Tucker's introductory address, the Transactions contain four full-length papers. As these do not appear to have been indexed in the Royal Society's Catalogue (11) and are not easily identified in the Surgeon-General's Index-catalogue (12), they are here listed in the order in which they appear in the Transactions, together with the date when they were delivered, and the pages on which they appear: 1st July 1845. LITTLE, Archibald "On dysentery as it affects Europeans in China” p. 18-26. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 16 H. A. RYDINGS 6th August 1845. DILL, Francis “A brief account of the nature, causes, symptoms, treatment and morbid appearance of the fevers incident to Europeans in the Island of Hong Kong" p. 29-41. 7th Oct. 1845. BARTON, George K. “On diseases of the liver as observed amongst Europeans resident in India and China, with remarks upon their comparative infrequency in the latter country" p. 45-56. 3rd March 1846. BARTON, George K. "On some cases of varolous and vaccine inoculation in conjunction" p. 63-66. These papers were each followed by discussions, which are briefly recorded. There are also records of other meetings which consisted mainly of case studies. It will be noted that there is a concentration upon Europeans as patients, presumably because hospital facilities (other than the mission ones) were provided principally for the European community, and also because the Chinese would prefer to consult their own doctors. However, there are mentions of Chinese patients on p. 61 and in the second of Dr. Barton's papers. It is appropriate that dysentery should have been the subject of the first paper, delivered by Dr. Little, since this has already been mentioned as the most prevalent disease. The interest in India has also been alluded to, and can easily be understood when one looks at the catalogue of books available in the Society's library (Transactions, p. 78-9): out of 24 periodicals no less than 7 originated in India. Some or all of these had probably been received on an exchange basis. The East India Company apparently first established medical facilities in China, primarily for the benefit of its own personnel, with the appointment of Thomas Arnot as resident surgeon at the factory in Canton in 1758 (13). It was therefore natural for the first medical men in Hong Kong to look to their colleagues in India for advice and exchange of publications. Apart from the clinical studies listed above, another matter of interest is an investigation into the nature of mineral waters from Foochow. On p. 57-8 of the Transactions is transcribed a letter from Rutherford Alcock, H.B.M. Consul at Foo-chow-foo, dated September 13th 1845, to the Secretary of the Society, in which he promises to send samples of two different kinds of hot spring waters, the first odourless, tasteless and about 120°, which Alcock likens to those of Wildbad in the Black Forest; the other sulphurous, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY 17 about 96°, and likened by Alcock to the waters of Aix-la-Chapelle, or Barège in the Pyrenees. An analysis of three samples was carried out, and is recorded on p. 72-5 of the Transactions. As far as can be ascertained, there has been no later publication in western scientific literature on the mineral springs of Foochow, and very little on other Chinese spa waters, so this remains an important record. It is interesting to speculate how Alcock came to be involved in this matter. His personal concern with health and sanitation derived from his training under the distinguished surgeon G. J. Guthrie at the Westminster Hospital, and later service as an army surgeon during the Peninsular campaigns of 1832-37. He was thus by training a medical man, though it is as a diplomat that Sir Rutherford Alcock is remembered today, finishing his consular career by appointment as British Minister to Japan, 1859-65. Alcock passed through Hong Kong in October 1844, and no doubt met some of the medical men during his brief stay in the Colony. Probably he remained in correspondence with some of them, for when writing in September 1845 he refers to previous letters of May and June between Dr. Hobson and himself. In appreciation of Alcock's contribution, the Society elected him to honorary membership (Transactions, p. 58). Perhaps of greater interest in the history of western medicine and medical education in China are the activities of the Society towards the promotion of a medical school for Chinese in Hong Kong. Foremost amongst the proponents of this scheme was Dr. Benjamin Hobson, whose letter on the subject dated June 15, 1845 appears on p. 16-18 of the Transactions. “If we are to effect any change in the low empirical state of Medical science in China,” wrote Hobson, "it must be in my opinion by educating the Chinese in the principles and theory of the Medical Art, according to the more modern practice of the West. And in Victoria there are facilities and advantages to secure this interesting object of our hopes, which no other place possesses." Dr. Hobson pointed out that there were several hospitals, military, naval and other, where "I am authorized to say, the Chinese Medical Student will be welcome to study not only forms of disease as they affect European constitutions, but their treatment and pathology." Hobson went on to propose "That the premises of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, and the Medical School be (at least till farther ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY 19 influence of Sir John Davis as Governor, and J. W. Hulme, Chief Justice, both of whom were members) and the Hong Kong Branch, which has yet to solve it. Since it was on condition that the books and apparatus of the Medico-Chirurgical Society should be handed over to "the Asiatic Society of China” (the original name of the R.A.S, China Branch) that the members of the former were to be admitted to the latter without ballot or entrance fee (17), the list of the library of the Medico-Chirurgical Society (Transactions, p. 78-9) is of particular interest to the present writer. The list is, however, by no means systematic, and has therefore been rearranged and rewritten as an appendix to this article. It cannot claim to be the first library catalogue to have been published in Hong Kong, since that of the Morrison Education Society was issued in the previous year (18). How far the Medico-Chirurgical Society succeeded in its second objective, "the formation of a Library" is difficult to judge, since the books and periodicals as recorded in the appendix to the present article were acquired over a relatively short period, and the problems of acquisition must have then been immeasurably greater than those about which present-day librarians (and their clients) in Hong Kong grumble. Probably most of the books were gifts from members, as also were some of the periodicals, since there is some overlap in the recorded holdings of the Lancet, presumably received from different donors. Nevertheless, the Transactions include references to orders placed for various publications, e.g. (p. 57) on November 4th, 1845, five periodicals and one book (W.L. MacGregor's "Practical observations on diseases of European and native soldiers in the N.W. provinces of India," not recorded in the catalogue, and so presumably not received). It has not been possible to trace the ultimate fate of any of these volumes. The Library of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, into which they were incorporated as already mentioned, was eventually donated to the old City Hall Library in 1869 (19). Unfortunately, however, only the Morrison Library was catalogued after this date (20), and none of the volumes listed in the appendix to the article appear to have migrated to that collection. One must sadly assume that, as the medical element in the membership of the China Branch dwindled, and as the depredations of white ant and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 20 H. A. RYDINGS other pests took their toll, the collection of the Medico-Chirurgical Society gradually became unwanted and unusable. Some remarks should be made on the incorporation of the Society into "the Asiatic Society of China" which soon became the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (21). First, why was such a step necessary, and second, to what extent did members of the former Society opt for membership of the new? In the account of the origin of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (1) it is stated that the Medico-Chirurgical Society "in accord with the contemporary spirit of inquiry and the enthusiasm for better knowledge of Asia in general and China in particular, had contemplated setting up a Philosophical Society." Part of this story is recorded in the Transactions, p. 62-63. Dr. McGowan of Ningpo wrote a letter which was read at a meeting of the Society on 6th January 1846, "suggesting the addition of a scientific branch of this Society; or the formation of a Philosophical Society having a Medical Section. The matter having been briefly discussed it was the unanimous opinion of the members present... that the discussion of other scientific subjects should be left to other Bodies, of which members could avail themselves. ** However, this resolve to go it alone was not to be achieved. It is stated in the "Journal of Proceedings" regarding the setting up of the "Philosophical Society of China" (afterwards the China Branch of the R.A.S.) that "the number of members of a scientific body called the 'China Medico-Chirurgical Society' had been gradually diminishing, so as to render it difficult to obtain any meetings except at irregular and frequently long intervals" (22). At the preliminary meeting held on 5th January 1847 there were eight doctors present, namely Drs. Balfour, Young, Barton, Dill, Harland, Bankier, Grant and Fletcher. Only four of these can be positively identified on the membership list of the Medico-Chirurgical Society (Transactions, p. 78), which includes 38 names—though of course others may have joined in the intervening year—but it appears that these four and possibly others had formed a splinter group sympathetic to those who favoured the formation of a "Philosophical Society", in the older meaning of the phrase. There seems little doubt that the activities of the Medico-Chirurgical Society were on the wane, probably due to the death or departure of some of the more active members. Drs. Tucker, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 22 H. A. RYDINGS We began this review of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society with some account of those who were officers during the first year of its existence. It is therefore appropriate to finish with a look at the office-bearers of the 'Philosophical Society of China”, and to note how many of them had been associated with the former society. The original office-bearers (22) were: President Major H. P. Burn Vice-Presidents Dr. Kennedy Council Dr. Balfour A. Shortrede J. C. Bowring General Secretary W. F. Bryan Treasurer Curator Dr. Young C. T. Watkins Dr. Harland Dr. Barton There are five doctors on this list, of whom three are known to have been members of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, namely Drs. Kennedy, Balfour and Barton. The Dr. Young was probably Peter Young, the Colonial Surgeon, and not J. H. Young, who had been Secretary of the Medico-Chirurgical Society but had resigned. Dr. W. A. Harland, who read a paper on "The Chinese system of human anatomy and physiology" (23) at the meetings in September and October 1847, was later to become the Society's "devoted Secretary" (24), but is not included in the membership list of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, though he may have joined it after the list was compiled. A new set of office-bearers was appointed with the first change of name of the Society (21) and adoption of a constitution on 19th January 1847, with His Excellency Sir John F. Davis, Bart., F.R.S. as President: but that is another story. NOTES 1 [J. R. Jones] in JHKBRAS, v. 1, 1961, p. 1. 2 There are three copies recorded in libraries in the U.S.A., i.e. the National Library of Medicine at Washington; the Boston Medical Library; and the Library of the New York Academy of Medicine. 3 Trans. China Med. Chir. Soc., v. 1, 1845-46, p. 28. 4 Memoirs of the life and labours of Robert Morrison, comp. by his widow, London, 1839, v. 2, p. 148. 5 Chinese repository, v. 16, 1847, p. 187-9. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY 23 • Lancer and cross: biographical sketches of fifty pioneer medical missionaries in China, comp. by K. Chimin Wong [Shanghai] Council on Christian Medical Work, 1950, p. 14-16. Europe in China: the history of Hongkong from the beginning to the year 1882, by E. J. Eitel, Hongkong, Kelly & Walsh, 1895, p. 180. * Information on the officers and committee members during the brief history of the Society in these two paragraphs, except where otherwise noted, derives variously from the Friend of China, the Hong Kong almanack and directory for 1846, and the Hongkong register, as well as the Transactions. 9 As well as in the Transactions, p. 1-2, the record of this first meeting appears in the Friend of China, v. 14, no. 40, May 17th 1844, p. 754, and the Chinese repository, v. 14, 1845, p. 245. 10 Presumably John Williams & Co., Book Sellers & Publishers, 18 Wellington St. "next house to the Roman Catholic Chapel.". From an advertisement in the Hongkong register, v. 18, no. 40, Oct. 7th 1845, p. 162, it appears that the shop also sold everything from fowling pieces to "rare old aniseed brandy". 11 Royal Society of London: Catalogue of scientific papers, 1800-1900, London, 1867-1925. 12 U. S. Surgeon-General's Office: Index-catalogue of the Library: authors and subjects, Washington, 1880-1950. Periodical articles are entered only under subject. 13 The chronicles of the East India Company trading to China, by H. B. Morse, v. 5: Supplementary, 1742-74. Oxford, 1929, p. 101. 14 Trans. p. 27 gives June 8th, but this must be an error, as Dr. Hobson's letter was dated June 15, 15 "The history of medical education in Hong Kong" by Sir Lindsay T. Ride, in Inauguration of the Li Shu Fan Medical Foundation, 3rd March 1963: commemoration volume [Hong Kong, 1963] p. 41. 16 The medical missionary in China... by William Lockhart, London, 1861, p. 141. 17 Royal Asiatic Society. China Branch, Transactions, v. 1, 1847, p. 76. 18 Chinese repository, v. 14, 1845, p. 288-91. 19 Anonymous writer quoted by V. H. G. Jarrett in the South China Morning Post; and H. A. Rydings in JHKBRAS, v. 8, 1968, p. 63. 20 Catalogue of works in the Morrison Library, City Hall, Hongkong, including also a synoptical index. Hongkong, printed at the China Mail Office, 1873. 21 The names adopted were, successively, the Philosophical Society of China (5 Jan. 1847), the Asiatic Society of China (19 Jan, 1847), and the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (7 Sept. 1847). 22 Royal Asiatic Society. China Branch. Transactions, v. 1, 1847, p. 71. 23 Ibid. p. 23. 24 J. R. Jones, op. cit., p. 2. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 24 H. A. RYDINGS APPENDIX CATALOGUE OF THE LIBRARY OF THE CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY This is an attempt to revise the "Catalogue of books” on p. 78-79 of the Transactions in accordance with modern cataloguing practice. The list has been divided into two sections, books and periodicals, each arranged alphabetically. The listing of books in the form given in the original catalogue is shown in quotation marks following each entry, except where it has proved impossible to identify the item, in which case this is shown first. As is usual in such lists, author's names were given inaccurately or not at all, whilst titles were frequently abbreviated or translated without any indication that this was done. Consequently some of the identifications are uncertain. Dates of publication were not given for any of the books, and those supplied here are tentative when there was more than one edition. Nevertheless only three out of fourteen titles remain unidentified Periodicals present less difficulties of identification, but it is rarely possible from the details given to provide an accurate record of holdings. No distinction appears to have been made between volumes and parts, e.g. April and July issues of the Medico-chirurgical review are described as 2 volumes; whilst the Lancet for 1825-26, 1827-28, 1829-30 and 1838-39 is described as 4 volumes. All that can safely be said is that 24 titles were represented, in some cases by a few scattered issues, in others by continuous runs of several years. Out of this total only 2 titles have not been confirmed from other sources. “AUSCAUX on bandaging" BOOKS No such author appears in the catalogues of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, the British Museum, or the Surgeon-General, Washington. A possible (though doubtful) identification is: DUCROS, C. Du bandage dextriné dans le traitement des fractures. Paris, 1840. Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY CARRON DU VALLARDS, C.J.F. 25 Guide pratique pour l'étude et le traitement des maladies des yeux. 2v. Paris, 1838. "Diseases of the eye by Du Vallard." No English translation has been traced. CLEMENT, William James. Observations in surgery and pathology, illustrated by cases. London, 1832. "Observations on surgery and pathology by (Clement)" "DARHARET "Plates of the human muscles "Ditto bones" It has not been possible to identify these two, assumed to be by the same author. DEWEES, W. P. A treatise on the diseases of females. Philadelphia (various eds., 1st publ. 1826) "A treatise on diseases of females." JAMESON, Robert. Manual of mineralogy. Edinburgh, 1821. or System of mineralogy. 3rd ed. Edinburgh, 1820. "Jamieson's Elements of mineralogy." LALLEMAND, Claude François. Recherches anatomico-pathologiques sur l'encéphale et ses dépendances. Bruxelles, 1837. "M. Lallemand on the brain." MAYOR, Mathias Louis. Bandages et appareils à pansements; ou, Nouveaux système de déligation chirurgicale. 3e éd. Paris, 1838. "M. Mayor on bandaging." MEDICAL COLLEGE OF BENGAL, Calcutta. Catalogue of books. (n.d.) "Catalogue of books, Calcutta." Rules and regulations (n.d.) "Rules and regulations, Medical College Calcutta." ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 36 A. J. S. LACK At the same meeting another unofficial member, Mr. Osborne,* mounted a quite blistering attack upon Government's past failure to provide adequately for the shelter of the boat people in Hong Kong. He referred to the typhoon of 1841 and to the storm of 1874 in which over 2,000 lives were lost within the space of 6 hours and 35 foreign vessels were wrecked or badly damaged. He claimed that the screaming of those in distress on the water could be heard in the mid levels of the town above the noise of the storm. He went on to refer to subsequent and more recent typhoons, one of which (1906) had exacted a toll of 10,000 lives in two hours. He demanded to know what it was that had been done with the lessons of previous years, and came to the reluctant conclusion that very little had been done. He castigated Government's lavish expenditure on various new public buildings, notably the Supreme Court, the Harbour Office, and the intended Post Office Building, as being quite beyond the bounds of what was required, and ended with these remarks, During a rather long residence in the Colony, I have had exceptional opportunities of coming into contact with the boat population. Though, like most humanity, their character is a blend of the good and the bad, there is one quality they possess in marked degree, which has always commanded my deep admiration, and that is their patience and philosophic bearing under circumstances of trial and suffering. In their name, Sir, and apart from the commercial aspect to which I have alluded, in the name of thousands who have already suffered in silence the misery wrought by these destructive storms, I appeal to your Excellency that there shall be no further delay in giving them the shelter which it is our clear and bounden duty to provide. These words put the officials on their mettle. At the next meeting of the Council, the Director of Public Works and His Excellency the Governor were at pains to assure members that something was going to be done about the typhoon shelter: in fact, they had purchased a dredger on which to begin work on the foundations of the shelter. This provoked an unexpected row because some members considered that another dredger also for sale in the harbour at that * Edward Osborne, listed in Who's Who in the Far East as Secretary of the Hong Kong and Kowloon Wharf and Godown Co., b. 1861, with P & O Steam Navigation Co. in London and Hong Kong 1880-1889. Director of Hong Kong Hotel, Dairy Farm, Steam Laundry, etc. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 44 PETER WESLEY-SMITH 2 See Wong Chung Hong, "Walled and Moated a Hong Kong Village" Arts of Asia, Vol. 1, No. 4, July-August 1971. This article is accompanied by architectural drawings of Kat Hing Wai. See also Sun Hok-p'ang, "Legends and Stories of the New Territories. III. Kam Tin” Hong Kong Naturalist, Vol. VIII, Nos. 3 and 4, December 1936, pp. 255-6. 3 Stewart Lockhart's Report is relatively well known; it is published in Confidential Print, Eastern No. 66, Serial No. 51, p. 83: C.O.882/5, 4 "Journal of Inspection through the Newly Leased Territory”, and Stewart Lockhart to Acting Colonial Secretary (undated), Nos. 27 and 29 in "Papers Regarding the New Territory, Hong Kong", in Stewart Lockhart's Papers, Vol. 3. These papers are deposited in the National Library of Scotland, Acc. 4138, and are used here with permission. 5 Hongkong Weekly Press. Vol. XLVIII, September 17, 1898, p. 239. 6 See note 4 above. 7 See note 5 above. 8 Serial No. 172 (see note 3 above). 9 See R. G. Groves, "Militia, Market and Lineage: Chinese Resistance to the Occupation of Hong Kong's New Territories in 1899” JHKBRAS, Vol. 9 (1969), p. 31. 10 Stubbs to Thomas, No. 246, June 7, 1924, enclosure 3: minute by W. G. Gerrard, Assistant Superintendent of Police (New Territories), dated June 2, 1924: Stewart Lockhart's Papers, Vol. 5. The Hon. Mr. Bird incorrectly recalled at the re-opening ceremony in 1925 that he saw the gates carried into the Tai Po camp on the day the Union Jack was hoisted there (that is, April 16, 1899). He also stated that it took ten coolies to carry each gate: Hong Kong Telegraph, May 27, 1925. 11 Entry for May 4, 1899, in a diary kept by Stewart Lockhart and contained in Vol. 36 of his Papers. 12 See entries for May 9 and May 29, 1899, in ibid. 13 K. O'Dwyer, S. J., "Kam T'in. Memories and Legends" The Rock, April, 1940, pp. 157-62. 14 A. E. Collins to Stewart Lockhart, August 19, 1924: Stewart Lockhart's Papers, Vol. 5. 15 O'Dwyer, op. cit., p. 162. 16 A translation of this Address is in the Colonial Secretariat Library, bound together with the official programme for the ceremony and the Hong Kong Telegraph's report of the proceedings. 17 Hong Kong Telegraph, May 27, 1925, 18 Ibid. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 52 A. D. BLUE and Canton. Jardines were neither owners or agents of the Corsair, but there seems to be no doubt that they sponsored this service. The Corsair had been built in 1827 for the Irish Sea service, but after several years went out to Australia. She arrived in China from Australia early in 1846 consigned to Jardines, and soon afterwards was making two trips per week between Hong Kong and Canton, and also doing occasional towing and salvage work. She continued on the river until July 1849 and then disappears from the scene, probably because of her age, either being dismantled or allowed to fall to pieces. From this time British and American steamers appeared at Hong Kong at short intervals, most for the river service, but some for service between Hong Kong, Shanghai, and intermediate ports. Landmarks from the British point of view were the entry of the P. and O. into both the river and the coast services, and the formation of the Hong Kong and Canton Steam Packet Company. The P. and O. started their mail service from Ceylon to Hong Kong by the Lady Mary Wood in 1845, operating this in connection with their Suez-India service. Early in 1849 they put their iron paddle steamer Canton on the Canton River service, a steamship much superior to any of the others then operating on the river. When the Canton suffered severe damage through running on a sunken rock, she was replaced by the Sir Charles Forbes, which the Company chartered from the Bombay Steam Navigation Company. When the Canton returned after repairs, she was put first on the Hong Kong-Amoy service, and then on the Hong Kong-Shanghai service. The P. and O. originally ran these ships mainly as feeders for their overseas ships, and charged very high freights. In 1854, however, and about the time the Hong Kong and Canton Steam Packet Company was about to be liquidated, the P. and O. increased their river service and made it more attractive to outsiders. The Hong Kong and Canton Steam Packet Company was formed in 1847, Alexander Campbell of Dent and Company and Alexander Matheson of Jardine, Matheson and Company being the men mainly responsible. Nearly all the foreign merchants in Hong Kong and Canton took shares in the new company, the first steamship company to be formed in China, although they knew that the P. and O. were on the point of improving their river service. Two sister ships were ordered in England, and the first of these, the Canton arrived in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r EARLY STEAMSHIPS IN CHINA 53 Hong Kong on 30th August 1849, just six months after the arrival of the P. and O's Canton. The second ship, the Hong Kong, arrived barely a month later. They went into service soon after their arrival, but not until modifications to the Canton's engines in early 1850, could they be said to be operating a regular service. They then commenced a regular schedule, leaving Hong Kong and Canton every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 8.00 a.m., and calling at Macao and Cumsingmoon as inducement offered. Saloon passenger rates were $8.00 between Hong Kong and Canton; $5.00 between Hong Kong and Macao; and $1.00 for Chinese passengers between any two ports. Although the two Cantons and the Hong Kong were a great improvement on earlier steamships, they were still liable to frequent accidents and breakdowns, and still often withdrawn for the more lucrative towing and salvage work. On 21st December 1854 the China Mail wrote: We are now pretty well supplied with river steamers, having no fewer than seven (Hong Kong and Canton of the Hong Kong and Canton Steam Packet Company; Canton, Sir Charles Forbes and Tartar of P. and O; and Spark and Ann of Russell and Company). The River Bird is on its way out (from America) and other three (Rose, Thistle, and Shamrock) are being assembled in Hong Kong. There is plenty of room for all of them, however, for every day seems to raise river steamer traffic higher in the estimation of the natives, and a very short time will elapse before Chinese merchants become steamboat proprietors. The Hong Kong and Canton Steam Packet Company, however, was not proving profitable, and the prospect of still more competition decided the company to wind up its affairs and offer its ships for sale. Shortly after this optimistic forecast by the China Mail, river traffic was almost completely disrupted—first by the continuing Taiping Rebellion and then by the Second China War. The fortunes of steamships as a whole, however, were very little affected by these events. Several were chartered by the Royal Navy for service in the war, and others went on coast services to Shanghai and intermediate ports. During these troubled years the foreign factories at Canton were burned, and Canton was blockaded and then captured by the Anglo-French forces on 29th December 1857. After this the tide of war moved north to the Peiho River, and peace was quickly restored to the Canton River. Admiral Seymour gave ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 54 A. D. BLUE official notice on 18th January 1858 that the mail service between Hong Kong and Canton would be restored, at first by naval ships, and then on 10th February the blockade was lifted. Soon after this regular steamship services were re-established on the river, and the pioneer days of steam navigation in China were over. Main Sources Boyd Cable M. Greenberg W. H. Hall and W. D. Bernard A Hundred Years History of the P. 1937 and 0. British Trade and the Opening of 1951 China, 1800-1842 Narrative of the Voyages and Services 1844 of the Nemesis, 1840-1843 C. A. Gibson-Hill "Early Steamships in Malaya” Journal of Royal Asiatic Society Malayan Branch, 1956 E. K. Haviland "Early Steamships in China" American Neptune, 1956 "Early Steamships in China; Hong Kong and the Canton River” American Neptune, 1962 K. C. Liu Anglo-American Steamship Rivalry in 1962 China, 1862-1874 Basil Lubbock The Opium Clippers G. A. Prinsep Steam Vessels in India 1946 1830 Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r APPENDIX EARLY STEAMSHIPS CONNECTED WITH CHINA Vessel Material Tons Builder Dimensions Engines and Builder Remarks Diana 1823 Wood 89 Kyd & Co., Kidderpore, India. 100'0" × 16'8” × ? 2 of 25 h.p., Paddle. Henry Maudslay, London, Materials sent first to Canton, then to India: Diana never operated in China. Corsair 1827 Wood 186 net J. Wood & Co., Port Glasgow, Scotland. 136'0" × 18'0” × 11'9" Although built in 1827 did not arrive in China until 1846. Forbes 1829 Wood 162 Howra Dock Co., Calcutta. 126'10" × 22'6" × ? 2 of 60 h.p., Paddle, Boulton & Watt, Birmingham. Towed barque Jamesina to Lintin in 1830, and was first steamship to be seen in China. Jardine 1835 Wood 59 A. Hall & Co., Aberdeen, Scotland. 82'0" × 17'0” × 9'6" 2 of 24 h.p., Paddle, J. Duffus & Co. After first arrival in China never operated in Chinese waters. Ann 1839 Wood 239 gross T. Isemonger, Littlehampton, Sussex, England, 117'0" × 19'7” × 13'3" Paddle, Conley & Co., South Shields. Built as a schooner, lengthened and fitted with engines in 1846. EARLY STEAMSHIPS IN CHINA 55 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r Vessel Nemesis Material Tons 1839 Iron 630 gross Builder Laird & Co., Birkenhead, England. Dimensions 184'0" X 29'0" X ? Engines and Builder Paddle, Forrester & Co., Liverpool. Remarks: First iron steamship to round the Cape of Good Hope, played prominent part in the First China War. Lady Mary Wood 1842 Wood 297 net T. Wilson, Liverpool. England. Midas ? 250 h.p., Paddle, Fawcett & Co., Birmingham. 56 Remarks: Inaugurated first regular mail service to China in 1846. First P. and O. ship to visit China. 1844 Wood 145 gross S. Hall & Co., Boston, Mass. ? Twin screw, Hogg & Delameter, New York. Remarks: First American, and first propeller-driven steamer to round the Cape of Good Hope; operated first steamship service in China. Iron Prince 1845 Iron 180 gross J. Hodgson & Co., Liverpool, 119'8" x 17'4" X 11'8" Paddle, by shipbuilders Sir Charles Forbes 1846 Wood 211 gross Mercantile 130'1" x 18'5" Dock, Bombay. X 10'2" Canton Remarks: Chartered by P. 1848 Iron 349 gross and O., and their second ship on Canton River, Tod & Macgregor, Glasgow. 172'7" x 21'4” X 10'7" 150 h.p., Paddle, by shipbuilders Remarks: First P. and O. ship on Canton River. A. D. BLUE ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r PERSIANS, ARABS AND OTHER NATIONALS IN T’ANG CHINA: THEIR STATUS, ACTIVITIES AND CONTRIBUTIONS CHIU LING-YEONG* The rise of Li Yüan in A.D. 618 marked the beginning of a dynasty which was destined to become a model in later ages. The Chinese were and still are proud to be called T’ang-jen1 because it was this dynasty which extended Chinese territory beyond the Pamirs over the states of the Oxus Valley and even over the upper waters of the Indus in modern Afghanistan. The administrative protectorate of An-hsi (Pacify the West) was set up in the Tarim Basin, paralleling the administrative protectorate of An-nan (Pacify the South), which had been set up earlier in North Vietnam and which eventually gave its name to the whole region of Annam. There were also An-pei (Pacify the North) in Mongolia; and An-tung (Pacify the East) in South Manchuria.2 T'ang Tai-tsung subjugated the Eastern Turks in A.D. 630 and he himself took the title of "Heavenly Khan" of the Turks. After a series of campaigns between A.D. 630 and A.D. 648, the Western Turks also yielded their submission to the T'ang Empire. China by then had embraced nearly the whole of Central Asia: or as Sir Aurel Stein called it, Serindia. These are the glories which have long been inscribed in many Chinese minds. T'ang China enjoyed nearly three hundred kaleidoscopic years. In these three hundred years, envoys, clerics, students, merchants and others from different parts of Asia poured into the main Chinese cities. The greatest envoy to come to T'ang China was perhaps Pērōz, son of King Yazdgard III and scion of the Sasanids.4 With regard to clerics, Indian Buddhists were in abundance. There were also Persian priests of varying faiths: the Magus for whom the Mazdean temple in Ch'ang-an was rebuilt in A.D. 631; the Nestorian, honoured by the erection of a church in A.D. 628; the * Dr. Chiu is Senior Lecturer in Chinese History in the University of Hong Kong. His article "The Debate on National Salvation: Ho Kai versus Tsang Chi-tung" appeared in Volume 11 (1971) of the Journal. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 66 CHIU LING-YEONG The style of I-seng was of Iranian origin, in which modeled and shaded polychrome figures seemed to stand out in relief, or even to float free from their background. His style is believed to have influenced Wu Tao-hsüan and to be traceable in the caves of Tun-huang. 35 From Chinese sources, Ta Yü-chih had three paintings extant in T'ang period, namely: (1) Liu-fan tu; (2) Wai-kuo pao-shu tu (the six foreigners); and (3) Po-lo-men tu (exotic tree from foreign country); (the Brahmara). However, according to Hsüan-ho hua-p'u, there were seven paintings of Hsiao Yu-chih's work, kept by Sung Hui-tsung, namely: 1. Icon of Maitreya 彌勒佛像一; 2. Buddhist icon 佛鋪圖一; 3. Buddhist followers 佛從像一; 4. Buddhist followers from foreign country 外國佛從像一; 5. Avolokitesvara 大悲像一; 6. Vidyaraja 智; 7. Foreigners36; These seven masterpieces were kept by the Emperor in the Inner Palace. Some of I-seng's paintings are still kept by collectors either in China or America, like the Dancing girl of Kucha #✯✯; A Sitting God 坐神; Buddha under the Mango Trees 吉羅林果佛; and Drunken Monk 醉僧圖. The Yu-chihs were also masters of mural-paintings. Some of their works can still be found in temples and pagodas in China. In the Sung period, their works were classified as shen-p'in (divine category). I-seng also introduced the 'iron-wire' line to China—the Western technique of using a line of unvarying thickness to outline figures.37 I-seng, according to Chang Yen-yüan, had brought new light to Chinese painting and made more paths for painters of the later generations to develop. Ch'in Ming-ho At th... In the field of medical science in T'ang China, Professor Lo Hsiang-lin inclines to believe that Persians had made tremendous contributions, especially in surgical operations. In A.D. 683, a Persian known as Ch'in Ming-ho, performed a neurosurgical ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA + 67 operation for Kao-tsung Tzu-chih t'ung-chien records this operation as follows: In the eleventh moon of the first year of Hung-tao A, the Emperor had great difficulty in seeing because of a headache. The imperial doctor, Ch'in Ming-ho was summoned (to the Inner Palace) to diagnose the case. Ch'in indicated that the Emperor could be healed if he was allowed to needle (acupuncture) the Emperor's head in order to release the blood. Ch'in was allowed to perform the operation and the Emperor was cured. Ch'in was a very skilful surgeon indeed. 38 In A.D. 741, a Nestorian Monk known as Ch'ung I also proved to be a good physician in the court. The medical knowledge of these foreigners improved the state of medicine in China and when they met Taoist physicians later, both schools worked very closely and discovered a new kind of medical knowledge which not only benefitted them but also all mankind.40 Li Hsin 李珣 In dealing with foreigners in T'ang China, whether in the field of medical, natural or humanistic science, Li Hsün can hardly be neglected.41 Li was originally from Persia and was the author of the famous Hai-yao pen-ts'ao (Exotic Pharmacopaeia). Unfortunately, the book is now lost, and there is even uncertainty whether Li Hsun was in fact the author of this book. Fragments of Li Hsün's book have been preserved in the Chung-hsiu Cheng-ho ching-shih cheng-lei pei-yung pen-ts'ao, which is a revision, undertaken in A.D. 1249, of T'ang Shen-wei's Cheng-ho hsin-hsiu cheng-lei pei-yung pen-ts'ao (Materia Medica) of A.D. 1116. They are also preserved in Li Shih-chen's Pen-ts'ao kang-mu + Li was a Ming scientist and died in A.D. 1593. Whether Li Hsün is the author of the work mentioned is not for discussion here. P. Pelliot, Ch'en Pang-hsien, P. Huard and M. Wong all regarded Li as the author of this work, and as a Persian.42 Li Hsün was also a literary man of high standing. The compiler of Hua-chien chi had selected thirty-seven of Li's tz'u (lyrics) for this anthology. It is also recorded in Hua-chien chi that Li was also the author of Ch'iung-yao chi. Li Hsün's + ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA 69 should be well-treated.48 The Emperor based his policies on the principle of 't'ien-hsia pai-ch'uan kuei ta-hai' 天下百川歸大海 (all rivers in the empire enter the sea), and accepted everyone from different parts of the world, either to pay tribute to or to trade with China. There is no doubt that Persians, Arabs, Turks, Japanese and others did enjoy their stay in China; and it is also an undeniable fact that T'ang emperors wished to befriend these foreigners. It is equally true that in such a highly Sino-centric society as the T'ang period, nobody felt that such a process of assimilation was untraditional or against the theory of Sino-centrism. In T'ang times, such a social pattern was a reality, not a myth, and its spirit may serve as a model for the future. NOTES * I wish to express my appreciation to Professor Woodbridge Bingham of the University of California, Berkeley (Visiting Professor in Chinese History, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong 1970-71) for reading an earlier version of this paper, weeding out mistakes and suggesting improvements. Abbreviations used in the footnotes: CTS Chiu T'ang-shu HTS Hsin T'ang-shu TCTC Tzu-chih t'ung-chien 1 In T'ang time, Islamic followers used to call the Chinese Tamghai, Tomghaj, Tonghaj, Tangas, Tubgao or Tapkao. Some historians believe that these were transliterations of T'ao-hua-shih. However, Kuwabara Jitsuzō suggested that these were derived from T'ang-chia-tzu. Cf. J. Kuwabara 'On P'u Shou-keng', Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 2:1-79 (Tokyo, 1928), 7:1-104 (Tokyo, 1935). See also Chinese translation of this, with additional notes by Ch'en Yü-ching, P'u Shou-keng k'ao (Peking, 1954), pp. 103-109. 2 Edward O. Reischauer and J. K. Fairbank, East Asia: The Great Tradition (London, 1958), p. 155. 3 See Lo Hsiang-lin, T'ang-tai wen-hua shih (Taipei, 1963), pp. 54-87. 4 Hsiang Tai, T'ang-tai Ch'ang-an hsi-yü wen-ming (Peking, 1957), pp. 24-25. 5 Edward H. Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T'ang Exotics (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963), pp. 10-11. I must express my thankfulness to Professor Schafer's opus magnum; I have fully made use of Professor Schafer's work. 6 See Chiu Ling-yeong, Superintendents of Customs in Canton during the Tang and Sung Dynasties (unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1963), Chapters 5 and 6. Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 70 CHIU LING-YEONG 7 Hsiang Ta, p. 35; Schafer, p. 20. 8 See Ssu-Ma Kuang *, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien | (TCTC; Peking, 1956), chuan 225, pp. 7228-7237. 9 Chang-Sun Wu-chi £**& and others eds., T’ang-lu shu-i |*| chuan 6; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 56-58. 10 E. Renaudot, Ancient Accounts of India and China by Two Moham-medan Travellers (London, 1733), p. 13. 11 Paul Wheatley, 'Geographical Notes on some Commodities involved in Sung maritime Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 32, part II, 186:28-29 (Singapore, 1961). 12 Chiu Ling-yeong, pp. 504-508; Tao Hsi-sheng, 'Tang-tai ch'u-li fan-shang chi fan-k'o i-ch'an ti fa-ling' ^££# # X ¶¤£***÷. Shih-huo * 4:9:14-15 (Shanghai, 1936). 13 Ou-Yang Hsiu « and others, eds., Hsin T'ang-shu *M† (HTS; 1060 edited), chuan 163; Chiu Ling-yeong, p. 507. 14 N. I. Konrad, 'The Source of Chinese Humanism' (GALEKH Ht), Journal of the Soviet Oriental Studies 3:72-94 (Moscow, 1957). 15 Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 74-77. 1 16 Ibn Khordadbeh, 'le livre des routes et des provinces', et annote par M. Barbier de Meynard, Journal Asiatique, serie VI, tome V. In this geo-graphical treatise, Ibn Khordadbeh gave a very vivid description of these trading ports: Khanfou, Kantou, Lonkin and Djanfon. Kuwabara was of the opinion that these four place-names are present Kuang-chou ★ ★. Yang-chou ##, Chiao-chou ★ and Ch'üan-chou ##. Cf. Kuwabara J.. 'T'ang-Sung mao-i-ching yen-chiu' ♫ ET &A”, Chinese translation by Yang Lien ## (Shanghai, 1935), pp. 64-154. Of these four place-names, Khanfou in the Khordadbeh's book was identified as Kuang-chou by Paul Pelliot and many other schools. Cf. M. Paul Pelliot, "Deux itineraires de Chine en Inde, a la fin du VIII siecle', Bulletin de l'ecole francaise d'extreme Orient (Hanoi, 1904), p. 205, Place-names in T'ang period and with 'fu' is very common. Kuang-chou was called Kuang-fu . There were also Yang-fu, I-fu # and Chiao-fu X Cf. Li Fang # and others, eds., T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi ★★ (edited A.D. 978) chuan 437; Ts'en Chung-min |, Chung-wai shih-ti kao-cheng *** (Hong Kong, 1966), I, 295-296; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 13-18. 17 HTS, chuan 144. 18 Liu Hsü $ and others, eds, Chiu T'ang-shu (CTS, A.D. 945 edited), chuan 198. 19 Chang Hsing-lang, Chung-hsi chiao-t'ung shih-liao hui-pien **££Ħ (Peking, 1933), 3, 132; Ch'en Yü-ching, p. 15; Maejima, S., 'Evaluation des sources arabes concernant la revolte de Huang Chao *‡, a la fin des Tang', International Symposium on History of Eastern and Western Cultural Contacts, Tokyo-Kyoto (1957), pp. 85-90. According to HTS, chuan 43, part I, it says the whole population in Canton at that time was not more than two hundred twenty-one thousand and five hundred. Huang Chao, in this case, could not have killed one hundred twenty thousand to two hundred thousand as the Arabs reported. To this point, see Ts'en Chung-min *, Sui-T’ang shih t★ ★ (Peking, 1957), pp. 503-504, n. 46. 20 Ho ch'iao-yüan †, Man-shu ⚡, chapter 7. 21 Hsiang Da, pp. 48-50. TCTC, chuan 218, p. 6972. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA 71 23 Ch'en Yu-ching, p. 19; Wang Gungwu1, 'The Nanhai Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 31, part 2, chapter 7, "The Middlemen and the Spices 618-960 (II), (Kuala Lumpur, 1958). 24 CTS, chüan 89; HTS, chüan 116. 25 TCTC, chüan 203; Wang Gungwu, pp. 75-76. The passage from TCTC follows Wang Gungwu's translation. 26 CTS, chüan 89; HTS, chüan 116. 27 Tung Hao and others, eds., Ch'üan-Tang wen♬ X (A.D. 1814 edition), chüan 291. 28 Hsiang Ta, pp. 38-39. 29 Ibid., Schafer, p. 21. 30 Wang Ch'i±1 ed., Li T'ai-po wen-chi4★ø̇ (A.D. 1758 edited), chüan 3, 'Ch'ien yu tsun-chiu hsing'☀☀f The Chinese version is as follows: 嬰獒龍門之綠桐，玉壺美酒清若空口 催舷梯往與君飲，看朱成碧顏始缸口 胡姬貌如花，當爐笑春風，笑春風， 笑春風，舞羅衣，君今不醉將安歸。 The translation here follows Schafer's. 31 Hsiang Ta, pp. 41-47. 32 Yüan-shih chang-ch'ing chiZAŁA (1929 edition), chüan 24, p. 5, 'Fa Chu'. After Schafer's translation. Schafer, p. 28. 33 Liu Mau-tsaiA†, 'Kulturelle Beziehungen zwischen den Ost Türken (Tu-Küe) und China', Central Asiatic Journal 3:3:199 (The Hague and Wiesbaden, 1957-58). The dictionary is 'T'u-chüeh yü'*A* See Schafer, p. 285, n. 175. 34 Cf. S. W. Bushell, Chinese Art, Victoria and Albert Museum Handbook (London, 1906), chapter 12; Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting (London, 1956) I, 71; Arnold Silock, Introduction to Chinese Art and History (Oxford, 1948), p. 181; Arthur Waley, An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting (London, 1923), p. 108; Jitsuzo Kuwabara, 'Zui-To-jidai ni Shina ni raiju shita seikijin ni tsuite'隋唐時代に支那に来往した番域人に就いて Naito Hakase Kanreki shukuga shukuga Shinagaku ronsoAKŁET#***$*£ (Tokyo, 1926; *ˆ†±‡ƒ), pp. 643-644; Chuang Shen#, 'Sui-Tang shih-tai Yü-tien tsu-chih chi fu-tzu hua-chia'MAARTA##, Lishih yü-yen yen-chiu-so chi-k'anAt*7*ƒƒ4N (Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology), Extra Vol. 4, part I, pp. 403-454 (Academic Sinica, Taiwan, 1960). 35 Schafer, p. 36 Chuang Shen, pp. 408-416. 37 Ibid., pp. 440-443. 38 TCTC, chüan 203, p. 6415. For Ch'in Ming-ho and Li Hsün, I am indebted to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's stimulating article 'Hsi-chu po-ssu chih Li Hsün chi ch'i Hai-yao pen-ts'ao'±Ùƒ±‡HZ‡❀$$‡ Symposium on Chinese Studies Commemorating the Golden Jubilee of the University of Hong Kong, 1911-1961. F. S. Drake, ed., (Hong Kong, 1964) II, 217-240. 39 For Ch'ung ICTH, chüan 95 see Lo Hsiang-lin's article on Li Hsün; also ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 72 CHIU LING-YEONG 40 See Liu Ts'un-yan #, "The Taoists' Knowledge of Tuberculosis in the XIIth Century', a paper presented to the twenty-eighth International Congress of Orientalists, Canberra, January, 1971. 41 Li Hsin's name had been mentioned by B. Laufer, P. Pelliot, G. Ferrand and many other sinologists in the beginning of this century. Cf. O. W. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, a Study of the Origin of Srivijaya (New York, 1966), chapters 9 and 10, also pp. 307-307, n. 13. 42 P. Huard and M. Wong, 'Evolution de la matière medicale chinoise", Janus 47: (Leiden, 1958); and also their work La mèdecine chinoise au cours des siècles (Paris, 1959). 43 F. S. Drake, pp. 222-223. 44 Ibid. 45 I am indebted again to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's article 'T'ang-shih yu Chung-Jih wen-hua chiao-liu chih kuan-hsi' ✯✯ ZREALMA T'ang-tai wen-hua shih, pp. 194-220. 46 Sun Kuang-hsien, Pei-meng so-yen. It records during the reign of Hsuan-tsung ✯ (A.D. 847-860) and I-tsung ✯✯ (A.D. 860-873) that secretaries in the Inner Court were all foreigners (#, *£*^); HTS, chuan 217, part II. 47 Ch'üan-Tang wen, chuan 767; Ch'ien I &, Nan-pu hsin-shu **** (Hsüleh-ching t'ao-vüan ## edition) records: A › Ü*** › ÄR 三二人,姓氏稀僻者,謂之色目人,亦謂曰牌花口 4 Sung Ming chiu it fed, Tang huiyao (Peking, 1959), chüan 10, p. 64, Tai-ho third year, the emperor decreed that: 南海蕃舶,本以慕化而來,囿在榷以恩仁,使其感孚,如開癘疫,嗟怨之聲達於殊俗;況朕方寶勤儉,豐愛退遐?深慮遐邇未安,榷稅猶重,思有矜恤,以示綏撫。其嶺南、福建及揚州蕃客,宜委節度觀察使,常加存問,除舶稅、市、進奉外,任其來往通流,自行交易,不得重加榷稅。 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 78 HELGA WERLE (sun-win- a glass-screen came into fashion called yang-chuang dow). With the glass-screen the puppets became round, their bodies were made of straw, hands and feet of paper, the head of clay, the costumes were copied from the string-puppets, sticks were attached to the hands and the back, and then these puppets were called yuan-shen chih-ying-hsi | ✯✯✯ (round-body paper-shadow play). Later, it is stated, the glass-screen was discarded and curtains were attached to the bamboo-frame, but nevertheless it continued to be called 'Paper-shadow-play'. All over China the shadow-play was called p'i-ying-hsi ★BA "Leather-shadow-play" because the figures were cut out of leather, but in Ch'aochow strangely enough this term was never used. Referring to the paper-screen it was always, and is still now, called "Paper-shadow-play" and I met several Ch'aochowese who were convinced that their shadow-figures were cut out of paper. The misinterpretation is probably due to the name. This description of development suggests many questions. Why should a light, convenient and cheap paper-screen be given up for a glass-screen, which is heavy, expensive, easy to break and almost impossible to transport? How should a hawking puppeteer carry a delicate glass-screen with his bundle and box? Was the fascination of the newly imported foreign glass-windows so great that they were adopted for the 'paper-shadow-play' in order to lend it new attraction? And if there was a glass-screen, was it translucent imitating the paper-effect or was it transparent window-glass? This question is important, because the difference would decisively influence the shape of the puppet. The name 'Sun-window' could also suggest that the shadow was not produced by an oil-lamp, but sunlight. Old Ch'aochowese vividly recall impressions of the shadow of puppets appearing on a paper-screen, but I heard no one speaking of glass. Being unable to find a logical reason for adopting a glass-screen, I would like to consider it the invention of an author who tried unsuccessfully to explain the disappearance of shadow-puppets in Ch'aochow. Some Characteristics of Ch'aochow Puppet Opera I turn now to consider various aspects of Ch'aochow puppet history. Among these, the patron saint of puppets shows certain interesting characteristics. Whilst the Peking opera actors venerate the emperor T'ang Ming Huang (713-742), who was the founder of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 80 HELGA WERLE Ching p'eng "cleaning the matshed" has to take place before the performance. The puppeteers take a live cock and make an incision in his throat and then carry him over the stage, dropping his blood into every corner, over the backstage and even over the musical instruments. This is done in order to protect themselves against the evil spirits or hungry ghosts, which performing puppets attract. That human actors perform at the Hungry Ghosts Festival is a development of the past 20 years for Ch'aochowese. Originally only puppets were used. The human likeness of the moving puppet fools the ghost, who takes possession of the puppet. Thus humans are protected from their assault and the whole area gets cleared of their evil influence. Puppet-shows are mainly performed as an exorcising ceremony and it therefore does not matter whether there is a public to watch the performance or not. The actual performance starts mostly with the 'Birthday of the Eight Immortals', which is a series of good wishes. This introductory piece starts with the Peach Banquet, implying the wish for longevity. The next part is called 'To bestow Rank and Riches'; then comes the fairy who sends sons. The next short play is a ceremony to "cleanse the matshed" and the last is called "the banquet at the capital", which is to congratulate the troupe for its performance. The main play starts after this introduction. The repertory of the two Hong Kong Ch'aochow puppet-groups comprises the following operas, which are part of the Ch'aochow Opera tradition: Hu-li Luan Chou Wang 狐狸亂周王 Tuan-Chiao Hui Li Te-wu 李德武 Kuan Wang Miao 闊王廟 Yang Tsung-pao I Chih Mei 一枝梅 The script/stories of these operas are spoken and sung by the puppeteers. If the opera is a wen-chü or literary play, the text which is in rhymes is fixed and a script is used; but when a wu-chü or military play is performed the puppeteers use their own imagination to enrich the familiar plot. One further point should be mentioned. Shadow-puppet theatre was very early a most important part of entertainment and when finally drama became organised, the public eye was so trained on the shadow-puppet movements that they were taken over into the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES BY 19TH CENTURY KWANGTUNG ART COLLECTORS CHUANG SHEN* Introduction: Chinese Paintings and the Compilation of Art Catalogues Although wall painting is the most historic form of Chinese painting, few of them survive today. With regard to other types of painting, Ku K'ai-chih's "Admonition of Court Ladies" (Nu-shih-chen t'u), a work executed in the fourth century Chin dynasty, is the earliest in date and exists in the form of a small handscroll. In the sixth century Sui dynasty, there appeared Chan Tzu-chien's "Spring Outing" (Yu-ch'un t'u), which is a large horizontal hanging scroll. During the seventh to ninth centuries T'ang dynasty, screens (both p'ing, unmovable; and chang, movable) were widely used. Viewing these in terms of practicality, no matter whether the format is a horizontal handscroll, or a vertical hanging scroll, or even a folding screen, they are all paintings with a portable form. Due to this portability and their much smaller size in comparison with wall painting, there has appeared ever since the fourth century a large number of art collectors in China. After the T'ang and the Sung dynasties, collecting ancient paintings became very popular; and when their collections grew to be quite sizable, art collectors began to feel a need to compile catalogues. According to documentary materials that are now known to us, the earliest painting catalogue is Pei Hsiao-yuan's "History of Imperial and Private Painting Collections in the Chen Kuan Era" (Chên-kuan kung-ssu hua-shih). This title, apparently dating from early T'ang, indicates that there was no clear-cut distinction between imperial and private collections, both being considered together for cataloguing purposes. However, by the Sung dynasty, we find this is no longer the case. * Mr. Chuang Shen (S. C. Chuang) is BA (Taiwan) and MA (Princeton) and Lecturer in the Chinese Department of the University of Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 86 CHUANG SHEN Beginning from the Northern Sung period, speaking in general, editing principles applied to writings of either individual works or history of painting or calligraphy were two-fold. According to the first principle, records or descriptions of either painting or calligraphy were separated as two unrelated sections. But according to the second principle, they were combined together into one chronicle. During the Sung periods, there were two kinds of writings completed in accordance with the first principle; namely, official compilations in contrast to private compilations. In regard to the former, for instance, the Hsüan-ho shu-p'u and the Hsüan-ho hua-p'u are both typical works edited under the imperial order of Emperor Hui Tsung (re. 1082-1135); whereas the Hai-yüeh shu-shih and Hua-shih, both written by Mi Fei (1051-1107) are the best examples of writing on the history of calligraphy and painting among private compilations. Apparently, however, after the Sung periods, official writings on history of either painting and calligraphy were scarcely compiled. The reflourishing of such a tradition was not brought back until the Ch'ing period during the late 17th century. Nevertheless, the editing principle of separating records of painting and calligraphy into two unrelated sections had already become an influential tradition. After the Sung periods, a number of books dealing with either painting or calligraphy were edited in this way. During the Ming period, the most distinguished works on painting and calligraphy were probably the following three: firstly, the Shu-yüan 12 chuan and the Hua-yüan 4 chuan, both edited by Wang Shih-chen (1526-1590); secondly, the San-hu-wang hua-lu and San-hu-wang shu-lu (each of which has 24 chuan) both edited in 1643 by Wang Ko-yü; thirdly, the Tieh-wang san-hu edited in 1597 by Chu Ts'un-li (The first edition has 8 chuan altogether; 4 chuan are dedicated to painting and the other 4 to calligraphy. Yet, in its second edition amended in 1610, this record was expanded to 16 chuan, with 10 chüan for calligraphy and 6 for painting.) In these three works, the records of painting and calligraphy were all divided into two unrelated sections. During the Ch'ing period, many works that dealt with the history of either painting or calligraphy were compiled according to the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 87 same tradition. For instance, Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang shu-hua hui-k'ao of 1682 (60 chüan altogether; 30 for painting and 30 for calligraphy); Ku Fu's P'ing-sheng chuang-kuan of 1692 (10 chüan altogether; 5 for painting and 5 for calligraphy); Wu Shêng's Ta-kuan-lu of 1712 (20 chüan altogether; for painting and calligraphy, 10 chüan each); An Ch'i's Mo-yüan hui-kuan of 1742 (There are mainly 2 chüan; one for painting and the other, calligraphy. However, near the end of this work there appears an additional chüan with simplified descriptions of painting); and finally, Ku Wên-pin's Kuo-yün-lou shu-hua-lu of 1882 (6 chüan for painting and 4 for calligraphy). All these important works on the history of either painting or calligraphy were edited by separating records of painting and calligraphy into two different sections. On the other hand, speaking in general, works in which records of painting and calligraphy were put together as a combined chronicle were far fewer. From the earlier period, only Huang Po-ssu's Tung-kuan-yu-lun (2 chüan, edited in 1147 by the author's son, Huang Nai) and Chou Mi's Yün-yen kuo-yen-lu (4 chüan, edited probably around 1291) may be regarded as representative works in this line during the Sung and the Yüan. However, during the Ming and the Ch'ing periods, works in this line were innumerable. During the Ming period the most important were: Chu Ts'un-li's (1444-1513) San-hu-mu-nan (8 chüan); Tu Mu's (1458-1525) Yü-i-pien (only 1 chüan); Wên Chia's (1501-1583) Ch'in-shan-r'ang shu-hua-chi (1 chüan, edited in 1565); Chu Chih-ch'ih's Ao-an shu-hua-mu (1 chüan); Sun Feng's Shu-hua-ch'ao (1 chüan); Chen Chi-ju's (1558-1639) Ni-ku-lu (4 chüan); Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's (1555-1636) Hua-chan-shih sui-pi (4 chüan); and Li Jih-hua's (1565-1635) Wei-sui-hsüan jih-chi (compiled in 1616). In all these works, the records of painting and calligraphy of various dynasties were combined, forming one chronicle. This type of books became even more numerous during the Ch'ing dynasty. Those completed in early Ch'ing were Sun Chêng-che's (1592-1676) Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi (8 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r # FIVE ART CATALOGUES 99 differed somewhat from the two catalogues of Sun and Kao, by the time Kung Kuang-tao compiled his art catalogue, the editing method he adopted seemed to be, if not a continuation of that used in Sun's Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi and Kao's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu, at least unrelated to Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao. In a word, although these five Kwangtung art collectors had adopted a new editing system in their catalogues, they had not referred to the work of the compiler who first introduced this system. This is no different from one who counts the records but has forgotten one's ancestors, and can but be regarded as a very unreasonable incident in the history of art catalogue compilation. ## III ## Defects in the Catalogues As mentioned above, though the five Kwangtung collectors' catalogues were all compiled by following the new editing method introduced in the compilation of art catalogue, it should be pointed out here that they are not without shortcomings and errors. These, on the whole, can be divided into 3 types, namely: unsuitable compilation method, carelessness in proof-reading, as well as erroneous chronology. Each of these will be discussed below. ### A. Unsuitable Compilation Method In Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, paintings done by the same artist are mostly grouped together. However Wu had at least in two instances separately recorded the paintings of two artists. As a result, the reader would feel rather confused when using this catalogue. For example, this catalogue has recorded two paintings by Ni Tsan (1301-1374) in chüan 4. One of these, the Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u appears in chüan 4, p. 22b, and the other, Ho-lin-t'u, on p. 41a of the same chüan. They are thus nearly twenty pages apart. Between these two paintings, Wu recorded accordingly the hanging scrolls of calligraphy respectively done by Kung Su, Fêng Hai-su and Nao Nao, as well as a handscroll including calligraphies written by Liu Yu-ch'ing, Fan Kuo, Ouyang Ying, Yü Chi, Wu Ch'uan-chieh, Yü-fu-t'u, and Liu Kuan. In addition, in the space of nearly twenty pages, Wu also recorded Wu Chen's and Wang Fu's (1362-1416). Page 105 Page 106 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 104 CHUANG SHEN logue seems to be smaller than that found in Pan's catalogue. All in all, the lack of record of paintings and calligraphies listed in the table of contents in the text of a catalogue is the second type of deficiency in compilation found in the art catalogues of the Kwang-tung collectors. B. Carelessness in Proof-reading The deficiency in proof-reading is the second type of deficiency in the art catalogue of the Kwangtung collectors. We may begin by examining Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. The carelessness in the proof-reading of this catalogue can be seen in the two following examples. In the 51st year of the K'ang Hsi era (1712), Wu Shêng completed the 20 chüan of his famous catalogue Ta-kuan-lu. It is not known whether Wu Yung-kuang had read Wu Shêng's Ta-kuan-lu with care or not; however, after acquiring Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u, he had made use of the entry of this painting in Ta-kuan-lu to collate with the inscriptions attached to the painting. Moreover, he mentioned the name of Wu Tzu-min? + in his own colophon. Therefore, having known the literary name of Wu Shêng as Tzũ-min, Wu Yung-kuang could hardly be ignorant of Wu Shêng. Yet in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he was so careless as to record Wu Shêng's name wrongly. In chüan 5 of his catalogue, after entering Ch'iu Ying's Yü-tung hsien-yüan-tu玉洞仙源 he added, Wang Shêng's12 Ta-kuan-lu has also recorded Shih-fu'sTX Yu-tung hsien-yüan-t'u1 12 + In chüan 4 of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, Wu Yung-kuang had already mentioned that the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu was Wu Tzŭ-min11, yet in chüan 5 of the same book, he recorded the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu as Wang Shêng12. It is thus apparent that the mistake of calling Wu Shêng as Wang Shêng could not be due to Wu Yung-kuang's ignorance. Rather, it resulted from a mistake in his own handwriting, or from a mistake made while cutting the blocks for painting. Moreover, according to Ku Fu's P'ing-sheng chuang-kuan13 there was a calligrapher by the name of Wang Shêng active in the Southern Sung period. Thus, if the reader of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi has complete faith in Wu Yung-kuang, would it not be very likely for the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu to be taken as a Sung figure of the mid 13th century instead of a Ch’ing figure of the mid 17th century? ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 106 CHUANG SHEN Besides, in the table of contents of chüan 4 of T’êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, the 126th item is recorded as a landscape executed by Fang Hsün-yüan. Although there were quite a large number of artists in the Ch'ing dynasty, there was no one whose surname was Fang19. However, during the period between the Yung Chêng era and the beginning of the Chien Lung era, there was an artist by the name of Fang Shih-shu ✯±✯ (1692-1751) who was a native of An Hui and yet lived in Yang Chou. The literary name of Fang Shih-shu is Hsün-yüan20 #✡. Since in T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, it was Liang T'ing-nan's practice to designate all artists by their literary names and not their real names, therefore this unidentifiable Fang Hsün-yüan is very likely a name mistaken for Fang Hsün-yüan. If this assumption is correct, then Liang T'ing-nan had not only recorded incorrectly the literary name of this An Hui artist, but also mistaken his real name. Such an inexcusable mistake is again due to carelessness in proof-reading. C. Chronological Mistakes I have not thoroughly investigated the number of chronological mistakes in the art catalogues of the Kwangtung collectors. However, this kind of error can at least be discovered in Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. It should be noted here that Wu Yung-kuang had left two most important documentary records. One was the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u in 10 chuan, compiled in the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang era (1843) which was the year of his death. The other was Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi in 5 chuan, which, though printed a little earlier than the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u (in the 21st year of the Tao Kuang era, 1841), was in fact completed two years before his death. In other words, the two most important works of Wu Yung-kuang were both completed during the last three years of his life. Unfortunately, there are certain mistakes in both works. As early as ten years ago, the chronological mistakes in the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u have already been pointed out by experts21. It is also regrettable that in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he had committed some other curious chronological mistakes. On page 4 of chüan 4, there is recorded Wu Yung-kuang's own colophon inscribed on Ch'ien Hsüan's Li-hua-chüan #4, which reads, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 107 I was able to have a look at this scroll while I was in the capital in the year ping-shu. Now this scroll and the scroll of correspondence written by monk Fa-ch'ang are both in the collection of Ch'in-shan, minister of the Board of Agriculture 琴山農部. Wu Yung-kuang wrote this on the 9th day of the 12th month in the year chia-shu of the Tao Kuang era. It should be noted that ping-shu was the 6th year of the Tao Kuang era (1826). After this year, there was no chia-shu in the Tao Kuang era. The years that have some connections with chia-shu are chia-wu (1834), mu-shu (1838) and chia-ch'en (1844). However Wu Yung-kuang died in the year before chia-ch'en. Therefore, the year chia-ch'en should undoubtedly be left out of consideration. What is more, even the combination of stems and branches of the years chia-wu and mu-shu are different from that given in Wu's own colophon. In all probability, it seems that the date "chia-shu of the Tao Kuang era" recorded in the colophon inscribed in Ch'ien Hsüan's Li-hua-chüan should be a slip of the pen for either the year chia-wu (14th year of the Tao Kuang era) or mu-shu (18th year of the Tao Kuang era), in the former of which, Wu was 62 years old, while in the latter, he would already be 66. In a word, the 14th year of the Tao Kuang era was the beginning of the last decade of Wu Yung-kuang's life. No matter whether the date when he put down by mistake the year chia-shu is chia-wu or mu-shu, by that time, he must have begun to show signs of old age. Otherwise in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he would hardly commit a mistake as to remember incorrectly the date of happenings that he himself had experienced. If, however, this catalogue had been carefully checked through before it was published, then such kind of chronological mistake could very likely be entirely avoided. Yet the fact that neither chia-wu nor mu-shu, but instead chia-shu of the Tao Kuang era had been printed in the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi shows clearly that in the process of proof-reading, Wu Yung-kuang was indeed most careless. NOTES 1 At the beginning of Yeh Mêng-lung's *** Fêng-man-lou shu-hua-lu, **** it is stated that Yeh Ying-ch'i ***, son of Yeh Mêng-lung, was one of the collators of that catalogue. On checking Wu Yung-kuang's autobiography (Tzü-ting nien-p'u), the following information is ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 109 9 In chuan 4 of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi pp. 22b-33a, after entering Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u and inscriptions and recording the three colophons written by Tung Ch'i-ch'ang and emperor Chien Lung, Wu Yung-kuang's own colophon follows, beginning thus, This painting agrees with the one recorded in Wu's Ta-kuan-lu 4. It was after this painting had been dispersed from Chiêng Chi-pa's collection that Wu Tzu-min came across it. Soon it was acquired by the imperial household..... In saying that "this painting agrees with the one recorded in Wu's Ta-kuan-lu”, it is apparent that Wu Yung-kuang must have used Wu Sheng's Ta-kuan-lu in order to make a comparison between the inscriptions recorded in this catalogue and those appeared on the painting. 10 See Hsin-chou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 5, p. 54b. 11 See Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 4, p. 23a. 12 Ibid chuan 5, p. 54b. 13 See Ping-sheng chuang-kuan chuan 3, p. 20; published in Shanghai, 1962. 14 See Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 4, p. 39a. 15 Refer to footnote 10. 16 An Ch'i's description of Yü-tung hsien-yüan-t'u can be found in Mo-ylian hui-kuan chuan 3. However he recorded it as Tao-yuan hsien-ching-t'u, which is somewhat different from that recorded by Wu Yung-kuang. 17 See Pien Yung-yu's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao chuan 37. The edition used here is a photo copy of this catalogue in the collection of Mr. Chiang's Mi-chün-lou, made by Ying-yin chien-ku shu-she of the Cheng Chung Book Co., Taiwan in 1958, p. 4966. (The Chêng Chung Book Co. shows its ignorance in combining two pages of the original book into one page, and instead of following the original page number, gives each page a new number). 18 The titles of these three scrolls of painting can be found in T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa chuan 1, which are: Pai-l'ou an-ch'un tu p. 35b; Hua-kuo-r'u, p. 36a; Lan-hua-t'u, p. 36b. 19 Among the documents that were completed in the Ch'ing dynasty and mainly dealt with biographies or names of the Ch'ing painters, the following are, in general, regarded as the most important: (1) Chang Kêng's Kuo-ch'ao-hua-chêng-lu in 3 chuan, supplement in 2 chuan. According to his own preface, this book was completed in the 13th year of the Yung Chêng era (1734). (2) P'êng Yün-ts'an's (1780-1840) Hun-shih hui-chüan 史棠傳 in 70 chuan and appendix in 2 chuan. (3) Fêng Chin's Li-tai hua-chia hsing-shih pien-lan in 7 chuan, published in the 6th year of the Tao Kuang era (1826). (4) Lu Chün's Sung Yüan i-lai hua-jen hsing-shih-lu in 37 chuan. The preface written by Tang Chin-ch'ao is dated in the 10th year of the Tao Kuang era (1830). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 110 CHUANG SHEN (5) Tou Chên's Ch'ing-tai shu-hua-chia pi-lu in 4 chuan, in which there is Tou's own preface written in the 3rd year of the Hsuan Tung era (1911). 1 However the name "Fang Hsün-yüan" could not be found in any one of them. 20 The second parts of both the supplement of Chang Kèng's Kuo-ch'ao-hua-chêng-lu and Ch'in Tsu-yung's T'ung-yin lun-hua record Fang Shih-shu's literary name as Hsün-yüan. * Taiwan 21 See Fêng Ch'êng-chi's Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u chêwu, published in Wen-shih-chê hsüeh-pao National University, No. 12, pp. 45-52, printed in Taipei, 1963. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r LEGENDS AND STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES KAM T'IN 錦田 SUNG HOK-P'ANG Kam T'in is one of the oldest villages in the New Territories. During the dynasty of Hau Chau (後周) A.D. 951-959 most of the villagers belonged to the family of Ch'an (陳) and the place was called Ch'an Tin (陳田) meaning Chan's field. In the 6th year of Hoi Po (開寶) A.D. 973 of Sung (宋) dynasty Tang Hon Fat (鄧漢黻) who is said to be the first Tang (鄧) ancestor to come to Kwangtung (廣東) settled in the village, and built the first house at the bottom of a hill called Kwai Kok Shaan (龜角山) about ¼ of a mile away from the present Kam T'in. It was at first called Sham Lei (岑里), but later on they cultivated the surrounding country and the name was changed to Sham Lei T'in (岑里田) which was soon shortened to Sham T'in (岑田) meaning fields surrounding a small hill. The present name of Kam T'in (錦田) or ornamental fields, was given to the village in the 15th year of Maan Lik (萬曆) A.D. 1587 of Ming dynasty (明朝), and it came about in this way. At that time there was a very bad famine in the San On district (新安縣), and the district magistrate Yau T'ai K’în (游大乾) was obliged to open the government granaries and distribute the rice to relieve the people. But when it was finished they were still in need, and the magistrate then sent his officers to all the rich men in the district asking them for donations to help the poor. Most of them contributed a few piculs of rice, but none of them more than a hundred. Then Tang Yuen Fan (鄧元藩) of Sham T'in was visited. He was the richest man in San On district, and was noted for his generosity. He owned over 10,000 Chinese acres of cultivated *There are six sections to this long article, each printed in different numbers of The Hong Kong Naturalist. In this reissue the separate parts will be indicated by figures within square brackets. The first three sections, given here, appeared in the issues for December 1935 and April and June 1936. The rest will follow in the next issue of this Journal. The romanizations used in the original included figures to indicate tone values. These are now excluded. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 112 SUNG HOK-P'ANG land, distributed in various parts of the mainland, and on the island, having fields in Kowloon, Ch'eung Sha Wan (*) Kw'an Taai Lo (###) (where the city of Victoria now stands) Causeway Bay, Pokfulum and Aberdeen. He immediately promised to give one thousand piculs. When Yau Tai K'in heard of it he thought there must be some mistake, but the officer said, “At first I also thought he made a mistake, so I asked him again, and he said quite plainly, one thousand piculs!” So Yau T'ai K'in was very pleased, and he at once went off to visit Tang Yuen Fan, who said, “My rice is quite ready in the granary.” The magistrate sent off word to the "Yamen" to have junks sent to collect the rice, and on the day it was collected the river was so covered with the junks that the water could not be seen, and all the people gathered to watch shouted for joy. Yau remained with Tang several days and spent much time walking about the country admiring the scenery. He was much impressed by the fine buildings, open fields and pleasant woods, and exclaimed, “Why should the village have such a name? Sham T'in, it should be called Kam T'in instead!” The villagers were delighted with the new name, and it has remained till the present day. The name, however, now embraces quite a large collection of villages each with its own name, but most of the villagers still belong to the Tang family and the name of Ch'an has disappeared. There are a certain number of people with other surnames to be found among the Tangs, but they have come in from other places at different times and are not really native to the place in the same way as the Tangs are. A new village which goes by the name of San Ts'uen (††††) new village, has been built very recently for the Cheng (*) family who had to move from the Shing Moon (M¶) district when the reservoir was started. The only trace of the old Ch'an T'in village that remains is the temple known as Hung Shing Kung (g) in Shui Pin Ts'uen (k). This temple which was built by the Tangs is known in the village as the Big Temple although small, because formerly it was merely a shrine and was enlarged to its present size at a later date. The exact date of the temple is not known. Some say it was built when the first Tang came to Kwai Kok Shaan; others, that it was built first as a small shrine in the time of Shing Fa (✯ft) A.D. 1465-1487 of Ming dynasty when the Tang family built the village ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 113 of Shui Pin Ts'uen, and enlarged to the size of a temple very soon after. It remains almost unaltered since except for the written characters over the door which were put there by Tang P'ooi Ch'oh (**) in the 27th year of Kwong Sui (***) of Ts'ing ( ) dynasty A.D. 1901. It is the custom in China for men to count back the generations to their "first ancestor." Thus a man may speak of himself as being the twentieth or fortieth generation meaning that he belongs to the twentieth or fortieth generation after one particular family ancestor who, by being the most ancient known forbear, or the founder of a particular branch or even the first of a particular name to settle in a certain locality, is given the title of "first ancestor". In many families there are more than one "first ancestor", the Tang family have several whom they venerate equally. First they have Tang Yue ($) their earliest known ancestor. A native of San Ye (†) now Honan province, (i) he was born in the second year of Hon Ping Tai (+) A.D. 2 and died 52 years later in the 1st year of Wing P'ing (†) of Tung Hon (**) dynasty. He was a very famous and high officer, and a personal friend of the first emperor of Tung Hon, Kwong Mo (†). He was only twenty-four years of age when Kwong Mo became emperor, but he was given the high office of "Tai Sz To," (✯a✯) equivalent to Prime Minister (during Tung Hon dynasty), for having helped him to rid the country of the numerous bandits that infested it. After Kwong Mo died his son Ming Tai (8) gave him the honour of “Taai Foo (AM), the second highest honour it was possible to receive from the Emperor, at that time, and he was created "Ko Mat Hau" ( 4 ) which means Marquis of Ko Mat, now Kiaochow (*) in Shan Tung (R) province. After the death of Tang Yue his portrait was placed first among those of twenty-eight generals in one of the Emperor's palaces called Wan Toi (雲臺) Tang Hon Fat, forty-seventh generation after Tang Yue, is also venerated by his descendants. It is believed by some, that he was the first of the Tang family to settle in Kam Tin. He was a government officer holding the post of "Shing Mo Long” (**) and was a native of Paak Sha Ts'uen ( & ††) of Kat Shui ( #7†) district in the province of Kiangsi ( ¿1). According to one old family history he was visiting Kwangtung (*) and coming by chance ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 114 SUNG HOK-P’ANG to Kam T'in he was much taken by it, considering the people were more friendly and honest than those of his own country, and it was said that he came to live there in the 6th year of Hoi Po (HT) A.D. 973 of Sung dynasty. During the 8th year of Shing Fa (APC) A.D. 1472 of Ming dynasty when the Kam T'in people revised their family tree, they added a note which cast doubt on the veracity of this, and instead they were inclined to believe that Tang Foo (#) the great grandson of Tang Hon Fat was really the first to come to Kam Tin, and that he transferred the bones of his father, grandfather and great-grandfather to Kwangtung from Kiangsi. Be that as it may, and although there is no actual proof that one or other was the original Tang to settle in Kwangtung, Tang Hon Fat remains a "first ancestor" as his is the oldest Tang grave near Kam T'in. It can be found at Ah Kai Shaan (Y), Waang Chau (H) village. Six generations after Tang Hon Fat there were two brothers, Kwai (3) and Sui (). Kwai had two sons called Yuen Ying (* ) and Yuen Hei (†), both of whom left Kam T’in and founded branches of the family elsewhere. Sui had three sons, Yuen Ching (元祯), Yuen Leung (元亮) and Yuen Woh (元和). The first and last of these also left for other districts but Yuen Leung remained behind, and the Tangs in Kam T’in to-day are his direct descendants. These five cousins were known as the "Five Yuens", and after their death their descendants who by then were scattered in various parts of China built an Ancestral Hall, common to all the Yuens, called To Hing T'ong (*). It is at the South gate of the district city of Tung Koon (✯✯), on the Kowloon-Canton railway not far from Sheklung (). In the hall Tang Hon Fat has been given premier place, but the "Five Yuens" are venerated in the same way as he and Tang Yue are, as being "first ancestors”. As mentioned before, Tang Foo, the great grandson of Tang Hon Fat is said to have found the sites for the graves of his father, grandfather and great-grandfather, himself. They were all acknowledged as being lucky places by the "fung shui" men, who were, of course, consulted. That of Tang Hon Fat is called Yuk Nui Paai T'ong (£#*) jade girl reverence; and his son's grave which is on Yuen Long Hill (₪), is called Kam Chung Fau Tei () gold bell cover ground. The grave of Tang Foo's father is called Poon Yuet Chiu T'aam (#AM) half moon shine lake, Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 116 SUNG HOK-P'ANG Tang Foo's own grave is well known, as it was mentioned in the "To Shue Tsap Shing" (4) a large encyclopaedia of 10,000 volumes written in the 4th year of Yung Ching (£) A.D. 1726 of Tsing dynasty, by order of the Emperor. The volume which refers to the grave is known "Chik Fong Tin” (*) and it says, "Tang Foo's grave is in Ab Kai 鄧符墓在横洲丫髻山 Shaan, Wang Chau". Even if it is accepted that Tang Foo was the pioneer in settling at Kam Tin, or Kwai Kok Shaan as it was then called, there is very conflicting evidence as to when he actually went there. Although his grave-stone records that he passed the Tsun Sz (±) degree, Government civil examination in the 2nd year of Sung Ning (##) A.D. 1103 of Sung dynasty, there is no record of it in the lists of people who passed the Government examinations (Suen Kui Piu ***), in the annals of Canton, Kwong Chau Foo Chi (✯✯), Tung Kwoon, Tung Koon Yuen Chi (4) or San On, San On Yuen Chi (##) which points to the fact that Tang Foo passed his examinations in Kiangsi before coming to Kwang-tung. Each of the three books mentioned above has a biography of Tang Foo. On the other hand, it is known that after Tang Foo had held the office of district magistrate of Yueng Ch'un (1★-) district and had been promoted to "Naam Hung Sui" ( ) he retired to live in Kwai Kok Shaan, and built a famous school there called Lik Ying Tsai () which was mentioned among “The hundred poems of Po On (Po On Paak Wing (*)" by Yung Ping(), where it was stated that during Sung Ling time A.D. 1102-1106 Tang Foo lived in Kwai Kok Shaan and founded a school called Lik Ying Tsaai (A) and kept a lot of books in the library. This book has unfortunately been lost, and only two poems are still in existence, neither of which deal with the school. Yung Ping was a native of Tung Koon. He was "Tak Tsau Ming Tsun Sz” (*★21) in the 8th year of K’in To ($) A‚D, 1172 of Sung dynasty. Another learned scholar, Fok Wai () of Naam Hoi () district, wrote a long article named Lik Ying Tsaai Kei (4) giving an account of the school. During the reign of Shun Hei ( # ) A.D. 1174-1189 the emperor caused Fok Wai to be admitted to the T'aai Hok (*) (Imperial College) as being a "man possessing the eight virtues." Paat Hang Aff. Only one other scholar... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 118 SUNG HOK-P'ANG () as they were called, with themselves ruling almost independently of the Emperor. When the Five Dynasties ended, and the Sung dynasty began, the emperor Sung T'aai Tso (in), in the 3rd year of Kin Loong (1) A.D. 962 made an attempt to unite China and break the power of the generals. He sent certain able and trustworthy men from his own court at the capital, to be responsible for the different districts. They were appointed for three years only, and were called Ling (†). A year later, in the 1st year of K'in Tak () A.D. 963 more civil officers were appointed to take charge of the “Chau” (#) which in the Sung dynasty were as large as provinces although later on they became as small as districts. These officers were called Chau Sui (H}}) or T'ung P'oon (*), and had full power to control the military administration and civil administration of their own Chau. Such officers were under, and reported directly to the capital, and were independent of the generals of the feudatory states, and on an equal footing with them. Thus the generals were gradually deprived of their power, and little by little their armies were taken from them until they were no longer a menace to the crown. It will be seen then, that Tang Foo was a man of considerable importance in his time, having been firstly a "Ling" of a district, and then a “Sui” of Naam Hung Chau. [2] Kwai Kok Shaan where Tang Foo built his school is one of the five famous hills of San On, and is mentioned in the book of "To Shue Chaap Shing". The name was originally Kwai Kok (±✩), Kwai meaning sceptre made of jade; but later it was changed to Kwai Kok (⇓), being the Chinese name for olea fragrans, a flower that is considered to be very lucky. There is an old saying, Shim Kung Chit Kwai (#), "eager to break a branch of the Kwai from the Palace in the Moon." Shim Kung means Toad's Palace. According to an old Chinese legend the moon was inhabited by a toad, who was originally Sheung Ngoh () the wife of a feudal prince and famous archer named Ngai (#) who lived in the time of the Emperor Yiu (4) B.C. 2357. Ten suns are said to have been in the sky at that time, and the heat was so great that all the grass was burnt up. The emperor commanded Ngai to shoot the suns down which he did, and as each sun was inhabited by a large ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 120 SUNG HOK-P’ANG the name of the hill "Ngo T'aam Shaan" is almost unknown by most of the New Territory people now, a village near, formed recently by people returned from California and elsewhere, still follows the name of the hill "Ngo Taam", but the villagers in the New Territory dialect mispronounce the character #ngo-turtle to + ngau bovine animals and give the name of the village 4 (Ngau T'aam Mei), the end of the bovine animals pool, instead of *(Ngo T'aam Mei), the end of the turtle pool. = This pool is also called Lit Nui T'aam (♬★i§) meaning virtuous girl pool. About the time of the Sung dynasty there was a village girl called Man Kam So (X), who was about eighteen years old and very beautiful. One day she was out grass-cutting with several older women when she happened to stray away from them, and found herself near the pool. Suddenly she was accosted by a youth, she shouted to her companions for help, but in her terror she did not hear their answering shouts, and to save her virtue she sprang into the pool and was drowned. It is said that the name actually was given by the scholars themselves in her honour, and the pool was also called Yat Waan T'aam (~**), one coil pool. In those days married women had their hair done up in a series of coils, while the unmarried girls put it up in one coil only. The word Kok means horn. Thus according to the "To Shue Chaap Shing" the Kok in Kwai Kok Shaan referred to the two peaks of the hill that look like a pair of horns. The book also mentions that if the hill was clouded rain would certainly come. On the hill is a stone called the fairy hair-dressing stone, Sin Nui Soh Chong Shek (446), and at the bottom of the hill a stream called Kwai Kok Ts'uen (††), which is a famous place of scenery. It is recorded in "T'o Shue Chaap Shing" and other books, where it is said that the fountain is sweet and smooth for the tongue. Even now when the scholars of Kam T'in happen to call there, they draw some water from the stream and drink it, saying Yam shui sz yuen, "in drinking the water think of its source," which is a Chinese maxim, or adage for descendants in remembering the virtue and the good work done by their ancestors. Almost at the top of the hill are two big rocks one on top of the other looking like huge grinding stones about 50 Chinese feet tall, with a passage through. A family of tigers are said to have lived there once, so it # ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 122 SUNG HOK-P'ANG who her father really was, and Yuen Leung was very troubled as to what to do with her. However when she became of marriageable age the elders of the village advised him to marry her to his son Tsz Ming (A) which, as she was quite willing, he did. Meanwhile the fighting between the Tartars and the Sungs had ceased. Peace was made, and Hong Wong had now become the Emperor Ko Tsung, who ordered that enquiries should be made concerning his daughter. All the district officers throughout the Empire were instructed to help and when the official notice was posted up in the vicinity of Kam T’in, Tsz Ming was much frightened at having married the princess without the emperor's permission. But the princess said, “Do not fear. My life was saved by the Tang family and I have willingly become your wife. Go and tell the District officer who I am." When the official heard the news he came at once and did obeisance to the Princess, and then sent a petition to the Emperor. Ko Tsung ordered Tsz Ming and his wife to come to the capital, where they stayed for about a year, but the princess pined for Kam T'in and begged to be allowed to return to the place of her adoption. So the Emperor let her go, but first he bestowed on her many wharves in the district as "powder expenses"; and a large area of hill and forest land as "toilet expenses". On the thirteenth day of the seventh month of the 8th year of Siu Hing (2) A.D. 1138 they started back for Kam T’in. When they got there, the princess gave orders that the hills and woodlands should be thrown open to the public, so that anyone could make graves on her land without paying tax. In the 51st year of Hong Hei (‡) of Tsing dynasty, A.D. 1712, when the princess' grave was repaired, her dowry was still being used by the country people for a free burial ground. In the 5th year of K'in Lung (†) A.D. 1169, the princess gave thirty-six wharves to the Tsz Fok Monastery (*) the oldest monastery in Tung Kwun. Among these wharves was that of Shek Kit (5) near Shek Lung. When the history of Tung Kwoon was revised in the 12th year of Sung Ching (†††) of Ming dynasty, A.D. 1639, only three out of ten of the wharves were mentioned as still being in use, but Shek Kit is still in existence now. In some books the princess is referred to as Sung Tsung Kei (***). Sung being the name of the dynasty, Tsung meaning royal, and Kei high lady. She is known, however, in the Tang family as Wong Kwu (2), the Emperor's Aunt, as her nephew became ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 124 SUNG HOK-P’ANG 1. Red raw rice cooked and shining scale fish, 2. Farmers' simple good fare delicious and lasting. The grave has two names Sz Tsz Kwan K’au ($*$*£*), Lion playing ball; and Ts'o Mei Shui Chue (44), long grass hanging down pearl. When Lai Paak Shiu was having the grave built he put a brass tablet behind the stone one, with the following words on it. "Three hundred years hence, an ignorant young man named So (#), who knows nothing about "fung shui”, will want to alter the way this grave faces. If he is allowed to alter it, not only will the Tang family have trouble, but So himself will have bad luck”. The existence of the tablet was unknown until the prophecy on it came true. Three hundred years later when the Tangs were having a period of bad luck and unsuccess, they decided that something was wrong with the "fung shui" of the princess' grave. They consulted a young man named So, and at his instigation started to alter the position of the grave. When the stone tablet was removed, the brass one was revealed and in terror So advised them to leave the grave alone. In the 50th year of Hong Hei (R) of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1711, the Tang family were repairing the grave when they discovered several sham tombs underneath the ground. This was the custom in ancient China when burying royalty, as by this means it was hoped to prevent their enemies from desecrating the real tomb. The oldest stone tablet that we can find to-day, was put up in the 19th year of Shing Fa (A) of Ming dynasty, A.D. 1483, which gave the dates of the birth and death of the princess. In this tablet was also found the statement that the grave was first made in the 6th year of Shun Yau (*) of Sung dynasty, A.D. 1246, but there is no record of the first stone tablet nor any of the tablets erected before A.D. 1483. After the general repairing of the grave in A.D. 1712 a new stone was erected, but as the dates on the previous one were not considered to be correct, none were written on the stone. The princess' husband Tang Tsz Ming was received with honour by the Emperor and had the title of Shui Yuen Kwan Ma (✯✯ #) bestowed on him. It was the custom in China to give the title Kwan Ma to the husband of a prince's daughter. Tang Tsz Ming's grave was made on a little hill called Fat Au Leng ( ##₪) # ). It can easily be seen to this day almost opposite the Au Tau Police Station on the other side of the road to Sheung Shui. It has recently ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 126 SUNG HOK-P’ANG The history of the three younger sons is not known, but of Lam, who was born some time during the reign of Shun Hei (FR) A.D. 1174-1189, it is recorded that he held the office of Ts'im P'oon (僉判) and received honour as Tik Kung Long (迪功郎). He was rich and very charitable and he contributed a lot of money towards the building of T’ung Tsai (通濟) and Tak Shaang (得勝) bridges. He also built a pagoda called Ngaan Taap (雁塔) for the public; a house called Ling Yuen Kok (靈隱閣) and gave liberally towards the repairing of a main road which was formerly the haunt of robbers. The Tung Tsai bridge is still in use in Tung Kwun (東莞) and is at Woo Sha (烏沙) in the South-west part of the district. Though the record stone of the Tak Shaang bridge is lost, fortunately there is a copy of it written by Leung Koi (梁楷) the district magistrate of Lai Ling Yuen (東莞縣), a famous scholar and “Tsun Sz” (進士) of the 7th year of Ka Ting (嘉定) A.D. 1214, of Sung dynasty. He knew so much that his nickname was Shue Sz (書廚) "book case"! Tak Shaang bridge was a very old bridge over the stream Foong Shaang K'iu Ho (放生橋河). This stream was originally called Chaak Mut (釋物) “kindness to creatures". It was the custom on the birthday of the Emperor for the magistrate and elders to come to the bridge and there set free birds from cages and put living fish in the stream. This was to show the Emperor's love for living things, and the name of the ceremony was Foong Shaang (放生), "to set free living creatures". The bridge was situated at the South gate of the district city of Tung Kwun, and there were many well-built houses by it. The date of when it was originally built is not known, but it was first repaired by Cheung Fan (張範) the district magistrate of Tung Kwun in the 2nd year of Shui Hei (紹熙) A.D. 1191, of Sung dynasty. This repair was done in wood, but later, in the 2nd year of Shiu Ting (淳祐) A.D. 1229 of Sung dynasty, it was rebuilt in stone. This was carried out by Chiu Yue Hon (趙與諴) the district magistrate, who did his best to meet the expenses incurred with money from his government funds. This he found impossible to do, so he appealed to Tang Lam and another wealthy man named Ng Hak Foon (吳學文) who between them promised to pay all the expenses themselves. It is still the most famous bridge in Tung Kwun district. The Ngaan Taap or “wild goose" pagoda was built on To Ka Shaan (道家山) in FL on the western side of Tung Kwun city. The original Ngaan Taap pagoda was built in A.D. 652, the Wing Fai (永徽)... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 128 SUNG HOK-P’ANG 1) as his son Hoh Wing (f) was a subordinate officer of this general. Hoh Wing was executed, and all his family punished. Hung Chi being considered a relation although it was only by marriage, was sentenced to banishment. His elder brother, who was the father of three sons, thinking him too young and ignorant and having no children to carry on his family, insisted on taking his place. So in the 26th year of Hung Mo (**) A.D. 1393 of Ming dynasty, Hung Yee went up North to Liao-tung (i★★). His banishment only lasted three years, but when he was free again to go where he liked Hung Yee appears to have been without means to get back to Kam T'in, because there is a story of his arriving in Nanking on foot, so poor that he was forced to beg in the streets and earn money by writing poems. One day a rich man named Ch'an (§) passed him in the street and noticing that his appearance and writing were those of an educated man, spoke to him and asked him his history. Touched by his story Ch'an befriended him, and made him the tutor of his children, but all the time Hung Yee longed for his own home and his own children. Eventually Ch'an suggested that if he provided him with a second wife he might be happier, so he arranged a marriage for him with his adopted daughter, Wong (*). Two years later a son was born called Kuen (§§), but after another year Hung Yee died. Then Ch'an provided the widow with money, and taking her little child, she set off to find her way to Kam T'in to bring Hung Yee's ashes back to the place of his ancestors. After many difficulties she arrived in Kam T'in only to find that Hung Yee's three sons Yam (†), Chan (14) and Yui (†) all grown up by now and not knowing anything of their father's history and second marriage, did not believe her story. Then Wong told them many old tales about Kam T'in that her husband had amused her with in the past in Nanking, and finally persuaded them to acknowledge her identity when she produced a fan with characters on it written in Hung Yee's own writing. So funeral preparations were at once made and customary rites performed in Hung Yee's honour, and Wong and her child were taken into the family. A year later the baby Kuen died and Wong was so upset that she threatened to take her life, and she was only prevented from doing so by Yam who promised to give her his son Naam K'ai () to be her grandson, that is, a son for her dead child. He also built her a house on Kwun Yum Shaan (4) where she could serve her husband's spirit tablet and study Bud- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 130 SUNG HOK-P'ANG SUNG HOK-PANG (宋學鵬) (1880-1962) A MEMOIR Fifty to sixty years ago, there were in Hong Kong some Chinese scholars who could impart to Westerners knowledge of the Chinese language and culture. Among those who were able to write in both English and Chinese methodical and systematic text-books on the Chinese language, especially on the Cantonese dialect, the name of Sung Hok-pang was prominent. Likewise, fifty to sixty years ago, quite a number of Chinese literary men in Hong Kong depicted the scenery and historic sites there in poetry or prose for pleasure or for commemoration. Among the few who took pains to go and investigate the customs of the people and the historic remains of the New Territories, again Sung Hok-pang was scarcely rivalled in eminence. For us who live in Hong Kong and wish to discuss the study and transmission of the Chinese language or the geography and history of Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, it is essential that we understand Mr. Sung's contributions in these areas. Mr. Sung's original name was Sung Yick-lam (宋錫林). His other name was Sung Pao-lam (宋寶林) but he was generally known as Sung Hok-pang. He was born in 1880 in Fa Yuen of Kwangtung, but from childhood he was reared in Hong Kong. Since he became well versed in both Chinese and English literature and was very enthusiastic about education, he was highly esteemed. In 1905 he was appointed Headmaster of the Belilios Girls' School. Later, in 1911, he also conducted Cantonese classes in the Government Technical Institute for cadet officers and for foreigners comprising merchants, scholars and officers. In 1913, besides being Headmaster, Mr. Sung was also appointed Inspector of Schools in the New Territories. As a result of his inspection and investigation, the Hong Kong Government followed his suggestions, and subsequently many of the schools in the New Territories received subsidy. Also, a new post of Chinese Inspector was established and Mr. Sung was appointed to this. In 1914 he helped organise the Government Evening School of Education and was head of this institution. In 1916 he was appointed Senior Vernacular Master attached to Queen's College, as well as adviser in matters pertaining to the teaching of Chinese in all government schools. In 1925 Sir Cecil ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 132 SUNG HOK-P’ANG The short articles which Mr. Sung contributed to newspapers about notable people and places of Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories were published in Chinese. Moreover, he used pen-names instead of his regular name Sung Hok-pang. I was informed of this by Mr. Sung himself, but he did not tell me the names of the newspapers nor the dates. Consequently, I have not been able to include a complete bibliography of Mr. Sung's works. Mr. Sung was among the earliest proponents to adduce evidences for historic remains in Hong Kong. When I gathered materials for publishing my book titled "Hong Kong and Its External Communications before 1842", I was privileged to have personal contact with Mr. Sung and benefited by his findings and insights. I am pleased to know that one or two of Mr. Sung's pre-war articles will be reprinted and I feel honoured to write a memoir on him. Hong Kong, 5th April, 1972. LO HSIANG-LIN * Any reader who can provide information on this subject is requested to write to the Hon. Editor of this Journal, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r NOTES AND QUERIES NOTES ON CHINESE TEMPLES IN HONG KONG E. J. Eitel states in his history of Hong Kong, Europe in China, published in 1895, that at the time of the British occupation of Hong Kong there were four Chinese temples on the island: one at Ap Lei Chau dating from 1770, one at Stanley, one in Spring Gardens (Tai Wong Kung) and one at Causeway Bay (Tung Lo Wan). He states (p. 190) that after the occupation the Chinese "commenced building their City Temple (Sheng-wong-miu) on the site of the present Queen's College". The land on which the Shing Wong Temple was built was included within Inland Lot 91. The lot was sold by Government at a public land auction in 1852. It was bought by Floriano Antonio Rangel, a Portuguese bookkeeper in the employ of Jardine Matheson and Company. Rangel owned the entire block bounded by Hollywood Road to the north, Staunton Street to the south, Aberdeen Street to the east, and what became known as Wong Shing Street to the west. In the interior of the block he erected some fifty inexpensive Chinese houses. The complex was variously called Rangel's Row, Rangel's Alley, or Kow Kong Lane. Surrounded by these humble Chinese dwellings stood the Shing Wong Temple. It was somewhat more pretentious than the Tai Wong Kung Temple on Queen's Road East. In the 1865 Rates Schedule, the latter is valued at $120. The Shing Wong Temple's assessed value was $240. But it was considerably less impressive in size and value than the nearby Man Mo Temple on Hollywood Road which was assessed at $1,320. By 1876, however, the relative assessed value of the three temples had changed. The Queen's Road East temple property was rated at $144, a $24 increase over the 1865 value. The Man Mo Temple was rated at $20 less than its 1865 assessment. The Shing Wong Temple was rated at double its value in 1865. This suggests that sometime between 1865 and 1876 a major renovation of the Temple had been made. F. A. Rangel retained ownership of the land upon which the Shing Wong Temple was built until his death in 1873. Three years later the Government bought the property as a site for the erection... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 134 NOTES AND QUERIES of a new building for Queen's College. In January 1877, the Government advertised for sale at public auction the "materials, bricks, stones, tiles, doors, windows, joists, floors, etc. of buildings on Inland Lots 55, 93, 91 and 91A—known as Rangel's Estate”. Among the properties was "the Joss House, No. 10 Shing Wong Street". Soon after, the wreckers moved in and the temple was no more. So passed what was presumably the first community project of the Chinese population of urban Hong Kong. It is difficult to establish the exact date for the erection of the Temple from records now available. It is possible that a notice in The Chinese Repository, October 1843, (Vol. XII, p. 549) may refer to the Shing Wong Temple. "A new Chinese temple is about to be undertaken [in Hong Kong]. Handbills and placards are out, for the purpose of raising money for the erection of the building". The references to Chinese temples in the Hong Kong Blue Books are confusing and difficult to interpret. In 1844 under the heading of Ecclesiastical Establishments there is listed: Buddhist in Victoria, W.D. [Western District] Buddhist in Chekchoo [now Stanley] Buddhist in Shekpaiwan [Aberdeen Harbour] Buddhist in Sookumpoo Established in 1842 Chinese In 1845 it is stated that "There are 17 Chinese Temples in the colony, dedicated with few exceptions to 'Tee-how-mong-mong' (the Queen of Heaven)". In 1846 and 1847 it is stated that there are three small Chinese temples in Victoria, and in 1847 it is noted that there is "a small one in each village". Under the Blue Book schedule of Chinese buildings a Chinese Town Hall is listed in 1845 and 1846. In 1847 two Town Halls are enumerated, with the addition of one Joss House. Was the Shing Wong building listed as a Town Hall? A statement made in a Chinese document entitled "Information as to the period of the formation of Districts in Hongkong and the alteration of the Character Wan-a bay-to Wan—a circuit” translated and published in The China Review, Vol. I, p. 133 (1872-1873) suggests that the Town Halls were Temples. This article also provides a date for the construction of the Man Mo Temple on Hollywood Road: In 1843 one Sz-man-king opened a place for gambling. . Two years later, traders began to come, and two years after that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r NOTES AND QUERIES 145 ning among other matters the subjugation of the non-Chinese tribes of the interior.* At the age of 71 he was appointed Vice-President of the Board of Civil Affairs in Nanking and later Vice-President of the Censorate. He died in great poverty in 1587 aged 74, his friends defraying the cost of his burial. In November 1965 the editor of the Shanghai Wen Wei Pao, Yao Wen-yuan, who was also a left-inclined literary and theatre critic, published an article in which he criticised an historical drama "The dismissal of Hai Jui" written by the then Deputy Mayor of Peking, Wu Han. Yao's article was the opening volley in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution which created such turmoil in China and purged so many of the senior communist cadres including Wu Han himself. Yao rose quickly and by 1969 was sixth in the leadership of the Chinese People's Republic only to slip to a lower position at the 10th Party Congress in August 1973. Yao, still a member of the Politbureau, is reported to be the son-in-law of Chairman Mao and a close associate of the radical Madame Mao. Wu Han's historical play which cost him so dearly was criticised by Yao as an analogy of Mao's treatment of his "loyal minister” Peng Te-huai, the Minister of National Defence purged by Mao in 1959. P'eng had been very outspoken in his opposition to two of the things closest to Mao's heart, the Great Leap Forward and the establishment of the People's Communes. Hai Jui is well known to many Chinese as the minister who steadfastly opposed corruption. A legend told to me in Singapore by an elderly Buddhist nun recounted how Hai Jui as a very young junior official had been posted to the Swatow region (Ch'aochow) where a group of tyrannical landowners together with the local magistrate's police runners were terrorizing the people. The legend then told of Hai Jui's fight, first against his local superiors in support of the poor, later against the Prime Minister and finally against the Emperor himself. Hai Jui was forced to commit suicide, she said, to compel the Emperor to take notice of the problems of the masses and for this he was deified by the subsequent Emperor and is now one of the patrons of the Ch'aochow people. See, in part, Herbert A. Giles, A Chinese Biographical Dictionary (London and Shanghai, Bernard Quaritch and Kelly and Walsh, 1898) pp. 242-243. Also W. F. Mayers, The Chinese Reader's Manual (Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, and London, Trübner and Co., 1874) pp. 45-46. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 148 NOTES AND QUERIES haute, le pic de Victoria, 1,8251, elle offre l'aspect de pierres superposées, aboutissant à la mer par des pentes douces, et à pic, en quelques endroits de la côte orientale. A l'exception de trois ou quatre petites vallées, il y a peu de terrain cultivable. On y trouve beaucoup de ruisseaux d'une eau très-pure; l'un d'eux, dans la partie sud-est, le Hiang-kiang (rivière des parfums), où les Européens allaient puiser leur eau, a donné à toute l'île son nom de Hiang-kiang, qu'on lit sur les timbres de la poste. Avant 1840, l'île de Hong-kong était à peu près inhabitée. Des cabanes éparses le long du rivage servaient d'abri aux pêcheurs et aux corsaires. La belle rade ne tarda pas à être remarquée des navigateurs anglais, qui, ayant vainement demandé au Portugal la franchise du port de Macao, étaient à la recherche, pour leur commerce, d'un port dans le voisinage des côtes de Chine. La rade de Hong-kong se présentait dans de bonnes conditions. Pourvue de deux entrées, l'une du côté ouest à l'embouchure du Tchong-kiang, et l'autre du côté est, vaste et bien disposée, elle pouvait abriter plusieurs flottes et former un port excellent. De plus, n'étant qu'à 80 milles de Canton et à 40 de Macao, elle deviendrait peut-être la clef de tout le commerce de l'Europe avec la Chine, et porterait le dernier coup à la puissance du Portugal dans ces parages; ce qui arriva en effet2. Pendant la première guerre de l'Angleterre avec la Chine, le ministre plénipotentiaire Elliot se fit céder cette île par le commissaire Chi-xeu. Le traité de cession fut ratifié à la fin de 1840 et au mois de janvier 1841; mais, avant la fin de la guerre, et, avant que ces conventions privées devinssent le traité de Nankin, conclu définitivement au mois d'août 1842, les Anglais non seulement avaient pris possession de l'île, mais y exerçaient déjà un pouvoir absolu. Le gouvernement britannique y avait commencé des travaux gigantesques, et traçait à travers les montagnes, une route très-large, de plusieurs lieues de longueur. A l'est, on bâtissait un fort sur un îlot et deux bastions en face de deux grandes casernes pour la défense des navires et du port. Les négociants de toutes les nations, encou- 1 Les autres montagnes sont; Le Pic Paker Highwest (sic) Kellet Gough 1710 pieds. 1175 1130 1575 2 Macao ne renferme plus aujourd'hui que 5,000 Européens et 30,000 Chinois. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 150 NOTES ET QUERIES a fourni des emplacements aux constructions, spécialement à une place d'armes qui sert de promenade publique. Les marécages d'une petite vallée, appelée aujourd'hui vallée heureuse (happy valley), ont cédé la place à une prairie où se font les courses de chevaux, à l'extrémité orientale de Vittoria, dans le voisinage des cimetières catholique, protestant, mahométan, et zoroastrien. Il n'y a pas de cimetière chinois, les Chinois ayant l'habitude d'enterrer les morts dans les champs, partout où ils se trouvent. Les gens riches ont bâti de délicieuses villas dans les environs. Le mouvement du commerce et des arrivages est des plus animés, Hong-kong étant devenu le premier point sur lequel mettent le cap les vaisseaux qui vont d'Europe en Chine. L'air y était autrefois malsain, surtout aux mois de juillet et d'août, lorsqu'on commença à défricher cette terre vierge, et la ville manquait d'eau; mais on a fait disparaître ces inconvénients: l'air s'est assaini à mesure que la végétation s'est développée; on a fait venir de l'eau de l'autre extrémité de l'île au moyen d'un canal, et on la conserve dans des réservoirs, dont l'un a une capacité extraordinaire. Cependant, Macao est encore le rendez-vous des convalescents, à cause de la salubrité de son climat. La ville de Vittoria, étant située sur le rivage septentrional de l'île, est rafraîchie par le vent du nord et par les grosses pluies particulières aux tropiques; ainsi, dans les appartements, le thermomètre Réaumur monte à 26 ou 27 degrés. Cette température se maintient plusieurs mois, et il y a peu de différence entre la chaleur de la nuit et celle du jour, en sorte que les tempéraments européens s'affaiblissent et souffrent beaucoup. Pendant la guerre de Pékin, les Anglais, craignant que les Français, leurs alliés, n'occupassent la plage de terre ferme située en face de Vittoria et ne se rendissent ainsi maîtres de la rade du côté opposé, s'emparèrent, au mois de mai 1860, de Caw-hong [Kowloon-Ed] et n'ont plus abandonné ce poste. Ils se sont fait définitivement céder par le dernier traité avec la Chine. Il n'y a, sur ce point, ni établissements européens, ni commerçants chinois, mais seulement des soldats, leurs casernes en bois et leurs hôpitaux, et la population indigène. Nota. Notre carte représente non seulement l'île de Hong-Kong, mais la partie du continent dépendant de la préfecture apostolique de Hong-Kong. Les profondeurs de la mer, sur les côtes de l'île, sont indiquées, en pieds anglais, par des chiffres. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r NOTES AND QUERIES 153 For once Hotten had backed a loser with the publication of Under the Peak; certainly no further edition or impression was called for by a panting public. We do not know whether Mercer continued to write verses until his death at Reading on 23 May, 1879, but it seems likely for Mercer had all the enthusiasm of the bad poet.11 NOTES 1 One would like to cite P. G. Wodehouse, the son of H. E. Wodehouse, a Hong Kong Cadet Officer; but P. G. Wodehouse was born at Guildford, Surrey, and did not spend much time in Hong Kong. After leaving Dulwich College he worked for two years at the London branch of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation. 2 London, 1930. 3 For biographical information on Mercer see particularly G. B. Endacott, A Biographical Sketch-Book of Early Hong Kong, Singapore, 1962, pp. 79-83. J. W. Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, 2 vols., Hong Kong, 1898, provides many details about Mercer's official career. 4 For information on Hotten see especially Ronald Pearsall, The Worm in the Bud, London, 1969, pp. 387-90; and Steven Marcus, The Other Victorians, New York, 1966, pp. 68-75. Hotten was born in Clerkenwell, London, and showed an early interest in books and bookshops and achieved the dubious distinction of having been struck in a bookshop by the irate historian Macaulay. In 1848 Hotten went to America and there acquired a good knowledge of American literature. On his return to London he published the works of a number of American authors, including Bret Harte's 'heathen Chinee' poems. 5 An account of Swinburne's dealings with Payne of Moxon's is given in Humphrey Hare's Swinburne, London, 1949, pp. 109-134. 6 Written by Richard Payne Knight in 1786 but reprinted by Hotten in 1865. 7 Written by John Davenport and published in 1873. In 1872 Hotten reprinted seven works on flagellation alone. * Copies of both Under the Peak and Addresses are in the British Museum. The Library of the Royal Commonwealth Society, London, has a copy of Under the Peak, now a very scarce book. 9 p. 4. 10 p. 6. 11 Several cadets maintained their interest in classical studies after reaching Hong Kong, notably (later Sir) Cecil Clementi (1875-1947). In 1911 Clementi published his translation, with apparatus criticus and explanatory notes, of the Pervigilium Veneris. In a preface to a later edition of this work, published by B. H. Blackwell of Oxford (3rd edition, 1936), Clementi tells us that he worked on his manuscript in Hong Kong and during periods of leave in England and Europe. Hong Kong, March, 1973. HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 154 NOTES AND QUERIES MCMULLEN COLLECTION OF BILLS OF LADING As stated in the Hon. Librarian's report, printed on page 11 of this issue, the most important accession during the year was the collection of nineteenth century bills of lading formed by Rear-Admiral M.A. McMullen, C.B., O.B.E., R.N. (Rtd.),* The bills are for various consignments to and from China ports, and there is a brief description of the collection on p. 37 of the printed catalogue of the Library of the Branch. A calendar with index has been prepared by the Hon. Librarian. *This was obtained as a gift for the Branch through the offices of Dr. J. R. Jones, Past President of the Branch. The following text of his letter to Mr. Rydings, our Hon. Librarian, explains how this came about: H. A. Rydings Esq., The Librarian, The University of Hong Kong. HONG KONG. Dear Rydings, Old Bills of Lading 3 Abermor Court, 15 May Road, HONG KONG. 25th April, 1972. Two years ago I had some discussions with Mr. J. G. Young of Messrs. Andrew Weir and Company Limited of Baltic Exchange Buildings, 21 Bury Street, of London E.C.3. concerning a number of bills of lading dating from the time of the Canton Regime. They include Bills of Lading from Jardine Matheson and Company Limited and their predecessors, Magniac and Company and Augustine Heard and Company and others trading in Canton and later in Hong Kong. They were owned by Admiral McMullen who wished to find a suitable home for them and I considered that they were of great interest historically and otherwise, and of special interest to Hong Kong, and I have accepted them in the name of the Royal Asiatic Society. I enclose a package concerning these documents and hope that the Society will accept them. Yours sincerely, J. R. JONES. P.S. The owner of the collection of the old bills of lading was Rear Admiral M. A. McMullen who entrusted them to Mr. J. G. Young of Messrs. Andrew Weir and Co. Ltd. with whom I was put in touch by Mr. H. B. Neve, formally of the Bank Line (China) Limited of Hong Kong. Amongst the collection Jardine Matheson and Company appears twice, once as receivers of 10 chests of Opium, whilst Gilmans are also mentioned as shippers of 100 half chests of tea from Shanghai to Hong Kong. There is also reference to Macondray & Co. who are presumably related to the Arm of that name now operating in the Philippines. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r NOTES AND QUERIES 14. 1859 Feb. 21 LIGHTNING P. Taylor River Hooghly to Hong Kong: Pemabhoy Hunchund to Augustine Heard & Co. 25 chests old Benares opium "No 1 and 4 Chests are broken" 15. 1859 March 25 PENGUIN Wm. E. Wheeler 157 San Francisco to Hongkong: Morgan, Stone & Co. to R. Pollard absent A. Heard & Co. 2 boxes said to contain Mexican dollars, 2000 each 16. 186- JENNY W.C. Dunham New York to Hong Kong & Shanghae: Aaron D. Wild & Sons to Russell & Co. 50 barrels extra mess beef LE + · Freight payable before delivery if original contents unknown. Damage by leakage rust or breakage at Shipper's risk" 17. 1861 JOSHUA BATES Hobsons Bay to Hong Kong: Augustine Heard & Co. 807 pigs lead 18. 1861 May 20 PALMETTO Wm. F. Upton Joseph S. Clark Osborn Cushing & Co. to Boston to Hong Kong: Everett & Co. to Augustine Heard & Co. 2 cases merchandise 19. 1861 Aug. 12 JULIA G. TYLER New York to Hong Kong: T.B. Everett of Boston to Augustine Heard & Co, or order 50 eighth casks brandy 20. 1861 Oct. 16 HARRY HASTINGS Nathanial Coleman River Hooghly to Hong Kong: Mackillop, Stewart & Co. to Augustine Heard & Co. 12000 bags rice "To be taken from the ship's tackle at risk and expense of consignees." 21. 1864 Jan. 5 FUSI-YAMA Adam D. Dundas Hong Kong to Calcutta: Augustine Heard & Co. to Ashburner & Co. 80 cases turpentine ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 158 NOTES AND QUERIES 22. 1865 Oct. 24 SACRAMENTO W.H. Nelson San Francisco to Hong Kong: London & San Francisco Bank Ltd. to Augustine Heard & Co. 85 7 boxes refined silver bars weighing 14225 ounces Troy 23. 1866 Feb. 2 100 BENEFACTOR Gordon Berry New York to Hong Kong: W.H. Smith & Son to order 35 casks and 5 bbls merchandise 24. 1866 March 13 VALETTA Charles Cavanagh San Francisco to Foochow: Macondray & Co. to Augustine Heard & Co. 600 quarter sacks flour 50 twenty hoop barrels flour 50 Cases bread 20 boxes maccaroni 20 boxes vermacelli 25. 1866 April 18 LUBRA San Francisco to Hong Kong: Benjamin P. Howes Dibblee & Hyde to Augustine Heard & Co. One sealed box containing 800 Mexican dollars 26. 1866 April 25 JEANIE W.C. Dunham New-York to Hong Kong: L.M. Murray Co, to Augustine Heard & Co. 50 cases oysters 27. 1866 May 14 JEANIE W.C. Dunham New-York to Hong Kong: Jas. Nickerson & Co. to Thomas Hunt & Co. 150 barrels flour 28. 1866 May 14 JEANIE W.C. Dunham New York to Hongkong: M.C.G. With to order 29 cases merchandize "Contents unknown. Goods to be received at ship's tackle when ready... 29. 1866 May 30 SUWONADA Jayne Shanghae to Hong Kong: Russell & Co. to same 113 pkgs merchandise "Copy" ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r NOTES AND QUERIES 161 Galastauro, C. 6 Macao 4, 5, 11, 34, 36 Gilman & Co. 30 Macaroni 24 Gould, W.H. 34, 36 Mackenzie, Lieut. Comdr., U.S. Navy 35 HARRY HASTINGS Heard (Augustine) & Co. 20 Mackerel 38 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21 Mackillop. Stewart & Co. 24 Macondray & Co. 22, 24, 25, 26, 38 Magniac & Co. 1, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 Hemp 33 Herrings 38 Matheson & Co. 34 Hobsons Bay (Melbourne) 17 Medicine 33 Holliday, Wise & Co. Hong Kong 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33 34 Meren & Co. 1 MEROPE 3 Mitchinson, J. 6, 10 Moore, S. 34, 35, 37, 38 Hooghly, River (Bombay) Morgan, Stone & Co. 26 gang 9 Murray (L.M.) & Co. 1, 2, 3, 10, 13, 14, 20 Hookumchund, Oomedchund 13 Nankeens* 33 Howes, B. P. 25 Nelson, W. H. 22 Hunchund, Pemabhoy 14 New York 23, 26 27, 28, 32, 35 Hunt (Thomas) & Co. 27 Nickerson (Jas.) & Co. 27 Jafferbhoy (Ameeroodeen) Oil 33 & Co. 37 see also Downers oil, Turpentine Jardine, Matheson & Co, 13, 34 Jayne 29, 33 Opium 2, 3, 10, 11, 13, 14 JENNY (=JEANIE?) 16, 27, 28 Osborn, Cushing & Co. 17 35 Oysters 26 JOSHUA BATES 17 JULIA G. TYLER 19 Paddy 8 Jyiebhoy, Jamseljie [?] 10 PALMETTO 18 Parkyns, G. 3 Lead (metal) 17 Penang 6 LIGHTNING 14 PENANG MERCHANT 6, 10 Lintin 2, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12 PENGUIN 15 London 36 Pigs feet 38 London & San Francisco Bank Pollard, R. 15 Ltd. 22 Pork 38 LUBRA 25 Premjee, Mool Chund 13 *See notes at end of index ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 162 Rattans Rice NOTES AND QUERIES 6 SUWONADA 29, 30, 31, 33, 34 8, 20 Routh (F.R. & D.) 35 Tacoran, Nanjie Russell & Co. 16, 29, 33 Taria, J.M. de Taylor, P. SACRAMENTO 22 Tea 14, 30 Safflower* 33 Thomas (Charles) & Co. Salmon 38 Tongues San Francisco 15, 22, 24 Trautmann & Co. 25, 38 Turpentine Selzer water 34 Shanghai SHERBURNE Silva, J. A. da Silver bars Semechand, Caramichand [?] 4 29, 30, 31, 33, 34 Upton, W.F. VALETTA 1 VENUS 4, 12 Vermicelli 22 Singapore Roads Smith (W.H.) & Son Sorabjee & Simjee 7, 9 WHEELER, W.E. 23 Whiskey Anagrada 2, 28 10 5 7 38 31 21 18 24 37 24 15 38 2 White, G. 1 Steel, A. 7 Wild (Aaron D.) & Sons 16 Stephen, S. 38 Williams, Blanchard & Co. 38 Stone, Bombay 37 With, M.C.G. 28 *See notes below. NOTES The following notes relate to the more obscure items in the foregoing index. Anfião de Malva-Opium from Malwa, an area in W. Central India, which together with Benares and Patna were the main opium growing areas. I am indebted to Mr. J. M. Braga for this identification, which defeated students of Portuguese in Hong Kong. Cumsingmoon-Kap Shui Mun, the straits between the N.E. point of Lantao Island and Tsing I Island. Cutch=The commercial name of the catechu obtained from Acacia catechu, used in tanning (O.E.D.) Nankeens-Either a kind of yellow cotton cloth, originally made in Nanking, or trousers made of this material. Safflower=Dried petals of Carthamus tinctorius, a thistle-like plant cultivated in the Mediterranean region, India and China for the red dye obtained from the flowers, also used in the making of rouge. Hong Kong June, 1973. H. A. RYDINGS ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 168 NOTES AND QUERIES DEEP BAY MARSHES The photograph at Plate XV was taken in March 1973 by Mrs. F. O. P. Hechtel. It shows men and women collecting seaweed from an embanked pond at Deep Bay. They had come over from Chinese Territory by boat, bringing a punt with them on deck. The boat was anchored at the outer edge of the bund, left high and dry at low tide, and the punt was launched in the shallow pond and loaded with seaweed which was taken back for pig food. This is still a common practice, and has been observed by Mr. and Mrs. Hechtel on other occasions. This brings in another feature of the marshes. Our printer, and member, Mr. Y. F. Lam of Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., tells me that when he went shooting on the marshes just after the war, his party used regularly to meet a person who came over from Chinese territory using a waak baan (★★) or mud scooter on which he travelled easily over the areas of foreshore and swamp. The man landed at Mai Po, left his mud scooter there, and walked to Yuen Long Market to buy necessaries, after which he would return to Mai Po, load his scooter and set off for home. The mud scooter is also used by oyster farmers in Deep Bay and is an old form of local transportation. Two of them, one old and much used, and one made to order, have recently been obtained by the City Museum and Art Gallery, Hong Kong. Plate XVI is by courtesy of the Curator, and shows the used scooter. A very similar contrivance is used in the shrimp fisheries at Stolford on the Bristol channel, Somerset, England, C. M. Yonge writes: 'At Stolford where the nets are secured on soft banks of mud a mile from the shore, the fishermen use a type of intertidal sledge or "mud horse" which they push in front of them and which serves the double purpose of preventing them from sinking deeply in the mud and of carrying back the catch'. (pp. 321-322 of The Sea Shore, Collins, The Fontana New Naturalist paper back, 1963). There is an illustration of the "mud horse" at page 322. Hong Kong. April, 1974. HON. EDITOR ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r BOOK REVIEWS 177 A.D. The most authentic maps on Buddhism in China are those produced by a Japanese scholar, Oshio Dokuzan ★§♪λ in Shina-Bukyo Shi Chizu £*£ published in 1924 in Japan. Although I have no way to put the maps of Zürcher and Oshio side by side, since the latter's version is not available at this moment in Hong Kong, yet I see that Zürcher has made no use of Oshio's maps. As to Map II about the trade routes of Later Han, Albert Herrmann's An Historical Atlas of China (first edition printed in 1935 and second in 1966) has not been consulted, Thirdly there are some minor editorial and textual blemishes in this important book. In the first place it seems that the author has been rather careless in the editing of his Bibliography. For instance, although Chen Yin-k'o's well-known study on Chih-Min-tu, a Buddhist monk of the Eastern Chin Period, Chih Min-tu Hsueh-Shuo K'ao £*£*** (which appeared in Ts'ai Yüan-pei Memorial Volume, Part I, pp. 1-18,) is mentioned by Zürcher in his 85th footnote for Chapter III (in Vol. II, p. 353), it is not included in his bibliography, although he has listed a second article also by Chen Yin-k'o there. Again, there are quite a few misprints or mistakes in the Chinese characters, in these two volumes. As regards the former, at p. 221 of Vol. I, and again at p. 367 of Vol. II, the Chinese character “To” f£ is misprinted as ft. Similarly, on p. 444 of Vol. II, the first Chinese character for the title, Yen-tieh-lun #*, a famous treatise written in the Han Dynasty, is incorrectly printed as. Again, at p. 394 and p. 444 of Vol. II, the studio name Yü-Han Shan-fang has appeared twice. Although in its first appearance, the last Chinese character for this studio name is printed correctly, it is however, printed with a wrong form as second appearance. In addition to these, a commonly used Chinese character, Ming, has been rather frequently used by Mr. Zürcher (in p. 105 and p. 126 of Vol. I and p. 341 of Vol. II), and is always associated with a wrong form in its. Lastly, concerning the author's interpretation of terms. For instance, "Pa-ta" Ait, a term which appears twice in p. 79 of Vol. I, has not been properly interpreted and translated except in inadequate English as "eight-ta”. Yet already in 1938 T. K. Chuan in his study, "Some Notes on Kao Seng Chuan", (T'ien Hsia Monthly, Vol. VII No. 5, pp. 452-468, the well-known Journal in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 178 BOOK REVIEWS English published in Shanghai), had interpreted the same term as "eight emancipated". It is obvious that T. K. Chuan's translation may not be the only fixed one, yet, on the other hand, it does seem that it is at least a good reference for Zürcher to cite. Furthermore, T. K. Chuan's Kao Seng Chuan or Biographies of Eminent Monks is once again a useful reference in Zürcher's field of study that has been neglected entirely. In another example, the term “Ke-i" is interpreted as "elucidating Buddhist terms” (p. 12 Vol. I). However, it is differently rendered as "matching meanings” on p. 184 of the same volume. Such interpretational discrepancy together with the misprints seem to show that Mr. Zürcher must have worked on the revision of his book over a considerable period of time, but may have neglected to make a final check of his manuscript. These points deal with minor details which can be considered when the third impression of this book is prepared. They detract little from the outstanding scholarship of Mr. Zürcher and his important contribution to the history of Buddhism in Medieval China. CHUANG SHEN University of Hong Kong, 1973. A CONCORDANCE TO FIVE SYSTEMS OF TRANSCRIPTION FOR STANDARD CHINESE. Compiled by Olov Bertil Anderson, Studentlitteratur, Lund, 1970, pp. 228. I assume that differences of opinion over transcription systems for Chinese will always be with us. For many decades now we have seen a stream of alternatives to Wade-Giles and have heard the discussions over the relative merits of favorite systems. Each time the shade seems laid to rest it pops up very much alive in some new stronghold of sinology. For some reason this problem plagues mostly the English-speaking segment of the field while those who publish in French, German, and Russian have long ago reached reasonable agreement on transcription and have gone on to other often more productive fields of study. But unfortunately the rest of us cannot agree, and nothing is more hopelessly visionary at this point than the dream of some grand concourse of sinologists all accepting a single system which all will use to the exclusion of any other. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 180 BOOK REVIEWS writes for example 2 ku and ki to capture another possible complementation instead. This discussion is of some meaning to linguists but is uninteresting to the point of exasperation for almost everyone else in the field. Presumably we would all speak better in other dialects where such problems in complementary distribution do not affect the romanization. However, the real point here is that what is perfect for the militant linguist may in fact not be the most helpful for the beginning student, for the scholar in another discipline, or for the outsider who would like to make some reasonable approximation of the native word when he responds to a romanized form. There is no reason why we could not try to satisfy all these people; it is simply a matter of admitting that parts of every potential system will offend some and please others. Once we agree to agree almost any of the proposed systems would do. It is this initial agreement that seems to be difficult. All this brings me to the book under review. Professor Anderson is primarily concerned with presenting a transcription system which he calls Simplified Wade. His purpose is to modify Wade-Giles so that it is still readily recognizable but now in a form written entirely without diacritical marks. One of the major innovations of the Anderson system is to substitute -h- for the Wade-Giles apostrophe marking aspiration; e.g., Wade-Giles ch'i, t'u, p'u, and k'u become Anderson chhi, thu, phu, and khu. The circumflex is omitted, as indeed it is by many writers today since it is not distinctive in any occurrence. The umlaut is optional in the Anderson system; it is in fact non-distinctive in Wade-Giles except in WG yu and yü which Anderson suggests be written you and yu respectively if the umlaut is not convenient on one's typewriter. The apical vowels are written y; e.g., WG szu ‘four' is Anderson sy. WG initial j- is Anderson r-. A second major departure from Wade-Giles is that in which Anderson marks the tones with unpronounced letters following the syllable as below: 1st tone       no letter 2nd tone       -P 3rd tone       -X 4th tone       -Z ma for WG ma1 mav for WG ma2 max for WG ma3 maz for WG ma4 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r BOOK REVIEWS 183 In making the attempt to study the area, Mr. da Silva has performed a most valuable service. He has brought to the task special talents not often found in combination; local birth, knowledge of written and spoken Chinese, a geographer's training, interest in ethnography, and a sympathetic and discerning eye. The book has five chapters, entitled: Chapter I-General Background; Chapter II--Historical Background; Chapter III-Ecological Adaptation and Livelihood; Chapter IV-The Ecology of Padi Cultivation; and Chapter V-Traditional Land Tenure. Of these the three dealing with ecology are the most valuable. Chapter III, in particular, gives a fully integrated account of the traditional means of livelihood in a coastal village area that is not available in any other work, to which he adds a description of the various influences at work on local minds, emphasising how they combine to form a unified cosmological whole (pp. 63-64). This unity of conception is the predominant feature of the local rural scene, and one that imposes itself very strongly on the consciousness of the long-term observer. Chapter IV, which deals with the farming and fishing calendars and describes the sequence and ecological importance of rice cultivation is another valuable contribution to knowledge of the local scene, of a kind and to a degree that, so far as I am aware, has not yet been supplied. In short, these chapters help to repair a deficiency noted by Reischauer and Fairbank, the reconstruction 'with verisimilitude' of 'the daily life of the average Chinese villager in the pre-modern centuries.' (p. 383, Vol. 1 of East Asia, The Great Tradition, Harvard, 1958). The third section of the Chapter on Traditional Land Tenure contains some new and interesting information on land measurement and land classification but the rest is rather sketchy and inadequate on what is a notoriously complicated and difficult subject. The historical chapter is too broad to be effective and Mr. da Silva's knowledge of the island from this viewpoint does not match the superior quality of the other sections. He is misleading on family connections, e.g. pp. 28 and 32, whilst the maps and charts before p. 20 and at p. 35 are not as comprehensive as they could be made to be. The unevenness of the information acquired, and the lack of balance between the ethno-botanical treatment and the historical aspects, mar an otherwise very interesting, stimulating, and informative book. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r Plate XI. Hai Jui on a Teochew altar in Singapore, January 1970. (By courtesy of Major Keith Stevens) Plate XII. Tour to Thailand, February 1973; some of the members taking part. From left to right: Mr. H. M. Weinrebe, Mr. D. M. Goodbody, Miss R. E. Carlson, Miss P. I. Young, Mr. R. O'Hara, Mrs. M. O'Hara, Mr. Michael Smithies (tour leader and Hon. Secretary), Miss Moira Knowles (Hon. Secretary from April 1973), Mr. J. S. Anderson, Mrs. W. C. Mao, Dr. P. W. C. Mao, Mr. B. S. McElney, Mr. Hownam-Meek, Mrs. K. Kesterton, Mrs. Hownam-Meek. Not in photograph: Mrs. L. H. Evans, Mr. R. J. Faulkner, Mr. A. H. Forsyth, Mrs. B. Laufer, Miss Lim Laye Tin. (Photograph by courtesy of C.P.A.) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r Plate XV. Men and women collecting seaweed from an embanked pond at Deep Bay. New Territories, Hong Kong By courtesy of Mrs. F. O. P. Hechtel) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 HKS 0268 HK.S.950 R&A8 HT C The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in November, 1975. 1,000 copies. Price per copy: HK $18 US $3.50 postage extra UK £1.80 Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by Ye OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, K.C.M.G., M.B.E., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1974: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Hon. Secretary: A. I. Diamond, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Helga Werle, Phil. sin. cand. (Munich) F. Geoffroy Dechaume, Consul General for France James C. Y. Watt, M.A. K. A. Westcott, B.A., Dip.Ed. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. The Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Responsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 CONTENTS Page PRESIDENT'S Report for 1974 · 1 HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1974 · 8 THE LIBRARY, 1974 · 10 TRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH: · 12 The Paper Chase-Archives and the Public Records Office of Hong Kong (A lecture given on 7th January, 1974) - A. I. DIAMOND · 28 Adventurers in Hong Kong: the Marquis de Morès and David de Mayréna (A lecture given on 29th March, 1974) - HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE · 58 Dogs and Horses in Ancient China (A lecture given on 27th May, 1974) CAROLE MORGAN · - ARTICLES: · - The Craft of God Carving in Singapore- KEITH G. STEVENS · - "Oh for the Joys of England": Lt. Orlando Bridgeman's Letters from China and Hong Kong, 1842-1843– ROBIN MCLACHLAN · - Father Ernesto Gherzi, S. J., 1886-1973—G. J. BELL · 68 Notes on the Sources of De Mailla, Histoire Générale de la Chine-Richard Gregg Irwin, with Introduction by L. Carrington Goodrich · 76 The Monuments of Vientiane and Luang Prabang (Report of the RAS Tour to Laos, 23-24 January, 1974)— MICHAEL SMITHIES · 85 The Hong Kong Region: its place in Traditional Chinese Historiography and Principal Events since the Establishment of Hsin-an County in 1573....-JAMES HAYES · 108 REPRINTED ARTICLES · 136 Place Names of Hong Kong and the New Territories (1958) K. M. A. BARNETT · 160 Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in (1935-38) (continued) SUNG HOK-PANG · - NOTES AND QUERIES · 188 The European Grave on Shek Kwu Chau, Hong Kong JEAN MOORE · - "Fung Shui" Woodlands-L. C. SHEN · 190 Unusual Trees in Hong Kong: the Cassia Bark Tree- L. C. SHEN · 191 Traditional Farming Techniques and their Survival in Hong Kong-P. L. SIAK · 196 Programme Notes for Visits to Places of Interest in Hong Kong and Kowloon, 1974: Kennedy Town, Old Wanchai, Old Western District, the Diocesan Boy's School and La Salle College, and Ceramic Factory and Sam Tung Uk, N.T. JAMES HAYES, CARL SMITH, HELGA WERLE et. al. · - BOOK REVIEWS · 235 LIST OF MEMBERS · 245 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 deity in Hong Kong, particularly among the boat-people. There are many temples dedicated to her in the Colony. This particular temple is believed to date from the Sung Dynasty, and with the nearby rock-carving, dated 1274, provides a popular place for pilgrimages. These three last trips were organised by our Vice-president, Mr. James Hayes, who has an extensive knowledge of the history of Hong Kong, particularly its rural areas. The ten lectures covered a wide variety of subjects. The first lecture of the year was delivered by Professor Murray Groves, head of the Sociology Department, University of Hong Kong. Professor Groves had lived in New Guinea and worked there as an anthropologist, and he talked about a sea-faring people, the Motu, and their musical styles. His talk was illustrated with slides and tape recordings. The second talk was about Chinese paintings in the William Rockhill Nelson Gallery of Art: a Gallery of international reputation, situated in Kansas, and housing one of the major comprehensive collections of oriental art in the U.S.A. The talk was delivered by Professor Chu-tsing Li, Research Curator of the Gallery, and was illustrated with slides. Later in the year, Professor Winston Hsieh of Missouri University, talked to us about the Canton Delta Project which he is currently heading. The Canton Delta has great significance for scholars of Chinese social organization, urban studies, foreign trade, revolutionary movements and overseas emigration, and it is particularly rich in Chinese and Western source materials. The project is interdisciplinary and we look forward to hearing more about its activities. In September Professor P. B. Harris, who heads the Political Science Department of the University of Hong Kong talked to the Society on "Maoism and Rousseauism", and in November Mr. Henry Lethbridge of Hong Kong University's Sociology Department described the exploits of two adventurers extraordinary who visited Hong Kong in the late 1880's: David de Mayréna, soi-disant King of the Sedangs in Indo China, and the Marquis de Morès. Both died later in mysterious circumstances. Mr. Lethbridge specialises in the social history of Hong Kong, and participated in our symposium last year on "Hong Kong: Chinese tradition and the growth of a town”. Dr. Hugh Baker, who also participated in our first symposium which I organised in 1964 on “The Social Organization of the New ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 THE LIBRARY OF THE HONG KONG BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1973-74 During the year ending 31st December 1973, the Library received a number of valuable gifts, whilst other important items were obtained by purchase. The largest donation was of twelve books from the estate of the late Mr. F. A. Nixon, to whom the Library was already indebted for the gift during his lifetime of its most valuable possession, a Chinese manuscript scroll from Tun-huang, as well as the four albums of photographs of the Nixon collection of Nestorian crosses (for both of which see the Library catalogue, p. 38), and other items. Another benefactor was our Honorary Editor and Vice-President, Mr. James Hayes, who presented five books on Chinese language learning. Also from Mr. Hayes the Branch purchased eleven volumes of works relating to China, all out-of-print and ranging in publication date from 1879 to 1957. These had been on offer to the University of Hong Kong. With these examples before them, it is hoped that other members may be encouraged to offer relevant titles to the Library, either for purchase, or better still as gifts. Last year's report mentioned the intention to issue annual supplements to the printed catalogue of the Library. Owing to pressure of other business the Librarian was unable to complete the supplement for 1972, but it is now hoped to issue a supplement combining the additions for both 1972 and 1973 in the near future. This will be distributed free to all members who are resident in Hong Kong. The intention of providing members with a catalogue is to encourage use of the Library. Unfortunately this remains at a very low level, and whilst we are very grateful to the British Council for providing accommodation for a part of our collection, in the hope that its central location would make it easier for members to use the books, it seems that until the Branch has something more closely resembling a club room or headquarters of its own the Library will remain a hidden asset. The bookcase at the British Council, now holding 222 volumes, is completely full, and all recent additions ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 14 A. I. DIAMOND So much for the sorry image of the archivist. Now what are the realities. What are archives and what do archivists do? Most people, if asked what archives are, will say that they are old documents of historical interest, or the records of some person or institution which have value for research purposes. This is true enough as far as it goes. Many archives, of course, are old and historically interesting, but neither of these attributes is necessary for documents to qualify as archives. For example, an Act of the United Kingdom Parliament, the original instrument, bearing the seal and sign manual of the Sovereign is undoubtedly an archive, and it is so whether it was passed yesterday or five hundred years ago. Its age has nothing to do with its archival quality. And since, as soon as it receives the Royal assent, copies of it are generally published and distributed in their thousands, one could hardly claim that the original itself was of much interest to the historian. It has value, of course. An authenticated Act of Parliament is the final source of Government's authority for certain of its actions; but it is not this either which makes it an archive. Documents acquire archival quality from the manner in which they have been created and kept. The eminent English authority on archives, Sir Hilary Jenkinson, defines them as follows: "A document which may be said to belong to the class of Archives is one which was drawn up or used in the course of an administrative or executive transaction (whether public or private) of which itself formed a part; and subsequently preserved in their own custody for their own information by the person or persons responsible for that transaction and their legitimate successors”.* Archives, then, are the totality of the documents produced or received by an office or other agency in the course of its business and which have been retained for action or reference. It is sometimes supposed that the term "archives" applies specifically, or at any rate more properly, to government records; but this is not the case. The term is equally applicable to the records of banks, insurance houses, churches, clubs and any other forms of association or enterprise. And if it comes to that even families or private individuals may accumulate them. What makes a body of documents archives is not who accumulated it but how it was done. * Jenkinson, Sir Hilary. "A Manual of Archive Administration." (Percy Lund, Humphries & Co. Ltd., London), p. 11. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 22 A. I. DIAMOND how information is obtained from them. The original registers, indexes and other finding aids of the office are ready-made instruments of information retrieval. However, the original finding aids will answer only the questions they were designed to answer and frequently questions which the student wishes to ask of the records are quite different from those which the administrator had in mind. It therefore becomes part of the archivist's business to devise supplementary media in the form of guides, inventories, lists, calendars and select indexes to which the student can turn for further guidance. Archives are highly significant resources and the most important of them are the archives of governments. Official archives constitute government's memory. They contain information on every aspect of its business, and this information increases in value and extent as archives are accumulated and preserved. "Public records define the relations of government to the governed. They are the immediate proof for all temporary property and financial rights that are derived from or are connected with a citizen's relations to a government, and are the ultimate proof for all permanent civic rights and privileges". For these reasons if for no other, the proper management by a government of its current records and the conservation of its archives should be viewed by it not as a luxury or as a concession to academia, but as an essential object of national concern, The last time I was asked to talk about the development of an archive office was in 1965 when I was in charge of the Central Archives of Fiji and the Western Pacific High Commission. It was comparatively easy because I then had nearly a decade of development to look back on. In this case it is more difficult because the Public Records Office, Hong Kong—hereafter referred to as P.R.O.—has been in existence here for less than eighteen months and we are standing a little too close to events to see what they really amount to in terms of progress. The P.R.O. was established in July, 1972, and, as some of you will know, it forms at present a unit of the Colonial Secretariat under the general direction of the Home Affairs and Information Branch. * Perotin, Yves, "A Manual of Tropical Archivology". (Mouton & Co., Paris) p. 20. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Paper Chase 23 The main function of the P.R.O. is the conservation of all government records of permanent value for official reference and private research. More specifically, this means all documents which possess value for: (i) documenting the constitutional and legal basis of government; (ii) documenting the origin, development, organisation, functions, policies and substantive activities of government departments; (iii) protecting the rights and privileges of private citizens and organisations; and (iv) research into political, social and economic affairs and the history of the community. You will notice from this, by the way, that archives are not preserved solely in the interests of historians. The scope of modern government is wide and there are few aspects of human activity and environment to which official records do not refer. A government's archives, therefore, are potentially of research value to every academic discipline. Archive institutions, like libraries, museums and art galleries, need to be located in places where they are easily accessible to the public. The trouble is that archives, and especially government archives, need a great deal of storage space; so that in cities like Hong Kong, where office accommodation is at a premium, the housing of archives has special problems. Stored archives are immensely heavy and this limits us to ground floor accommodation or to buildings especially constructed to withstand high floor-loadings. Again, if one provides at the outset for long-term space needs this means tying up large building areas which will remain under-utilised for a long period. The alternative, of providing only for short-term requirements, means constant removal to new premises. We have had to compromise. The P.R.O. is housed at present* in temporary premises in Garden Road with accommodation for 5,450 shelf-feet of records. In about April this year we shall be moving to the Murray Road Multi-storey Car Park Building where we shall have room to accommodate about 15,000 shelf-feet of records. The new premises will be equipped with, among other things, a document repair section and bindery, a photographic laboratory and, I * January 1974. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 24 A. I. DIAMOND hope adequate, library and reading room facilities. The repository will be specially air-conditioned to provide a filtered atmosphere and a temperature and relative humidity stabilised at the optimum levels. The records will be protected from fire by an automatic carbon dioxide extinguishing system. But the Murray Road accommodation will also be temporary. If our present intake of permanent records is maintained we shall exhaust the storage space available there by the end of 1978. It is planned, therefore, that in 1979 we shall move for the second and last time to premises in Murray Building II, which is to be constructed on the site of the Garden Road Open-air Car Park. In the Murray Building we shall have about 25,000 square feet of floor space, including accommodation for upward of 40,000 shelf-feet of records. Even this will not meet our storage needs; but as we cannot continue to expand in the city centre our space requirements in excess of that allowed for in the Murray Building will be met by the provision of satellite accommodation in low-cost areas. These satellite repositories will be used for the storage of intermediate records and of permanent records which are not often consulted. As the P.R.O. is the first Archives to have been established in Hong Kong it was no surprise to find that professionally trained staff were unobtainable here. What was less expected was the difficulty which we have had in recruiting suitable graduate staff even without archives training. In fact, after sixteen months I am still without any. Part of the reason for this is that the career prospects which we can offer at this early stage of our development are rather nebulous. As the scope and volume of the P.R.O.'s operations expand the avenues for advancement within the ranks of its graduate staff will presumably improve. In the meantime the problem is to find and keep staff with the interest and courage to take their chances in pioneering a new form of career. The intention is that Assistant Archivists (graduates) should undergo a year's in-service training at the end of which time they will sit an examination designed to test their knowledge and proficiency. If they pass this, and are suitable in other respects, they will be eligible for diploma-course training abroad, probably in Malaysia or Australia. Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 26 A. I. DIAMOND number of large, and from a research point of view, extremely valuable accumulations of records, both official and private, relating to this area are preserved in various oversea institutions and in many cases these are available in Xerox, microfilm or other copy form. It is desirable that the P.R.O. should acquire as wide a coverage of these sources as possible and the Hong Kong Government has agreed to support a programme of expenditure extending over several years for this purpose. A commitment of $65,000 to begin the programme has been approved in the current Estimates. What is to be said of the government's post-war archive resources? Most departments have developed, or are developing routines for the destruction of their unwanted records. As a matter of fact, planned records disposal has a surprisingly long history in Hong Kong. Measures to limit the accumulation of ephemeral papers were adopted by Colonial Secretariat and certain of the departments well before the war and, in spite of the wholesale destruction of public records during the occupation, similar methods were being re-introduced by some offices as early as 1948. The increasing pressure on office accommodation since the war has led, in many departments, to acute storage problems and to efforts to solve these by records disposal programmes of increasing scope and intensity. The methods used have varied according to the nature of the records concerned and to the urgency of the storage problem. In some offices destruction has been sporadic and haphazard; in others it is carried out on a regular basis in accordance with carefully detailed instructions. In the interests of efficiency it is desirable that departments should develop procedures for the elimination of valueless documents. The trouble is that in many cases these have been devised with such narrow attention to purely administrative or legal considerations, and prosecuted so rigorously, that much material of importance for historical and other research has been destroyed with the rubbish. This should not be taken to imply that Hong Kong's officialdom has been remiss. Administrators, as we have noted, are not employed, and most of them are not equipped, to conserve records of academic interest; and even were they to attempt it their efforts in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 THE PAPER CHASE 27 Hong Kong must have been defeated by lack of storage space and of staff to cope. Now that the P.R.O. has been established, such reduction as there has been of government's archival resources should come to an end. How soon it does so will depend on how rapidly and effectively the P.R.O. is enabled to develop its services. Departments have already been instructed that in future no records are to be destroyed without P.R.O. sanction; but this will become a dead letter if we fail to give them prompt assistance in the appraisal of their records and ready accommodation for those which are marked for permanent retention. I believe that much will depend on our ability to develop efficient intermediate records services. The establishment of institutions which relieve departments of the burden of accommodating and administering great masses of non-current records would go far to obviate premature or unauthorised destruction of them. In due course it will be appropriate to enact a Public Records Ordinance to provide a legal basis for the P.R.O. and its activities and to settle its relations with other government offices and the public. The character of this legislation, when it is passed, will be important in determining the future development of the Office and the effectiveness of its operations. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG 43 When the King had started upon his homeward passage, the Hong Kong police went from house to house collecting the pinchbeck orders which his Majesty had scattered broadcast among his acquaintances; and these pieces of jewelry they subsequently sold by auction for the benefit of the goldsmith who had fashioned them, for the King, like many of his prototypes in history, had proved himself to be a bad paymaster.40 The Duel Did Mayréna and Morès fight a duel in Hong Kong? We do not know for certain; we can only use circumstantial evidence to argue that they probably did. In his memoirs Des Voeux would hardly admit that he allowed a duel to take place in a British colony by his negligence, for under English law duelling was a criminal offence.41 But an encounter between the two adventurers could have easily occurred without attracting public attention—early one morning, say, at Deepwater Bay, then a crescent of lonely sparkling sand, not overlooked by any residence; or in a clearing in the sylvan Glenealy Ravine, a solitary spot frequented only by a few health-conscious walkers. Mayréna and Morès were expert in the use of the foil, épée, and sabre; each, previously, in single combat had killed his man; former soldiers, they were extremely brave men, not likely to slink away from an affront. It should be stressed, however, that duelling was a ritual, designed primarily to remove a public stain from a man's social character: the end of a duel was not copious blood-letting, but rather an affirmation that a gentleman had preserved his social standing and the integrity of his personality.42 To utilise theological concepts again, duelling was a type of sacrament: it was a consecration of the gentleman, and of the core element in this class of person—honour. It seems plausible, then, to suggest that the two duelled but only under certain limiting conditions set out in the procès-verbal. A procès-verbal was the set of rules, established beforehand by the seconds of the duellists, which defined the conditions of the duel—often a single shot fired over the opponent's head or blithely into the distance, a thrust or a parry, would suffice to accomplish the ritual. No doubt Mayréna and Morès did simply that—they flexed their muscles, brandished their spurs in public. Then all was over; honour satisfied; each returned to the Hong Kong Hotel and to loud wassail. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG 51 boarded Huck Finn's raft on the Mississippi went by the names of the Duke of Bilgewater (Bridgewater) and the Dauphin. But a title not only helped to disarm potential sceptics but allowed an adventurer to secure credit, often a necessity for the realisation of his schemes. Mayréna, as we have seen, kept himself afloat for some time by the sale of bogus titles, decorations and honours. A title, as it were, gave the claimant a fake persona, a social mask or facade behind which the predator could lurk. In this century, however, a devaluation of titles has taken place coincident with the rise of meritocracy. Poor communications helped an adventurer of the impostor or swindler type, for if knowledge of his past leaked out too soon, this would undermine any claim to respectability and diminish confidence in his intentions. News flowed more sluggishly in the nineteenth century, though it was a period of great achievements in the development of a network of world-wide communications. In 1853 the P. and O. had established a regular mail service between Hong Kong and Calcutta, thus establishing fortnightly communications with England; in 1863 the French Messageries Maritimes opened a route to the East; telegraph connection with Manila was achieved in 1880, with Canton in 1882. Nevertheless, mail, newspapers, and reading matter of all kinds took time — usually a month — to reach Hong Kong from Europe, even at the end of the century. There was also no Interpol to flash news by telegraph or wireless about international swindlers, pretenders and other social pests. The Hong Kong public had to wait several weeks before Le Courrier d'Haiphong brought news of the accusations Father Guerlach had levelled against Mayréna. It was not until 24 December 1888, six weeks after his arrival in Hong Kong, that the general public acquired some knowledge of Mayréna's chicanery and general untrustworthiness. It was not only the pursuit of adventure, of fame or fortune, that drew adventurers to alien shores. Some left their homelands to escape from the cultural constraints and legal bind of their own societies — an escape, as they saw it, into freedom, innocence and, its corollary, libertinage.57 Laurence Hope, the wife of Lieutenant-General M. H. Nicolson of the Bengal Army, in 1902 wrote: Upon the City Ramparts, lit up by sunset gleam, The Blue eyes that conquer, meet the Darker eyes that dream,58 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG 53 NOTES 1 Sir William Des Voeux, My Colonial Service, 2 vols., London 1903. Sir Frederick Lugard, Governor of Hong Kong 1907-1912, also found that 'entertaining was an essential part of governing. Hong Kong Government House was used as a high-class hotel, restaurant and sports club by many of the hundreds of passengers who left their ships to write their names in the Governor's book...socially more exacting were the many distinguished foreigners and Eastern potentates-Chinese and Japanese princes, Indian Rajahs, the Governor of the neighbouring Portuguese Macao, foreign admirals who had to be visited in their warships and later entertained in turn at Government House; ambassadors en route to or from Tokyo or Peking, and many lesser functionaries.' See Margery Perham, Lugard, vol. 2, London, 1960, p. 289. 2 My Colonial Service, vol. 2, p. 234. Sir William Des Voeux (1834-1909) was Governor of Hong Kong from 1887 to 1891, in which year he retired from the colonial service. 3 14 November, 1888. 4 15 November, 1888. 5 16 November, 1888. 6 22 November, 1888. 7 William Van Driesche was the third generation of his family to serve the Morèses. The children used to call him Mr. Willie. 8 There are several photographs of Morès in Donald Dresden, The Marquis de Morès: Emperor of the Bad Lands, Norman, Oklahoma, 1970, and in Charles Droulers, Le Marquis de Morès 1858-1896, Paris, 1932. Morès was six-feet tall, lithe, ramrod-straight, muscular, with a needle-pointed waxed black moustache. He looked every inch a d'Artagnan. 9 Richard Manca, Duke of Vallombrosa, born 1834, married the daughter of the Duke Des Cars, conqueror of Algeria. He had three children, of whom Morès was the eldest. 10 Op. cit., vol. 2, p. 234. 11 Ibid., p. 235. 12 Ibid., p. 235. 13 The Hong Kong Daily Press, 24 November, 1888. The Governor was accompanied on his trip by his wife, young daughter, and James Russell, the Chief Justice. The Colonial Secretary, Frederick Stewart, administered the government in Des Voeux's absence. 14 The China Mail (1845-1911) was edited by George Murray Bain from 1879 until 1908(?). 15 It is not surprising that Des Voeux took a great interest in his betters since promotion in the colonial service in the nineteenth century depended to a large degree on knowing people in high places. 16 No full-scale study of Mayréna has been published as yet; the best book is probably Jean Marquet, Un Aventurier du XIXe siècle: Marie Jer, roi des Sedangs, 1888-1890. Hanoi, 1927; but Maurice Soulié, Marie Jer, roi des Sédangs, 1888-1890, Paris 1927, is amusing though really une vie romancée. The most penetrating essay on Mayréna is that by Marcel Ner, 'Marie Ier, roi des Sedangs: essai sur la psychologie de l'aventure”, Extrême-Asie, Revue Indochinoise (Hanoi), no. 21, March 1928, pp. 397-407 and no. 22, April 1928, pp. 491-498. There are many references to Mayréna ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 54 H. J. LETHBRIDGE in André Malraux, Antimémoires. Paris, 1967, pp. 375-473. There is a short biography in Roman d'Amat and R. Limouzin-Lamothe, eds., Dictionnaire de Biographie Française, Paris, 1965. 17 Souvenirs de Cochinchine par Ch. David de Mayréna, Capitaine d'État-Major, Chevalier de la Légion d'honneur... Toulon, J. Laurent, 1871. 18 See Marcel Ner, 'Marie Ier Roi des Sedangs', Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient (Hanoi), Vol. 27, 1927, p. 316. 19 Ibid., p. 333. 20 Ahnaja, Mayréna's consort, died of tuberculosis in late 1888. She had followed Mayréna from Saigon but they were never legally married. 21 There are many studies of Morès, but most are written from a French nationalist point of view: see, for example, Baron Charles de Donos, Morès: Sa vie, sa mort, Paris, 1899; Auguste Pavy, L'Expédition de Morès, Paris 1897; Félicien Pascal, L'Assassinat de Morès, un crime d'État, Paris, 1902; Jules Delahaye, Les Assassins et les vengeurs de Morès, 3 vols., Paris, 1905-1907; Pierre Frondaie, L'Assassinat du marquis de Morès, Paris, 1934. Of great interest are chapters on Morès in Maurice Barrès, Scènes et doctrines du nationalisme, Paris, 1902, and in Georges Bernanos, La Grande peur des bien-pensants, Paris, 1931. For details on the family see Almanach de Gotha, Gotha, 1890, pp. 390-91. Robert F. Byrnes, Antisemitism in Modern France, vol. 1, New Brunswick, NJ., 1950, contains many illuminating insights into Morès' political career. The most modern study is Donald Dresden's The Marquis de Morès: Emperor of the Bad Lands, 1970, which is particularly good on Morès's adventures in the Far West. 22 One of his fellow cadets was Philippe Pétain (1856-1951), who later became the head of the Vichy Government. Another was the saintly Charles de Foucauld (1858-1916), a missionary in the Sahara. 23 His full name is given in the New York Times Obituary Index as Louis A. von Baron Hoffmann. He died in 1909. His daughter's name, Medora, was probably taken from Byron's poem 'The Corsair'. 24 See Russell Reid, 'The De Morès Historical Site', North Dakota Historical Quarterly, vol. 8, 1941, pp. 272-83. In 1963 Louis Vallombrosa, the Marquis' eldest son, presented the château and the surrounding grounds to the State of North Dakota. 25 See Maurice Soulié, Marie Ier, roi des Sédangs, 1888-1890, Paris, 1927, pp. 122-6. Mlle Dahlberg was supposed to be studying Siamese monuments in Bangkok but she was probably in the pay of the Germans who had recently discovered an interest in the region. Her brother was ostensibly a trader at Haiphong but really engaged in the smuggling of contraband goods. 26 A tour of the East was often a risky venture. Many companies went broke and singers and actresses left penniless and hence vulnerable as a consequence. See, for example, Conrad's novel Victory and Somerset Maugham's story 'Flotsam and Jetsam' for fictional but accurate accounts of the lives of distressed European actresses in the East. 27 Robert Fraser-Smith founded the Hong Kong Telegraph in 1881. He was also its editor and publisher until his death in 1895. The paper was edited from 6 Pedder's Hill and Fraser-Smith employed a staff of about four Europeans, usually Scotsmen, as reporters. As J. S. Thomson in The Chinese (London, 1909) writes: "The newspapers of the Treaty Ports are generally set up by the Macaense (sic) and edited by Scotchmen". Fraser-Smith was constantly involved in libel actions and in 1890 was sentenced to six months imprisonment for libelling J. Minhinett, a foreman in the Public Works Department, by suggesting he had committed rape. He did Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG 55 not serve his full sentence because he was released on grounds of ill-health. But, as Des Voeux notes, the day after his release from Victoria Gaol he was seen avidly betting at the Happy Valley Race Course. He was, clearly a great card and popular with drinking circles in Hong Kong. The Telegraph was an evening newspaper. After Fraser-Smith's death, J. J. Francis became publisher and Chesney Duncan its editor. 28 John Joseph Francis (1839-1901) was educated in Dublin and intended for the Catholic priesthood. But instead of entering the Church he enlisted in the Army, coming out to China in the Royal Artillery during the Second China War. He took his discharge in Hong Kong and commenced the study of law in the office of a Mr. Owens, solicitor. He was admitted to practise as an attorney in 1869 and entered into partnership with another solicitor and soon acquired a lucrative practice. Ambitious, he gained admission to Gray's Inn and was called to the Bar of the Supreme Court of Hong Kong in 1877. By 1888 he was the Colony's leading barrister. Francis was extremely touchy and truculent: in 1895 he returned to the Governor a silver inkstand, given to him in recognition of his work during the plague, on the grounds that the gift did not sufficiently acknowledge his services. He died of apoplexy at Yokohama's Grand Hotel in 1901. A fitting end: he was an apoplectic soul. Francis lived at 'Shirley House' in Bonham Road, a commodious residence with extensive grounds. 29 A. Macmillan, Seaports of the Far East, London, 1923, p. 366. 30 22 November, 1888. The Hong Kong Hotel, situated in Pedder Street, was originally managed by Parsees; in 1866 it came under European management and soon became a first-class hotel with all the facilities of a good West End hotel. 31 7 January, 1889. 32 Soulié states that Mayréna on his way to Hong Kong marooned Afong on Hainan Island but that the intrepid Chinese took passage on a junk and appeared in Hong Kong to haunt the King of the Sedangs. 33 China Mail, 7 January, 1889. 34 George Murray Bain (1842-1909) was born and educated at Montrose, Scotland. He joined the China Mail as a sub-editor and reporter (some say printer) in 1864. In 1875 he became sole proprietor of the China Mail and in 1879 took over the editorship of the paper himself. With N. B. Dennys he started the China Review in 1872. The China Mail was edited from Wyndham Street, a short distance away from the Hong Kong Telegraph on Pedder's Hill. Bain, unlike Fraser-Smith, appears to have been pious, temperate, and acutely respectable. 35 Hong Kong Telegraph, 27 December, 1888. 36 'Drey' was the name of a Sedang locality. 37 China Mail, 24 January, 1889. 38 Hong Kong Telegraph, 25 January, 1889. 39 7 January, 1889. 40 Sir Hugh Clifford, Heroes of Exile, London, 1906, pp. 69-70. Clifford states that it was the Hong Kong merchants 'who had paid his (Mayréna's) passage and had supplied his Majesty with a little ready money' and that they had been actuated partly by a desire to remunerate one from whom they had derived so much entertainment'. Sir Hugh Clifford (1866-1941), a colonial administrator, who served in Pahang from 1887 to 1899, was, apparently, in Hong Kong in late 1888; it is possible that he had taken local leave but I have been unable to confirm the fact. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 56 H. I. LETHBRIDGE 41 In 1838 Charles Mirfin was killed in a duel on Wimbledon Common. The principal escaped abroad but the seconds were found guilty, sentenced to death, but later reprieved. In 1841 the Earl of Cardigan wounded Captain Tuckett in a duel and was accused of 'assault with intent to murder'. In 1852 a group of Frenchmen were indicted for duelling on English soil, sent for trial, and imprisoned. It must have been well known to both Mayréna and Morès that duelling was a criminal offence under English law and that the guilty could not escape easily from a term of imprisonment, even in Hong Kong. In 1872 the Spanish Consul in Hong Kong and the Peruvian Consul in Macao fought a duel at Chinese Kowloon. The Peruvian Consul was wounded by a pistol shot. They were each fined $200 at the Supreme Court in Hong Kong, although the duel had not taken place on Hong Kong soil! 42 ...the duel is a leisure-time institution... In civilised communities it prevails as a normal phenomenon only where there is an hereditary leisure class, and almost exclusively among that class' (Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class, New York, 1934, p. 239.) 43 Alfred Capus (1858-1922) was a well-known journalist and man-about-town. 44 Maurice Mac-Nab (1856-1890) was a chansonnier, poet and notorious noctambule. The Rat Mort was a well-known café-chantant in Montmartre, the haunt of decadents, harlots and pleasure-seekers. The composer Charles de Sivry (1848-1900) was for a long time accompanist at the Cabaret du Chat-noir. He was the brother-in-law of Arthur Rimbaud. 45 At table, for example, the courtiers were expected to wait until the King introduced a topic of conversation. 46 John Fortescue Owen, born in 1869, entered the Federated Malay States Civil Service in 1889 and was appointed Junior Officer and Magistrate, Pahang, in that year. 47 See W. Lineham, 'A History of Pahang', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 14, Part 2, 1936, p. 135. 48 Sir Hugh Clifford, 'The King of the Sedangs', Asia, July-Dec., 1926, p. 920. 49 Edouard Drumont (1844-1917) wrote a famous book, La France Juive, (1886), in which he attempted to demonstrate that France was controlled from behind the scenes by a pack of Jews. 50 R. H. Sherard gives an account of a personal interview with Morès in the Santé prison in The Real Oscar Wilde, London, n.d., pp. 401-2. 51 Morès did not mean to kill Mayer: Mayer impaled himself by running upon Morès's foil. 52 The Marquise offered a large reward for the capture of the assassins. There is a story that she tried to hire a number of cowboys to effect the rescue. She died in 1921 and in her will—a copy of which is in Somerset House, London—she left a sum of money for the erection of a monument at Mechiguig. In 1928 a large granite cross was placed on the spot where Morès fell. Lesley Blanch in her book The Wilder Shores of Love (London, 1954) claims that the Arab-loving Isabelle Eberhardt went in pursuit of Morès' assassins, but I have found no confirmation of the story. 53 Times, 20 July, 1896. 54 Soldiering was also an aristocratic sport, better than the chase. Many people volunteered to fight in wars which did not concern them; see, for example, the career of St. Leger Grenfell, who fought with John Hunt ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG 57 Morgan's cavalry in the American Civil War, or that of Heros von Borcke, a Prussian, who fought with Jeb Stuart in the same conflict. Sir Rutherford Alcock served in Spain as a volunteer during the Carlist wars. 55 See, for example, E. J. Hobsbawm, Bandits, Harmondsworth, 1972. 56 See Blaise Cendrars, Rhum, for an account of the extraordinary Jean Galmot and L'Or, Blaise Cendrars's account of the life of General Johann August Suter, the 'owner' of California. 57 Protos in André Gide's Les Caves du Vatican says: 'Savez-vous ce qu'il faut pour faire de l'honnête homme un gredin? Il suffit d'un dépaysement, d'un oubli'. The idea of 'dépaysement' (i.e., to remove someone from his usual surroundings) is a key concept for the understanding of the adventurer. 58 Laurence Hope, The Garden of Karma, London, 1902, p. 144. 59 Oliver Bernard, ed., Rimbaud, Harmondsworth, 1962, pp. 304-5. 60 A final footnote on this article should be Malraux's comment that: 'L'aventurier est un personnage du XIXe siècle, qui déborde sur le XVIIIe aux Indes, et un peu sur le XX.' See André Malraux, Antimémoires, p. 378. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA 59 must have bred with other unknown races of horses to produce the big-headed pony with an erect mane and a shaggy winter coat sometimes depicted on Shang oracle bones.5 Dogs and Horses in Shang Times Both dogs and horses were often mentioned on Shang oracle bones. Questions concerning the whereabouts of lost dogs and queries as to the success or failure of hunting expeditions to capture wild horses have been recorded. But we also have other testimony from Shang times which shows that in ancient Chinese society, dogs and horses served other purposes as well. Systematic excavation of Shang tombs began in 1928, and since 1953 the Chinese Government has undertaken a number of archaeological campaigns to excavate Shang sites in and around An-yang (Honan), the Shang capital from 1300 to 1028 B.C. As a result, we know that building of palaces and houses was accompanied by an elaborate ritual requiring both animal and human sacrifices. At one site, Hsiao-t’ung, a large number of buildings were excavated and 187 ceremonial pits used to immolate the victims of various consecration ceremonies were discovered. Bones of a total number of 825 human victims, 15 horses, 10 oxen, 18 sheep, and 35 dogs were unearthed.7 The large number of dogs sacrificed here as well as at other sites has led Professor Cheng Te-k'un to claim that: “There is hardly a tomb, regular or royal, or a building of any kind that was concluded without the sacrifice of a dog.”8 But dogs were not only sacrificed during consecration ceremonies. Shang oracle bones refer to other rites requiring dogs as sacrificial victims. In particular, there was the Ning (*) rite during which a dog was dismembered to placate the four winds or honour the four directions. Dogs and Horses in Chou Times The above sacrifice was carried over into Chou times. In his comments on a similar ceremony described in the Er Ya, Kuo P'o (276-364 A.D.) mentions that in his day it was still customary to dismember a dog to “bring the four winds to a halt.” (£).9 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA 65 On the other hand the large number of terms such as “hsing” ( ) “han” (*) “wei” (*) “nao” (闹) “hsiao” (咲) and “fei” (吠)52 to denote a dog's bark are apparently attempts to reproduce phonetically the barking sounds of various breeds of dogs.53 Possibly the first reference to a dog in Chinese literature is to the Ao (獒) a dog supposedly sent as tribute to Chou Hsun (1154-1122 B.C.) by a tribe called the Western Liu of whom nothing else is known.54 This was a very large dog which could “know a man's mind”. The size of the Ao always intrigued Chinese authors and one commentator, Kuo Po (502-556 A.D.) claimed that the Ao was a red dog as large as a donkey.55 A statement which may possibly have been known to Marco Polo and caused him to write when speaking of Tibet: "The people of Tibet are an ill-conditioned race. They have mastiffs as big as donkeys." This short paper has attempted to show some pre-Han attitudes towards dogs and horses, but it cannot be concluded without referring to another point. It was not until Buddhism had become firmly implanted in China that we find stories celebrating canine loyalty and devotion to man. Until then, classical literature usually qualified dogs as hui (狡), treacherous, chiao (狡) crafty and ssu (思) restless. 1 Anderson, p. 102. 2 Erkes(1), pp. 186-187. 3 Anderson, pp. 120-121. 4 Erkes(2), pp. 27-28. 5 Anderson, p. 29; Yetts, p. 237. 6 Creel, p. 210. 7 Cheng, Vol. 11, p. 55. 8 Cheng, Vol. 11, p. 90. 9 Schindler(2), pp. 631-632. NOTES 10 Couvreur, Vol. 1, pp. 352, 405, 406. 11 Biot, Vol. 11, p. 259; Chou Li, 8/22b. 12 Biot, Vol. 11, p. 364; Chou Li, 9/30b. 13 Schindler(1), pp. 356, 359, 364. 14 Creel, p. 142/43; Couvreur I, 235. 15 Erkes(2), p. 59. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 66 CAROLE MORGAN 16 Chavannes, Vol. 111, p. 420; Ssu-Ma Ch'ien, 28/4a-5b. 17 Biot, Vol. 11, p. 261; Chou Li, 8/23a. 18 Schindler(1), p. 625. 19 Biot, Vol. 11, p. 256; Chou Li, 8/21a. 20 Biot, Vol. 11, p. 261/62; Chou Li, 8/23a. 21 Erkes(2), p. 45. 22 Biot, Vol. 11, p. 259/60; Chou Li, 8/22b. 23 Biot, Vol. 11, p. 259-260; Chou Li, 8/22b. 24 Schindler(1), p. 314. 23 Dubs, Vol. 111, p. 402, note 10. 26 Erkes(2), pp. 59-60. 27 Biot, Vol. 1, p. 80; Chou Li, 1/33a. 28 Couvreur, Vol. 1, p. 646. 29 Mu Tien Tzu Chuan, 2,2a., 3,3b., 4,24. 30 Erkes(1), p. 206; Couvreur 11, p. 17. 31 Couvreur, Vol. 1, p. 659. 32 Couvreur, Vol. 1, p. 640. 33 Couvreur, Vol. 1, p. 642. 34 Couvreur, Vol. 1, p. 644. 35 Couvreur, Vol. 1, p. 101. 36 Couvreur, Vol. 1, p. 374. 37 Burkhardt, Vol. 111, p. 91. 38 Couvreur, Vol. 1, p. 735 note. 39 Couvreur, Vol. 11, p. 16. 40 Couvreur, Vol. 11, p. 17. 41 Couvreur, Vol. 1, p. 104. A Cheng, Vol. 11, p. 55; B Chang, p. 138. 42 Chavannes, Vol. 5, p. 69; Ssu Ma Ch'ien, 43, 8b/9b. 43 Dubs, Vol. 11, pp. 133-135. 44 Schafer, p. 60. 45 Dubs, Vol. 11, pp. 133-135. 46 Schafer, p. 60. 47 Erkes(1), p. 207. 48 Laufer, pp. 267, 277. 49 Schafer, p. 77. 50 Laufer, p. 266. 51 Cheng, Vol. 111, p. 235. 52 Karlgren series 251. 53 Erkes(1), pp. 120, 121. 54 Laufer, p. 255. 55 Laufer, p. 260. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 70 KEITH G. STEVENS and Kwangtung, the Southern maritime coastal boat people's stylized wooden images and the stone, porcelain and hard stone household images of the wealthy. However, it is the Fukienese style I am about to describe, although the carving styles of the Teochew and Hokkien in Singapore do not differ all that markedly (Plates 6 and 7). The Singaporean god carvers were well versed in recognizing the mode and marks of craftsmen from the other Southern Chinese maritime provinces, particularly the handiwork of their forefathers, and each master carver has a widely recognized style of his own. One carver spent considerable time showing me the variations which principally occur in the decoration on the front face of the base of the image. A hundred years ago special artists were employed to paint this "front face trade mark”, one of the more exquisite being a rose on a long stem adopted by a Foochow city carver of note, The carvers did not work from plans or sketches, having a clear idea of the image in their mind; but it took all my powers of persuasion to make one of the carvers sit down and sketch the main features of as many gods as possible, as he knew them (Plate 8). When questioned about how specific were the individual gods' features and markings, it was soon apparent that each carver had his own ideas about head-dresses, robes, beards and also, rather surprisingly, over posture. An example was the carving of Lu F'ung P'in (Plate 7), a famous doctor, the patron of barbers and one of the Eight Immortals. There were many variations, the carvers agreed, and each carver knew he wore a flat “tile” hat, carried a fly whisk, an umbrella or a gourd and was robed in blue; and when I produced an image of him wearing green robes, they fell over themselves claiming the decorator had been either ignorant or colour blind. Having been unanimous about this, however, they promptly disagreed over the Northern Emperor (✯✯✯) whose recognition features are a snake and tortoise, bare feet, unkempt hair and a fore finger of the left hand pointing vertically at waist height. Quite a riotous scene ensued during which snippets from various books such as the Ming dynasty novel "The Deification of the Gods" (###), and quotes from great carvers, together with recollections of their handiworks, were voiced to prove a point. It was quite obvious that the carvers were far from unanimous about details of the Northern Emperor figure. The tortoise could ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 84 ROBIN MCLACHLAN NOTES 1 Nottingham County Record Office, Bristowe Papers - DDBB 113, items 31-39. The dates and places of writing of the seven letters relevant to this paper are: No. 33, Hong Kong, February 12, 1843; No. 34, H.M.S. Melville on the Yangtze off Nanking, August 16(?), 1842; No. 35, Chusan, October 11, 1842; No. 36, Hong Kong, November 25, 1842; No. 37, Hong Kong, December 18, 1842; No. 38, Hong Kong, May 6, 1843; and No. 39, Hong Kong, October 29, 1843. (Further footnote reference will be by item number, i.e. 33-39). 2 H. G. Hart, The New Annual Army Lists for 1842 to 1847 (London: John Murray, 1842-1847), p. 250 (98th Regiment) and p. 137 (11th Hussars); and, Sir Bernard Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Peerage and Baronetage of the British Empire (London: Hurst & Blacket, 1857), p. 110 (Bradford). The original Orlando Bridgeman lived in the seventeenth century and among other accomplishments was the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. See the Concise Dictionary of National Biography, I (to 1900), p. 143. 4 No. 34. 5 No. 35. 6 No. 34. 7 No. 37. 8 No. 35. 9 No. 36. 10 No. 36. 11 No. 37. 12 No. 37. 13 No. 37, Postscript on inside of envelope, dated December 28, 1842. 14 No. 33. 15 No. 38. 16 No. 37. 17 No. 39. 18 No. 39. 19 No. 35. 20 No. 34. 21 No. 35. 22 No. 38. 23 No. 39. 24 Hart, 1846, p. 137. Bridgeman now rated the distinction of a footnote detailing his experiences in war. It read "Lt. Bridgeman served in the 98th with the Expedition to the North of China in 1842, and was present at the attack and capture of Chin Kiang Foo, and at the landing before Nankin." 25 Ibid., 1847 and 1848, p. 137. 26 Burke, 1914, p. 286 (Bradford). I have not been able to locate a newspaper obituary for Bridgeman. As he spent his last years in Shrewsbury (11 Berwick Road to be exact) there may be an obituary in the press of that district. Page 90 Page 91 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 REFERENCES Chichester, F. 1964 The Lonely Sea and Sky. Hodder and Stoughton Ltd., London, Chap. 20. Gherzi, E. 1923 Etude sur les microseismes. Notes de Seismologie, Obs. Zikawei No. 5, pp. 1-16. 1925 Typhoons and statics. The Marine Observer, Met. Off., London. 1932 Cyclones and microseisms. Gerlands Beitr. Geophysik, 36, p. 20. 1946 Ionospheric reflections and weather forecasting for Eastern China. Bull. Amer. Meteor. Soc., 27, p. 114. 1947 Zikawei observatory. Weather, 2, p. 181. 1950 Ionosphere and weather. Nature, 165, p. 38. 1951 Meteorology of China. 2 Vols. Imprensa Nacional de Macau. 1952 Ionosphere and Weather. Scientific Note No. 3, The Observatory, Macau. 1953 Derivation of the word 'Typhoon'. Weather, 8, p. 144. 1954 Unrealistic weather maps over continents. Ibid, 9, p. 386. Walker, J. M. 1967 Subterranean isobars. Ibid, 22, p. 296. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA, HISTOIRE GENERALE DE LA CHINE RICHARD Gregg Irwin Introduction Many years ago a student of mine, then in Peking, named Richard Gregg Irwin, sent me a draft of a paper he had written on the sources of the well-known Histoire générale de la Chine by Père de Mailla. I thought it worthy of publication and promised to help him in the revision. In the meantime he was caught in the war with Japan and imprisoned in Weihsien; by the time he returned to the United States he was wholly absorbed in completing his dissertation, which eventually was published in the Harvard-Yenching Institute Studies as The Evolution of a Chinese Novel: Shui-hu-chuan. Duties of an exacting sort at the East Asiatic Library of the University of California followed in Berkeley, and he died prematurely in 1968 without finding the leisure to turn again to his initial study of de Mailla's magnum opus, still the longest history of China in a western language. Now that the undersigned has completed his work on Ming biographies it has occurred to him to make the necessary revisions, so that Mr. Irwin's essay may see the light of day. This seems all the more timely as de Mailla's history has recently (1967) been reprinted by the Ch'eng-wen Publishing Company, Taipei. Columbia University, 21st May, 1974. THE NOTES L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH A false impression is given by the full title of de Mailla's Histoire générale de la Chine, ou annales de cet empire; traduites du Tong-Kien-Kang-Mou, par le feu Père Joseph-Anne-Marie de Mailla, Jésuite français, missionaire à Pekin; publiées par M. l'Abbé Grosier Paris, 1777-1783. - 12v., which describes it as translated from the T'ung-chien kang-mu. This work, in 104 chüan, comprising the main body of the history, written about 1190 under the supervision of the celebrated Chu Hsi (1130-1200), together with its commentaries, an introductory section based on the writings ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA 93 of Chin Lü-hsiang ✯✯✯(1232-1303), and a supplementary section prepared by Shang Lu j (1415-86) and others under imperial order of 1476, was available to de Mailla in the edition of 1708.1 But it carries Chinese history only to the end of the Yuan dynasty, whereas the Histoire générale in its final form includes the Ming and Ch'ing periods to 1780, the 45th year of the Ch'ien-lung reign, Since de Mailla's manuscript was sent to France in 1737,2 where it remained unpublished for forty years, it is evident not only that the author relied on sources other than the T'ung-chien kang-mu to continue his record beyond the Yuan period, but also that the final chapters are not his at all. There is no secret involved in these facts, credit generally being given where due by the published Histoire générale. But the usual tendency to consider the matter as closed when one has attributed the work to de Mailla and indicated the T'ung-chien kang-mu as his source is misleading. Volumes I-IX represent an abridged translation of the Kang-mu; for Vol. X, which treats of the Ming period, four other Chinese sources were employed. They are indicated in the editor's footnote to Vol. X, pp. 1-3, as follows: + Les trois auteurs que le Père de Mailla a suivis sur ce qui concerne les MING, sont le docteur Kou-yng-tai, examinateur des lettrés du Tché-kiang, dont l'ouvrage, intitulé Ming-ssé-ki-sse-pen-mo ou Faits historiques de la dynastie des MING a été publié par Fou-y-tché, premier ministre de Chun-chi, empereur des TSING: ce ministre en faisant tant de cas, que non content d'en être l'éditeur, il y a ajouté une preface de sa façon. Le second auteur, d'après lequel le Père de Mailla a rédigé l'histoire des MING, est Tchu-tsing yen docteur du premier ordre & gouverneur de Nan-yang-fou du Ho-nan. Son ouvrage, fait sur le modèle du Tong-kien-kang-mu, a pour titre, Tong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai, c'est-à-dire, Suite complette de la dynastie des MING-Tchang-yn, president du tribunal des Rits & ministre d'état, le publia la trente-cinquième année du règne de Kang-hi. Enfin le troisième écrivain, que le Père de Mailla a consulté sur les MING est le fameux lettré Tchong-pé-king, qui vivoit sous cette dynastie, au temps qu'elle perdit le sceptre impérial. Son Ouvrage, intitulé Ming-ki-pien-nien; c'est-à-dire, Annales de la dynastie des MING, fut rendu public la quarante-septième année de Kang-hi, plus de cinquante ans après la mort de l'auteur. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 94 R. G. IRWIN Ces trois historiens des MING sont particulièrement distingués à la Chine, & personne n'y révoque en doute les faits qu'ils rapportent; c'est sur leur réputation de fidélité & d'exactitude que le Père de Mailla les a adoptés de préférence aux autres. II a encore puisé dans un recueil de discours & instructions de HONG-VOU, fondateur des MING, que Chun-chi des TSING a fait traduire en tartare pour son usage particulier dans le gouvernement de son nouvel empire & pour l'instruction des grands de sa cour. Ce recueil est intitulé, Ming-kou-lou-hong-vou-han-y-oyong-tatsi-yen; c'est-à-dire, Documens importans de l'empereur HONG-VOU, de la dynastie des MING. These authors and their works may well have been renowned at the time of de Mailla, but two centuries later their very identification presents a problem, the results of which are herewith summarized: 1. Ku Ying-t'ai (T. Keng-yü),3 who is credited with the authorship of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-moa by the editors of the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu¤$£$#!' was a native of Feng-jun, Pei-Chihli. After taking the chin-shih degree in 1647 he held a secretaryship in the ministry of Revenue, and later in the Chekiang provincial board of education. The history, a work in 80 chüan, each devoted to a separate topic, carries a preface dated 1658.6 On the whole, it is a well-ordered record of the Ming period. Factual errors, which occur, for example, in connection with Chu Yün-wen, who reigned as Emperor Hui (1399-1402), and again with Chang Ma, better known as Empress I-an (consort of Chu Yu-chiao, emperor of the T'ien-ch'i period, 1621-27), are accounted for by the lack of any such standard source as the official history at the time of composition. But the Ssu-k'u editors are of the opinion that the author has handled the available material well. Whether Ku should be given entire credit for its authorship is open to question, however, since it seems to have been based on Shih-kuei ts'ang-shu♬ §#*, for which he is reported to have paid Chang Tai of Shan-yin, Chekiang, some 500 pieces of gold. Fu I-li# » † (fl. 1862-74), in a colophon, discusses the problem at length, concluding that Chang Tai's material passed through the hands of Hsu Ch'ao-li, who re-wrote it. Ku, in turn, re-worked this, and cannot be accused of out and out plagiarism. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA 95 His own writings may, however, have suffered just this fate, for the section of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-mo dealing with the Tung-lin party is identical with Chiang P'ing-chieh's10 Tung-lin shih-mo✶✶✶✶. Hsieh Kuo-chen explains this as due to the fact that historians of the late Ming period freely exchanged their materials and copied each other, so that portions of a complete work were sometimes published by more than one man and under different titles. 2. Chu Lin14 (T, Ch'ing-yen†) was a native of Shang-yü, Chekiang,11 who rose to be prefect of Nan-yang Honan, in 1690.12 The Ming-chi chi-lüeh •*#* (based on the Huang Ming t'ung-chi✯ of Ch'en Chien [1497-1567]) which he compiled, was published in 1696 in 16 chüan.13 As Wolfgang Franke writes, this is found in various editions, one of them being the T'ung-chien Ming-chi ch'üan-tsai ih # 124,4 which is cited as one of de Mailla's sources. The preface, dated 1696, was written by Chang Ying15 (minister of ceremonies in 1692, who served as grand secretary in 1699-1701),16 who is credited by the note with the publication of T'ong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai. The Ming-chi chi-lüeh had an interesting history after de Mailla's time. In 1771 the ministry of ceremonies entertained a request from the Korean court for the "correction" of that portion of the Chi-lüeh pertaining to the palace revolution of 1623.17 But a search of the capital at this time revealed not a single copy for sale. The Board concluded that it was no longer circulating in China, and its recommendation that “the king be ordered to search for them18 in his own country and [if found] prohibit and burn them in order to stop doubts" received imperial approval. Four years later the sending of a copy of the Chi-lüch to Peking to be burned occasioned a special imperial edict explaining why suppression was unnecessary, in which no mention was made of the objection raised by Korea.19 3. It is true that Chung Hsing (T, Po-ching (k), a native of Ching-ling, Hukuang, who lived from 1574 to 1625, is generally credited with writing the first eight of the twelve chüan Ming-chi pien-nien %, which covered the years 1368-1627.19 But this is obviously out of the question as he died two years before the terminal date. Wolfgang Franke20 suggests that Chung Hsing may have left the work unfinished, or that, as he was primarily a poet, his name may have been "used after his death by editors and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 96 R. G. IRWIN "publishers for advertisement of spurious writings." In any case this work was subsequently proscribed by the Ch'ien-lung emperor, exception being taken especially to the last four chuan, written by Wang Ju-nan (T. Chi-yung), a fellow townsman of Chung Hsing, whose preface is dated 1660. It furnishes a record of the final years of the Ming and the advent of the Ch'ing. The sympathy of the author for the former is manifest by the preservation of its chronology throughout, i.e. to 1645/6. Copies of this work are available in several important libraries, such as the National Central Library (Taichung), the Naikaku Bunko (Tokyo), the Library of Congress (Washington), and the University of Leiden. The copy at Columbia University lacks chuan 11 and 12, and that at the Library of Congress has had its objectionable features partially effaced, "but in no case sufficiently as to be illegible." 4. The modern romanization of "Ming-kouron-hong-vou-y-oyongo Taisi-yen” is “xoeng u i oyonggo tacixiyan," which proves to be a Manchu version of Hung-wu pao-hsün, the translation having been done by Kang Lin and others. It is in 6 chuan, and was published in 1646, the 3rd year of Shun-chih. de Mailla, who was in China from 1703 to 1748, relied on three sources, in addition to his personal observation, for the account of the early Ch'ing period which comprises Vol XI. The editor's introductory note (Vol. XI, page 2) refers to them as follows: On a déjà parlé, dans un note sur les MING, du Tong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai, publié la quinzième année de Kang-hi: le docteur Tchu-tsiny-yen, qui en est l'auteur, a conduit ce morceau d'histoire jusqu'en 1659, que les princes de la famille des MING perdirent tout-à-fait l'espérance de recouvrer le sceptre impériale. Le P. de Mailla a écrit d'après lui; & quand cette source a tari, il a en recours au Tsin-tching-ping-ting-sou-han-fang-lio, ou relation des guerres que l'empereur Gin-ti (Kang-hi) fit au Kaldan des Eleutes. Ces Mémoires, rédigés par quatre ministres d'état & par soixante-dix mandarins tant Chinois que Mantchéous, choisis dans le tribunal des Hanlin & parmi les docteurs du premier ordre, sont écrits dans les deux langues, Chinois & Tartare; ils contiennent le détail de l'expédition contre les Eleutes, & l'abrégé des autres événemens du règne de Kang-hi ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA 97 jusqu'à sa quarantième année: Ce prince les revit lui-même, y ajouta une préface de sa façon, & les fit imprimer dans son palais la quarante-septième année de son règne: il en distribua un exemplaire à chacun des grands de sa cour, défendant expressément d'en laisser paraître aucun au-dehors; cependant le P. de Mailla est parvenu à se procurer un de ces exemplaires, qui lui a fourni les détails qu'il donne de l'expédition contre les Eleutes, à laquelle Kang-hi marcha en personne, & où il acquit beaucoup de gloire. Ce que le Missionaire historien dit de l'île Formose, que les Chinois appellent Taï-ouan, est tiré du Tchi-chu, ou Mémoires historiques de ces îles, rédigés sur les ordres de Kang-hi, par les plus habiles lettrés du Fou-kien. Le docteur Tchu-tsing-yen lui a encore fourni le complément de l'histoire du fameux pirate Tchin-tchi-long & de son fils Tching-tching-kong, qui chassa les Hollandais des îles Formoses, où il se forma une principauté indépendante, que Kang-hi n'enleva au prince Taï-van, son petit-fils. We have already discussed the first of these works, Chu Lin's Ming-chỉ chi-lüeh; as for the discrepancy between the notes concerning its date of publication, the 35th year of K’ang-hsi, 1696, is correct. The account of Koxinga's campaign against the Dutch in Formosa, specifically attributed to this source, erroneously dates it as 1659,23 instead of 1661. I have been unable to determine whether the blame should be attached to Chu Lin, as de Mailla's editor surmises,24 or to the good father himself, who has elsewhere recorded the date properly.2 The second, Ch'in-cheng p’ing-ting shuo-mo fang-lüeh *****, provides a detailed account of the K'ang-hsi emperor's difficulties with the Eleuthes, 1677-98, including his campaigns against Galdan (d. 1697).26 Both Manchu27 and Chinese versions are extant, the latter, in 48 chüan (plus 1 chüan of geographical description) having been published with an imperial preface in 1708.28 The director-general of the compilation was Chang Yü-shu # 1₺ (1642-1711) who, in 1696, had accompanied the emperor on his campaign.29 I am at a loss to identify the third, "Tchi-chu," or the "historical memoirs" of Formosa, said to have been "drawn up at the command of K'ang-hsi by the most able scholars of Fukien."30 In addition to this source of information, de Mailla must have profited from a trip ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 98 R. G. IRWIN of investigation which he and two other Jesuit fathers had made to Formosa in 1714.31 Having carried his record to the close of the K'ang-hsi period, de Mailla ventured no further into contemporary history. Some forty years later the task of recording the subsequent Yung-cheng and Ch'ien-lung periods (to 1780) was assumed by M. le Roux des Hautesrayes32 of the Collège Royal de France. It should be noted that whereas de Mailla had scrupulously confined himself to Chinese (and in one instance Manchu) sources, the contribution of des Hautesrayes, in Vol. XI, pages 369-610, was based, not on Chinese texts at all, but on the writings of Jesuit missionaries, available in the volumes of Lettres édifiantes edited by Père du Halde and in the collection Mémoires concernant les Chinois,33 Vol. XII, containing “a note on the customs, sciences, and arts of the Chinese,” a table of reign titles, a summary of geographical nomenclature, an alphabetical index, etc., is also the work of des Hautesrayes. But the essays on Cochin China and Tongking, said to have been based on Chinese sources, are specifically attributed to P. Gaubil, and taken from Lettres édifiantes, Vol. XXXI.34 By translating the part relating to China in Fischer's Histoire de Sibirie, 1774 (in Russian), Stollenwerck has provided the note concerning the first attempts of the Russians against the Chinese.35 Abbé Grosier, who had been intimately connected with the publication of the earlier volumes, brought out in 1785 a supplement entitled "Description générale de la Chine ou Tableau de l'État Actuel de cet empire.” Individual copies have circulated independently, but it is commonly considered as Vol. XIII of the series, and its author is justifiably included in a review of those who share in the completed work. The present paper, it will be seen, makes no attempt either to evaluate the sources which have been identified, nor the manner in which de Mailla employed them. Its purpose has been simply to correct a popular misconception with regard to the relation between the T'ung-chien kang-mu and de Mailla's Histoire générale. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA 99 NOTES 1 Cf. Robert des Rotours, Traité des Examens, traduit de la Nouvelle Histoire de T'ang (Paris, 1932), 82, n. 1. As des Rotours writes, "C'est cet ouvrage qui a été traduit par de Mailla, en partie sur la version mandchoue.” 2 de Mailla, Vol. I, xxvii. 3 Cf. Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, 1:426. (Hereafter abbreviated as ECCP). 4 This work's original title (1658) was later changed to Ming-shih chi-shih pen-mo, by which it is generally known. Cf. W. Franke, An Introduction to the sources of Ming history (Kuala Lumpur, 1968), 2.2.11. (Hereafter abbreviated as Franke, Introduction.) 5 Edition of 1930, 49/6b. (Hereafter abbreviated as SKCS catalogue.) 6 This paragraph of appraisal is based on the SKCS catalogue, loc. cit. 7 See biography of Chang Tai by Fang Chao-ying in ECCP, I:53. 8 This paragraph on the origin of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-mo is based on Hsieh Kuo-chen, Wan-Ming shih-chi k'ao (Peiping, 1931), 1/26-28. 9 A native of Te-ch'ing, Chekiang, who graduated as chin-shih in 1673. Hsieh Kuo-chen, loc. cit. 10 A native of Chia-shan, Chekiang, who later moved to Hua-t'ing, Nan-Chihli. He flourished in the last years of the Ming and into the K'ang-hsi period. Cf. Hua-t'ing-hsien chih (1878-9 ed.), 15/38a. On his book, see C. O. Hucker's essay on the Tung-lin in J. K. Fairbank (ed.), Chinese Thought and Institutions (Chicago, 1957), 369, n. 12. 11 See Shang-yü-hsien chih (1890), 11/20b. 12 See Nan-yang-fu chih (1807), 4b. 13 Franke, Introduction 1.3.9. (d). 14 idem. 1.3.9, (c). 15 His biography in ECCP, I:64, is also by Fang Chao-ying. 16 A great favorite of the emperor, he was known to the Jesuit missionaries at court as Cham ym. See P. Pelliot's discussion of the Brevis Relatio (1701) on the rites question in T'oung Pao, 23 (1924), 365. 17 L. C. Goodrich, “Korean interference with Chinese historical records," JRAS, No. China br., 68 (1937), 32. 18 L. C. Goodrich, The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-lung (Baltimore, 1935), 138, n. 3. 19 Hsieh Kuo-chen, op. cit., 1/20a; J. J. L. Duyvendak, T'oung Pao, 32 (1936), 343. 20 Franke, Introduction, 1.3.8. 21 SKCS catalogue, 193/6b, sub entry on Ming shih kuei. 22 See Walter Fuchs, Beiträge zur Mandjurischen Bibliographie und Literatur (Tokyo, 1936), 124. The T'ai-tsu shih-lu bao-xun is included in the Ming shih-lu fulu, published in Taipei, 1967. 23 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 50. Cf. ECCP I: 109, sub Cheng Ch'eng-kung. 24 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 52. Page 105 Page 106 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 100 R. G. IRWIN 25 Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des Missions Étrangères (Paris, 1781, nouvelle édition), Vol. XVIII, 455-6. 26 SKCS catalogue, 49/3b. 27 See W. Fuchs, op. cit., 101; also Chinesische und Mandjurische handschriften und seltene drucke (Wiesbaden, 1966), 137, no. 43. 28 T'ao Hsiang, Ku-kung tien-pen shu-k’u hsüan-ts'un-mu (Peiping, 1933), 2/1a. 29 Biography by Fang Chao-ying in ECCP I: 65-6. See also his biography of Galdan in ibid. I: 267-8. 30 Any work ordered by the emperor should be listed in the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu catalogue. But no title remotely resembling this is included. My colleague, Mr. Fang Chao-ying, hazards the guess that de Mailla is referring here to Ming-chi chi-shih by a Fukienese scholar, Lin Shih-shan (T.), a native of T'ung-an in Ch'üan-chou prefecture, whose work in 10 or more chüan on the conquest of Fukien covers the years 1646-1683. This has never been published; de Mailla must have consulted a manuscript copy, several of which are known to have existed. Cf. Liu Hsien-t'ing (1648-95, see ECCP 1: 521) in his Kuang yang tsa-chi (Shanghai, 1957), 2/83, who mentions learning that a certain Yang Yu-liang had seen a copy in Peking. 31 A detailed letter concerning this trip and his observations was written to Père de Colonia in August, 1715; see Lettres édifiantes (1781), Vol. XVIII, 413-67. 32 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 369, n. 1. 33 Idem. 34 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XII, 1, n. 1. The reference is to the 1703-76 edition of Lettres édifiantes, in 34 vols. 35 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XII, 61-62, notice historique. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 THE HONG KONG REGION 109 plexities of local settlement and the absorption of the aboriginal dwellers of the area in the past thousand years. For a general account, readers are referred to the works by Lo Hsiang-lin (1959, 1963), K.M.A. Barnett, (1957, 1967) and the earlier writings of Krone (1859), G.N. Orme (1912) and S.F. Balfour (1941) cited in the references to this article. Introduction* For present purposes the Hong Kong region is defined as the present British Crown Colony of Hong Kong (403.7 square miles)1 and the immediately adjoining parts of Kwangtung province with which there has been intermittent official concern following the establishment of Hong Kong 134 years ago. This takes in the districts round the market town of Sham Chun north of the present Sino-British frontier, occupied by British troops between 16th May and 13th September 18992, and the areas of Mirs and Bias Bays to the east of the Colony that were often visited by British naval forces in their suppression of piracy in local waters during much of the 19th century and well into the 20th3. (See map). At the time the British occupied Hong Kong island in 1841, the whole of this area, less Bias Bay, formed part of the Hsin-an district of the Kuang-chou prefecture of Kwangtung province. The place names and geographical features of the region are shown in many contemporary and earlier Chinese sources, whilst the large scale European map produced in 1866 by Msgr. Volontieri, an Italian missionary of the Propaganda, provides rather more local detail4. In time the British came to occupy a greater part of Hsin-an district. Their occupation of Hong Kong island in January 1841 was converted into possession by the Treaty of Nanking in August 1842. British territory was extended by the lease in perpetuity of Kowloon under a deed dated 20th March 1860 and the cession of the same area by article VI of the Convention of Peking 24th 1 CR1971, p. 204; this figure includes recent reclamations. 2 See Groves, pp. 52-55. 3 For the early period see Fox and Dalrymple Hay. Two expeditions to Bias Bay in March and September 1927 were noted in AR1927, K16: and as late as 1947 piracy in Mirs Bay kept Hong Kong fishermen in port; CR1947, p. 46. 4 The KTTS of 1865 provides more detailed maps of Hsin-an and its adjoining areas than are given in the district and prefectural histories (HNHC and KCFC); see the general chart at pp. 1-2 of the opening volume. For the Volontieri map, which includes Chinese characters, see Ronald C. Y. Ng (1969) pp. 141-148 and Hayes (1970) pp. 193-196. * For the place names of Hong Kong see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, Hong Kong Government Printer, 1960: hereafter styled Gazetteer. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 CHAN TSUEN TƯỞNG CƯ HẢI P I SHEK KI PEARL RIVER DELTA MACAU НАМ ТАЏ تي PAD-AN HSIEN ĮPRESENT. KOWLOON. AWELSHIN MAVEN T TAM SHUI TAI PANG x GHUM CHUN ISHA TAG KOK AHAS PAY Таг YUEN LONG * KAM TIN PING SHAN CASTLE PEAK TSUẸN WAN SHA TINKUNGA SAI L KOWLNOW CITY TING CHEUNG x נל SHA WAMLINE LINGAU TAU KOK SHA LÓ WANTE TRUNG CHUNG LANTAU ISLAND PUI 01 PENG CHAJ „MUT WO ISLAND ITẠI TAM TUK SHEK PIK ABERDEEN. (CHEUNG CHAU LAMMA, ISLAND AP LET CHAU BELŞ BAY до +2 110 LO MAN SHAR TAM VON SHAN (LEMA ISLANDS) MAP OF HONG KONG REGION JAMES HAYES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 THE HONG KONG REGION 111 October 1860, and again by the lease of the New Territories by the Convention of Peking in June 18981. The population of the region was probably around 100,000 in 1898, including boat people. These persons inhabited — in round figures — a thousand villages and a number of market centres. Seven hundred of these settlements were located within the present New Territories of Hong Kong, with many others around Sham Chun and in Hong Kong island and Kowloon. The Punti or Cantonese-speaking element accounted for rather more than half the land population, with Hakka speakers comprising most of the remainder. The boat population, mainly Tanka, lived afloat in the main.2 Descriptions of the geography and climate of the present British Crown Colony are generally applicable to the Hong Kong region. They have long been given in the Hong Kong annual reports. The most recent is supplied in the opening sections of chapter 18 of the report for 1974.3 1. The Hong Kong Region in the wider scene: some historical and geographical considerations In Ch'ing times Hsin-an was one of the 14 hsien of the Kuang-chou prefecture. The designation fu or 'prefecture' was adopted only at the start of the Ming dynasty but the area of Canton and the Delta had long been administered under various designations that changed through the centuries and with dynastic change. The oldest of its hsien, Nan-hai, was established in the Sui dynasty in the year 590-591; the next, P'an-yu in 703-704 during the Tang; with the rest becoming separate districts at various times until the first year of Wan Li of the Ming (1573-1574) when, finally, Hsin-an was created from one of the former commanderies of Tung-kuan district (a hsien of 973-974) established in the 27th year of the first Ming ruler (1394-1395). 1 The relevant documents are given in Alabaster, III, pp. 2-4 and 6-8. 2 See Baker 1968: 3-4. Also the Colony Census for 1911 in SP1911: 103(27-36) and (37-38), though it does not list all the villages of the Southern District of the New Territories or of New Kowloon. 3 CR1974, pp. 176-178. 4 See e.g. TCITC 41/1 and KCFC 6/10. 5 KCFC 6/1-10 and YCKC 4/1-9. 6 KTTC 2/93 and KTKKCY 1/1. The administrative areas to which the Hsin-an district belonged from the Ch'in dynasty (221-207 B.C.) onwards are shown in KCFC 6/24 and in HNHC 1/1. The date of the establishment of the commandery is given as Hung Wu 27 in HNHC 1/3, KTKKCY 1/1, TCITC 41/3 and KTTC 2/93, but as Hung Wu 14 in KCFC 6/24. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 112 JAMES HAYES This recital tells its own story. Hsin-an hsien was not one of the glories of the prefecture. In that useful compendium on the Kwangtung province, the Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao of 1893, only the counties of Nan-hai, P'an-yu and Tung-kuan were singled out for mention in the section dealing with the customs and traditions of the Kuang-chou prefecture. These entries speak of the elegant dress and manners of Nan-hai, of its literary and cultured atmosphere, and of how every palace examination brought forth the names of successful local candidates; of the profusion of foreign and local products, and the native and foreign merchants, stationery and itinerant, and the immense shipping of the port.1 Tung-kuan found fame as the ancient examination centre for the province; but no other place is mentioned. In scholars' eyes, the two metropolitan districts of Nan-hai and P'an-yu completely eclipsed the country and coastal districts of the prefecture like Hsin-an and another late creation, Hsin-ning, established in 1498-1499.2 As late as 1745 the district magistrate of Hsin-an when composing an inscription for the repair of the Chau Wong memorial school at Kam Tin, styled it as a place where the Book of Poetry was read as early as sunrise; and culture had spread even to this remote place near the sea. The Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao, a typical work of Chinese historiography, lovingly compiled, was the work of four Hunanese who had long been employed in the province as huan or officials and mu-fu or private secretaries to senior mandarins. It deals, in 46 chuan, with the wide variety of subjects usually found in district gazetteers and other works on administrative geography. Those chüan dealing with subjects on a geographical basis included material, arranged by prefecture and district. Hsin-an is included whenever, in the opinion of the compilers, there was anything in its records that warranted an entry.4 As in the chuan on customs and tradition the entries for Hsin-an in other chüan are much fewer than for the older hsien of the 1 KTKKCY 4/1, 2 KTKKCY 1/1 and KCFC 7/4. 3 Tablet dated Ch'ien Lung 10th year, 1st moon, lucky day, inside the building. 4 There is, of course, no shortage of books dealing with Kwangtung and its many localities under similar heads, and in providing their Hsin-an material the compilers did not set out to provide a compendium of all that had ever been included in the successive editions of the standard works on the Kuang-chou prefecture and the hsien of Tung-kuan and Hsin-an, but rather a selection of important material. The KTKKCY seldom provides material after the end of Ming (1644), ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Region 113 fu. In the long entry on hills and streams, which covers three chuan (6-8), only one local feature is named: the Pui To or Castle Peak hill. There is another single entry, for Tuen Mun—the old name for the settlement at the foot of Castle Peak—in the chüan (10) dealing with customs and check points. Only one monastery, the Hai-kuang Ssu of Hsin-an city, is included in the chüan (14) dealing with Buddhist and Taoist temples: by comparison, 37 columns are given to those of Kuang-chou, Nan-hai and P’an-yu, and no doubt with good cause. Only when we come to the chüan dealing with residences (13) and tombs and graves (15) does Hsin-an attract a little more attention from the compilers. The entries in chüan 13 and 15 identify those items that most interested scholars attracted to local history and show how Hsin-an has been notable for two widely different topics. It had been one of the areas that had sheltered the last two boy emperors of the Sung in their flight and final struggles against the victorious Mongol invaders of their empire: and it was a coastal district that had forever been plagued by pirates and bandits. These entries are typical items of Chinese historiography and relevant to the scholar official view of Hsin-an. One item, in chuan 13, relates to the temporary stay of the Sung court and army in Kowloon in the winter months of 1278. A watchtower had been constructed as one of the measures taken to deal with the near-starvation conditions that afflicted the fugitive army. The tower was used as a vantage point from which to look over the encampment. Relief visits were made to any dwelling from which no kitchen smoke was seen to rise in the early morning. This is a graphic and unusual way of conveying an impression of impermanence and suffering. The second entry on the Sung is in chüan 15 which deals with noted graves and tombs. It relates to the grave of Lady Chin-fa, also in Kowloon. The brief statement is that the empress Chi-yuan lost her daughter by drowning, and that she ‘filled the body with gold' for burial at Kwun Fu Mountain.2 1KTKKCY 13/5. Two Sung 'travelling courts' are also recorded for the Hsin-an district in this section. See also Lo 1956. 2KTKKCY 15/2. Lo (1963) renders this as 'made a gilt statue', p. 67. The Government of Hong Kong established a Sung Wong Toi memorial park in Kowloon in 1960, and to mark the occasion the Chiu Clansmen's Association published a memorial volume edited by Jen Yu-wen entitled Sung Wang T'ai Chi-nien Chih which usefully brings together many old writings on this subject. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 114 JAMES HAYES Two other famous graves are listed for the Hsin-an district, one of them dating from the Sung period and the other from the Ming. The first concerns that ancestor of the Tang clan who married a princess of the Sung royal house. The second is the epitome of the local uncertainty and danger that seems to have threatened its inhabitants down the centuries. This entry dates from the 11th year of Chia Ch'ing in the middle of the Ming period, but similar instances could be quoted from any dynasty. It commemorates two patriots named Yau and Leung who bravely resisted bandits and were buried together in one grave mound.2 The old records are useful for another reason. They help to remind us that the outer areas of the prefecture, such as Hsin-an, though of little general interest to scholars for their lack of history and culture, were important for officials in the scheme of coastal defence, a subject which engrossed the attention of many writers. The importance of the islands springs not from their size or the number of their inhabitants, fields, boats or fisheries, but from their position on the seaways, commanding communications between all parts of the Kwangtung coast and the entrance to Canton, the capital of the province and the centre of the local and foreign trade for over a thousand years. They had to be garrisoned and patrolled in the days of sail because they harboured pirates and could provide supplies of food and water for pirate fleets and those of troublesome outsiders, including 'barbarian' Japanese and Western vessels.3 The reason for establishing the commandery at Nam Tau in the first Ming emperor's reign, and for elevating it to district status in the first year of the Wan Li reign was the insecurity of which local inhabitants complained and, probably the more decisive factor, the official emphasis on coastal defence in the twin interests of trade and internal security. A point that is often overlooked is that the seaways were far busier in the last century and before than they are today. European accounts of entry into local waters often mention seeing large fleets of fishing junks in the islands, and 1 KTKKCY 15/2. See also Sung in JHKBRAS 13, 1973:121-124. 2 KTKKCY 15/2. 3 KTKKCY 30/3 states 'There were two kinds of pirate on the sea in the Ming period; our own robbers and those of outside barbarians'. + e.g. Collingwood p. 16 ('As we approached the coast, great numbers of junks, with mat sails and two masts, appeared the high poops of which gave them the strange aspect of plunging headlong into the water') and Des Voeux II:204 (at Lamma Island.... there was visible a very large number of fishing junks packed closely together"). Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 THE HONG KONG REGION 115 Various local accounts show that many craft came from northeast Kwangtung and elsewhere for the seasonal fishing. The presence of pirate fleets, sometimes in very large numbers, was also a feature of the local scene. This activity, and the importance it gave to the local seaways is reflected by the Chinese records. The Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao gives what at first appears as a disproportionately large amount of space to the subject of coastal defence.3 The provincial gazetteer devotes many pages to maps of the coast line and the off-shore islands, and it is significant that these are included in the coastal defence section and not in that dealing with administrative boundaries.4 Another long work, the Kuang-tung T'u-shuo, which deals with the administrative geography of the province, gives maps that show the outer islands in the districts on each side of the Pearl River delta. Some of these maps showing outlying areas are blank, for all but a corner of a page, but have still been included. It also lists the garrisons and naval forces responsible for the area. In the Hong Kong region, Lantau and the islands are the subject of much of an article by Hsü Tei-shan on Hong Kong and its past, included in the compendium to the exhibition of Kwangtung Culture assembled at the University of Hong Kong in 1940.6 As is to be expected, the fall of the Sung takes up much of his attention,7 but he then considers Lantau itself. Hsü's discussion on one of its Chinese names, Tai Yue Shan, is relevant here because it 1 Orme, para 53; CR 1947, p. 10. 2 Lo-shu Fu, p. 597 has a long note on pirates in the Ladrones c. 1779-1810. 3 KTKKTY 30/1-11. See also chuan 28 on military matters. 4 KTTC, vol. 2, pp. 2394-2433, especially 2406-2410 for the islands between and outside Hong Kong and Macau, the Ladrones. Two chüan, 123-124, (pp. 2359-2442) deal with coastal defence. The district maps for the Delta are in chuan 83, Hsin-an at pp. 1454-5 and Hsiang-shan at 1464-5. The late Ming work Wu-pei Chih lists posts, garrison strengths and ships for the Central, East and West lu of Kwangtung; chüan 215/12-13, 15-16 and 17, 18 being of special relevance to Hsin-an and the adjoining area. The maps for the outlying parts of the Canton Delta are in chüan 210/9-10 and 215/6-7. For this work see Franke, p. 209. Ku Yen-wu's celebrated T'ien-hsia chün-kuo li-ping shu has eight chüan (97-104) on Kwangtung, much of which is devoted to military organisation and defence. 5 See the general map at the beginning, 1-2, and detailed maps under reference chuan 11-12/7-9. 6 KTWW, pp. 425-426, 7 ibid. He gives a clear exposition of the various problems surrounding the identification of the various places at which the last struggles of the Sung occurred. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 116 JAMES HAYES indicates that the main users of the outer islands through the centuries were probably outsiders, and not Cantonese. Hsü points out that Fukien people use the character yue (shữ) to mean a small island, and use the characters chou and shan for larger ones: whereas the Kwangtung people rarely use yue for this purpose. He cites this, together with the use of the homophonous character for 'fish' in the name for Lantau given in the Ta Ch'ing I T'Ung Chih of 1738, to suggest that the persons who first gave the island this name were either fishermen or pirates from Fukien. There may be something in what Hsü says, because Giles', Eitel's and Wells Williams' dictionaries all support the Fukienese usage of 'Yue'.1 Hsü states that the 36 'Yue' round Tai Yue Shan, mentioned in the older Chinese local sources,2 are islands of this kind, and derive their name in this way. The use of these important local seaways by turbulent Fukienese seamen helps to explain official concern with security. I shall conclude this section on Hsin-an in Chinese historiography by doing what the Chinese histories do not do; considering the outer islands as settlements and, for the purposes of this article, showing their former connection with parts of present-day Hong Kong. Most of the Hsin-an and adjacent islands are shown on the 1:20,000 British maps of the Hong Kong area, published in 1948 but based on earlier mapping. They have not been included in the latest maps, now issued in full3 because since 1949 it has no longer been possible to land survey parties on or overfly adjacent Chinese territory, to the disadvantage of all geographers and historians. By the late 19th century, it seems, their settled inhabitants were mostly Hakkas who had strong economic ties with Hong Kong island, Cheung Chau and Tai O on Lantau. Many women came on marriage to Hong Kong and the inner islands, especially to Lantau. Private property also linked the islands and the mainland, in that some of them belonged in whole or in part to the Wong clan of Nam Tau and Cheung Chau. These connections were 1 Giles, p. 593; Eitel, p. 919; Wells Williams, p. 819. The last named states 'An islet which has level arable land at the foot of its hills; applied to many islands on the coast of Fukien'. 2 e.g. TMITC chuan 79. 3 Cooper, p. 137. 4 See Hayes 1963: 90-92 for this major local lineage. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 118 JAMES HAYES to play havoc in it. The Japanese wo-jen had been particularly active. In 1571 the small walled town of Tai Pang on Mirs Bay in the northeast of the district had sustained a siege of over forty days by Japanese pirates equipped with scaling ladders.1 The district gazetteer gives an account of the troubled times at the end of the Ming period, which brought much misery and suffering to the people of the district, since famine accompanied the disturbances.2 These disorders lasted for a considerable time. It is reported that Tai Pang was held for nine years against all comers by a band of soldiers.3 The clan record of the Tsui family of Shek Pik contains a vivid account of the disasters of the time, as it affected their relatives and friends in their old home near Tung-kuan city which was the centre of an unsuccessful revolt against the new dynasty. These disturbances extended to the present New Territories. A former officer of the Ming, Li Man-wing, held this area on his own account between 1647 and his surrender to the new dynasty in 1656, and the walls and moats of the principal villages of the Tang clan in the New Territories are said to date from this time. The land presented a pitiable sight in these years: there was much burning and pillaging and many of the inhabitants fled. During this time, it was said, "The ground was covered with bones, in the day time nothing could be heard but the hum of flies, and at night the voice of weeping." The evacuation of the coast in the early years of the K'ang Hsi reign between 1662-1669 followed soon after these prolonged miseries and had a profound effect on the lives of the population and on the pattern of future settlement. Under instructions from Peking, the provincial authorities required the evacuation of the coastal areas of Kwangtung. The provinces of Shantung, Chekiang, Kiangsu and Fukien were also affected to varying degrees.7 This measure was in accordance with a five-point plan to deal with the pro-Ming ruler of Formosa, Cheng Ch'eng-kung, suggested by one of his former lieutenants 1 IHNHC 13/7. 2 HNHC 13/8-9. 3 HNHC 13/9-10. 4 JHKBRAS, 7 (1967), p. 154. 5 Sung Hok-p'ang in HKN, VIII, No. 2:107-108. 6 ibid, presumably a quotation from the Tang clan's genealogical record. The YCKC has a lengthy entry on the disorders of this troubled time, chuan 4/46-60. 7 Hsieh Kuo Ching, pp. 585-593. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 THE HONG KONG REGION 119 who had gone over to the Manchus.1 Its adoption was due to a conviction that Cheng's campaigning against the new dynasty could not be continued if aid and supplies were denied him in this way. As the plan has it, "the end of the enemy comes without war".2 Enforcement of this drastic measure was extended to the Hsin-an and adjacent districts of Kwangtung in 1661. Two inspections determined the areas to be cleared. At the time of the first inspection up to a distance of 50 li from the coast, it was calculated that two-thirds of the territory of the hsien would be affected. A year later the boundary was extended further inland, and what remained of the district was to be absorbed into the adjoining Tung-kuan county. By the 5th year of K'ang Hsi, Hsin-an had ceased to be a separate administrative district. When the new boundaries were fixed, the inhabitants living outside them were given notice to move inland. These orders were enforced by troops. The result was that whole communities were uprooted from their native place, deprived of their means of livelihood and compelled to settle where they could. The rural people risked their lives if they ignored the government edict to move, or ventured back into the prohibited area. It is recorded that about 16,000 persons from Hsin-an were driven inland. Only 1,648 of those who left are said to have returned when the evacuation was rescinded in 1669.4 The survivors' hardships did not end when they returned to take up their interrupted lives in their old homes, for it is recorded that destructive typhoons in 1669 and 1671 destroyed the new houses in many places.5 This chapter of unprecedented hardship and suffering has had a great impact on the minds of local people and their descendants. It is recalled in the genealogies and traditions of some of the long-settled clans of the district: it is commemorated in the construction and continued repair of temples to the two officials, a Governor of Kwangtung and a Viceroy of the Liang-kuang, who strove to have 1 Hsieh, pp. 565-566. 2 Hsieh, pp. 566 and 580-581. 3 For the local areas to be cleared see Lo, 1963, pp. 94-95. See also Sung 1939, which details some local events on land and sea. 4 Barnett, 1957, p. 262. A supplementary check in 1667 gave 3,667 persons still living within the district; ibid, p. 263. We cannot be sure whether the figures relate to persons or only to males over 16; or whether they are accurate. 5 HNHC 13/3. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 120 JAMES HAYES the order rescinded:1 and it was remembered centuries later by the manufacture and sale by pedlars of images of the two men, as recorded for the Yuen Long district of the New Territories at the end of the 19th century.2 Wherever it touched the lives of men the Evacuation is recorded in the histories of the districts, prefectures and provinces to which they belong. And as in the Hsin-an district, it appears that persons of other parts of the Kwangtung province erected temples to Governor Wong Lai-yam, and in some cases jointly to him and one or other of the viceroys of the time.4 I have already explained the effect of the Evacuation upon the pattern of settlement. Had there been none, it is conceivable that the number of Hakkas in the region would have been much less than the 44,375 recorded at the 1911 Hong Kong census, amounting to almost half the then rural population. However, it is also possible that the Hakka influx might have come in any case, leading to pressure on the land and to the 'wars' that occurred elsewhere in the province between the two groups. The useful summary of Hakka origins and history given by Lo Hsiang-lin in Thirty Years of Tsing Tsin Association encourages this view. Under the title K'o-chia Yuan-liu K'ao, it details Hakka migration to the south and their distribution in Kwangtung. Without the Evacuation, however, Hakka immigration into this area might not have been assisted by the government as it was after the order was rescinded.7 6 1 HNHC 7/17 lists three, styled "Wang Hsun-fu Tz'u", two of them in our region, at Sha Tau Hui and Shek Wu Hui; besides the "Chou Wang Erb-kung Shu-yuan" at Kam Tin (not listed but see Sung, HKN, VIII, Nos. 3-4:207, and Sung 1939). 2 Hayes, 1962, p. 91 and note 50. 3 See e.g. the statements included in the gazetteers for the Kuang-chou and Ch'ao-chou prefectures of Kwangtung: KCFC 80/20-29, and CCC, chüan 2 of the Ta Shih-chih/12-15. 4 Besides the Hsin-an temples already mentioned, see e.g. the eight in Shun-te county noted in the prefectural gazetteer, KCFC 67/23. 5 pp. 1-106. 6 See especially the maps opposite pp. 34 and 56. Also Lo 1965, with its records of the movements of forty lineages. 7 See HNHC 9/1, Lo, 1963 p. 104 and the reference to the rehabilitation work in Hummel, p. 777. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Manchu dynasty was at its strongest and most prosperous from the middle years of the K'ang Hsi reign on until late in the Ch'ien Lung period. This enabled the country to recover and consolidate after the disasters of the late Ming and the troubled period of transition to the Ch'ing; but it is necessary to remember that throughout these years Hsin-an remained a border region receiving new settlers. In the present New Territories this period saw many newcomers settle in old villages or found new ones. Besides the rehabilitation of old fields, there was apparently much new land to be opened for the taking. When the first ancestor of the So clan of So Uk, Kowloon, arrived in 1739 he called his new home Mau Tin Tsuen or Village of the Rough Grass Fields; and his descendants long used this name before 'So Uk' came into common usage.1 Life for all these persons was hard, and although the empire was in good hands, it seems likely that inhabitants of these coastal areas of the southeast were often subject to attack from marauders. The Ho family of San Tsuen, Pui O, Lantau say that a founding ancestor was killed by pirates; by calculation from the clan record,2 about the year 1710. This obliged villagers to site their settlements with care. In this period of resettlement and consolidation several of the Lantau villages, though getting a living from the sea, were by design located at some distance from it. It is only in more recent times, say the present elders, that they moved to lower sites nearer the shore.3 From time to time, pirates became a particular menace, and it was not possible for the authorities to ignore their activities. A period of especial distress began for the people of Hsin-an, Tung-kuan and other coastal counties in the later years of the Ch'ien Lung reign. The genealogy of the Cheung clan of Pui O records: In the 53rd and 54th year of Ch’ien Lung, a Tung Kuan man, Tam Ah-che became a sea robber. He robbed and killed, burned houses, in great measure, took away the men as slaves and women also. The local officials and soldiers would not dare to face these robbers.4 The Cheungs and other villagers later took steps in their own defence. The village council held a meeting and decided to turn 1 Hayes, 1970, p. 158. 2 Ho-shi Ts'u-pu; in manuscript. 3 Removals on feng-shui grounds are excluded from this statement. 4 Chang-shi Ts'u-pu; in manuscript. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 122 JAMES HAYES the settlement into a fortress to guard against marauders. This involved construction of a walled enclosure, built of stone, and the replacing of the existing wooden gateway by a stone structure on the advice of the writer of the clan record, then an old man. As the positioning of the wall and its main gate was of great importance, for geomantic reasons as well as military considerations, a message was sent to Shing Mun* to invite a man named Cheung Lam-to, presumably a noted geomancer and perhaps a distant relative, to advise on the siting and on auspicious days for carrying out the work. The record ends: Work began on the 13th day of the 8th moon of the 8th year of Chia Ch'ing, and the gate was fixed on the 16th day. All the village men and women co-operated in the work which took a month to complete. Other areas of the Delta suffered in these years. In 1789, the 54th year of the Ch'ien Lung reign, an official of Hsiang-shan, the district in which Macau is situated, led an expedition in person against a considerable pirate known as the "wave-leveller".1 The scourge continued in the Delta and riverine areas of Kwangtung for over twenty years, and reached its worst proportions in the years 1807-1810. An interesting account of an enforced stay of eleven weeks and three days with a pirate fleet in 1809 was given by Richard Glasbrooke, the mate of an East Indiaman, who was captured by them. This fleet spent a long time on and near Lantau which probably suffered from their levies and depredations. One of these pirates, Cheung Po-tsai, is remembered today in the Hong Kong region, where local stories link many places with his activities.3 With the help of the Macau authorities whose squadron fought a sea battle off Lantau in January 1810, Cheung was blockaded in the shallow waters of the bay of Hsiang-shan and was induced to capitulate with over 270 junks, 16000 men, 5000 women, 7000 swords and jingals and 1200 guns.4 1 Waley, 1956, p. 176. 2 Neumann, pp. 97-125. 3 Lo, 1963, pp. 106-118. See also the Ch'ao-lien of Hsin-hui gazetteer pp. 281-284 and Centenary History of Hong Kong, pp. 12-14. Cheung's memory lingers strongly in the region, though most attributions are unsubstantiated and many stories are probably apocryphal. 4 Montalto de Jesus, pp. 231-248: he calls him Ĉam Pao Sai or Chang Pao. *In the Tsuen Wan sub-district of the New Territories. See Gazetteer, pp. 147-148. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Region 123 Pirates continued to be a local nuisance, however, and there seems to have been no end to their depredations throughout the 19th century. An inscribed tablet dated 1834 outside the Tin Hau Temple at Peng Chau, off southeast Lantau, records a petition from fishermen against the local officials' practice of using their craft as decoys to catch pirates; and the Viceroy's instruction that the commandeering of craft for this purpose should stop and that boats should be built for the work. A few years later, in the early years of the Colony, the Hong Kong authorities and the British naval forces at their disposal were constantly having to take notice of piracies and attacks, great and small, that happened on their very doorstep. The pirates of the 1840s and 1850s were often in fleets, as in Cheung Po-tsai's time.2 The Royal Navy was frequently involved in their suppression, and some major expeditions were mounted against the leading pirate fleets. Grace Fox's British Admirals and Chinese Pirates gives an interesting account of the period from the establishment of the China station in 1834 up to 1869.3 It was not until controlling legislation on the registration of native craft was enacted and enforced in the late 1860s that it became more difficult for pirate craft to operate from Hong Kong's ports.4 The local population was the usual victims of these pests. In 1856 the captain of H.M.S. Sampson reported an action off Tsing Yi, close to Hong Kong, with a number of pirate junks wearing the flag of the Taipings. They were identified as pirates with stolen property by a local fisherman and others, whereupon they were pursued by the Sampson's boats and five of their number destroyed. The boat crews freed two market craft with several passengers who had been confined by the pirates for several days, and at least one fishing boat that they had taken from its owner. Wade, then Chinese Secretary to the Hong Kong government, records (1852) how persons returning to their homes for the lunar new year preferred to travel by steamer than by passage boat, for this reason.6 1 Tablet dated Tao Kuang, 15th year, 7th month, 19th day. It was apparently one among many erected at this time in places along the Kwangtung coast. 2 See the striking account given in Illustrated London News, 28th March 1857, p. 283. 3 For local events see the chronological record for Hong Kong's early years in Mayers, Dennys and King, pp. 55-115. 4 SP 1888, p. 258. 5 Schofield papers. 6 Fox, p. 120. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Region 125 the inhabitants were less fortunate and had either to flee into the hills or stay to oppose or meet the pirates' demands. Walls were built or repaired, and a defence by desperate men of even these not very imposing defences might help to stave off an attack. Village refuges, into which cattle and livestock, valuables, women and children and old people were put, were also utilised. One of these places existed at Shek Pik, but was already in ruins by about 1900.1 Most villages kept arms and even cannon available for use up to 1899 and some of these remain to this day.2 Nonetheless, the villagers' position was pitiful in the event of attack, and their attitude towards pirates was probably too often similar to that recorded by Commander Vansittart of H.M.S. Bittern from the River Min in March, 1855: + miserably poor boats followed the Brig begging assistance; one Village sent me a well drawn up petition; another a present of waste paper and Joss-stick; fishermen, and passage boats, small Traders, all telling the same pitiable story; landing on Hootow, I was quickly surrounded by Peasantry; desiring the Interpreter to ask them why so many fine looking fellows permitted strangers to molest them; they declared it was useless to resist Pirates, and so whenever Pirates came the villagers hid themselves and cried. This extract, quoted from Miss Fox's book,3 shows how Chinese on land and sea suffered at the hands of their less scrupulous fellow countrymen. Things were no better on the sea at the end of the century. L. C. Arlington of the Chinese Maritime Customs, who spent six years 1893-1899 in charge of the Customs station at Cheung Chau, says; 'as well as other numerous islands forming the Ladrones, [it] was the rendezvous of pirates, who kept all of us on the qui vive, foreigners and natives alike. Gangs of pirates would get together and attack the villages, even in broad daylight, and after looting and killing, escape either to Macau or Hong Kong, where they disposed of their booty. The Customs Officers had many tussles and narrow escapes from these pests of the sea. 1 The elders told me about it after I had come across a reference to it as a place name in an old deed of sale of fields in the valley. 2 R. L. Ozorio, personal communication on the village armoury of Kak Tin, Shatin Valley, 1973. These arms were, of course, sometimes used against other villages. 3 Fox, p. 130. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 126 He went on to say, JAMES HAYES During my time in Kowloon territory, i.e., from 1893 to 1901, piracies were so common that we regarded it as extraordinary if a day passed without one. Indeed, it was the daily routine for junk masters to report at the Customs Station that they had been pirated and all of their cargo looted. Customs duty was 'practically confined to chasing pirates and smugglers', and Arlington states that 'at one time I had no less than sixty pirates chained to old cannon to prevent them from escaping pending their transfer to Canton for trial'.* Whilst some villages were blameless and the victims of raids and assaults, there were others whose innocence was doubtful. Arlington mentions one case in which pirates had disappeared with an entire cargo consisting of 250 huge vats of indigo weighing as much as 500 lbs each vat, besides 100 head of cattle and 500 pigs, of which there was no trace when a Customs cruiser arrived on the scene only two hours after the piracy was reported by signal at Cheung Chau. It was, he says, 'a safe bet that the pirates came from these villages, and had secret places to hide their booty where it was safe from discovery'.2 The villages in question were on the mainland but he does not say where. In the wider area, the reports of the British Consuls on the trade of Canton, Amoy, Sam Shui and Pak Hoi in the 1890s—all save the second within the Kwangtung Province—reveal a disturbed situation. One Canton report comments, "The old free-booting spirit still survives among many who are now apparently peaceful traders and fishermen, of which we occasionally get startling proof in some unexpected daring act of piracy on the high seas or along the coast.3 His colleague's report from Pak Hoi was more down-right. 'Piracy 'Piracy is in the blood of the race. A glance through the year's diary shows a monotonous record of petty coast raids, hoverings of pirate junks (which still terrorise the neighbouring coastline) and robberies of every degree of dignity from the sacking of the larger pawnshops to the plunder of a returned emigrant from the Straits or Sumatra',4 Arlington's evidence shows that the Hong Kong region was scarcely better in these respects than any other. Thus it is not 1 Arlington, p. 171. 2 Arlington, p. 163. 3 FO Report 1606. 4 FO Report 1983. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Region 127 surprising that the Governor of Hong Kong wrote to London in April 1899, "The Tai Po district is well known in Canton to be turbulent, that to the northeast of Mirs Bay being noted for piracy, and so ill-disposed that I am informed no Customs Official dares to land there except with the support of a revenue cruiser". When making his farewell speech to the Legislative Council of the Colony four years later, he described its residents as 'a large agricultural population with a reputation for turbulence .... and with a rooted objection to any interference with their settled habits or customs'.2 Smuggling was common throughout the region, whether of salt or opium. The older villagers admit to their complicity in these varied activities: an old man born on Lamma Island in 1883 told me in 1960, with a twinkle in his eye, that he had been in all lines of business. During all this time the situation in inland areas of the hsien was apparently no better than on the sea and coast. The situation in the late 1850s was described in eloquent terms by the German missionary Krone who had been in the area since his arrival in China in 1850. He spoke of the large bands of robbers which frequently pass to and from through the country pillaging the villages and parties of travellers ....3 He explained that 'when the Mandarins intend to levy taxes, they announce their intention to the gentry of the villages, one or two weeks, or sometimes a month, before their arrival. They then make a progress through the district, accompanied by a sufficient force to protect themselves against large bands of robbers, which sometimes have the audacity to attack the tax collectors if the escort be not strong'.4 He emphasised 'how troubled and insecure the normal condition of this district is, and for a very long time has been'.5 Krone then noted an additional, and in southeast China characteristic, source of insecurity. 'Not only are robbers and pirates to 1 SP, 1899, p. 528. 2 Hansard, 1903, p. 53. 3 Krone, p. 114. 4 Krone, p. 119. 5 Krone, p. 114. The wider area bore no better reputation. Writing of the Tan-shui district of neighbouring Kwei-shin hsien, the Hong Kong Daily Telegraph of 13th March 1879, quoting from the Catholic Register stated ".... now and then the Chinese authority has to send some military Mandarins with extraordinary powers to clear the place by taking up a good number of robbers: and only last year the great military Mandarin told one of our Missionaries that of one village he has dozens of names in view for the next execution". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 128 JAMES HAYES be feared, but internecine wars are almost always raging between some or other of the villages: and these wars, although often arising from trivial causes, are not mere temporary quarrels, but are often long-continued and sanguinary'.1 He gives a description of these feuds, and relates one example in which the District Magistrate, even with a force of 1,000 men, was unable to restore peace, and could not even save his face without the mediation of a neighbouring village. The device that secured this, Krone comments, had no influence at all upon the dispute, fighting being carried on afterwards just as before".2 There are several documented examples of intervillage and clan wars from the mainland New Territories at this time which indicate that Krone was not exaggerating the situation in mid century. Halls to 'martyrs' killed in these struggles were provided in at least four local temples, each containing memorials to slain heroes. These are to be found in the temples at Shek Kong (Pat Heung), Miu Kong (Tsuen Wan), Lam Tsuen, and Yuen Long (Shap-pat Heung). The Tsuen Wan memorial tells of a three year feud between the Tsuen Wan villagers and Shing Mun Pat Heung, beginning in the first year of the Tung Chih reign (1862-1863) and ended only after eventually successful mediation by elders of neighbouring villages. During this time, the Tsuen Wan villages—their men being outnumbered according to the tablet—were invaded and left in ruins, and 17 local men were killed in the prolonged struggle.3 Baker gives other local and contemporary examples of these clan wars taken from genealogies and village tradition in the northern New Territories. He also draws attention to the feuds that occurred within local lineages, including frequent fights between the Ping Shan and Ha Tsuen branches of the Tang lineage. These persisted into the British period. In 1921, in his administrative report for that year, the District Officer North mentions trouble that 'assumed very serious proportions' over water rights between 1 Krone, p. 114. 2 Krone, pp. 125-126. 3 The hall at Miu Kong is entitled the I-yung Tz'u (義勇祠) and that at Yuen Long the Ying-yung Tz'u (英勇祠). In the Pat Heung temple the tablet is in the Ching-chung Tz'u (清忠祠). At Lam Tsuen there is no named hall, but a side room contains a tablet bearing the characters jang hsiang ch'ang sheng lu wei (...). 4 Baker, 1968, pp. 167, 183 and 187. 5 Baker, 1968, p. 188 and Baker 1965, pp. 39-41. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Region 129 the Kam Tin and Ping Shan branches of the Tang lineage, mediated by the Tai Po and Yuen Long branches of the same clan.1 The chronic warfare inside Hsin-an and other districts of Kwangtung was perhaps not too well known to the Hong Kong authorities, but was all too plain to the mandarins. The Viceroy of Liang-kuang, commenting on representations from the British about the alleged help given by the provincial military forces to the village bands that were opposing the occupation of the New Territories, wrote: The Governor of Hong Kong suspected that they were regular troops from the fact that they had guns, cannon and uniforms. He was not aware that the villagers of Kwangtung, in their constant fights with each other, are always erecting forts, and use guns and cannon, and wear uniforms. This is a matter of common notoriety.2 The less populated parts of the district do not seem to have experienced trouble on this scale, probably because pressure on the land was less great and there were no large lineages competing for power and struggling to retain or improve their position. However, disputes did occur and are remembered by older villagers. On Lantau, fighting between Shek Pik people and villagers from Sha Lo Wan over a grave has been mentioned to me; relations between Tong Fuk and its neighbour Shui Hau were never very good; and a fight between Pui O villagers from San Tsuen and adjoining Lo Wai took place pre-war over the mining of kaolin in a spot behind the two villages that the Lo Wai people held was disturbing the local feng shui3 It appears that in days when communications were poor and the officials at a distance, such disputes would not always come to the attention of the authorities, even if deaths occurred. This must often have been the case in the 19th century. It was thus not without good reason that the Hsin-an magistrate of 1847, quoted at the beginning of this article, considered that his difficulties were many and real, and that they were not always appreciated as such by his colleagues and superiors. 1 ARDONT, 1921, J2; with some background at J2 of his 1920 Report. 2 Quoted by Groves, p. 63, note 65. Balfour shows 23 Punti villages with outer walls at Plate 16 in JHKBRAS, 10, 1970. Many other villages, including Hakka ones, had lesser defences, as at Pui O (Lo Wai), Lantau, pp. 14-15 above. * Information secured from local elders. Page 130 is missing, directly followed by Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 138 K. M. A. BARNETT ever attempted to solve... who lived in what is now the Colony and Leased Territory of Hong Kong 600 years ago and what language did they speak?' I had then just written an article for Mr. J. M. Braga's Hong Kong Symposium in which I summarized evidence from various historical sources. A little new evidence has come to light since that article was written in 1956, and it will not be amiss to mention the chief facts. Three of the existing Punti160 clans, and one Hakka137, claim continuous residence since the eleventh century A.D. The Punti clans appear to have been connected with the military posts set up in the Southern Han135 dynasty (A.D. 917-971) and wherever Punti160 and Hakka11 are found in the same area the Hakkas always have the inferior foot-hill land--the typical pattern of a partial conquest by later arrivals, pushing the earlier inhabitants up into the hills. At this time Lantao141 and other islands, Hong Kong harbour itself and the peninsulas that jut into Mirs Bay153 were controlled by boat-people. It can be shown that both of the present kinds of boat-people (Tanka175 and Hoklo138) were represented. They were still unassimilated, and independent enough to require strong garrisons to keep them quiet, at the beginning of the Yüan182 dynasty. The suppression of the pearl fishing A.D. 1319-(the late Mr. Sung Hok Pang169 said 1324) was intended to conciliate them. The assimilation of the hill-tribes was not begun till the Yuan dynasty at the earliest. The petition of Chang Wei-yen134 of Taipo170 in 1318 mentions two tribes, named Yao179 and Shan-lao-165. The 1819 edition of the Hsin-an-chih139 mentions only Yao. All the present hill cultivators claim Chinese descent and all speak Hakka137. Some, however, claim continuous occupation since the Ming152 dynasty, so that if they are really of Chinese descent they must have lived side by side with aboriginal tribes for two centuries. Again, some of those who claim to be Chinese claim also to have been there from time immemorial, and some still preserve the cult of the creator-god P'an-ku159, which is said to indicate a Yao origin. The truth is probably that in some places the aborigines were killed off or driven away, in a few others they adopted the Chinese language and 'passed' as Chinese, while in others there was intermarriage and the offspring were accepted as Chinese. In circumstances such as these it is usual for something of the original languages to survive: in the everyday terms used in fishing ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 150 K. M. A. BARNETT O.S. S.S. 65 pak- braaktrinn tin 66 pan 版 baarn 58 67 pei 陂 bhey 68 peng 坪 preang 69 70 ping pit brit prenq 71 ро 埔埗 bou brou, proo 222 72 ро prowl 73 ро prows 74 po pou1 Meaning or Remarks are inferior to the shan- tai-wong, see (120). This does not have the meaning it has in classical Chinese, but means valley land (not che [5]) which can be irrigated only once a year instead of twice. See for possible explanation pages 156-157. A classifying particle for areas of cultivated land, smaller than mong (46). See also tin (95). If (46) is 154 in Notes and Character Index at p.158, this may be 157. A dam. The floor of a valley, suitable for two crops of rice annually. Same as (68) An inhabitant of Fu Yung Pit in Saikung district explained the word as "garden". But as he also thought the brit of britsreoe I had the same meaning, the authority is weak. A bank or flat rock with deep water alongside, a natural wharf. To float. A posting station on the courier route (from Hsin-an-chih 139). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 O.S. 97 to 5885 98 tong 肚塘 HONG KONG PLACE NAMES 153 S.S. Meaning or Remarks troo3 tronq A narrow valley. See (112). tronq A small level basin; a threshing floor. See also (90), and wo-tong (116). 99 tong 堂 tronq A large building, hall. 100 tsai 仔 zae Diminutive suffix. Often used for (3). See also (84), and tsz (103). 101 tsang * zhanq Stake-net. 102 tso 早 200 Taboo-substitute for hon (11). 103 taz 梓紫 zir In some places interchangeable with (3) and (100). 104 tum 墩塾 dheonn2 塾 A round-topped hill. Confused with (94) and (96). 105 tung 峒洞 drungv A side valley. One of the local government divisions under the Manchu government. 106 tE 凸 dungy A peak, (See note to Sam Toi Tung, p. 50 of the Gazetteer). 107 uk 屋 qhuk3 A grave. 108 wai 圍 wray A walled village. 109 wan 灣 whaanni To anchor; an anchorage. But occurs in a few names of hill villages, unexplained. 110 wan 環 wraann Alternative to (8). 111 wang wranq Occurs in many place names and must mean something similar to (97). 112 wat 窟 whats 6 Alternative to (8). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 HONG KONG PLACE NAMES 157 word. The word Ngau (54) in local place names is often interchanged with Yau (122) and once with Lau (30). It is possible that this is the word from which the Chinese Yao79 was derived. The word Pak (63) in some local names interchanges with Pui (76). There was a people called the Pak158 in South China, and Pak (63), Pui (76) and perhaps Pa (60) and Pai (61) may be a version of this name. If these people cultivated salt paddy that would explain the term pak-tin (65). Many of the village names that make little sense contain two of these elements, e.g. Ma (42) Niu (58); Ma (42) Liu (35) Shui166; Ma (42) Yau181 Tong (98); Pak (63) Ngau (54) Shek (81); Yau180 Ma145 Tei; Pak (63) Tam172 Au (2). These would mean places where, by agreement, the two peoples could meet peaceably to exchange goods, to draw water, etc., or where cultivated land was shared. The name Shan-lao165, preserved in Chang Wei-yen's134 petition may be that which we have in Sha Lo Tung163 and Sha Lo Wan164. And the name Lung Kwu143 (also Tung Kwu178) and Lung Kwu Tan144 may come from another name for the boat-people mentioned by Mr. Ch'en Hsü-ching135, víz, Lung-hu142 which he says is also pronounced with initial D. NOTES AND CHARACTER INDEX 130 See South China Morning Post, Hong Kong, 9 November 1955. 131 The Reverend W. Stott kindly lent me a copy of his unpublished M.A. thesis on the Nanchao Kingdom with extracts from a fuller text of the Man-shu, I believe from the Library of Congress, U.S.A. No text I could obtain in Hong Kong had half as much material. 132 Cham zram (129 Rem.), 133 Chan crann p. 156. 134 Chang Wei-yen Zheonq Wrayjrann ✯✯✯ pp. 138, 157. 135 Ch'en Hsü-ching Crann Zreoighenq pp. 139, 157. 136 Ching crenq p. 156. 137 Hakka xaakghaahx #, possibly a corruption of a Yao79 word for mountain-dwellers. P. 136 and passim. 138 Hoklo xrokloo ## or ##, a name used by Punti160 and Hakka137 speakers to describe users of MinM dialects from Eastern Kwangtung and from Fukien, who pronounce # something like the Hakka pronunciation of. P. 136 and passim. 139 Hsin-an-chih Shannghonn-zi pp. 138, 150. 140 Lam Tsuen Lrammchynn p. 137. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 158 138. K. M. A. BARNETT 141 Lantao ★ Draaijryrshaano, earlier ★ Draaixrayshaann p. 142 Lung-hu Irunqwruuv ♬ p. 157. 143 Lung Kwu Lrunqgwuur p. 157. 144 Lung Kwu Tan Lrunqgwuurthaann ### p. 157. 143 Ma mraah p. 157. 146 Majen mraarjrann App. 139, 157. 147 Man mraann p. 139 and passim. 148 Man mraan (43). 149 Man mrann p. 156. 150 Man-shu Mraannshyh p. 139. 151 Ma Shi Chau Mraarsirzhaw 152 Ming mrenq p. 138. A p. 136, and see (42), (81). 153 Mirs Bay * . The English name may be a corruption of 4% see Ma Shi Chau, supra 151, p. 136. 154 muong (47 Rem.). 155 nam (51 Rem.). 156 Nam Tau Nraammtraw ♬ A sub-dialect of Tung Kwun pp. 136, 143, 156. 157 paen, as in paendin. (66 Rem.). 159 Pak braak p. 156. 159 Pan-ku Pruunn'gwuur £& p. 138. 160 Punti buurndrei *, possibly a corruption of a Yao179 word for plainsmen, p. 138 and passim. 161 Pun Yue Phuunnjryhv * p. 136. 162 Sai Kwan Shaygwhaann, before 1911 the Belgravia of Canton, p. 136. 163 Sha Lo Tung Shaahlrohdrungy p. 157. 164 Sha Lo Wan Shaahlrohwhaann # p. 157. 165 Shan-lao Shaannloo 4 pp. 138, 139. 166 shut seoe * p. 157. 167 Southem Han p. 138. 168 Sung sung p. 139. 169 Sung Hok Pang Sung Xrokpranq *** · 170 Taipo Draaibrou by old inhabitants, Draaibou by newer ones P. 138. 171 Tai To Yan Taidhowjran #7 p. 137 and see (117). 172 tam traamm p. 156. 173 Tang Drang #p. 156. *For the script for Nos. 154, 155 and 157 above see Mary R. Haas, Thai-English_Student's Dictionary, Stanford University Press, 1954, pp. 410, 269 and 175 (both entries) respectively. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 HONG KONG PLACE NAMES 174 Tang Trong Æ p. 139. 175 Tan Ka Draan'ghaahx pp. 136, 138 and see (87). 159 176 Tan-min-ti yen-chiu Draanmranndhek jrinn'gau R£ p. 139. 177 Ts'ing cheng ☆ (122 Rem.). 178 Tung Kwu Dhunqgwuur ✰ p. 157. 179 Yao jriw p. 138 and passim. 180 Yau jraw is p. 157. 181 Yau jraw #p. 157. 182 Yuan jrynn ☆ pp. 138, 139 and see (129). Page 165 Page 166 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LEGENDS AND STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES. KAM T'IN 4 (continued). SUNG HOK-P'ANG [4] All the members of the Tang family living in Kam T'in now are the direct descendants of Hung Yee, so besides Hon Fat, whom they venerate as the first ancestor to settle in Kam T'in and Yuen Leung as the first ancestor for the new generations that dated back to the "five Yuens”, they also venerate Hung Yee as their Hoi Tsuk Tso (*) “the ancestor who started the present clan"; but no new series of generations was made dating from him and on his gravestone Hung Yee is named as the 15th generation ancestor after Hon Fat. As Tang T'ing-Ching (***) a grandson of Hung Yee passed the Kui Yan (A) degree in the 7th year of Shing Fa (✯Ł) A.D. 1471, and was appointed the district officer of T'ang Yuen (B) Kwangsi province, Hung Yee, according to Chinese custom, received the honour of Man Lam Long (p). Both the graves of Hung Yee and his second wife Wong are to be found at Tung Haang Leng (*) about a mile away to the East of Kam T'in. According to Wong's gravestone she is supposed to have gone with Hung Yee to the place of his banishment, but this is different to the story in the Kam T'in family-tree book where it is stated that Hung Yee married Wong in Nanking after he was set free from his banishment. Hung Yee's original house was situated outside the North Gate of Kam T'in Market, but it no longer exists and the place where it stood is now called Naam Wai Tun () “South surround mound". The ancestral hall in Kam T'in Market which is to be found there now, is the one that was built for Hung Yee by his descendants. The three sections printed herein conclude the reissue of this article which first appeared in The Hong Kong Naturalist between December 1935-March 1938. The first three sections appeared between pp. 110-132 of the 1974 Journal, together with a memoir of the author. The photographs illustrating all six sections are printed in this issue. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 168 SUNG HOK-PANG the heart in his mouth went off with it. The villagers gave chase but after a while there was a terrific gust of wind and the dog disappeared. The present Kam T'in is divided into two distinct districts. The South, Naam Wai (南圍) was originally a large common or open space of grassland; the North, Pak Wai (北圍) was hilly country surrounded by mangrove swamp. The principal villages of Naam Wai are Kat Hing Wai (吉慶圍) the first village on the right-hand side as one approaches from the main road, which was built by Tang Paak King (鄧伯經) and two other men during the Shing Fa years 1465-1487 of Ming Dynasty; Wing Lung Wai (永隆圍) the village at the end of the road on the left-hand side, facing the open green where football is now nearly always in progress, which was started by Tang Shiu Kui (鄧紹舉) and seven others; and T'aai Hong Wai (泰康圍) the large walled village on the left just before one reaches the Cottage Hospital, which was founded by Tang Ts'ung (鄧聰) and four other contemporaries. Later on during the civil wars of the Hong Hei years 1662-1722 of Ts'ing dynasty these three villages were walled to protect the inhabitants from marauding bandits and soldiers. Tang Man Wai (鄧文蔚) and Tang Kaai Yuet (鄧啟悅) built the wall of T'aai Hong Wai; Tang Sui Ch'eung (鄧瑞昌) and Tang Kwok Yin (鄧國賢) built that of Wing Lung Wai and Tang Chue Yin (鄧珠彥) and Tang Chik Kin (鄧積堅) walled Kat Hing Wai. About the same time Tang Yuet Man (鄧悅民) of Kat Hing Wai and Tang P'ooi Hing (鄧培慶) of T'aai Hong Village both formed the village of Kam Hing Wai (錦慶圍), which is on the north of Kam T'in market; and Tang Chau Man (鄧秋文) of Kat Hing Wai built the village of Ko Po Ts'uen, on the left-hand side of the main road, on the west of Kam T'in market. These walls in many places are in a wonderful state of preservation to-day. Kat Hing Wai and Taai Hong Wai have very strong iron chain gates, and a tablet fixed in the wall outside the gateway of Kat Hing Wai explains the story of them. It can be roughly translated as follows: "The inscription on the tablet of Kat Hing Wai:— Since Foo Hip, the ancestor of our family Tang who was a Government officer, came from Kiangsi to Kwang Tung in the years of Sung Ning of Sung dynasty, we lived in both waais (villages) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 172 SUNG HOK-PANG He then returned to the capital, and stayed in General Ngai's house where he was able to make friends with many famous scholars. He wrote a book named "Yin t’oi san ngai” which had a preface written by Ts'oi Shing Yuen ## Noi Kok Hok Sz a political minister of high rank. Three years later Tang passed his Tsun sz degree, and was appointed district magistrate of Lung Yau Yuen in Chekiang province. Tang Man Wai was of a kind-hearted disposition and some say that through this the wall of T'aai Hong Wai was built. The story goes that when Tang passed his Sau Tsoi degree he was sent to Kwai Shin district, now Wai Yeung, to collect the rent due on cultivated lands, belonging to his family property. While there he came across a young man named Lei Maan Wing * hanging upside down as a punishment. On asking the reason why, Tang learnt that Lei had contracted gambling debts and was unable to pay them. Tang was sorry for the young man, paid all his debts and was able to use his influence in obtaining a military post for him. This happened during the end of the Ming Dynasty. Later on when the Manchus drove out the Mings in the North and the Ming Emperor Wing Lik✯✯ had retreated to Kwangtung, Lei was a colonel under Cheung Ka Yuk ✯ who was fighting against the Manchus. When Cheung was defeated in battle in the 4th year of Shun Chi A.D., 1647 of Ts'ing dynasty, and drowned himself, Lei, who was with him, fled with about a hundred soldiers. Gradually many of Cheung's soldiers were able to rejoin him, and with a strong army he attacked both Tung Kwun ✯✯ and San On ✯* districts. He drove out the Manchus, and made his headquarters in what is now known as the New Territories. One of Lei's camps was situated in the district round K'ei Lun Wai LP'ing Shan A and T'sing Leung Fat Yuen ****. Before the latter, which is a nunnery, was built, the locality had been known as Ying P'oon Tei, "The ground of the camp," and while the building was in progress the workmen dug up many old coffins which were supposed to be those of Lei's soldiers. Among them was found a general's sword, broken in many pieces. Anyone going to Kwun Yam Shaan to visit the Ling Wan monastery would notice half way up Taai Mo Shaan, far above the cultivated land, a stretch of hillside that has been terraced and flattened out in some former time. This is supposed to have been another of Lei's encampments. Lei burned and pillaged, and most of the + ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES 173 inhabitants of the New Territories fled. It was said that for three years the country presented the appearance of a battle-field, “The ground was covered with bones, in the day time nothing could be heard but the hum of flies, and at night the voice of weeping." Kam T'in might have shared the same fate as the other villages but for Tang Man Wai. Lei, remembering his former kindness, forbade his soldiers to go near the place, and seeking out Tang he taught him how to build strong walls to protect his village from other marauders. This story is still told by old people in the New Territories now, and, if true, what was stated in H.K.N. Vol. VII, page 255.... “during the civil wars of the Hong Hei years A.D. 1662-1721 of Ts'ing dynasty these three villages were walled is not correct.* Lei Maan Wing occupied the New Territories from A.D. 1647 until he surrendered to the Manchus in A.D. 1656 which means that the walls of Taai Hong Wai, at least, were built some time during that period. Tang Man Wai is also remembered for having built the old Yuen Long Market ⇓, in the 8th year of Hong Hei A.D. 1669. The date is inscribed on a tablet in the wall inside Taai Wong temple in the market. Tang also made three fish ponds to the west of the market place which can still be seen by the side of the main road. + + Tang Fong was a notable scholar who passed his Kui Yan degree in the 27th year of Kin Lung of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1762. He studied a great number of books especially the canons of Confucius and Books of Histories, and was considered very skilful in writing both poetry and prose. While he was still a Lam Shang he was employed as a professor of arts in Man Kong Shue Yuen * a high grade school in San On district situated in Naam T'au Shing the capital city. Students were prepared there for the Sau-tsoi examination, and it was said that while Tang Fong was there “learning was at its highest pitch." ♬ Tang Ying Yuen was a military officer and passed his Mo Kui Yan A degree in the 54th year of Kin Lung A.D. 1789 of Ts'ing dynasty. Although of a martial disposition, Tang was fond of books and his penmanship was highly thought of. Some of the characters that he wrote to be carved on stone tablets can still be seen in Ling Wan nunnery on Kwun Yam Shaan 音山 and in So Lau Yuen 泝流園 and Tsoi Shui Yat Fong 在水✈both school buildings in Kam T'in. He was a simple man and * See p. 168. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 178 SUNG HOK-PANG There is a stone tablet near the bridge with an inscription carved on it which can be roughly translated as follows: -- "My grandfather's official name is Kam(); the name for his friends to call him by is Kui Haam(&). My father's official name is Ch'ung Kwong(★★) and the name for his friends to call him by is Wai Cheuk(). My mother's surname is Wong(#). My mother bore Tsun Yuen (myself) and my younger brother Yin Yuen(£). We two brothers were unlucky, in our youth we were without a father to rely on. My mother lived alone as a widow, and had to practice economy and diligence. She gave us good instructions every day and night. Now when Tsun Yuen (myself) grew up, I married a wife named Ch'an() being ashamed to be a useless son, but fortunately I begot two sons, the eldest named Tung Ping(#) and the younger Shing Tak(). At that time there was peace at last with the bandits and in the 43rd year of Hong Hei(A) in Kap Shan() year I rebuilt my dwelling house at my original home in Shui T'au village. My younger brother and my mother did not come back to the home, but they still lived in T'aai Hong Wai, on the other side of the stream. My mother paid great attention to her baby grandsons, day and night she came to see them, and kept on coming backwards and forwards from her house, each time having to bear the difficulty of crossing the water, and obliged to hum the song of "The difficulty of crossing the water" as she passed. Therefore I have exerted myself to build this bridge for the convenience of my mother, and give it the name of Ping Mo(£#), (to convenience my mother). If anyone says that I build it to relieve many people, in the hope of obtaining happiness, I do not dare to have such an idea." (See plate 38), "Hong Hei(a) 49th year, in Kang Yan(P†) year. Winter month, lucky day, Tang Tsun Yuen erected this stone tablet." The following is a rough translation of another reference to the mother of T'sun Yuen, written by Tang Wai K'ui(✯✯). "My Tso Pei(int) (deceased grandmother), Wong, was the wife of my ancestor, Wai Cheuk(2). When she was twenty-one years of age, her husband died. She cherished her fatherless children, and maintained her purity in poverty. When the children were young she bore great fatigue to nurture them, and when they grew older she taught them in a proper way. She always kept on friendly terms with her neighbours, so that they all admired her highly. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES 179 When she reached the great age of seventy-two, she maintained her apartment in the same neat and tidy manner as when she was young. I have the most humble honour to record the above, (Signed) TANG WAI KUI, 26th generation descendant of "the Five Yuens." The most ancient Ancestral Hall to be found in the different villages of Kam T'in is Loi Shing Tong (✯✯✯) (see H.K.N. VII p. 250 and VIII, plate 8).* This hall is in Shui T'au village, and was built for the 11th ancestor, Tang Kwong Yue (). In recent years a tablet was discovered which had been hidden by furniture in one of the rooms for such a long time that its existence was forgotten. It records the date of the building of the hall and can be translated, roughly, as follows:- "Our ancestor Tseung Luk (X) planned to build an ancestral hall for our ancestor Kwong Yue. He was successful and the ancestral tablets have been fixed in the hall from the 40th year of Hong Hei, A.D. 1701, up till now. The building is in ruins, and Shing (*) (myself) and others think that as it was erected by our early fore-fathers, we ought to repair it. Owing to the limited ancestral fund, it is difficult to do this, but I (named Shing) and all my brothers, cousins, uncles and nephews are pleased to subscribe money towards the expense, and even the descendants of the ancestors Shing (*) and Yan (g) are pleased to help. The subscribers are as follows: Yiu Kong (#) subscribed one tael and two mace Sz Taan (BF @), one hundred and fifty taels. Sz Yue (tô) seventy-five taels. Sz Yuk (+), ten taels, Sz Shing (of), two-hundred and fifty taels. K'ei Yuen (M), sixty taels. Sz Tsaan (*), sixty taels. T'ing Suen (), eight taels. Sz Yue ($), sixty taels. Kin Lung, 47th year repaired, and this stone tablet fixed. The virtuous, meritorious descendant Tseung Luk was the one who started this Hall. The virtuous, meritorious descendant Sz Shing was the one who took charge of the work of repairing it.” * See Plate 34 at rear of this Volume. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 180 Note. SUNG HOK-PANG Sze Taan is the man to whom the silver coins flew through the air (see “Ngan Tau Laan” (✯✯) H.K.N. VII pp. 251, 252 and VIII plate 8).* This is the only record that we can find which proves that Sz Taan was alive in the 47th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1782. Many of Tang Kwong Yue's descendants are rich men, and fine scholars, having passed the Sau Ts'oi (††) and Kung Shang (†*) degrees. Sz Shing Tong (A) is the ancestral Hall of Tang Ts'ing Lok (***) and is to be found at the western end of Shui T'au. Tsing Lok was the grandson of Tang Hung Yee (*) and the son of Tang Yam (#), (see H.K.N. VII pp. 161 and 251). The Hall was built by Tang Mung Woo (*) and Tang Mung Pik (*), and later repaired by Tang Mung Siu (†), Tang Mung Hung (p), Tang Wun Yat (−) and Tang Kwing Yue ($). A rule was made that on every Ts'un Fan (✯✯), vernal equinox and Ts'au Fan (✯✯), autumnal equinox, the two great days of reverence to ancestors, a certain amount of roast pork was to be presented to the above men or their descendants in recognition of their merit in building and repairing the hall, and this custom is carried on up to the present time. The date of the building of the Hall is not known, but a large tablet which is hung inside with the three characters Sz Shing T'ong is dated the 2nd month of the 59th year of Kin Lung (A.D. 1794). These characters were written by a high government official, Ch'oh P'aang Ling (✯✯✯), a native of Loi Yeung district (*) in Shangtung province. He was a Hon Lam Yuen P'in Sau (✯✯E*) during the Kin Lung period. For a reference to Hon Lam Yuen (see H.K.N. VIII, p. 110). A Pin Sau was a second class Hon Lam compiler. Ch'oh Paang Ling held the office of Yue Sz (#), a member of the "To Ch’aat Yuen” (**) (Court of Censors) at Peking, whose duty it was to keep the Emperor informed on all matters of public importance. He had the good name of Kang Chik Kam Yin (✯✯✯), “one who has the courage of his opinions," and finally he was given the high office of Kung Po Sheung Shue (***), the President of the Board of Works, in Peking. His written characters are not easy to come across now, so the tablet in Sz Shing Tong is very much valued in Kam T'in. *See p. 163-4 above, and Plate 35. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES 181 It is an ancient custom in China when a man passes a Government degree examination or is appointed as a Government official, for him to have his new official title carved on a wooden tablet and hung in the Hall of his ancestors. By this means the good news is reported to the ancestors that their descendant has become a man of rank, and at the same time an example is set to future generations to encourage them to do their best to rise to the same honour, as the tablet is left hanging in the hall permanently. There are many of these title-tablets hung in Sz Shing Tong, put there not only by Kam T'in men, but by other descendants of the Tang family who have sent their tablets from places far away, where they have gone to live. The oldest among them is the "Man Fui” or Kui Yan degree put there by Tang Ting Ching who passed it in the 7th year of Shing Fa, A.D. 1471. The most highly honoured title-tablets are the two from Tang Yung Keng from Tung Kwun district. He passed his Kui Yan degree in the 3rd year of Tung Chi, A.D. 1864 and became "Hon Lam Yuen Shue Kat Sz" (H.K.N. VIII, p. 110) in the 10th year of T’ung Chi, A.D. 1871. He held the office of On Ch'aat Sz (Provincial Judge) of Kiangsu province, and in 1900 during the Boxer trouble he was appointed by Lei Hung Cheung, the Prime Minister and then Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi provinces, to be the Superintendent of volunteers in Kwangtung. Tang Ts'ing Lok's eldest son, Tang Wan Kuk was a very rich man, and he owned a lot of cultivated land in San On District. During his time there were twenty-eight Sau Ts'oi (B.A.'s) and nine very rich men all members of his family and living in the same street where his house was situated in Shui Mei village. His house was called Kam Ts'un Tong "ornamental stream hall"; it has long since been destroyed and a vegetable garden is on the site of where it once existed, but the remains of a large stone gateway can still be seen (plate 20). Tang Wan Kuk owned a large library in this house, and a fine stone fish-tank, made of pink coloured stone, 2 Chinese feet high, 14 wide and 24 long. (Plate 19). Two scholars of the Tang Family have written inscriptions about this tank, speaking very highly of it, but it now lies in a destroyed school building in Shui T’au village, and no-one cares about it. The dates of Tang Wan Kuk's birth and death are not recorded, but we know that his grave, which is in Noh Mai Ham about seven li from Kam T'in was made before the 8th year of Ching ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 184 SUNG HOK-PANG again, and the judas tree revived, and soon it was covered with blossoms and looked a beautiful sight. From this story the three Tangs had learnt a lesson, and realizing that any one branch of the family was unable to build a hall alone, they combined together and completed one hall, naming it Mau King T'ong "The luxuriant judas-tree Hall.” Although there is no record of the year that the hall was completed, the following is what is known of its history. The building was started by Tang Mau Wai, who passed the Tsun Sz degree in the 24th year of Hong Hei, A.D. 1685. The hall was rebuilt by Tang Shiu Chau (RA) who passed Sui Kung A† degree in the 1st year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1736; and was repaired twice, first by Tang Hei Sui (###) who passed Yan Kung Shaang in the 21st year of Ka Hing, A.D. 1816, and secondly by Tang Ming Shiu (*) a Lam Shaang during the To Kwong period (the 1st year of To Kwong was A.D. 1821.) The T'in Hau Temple (A) Queen of Heaven Temple, in Shui Mei village, was first built during the Hong Hei period (A.D. 1662-1722) of Ts'ing dynasty and possesses a fine bell of 180 catties in weight which was presented by Tang Ch'un Fooi (**) a Kung Shaang in the 10th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1745. It is said that the tone of the bell is very clear and can be heard from ten Chinese miles away. The Kam T'in people say that one of the past Governors of Hong Kong heard about it and visited Kam T’in to try the bell, which he agreed was as beautiful as reported. For a long time the temple was in a bad state of repair, and the bell had to be kept in a private house where those wishing to, were allowed to see it. Lately the temple has been repaired and the bell re-instated in it; also an incense burner that was presented by Tang Yiu King (*) and his son Tang Chan Suen (**) in the 11th year of Kin Lung A.D. 1746, Kwong Yue T'ong (***) in Taai Hong village is the ancestral hall of Tang Man Wai, who was the only man to pass the Tsun Sz degree in the New Territories (See H.K.N. IV. p. 106). The building is quite a large one, and the ancestral fund belonging to this hall is a very large sum and is considered the richest in the New Territories. For many years $100 was given each year to each family of Tang Man Wai's descendants for their New Year expenses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES 185 Lei King T'ong (A) is another ancestral hall, and can be found by the side of the main road through Kam T'in. It was built for Tang Ng Shaang (£) (see H.K.N. VII, p. 36). I Tai Shue Yuen (**) is the new school building built instead of the Man Ch'eung Kok (M) (see H.K.N. VII, p. 256) and is situated in Shui T'au village. Chau Wong Yee Kung Ts'z (M), (=214) (plate 20) is a hall that was built to record the merit of Viceroy Châu Yau Tak (♬) and Governor Wong Loi Yam (*). After the Ming emperors were expelled from China, an officer of the Ming army named Cheng Shing Kung (4) attacked the coast of South China, using Formosa as his base. All the people in sympathy with the Ming dynasty, along the coast helped him, so as the Manchu government had no navy to send against him, an order was made that all the inhabitants of the coast were to be moved inland for 50 Chinese miles. Later they were moved again for another 30 miles and for seven years, A.D. 1661-1668, the New Territories were deserted. The fields were unattended and allowed to lie fallow, and the buildings fell into disrepair. At the end of that time the people made representations to the Governor and Viceroy, and it was through the mediation of these two men, with the Emperor that the people were allowed to go back to their own land. The full account of this story is very long, but it is hoped to devote an article to it later on. I have to thank Mr. Tang Paak K'au (1) and Mr. Tang Wai T'ong (**), both elders of Kam T'in, for their co-operation and help in obtaining access to the numerous documents that it has been necessary to consult before this series of articles could be attempted. Also Mr. Tang Ch'ong Yip (##) a teacher in Kam T'in, who gave invaluable assistance in searching out references, copying out paragraphs from books in the possession of various villagers, and deciphering inscriptions from stone tablets. Unfortunately Mr. Tang Wai Man (✯) another elder who showed great interest in these articles and helped considerably, died a few months ago, and is unable to see them completed. Lastly, I am much indebted to Mrs. Herklots for her help in writing these articles in readable English. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 196 NOTES AND QUERIES The farming techniques adopted in this locality are determined by its climate and soil, the inherited skills of the people, and the economic and social conditions of the community. Most of these factors, with the exception of the climate, have changed from time to time. Survival of the traditional techniques depends greatly on the extent of the change in the factors involved. In many cases, economic pressure upon the farmers has created the need for change. Hong Kong, 1973. P. L. SIAK REFERENCES 1 NTA Departmental Report, 1966-67. 2 Davis, 1952. 3 Finn, cited by Davis 1952. 4 Wu, 1964; Lo (et al), 1959. Davis, S. G. 1952. The geology of Hong Kong. The Government Printer, Hong Kong. Ka, C. H. (533-544 A.D.) Important techniques for the betterment of the people. Notice in English, Science Press, Peking 1959. (A recent Chinese reprint SMR › AKAD) −2£**** • • 華書局) Lo, H. L., et al. 1959. Hong Kong and its external communications before 1842. (in Chinese) (羅香林等著,一八四二年以前之香港及其對外交通 中國學社,一九五九年初版) N.T.A. 1966-67. Annual departmental report of the New Territories Administration, Hong Kong. Watanabe, A. 1954. 'Nitrogen fixation by blue-green algae. News Letter, IRC, FAO No. 12, pp. 13-14. Wu, N. O. 1964. The history of Chinese tribes. The Taiwan Commercial Press. (in Chinese) (胡耐安著,中國民族志,台灣商務印書館一九六四初) PROGRAMME NOTES FOR VISITS TO OLDER PARTS OF HONG KONG ISLAND (URBAN AREAS), AND TO KOWLOON, IN 1974 [For the convenience of resident members and their friends these notes are reproduced here. Hon Editor.] (1) VISIT TO THE FIVE TERRACES AND THE LO PAN TEMPLE, KENNEDY TOWN, SATURDAY, 5TH JANUARY 1974 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 202 NOTES AND QUERIES moon) by carpenters and varnishers (the latter generally worship his two wives)." [Note the different date on which worship is carried on in Hong Kong. The above is given without the Chinese characters found in the original.] The Kwong Yut Tong states that between 1000-1500 persons visit the temple annually on Lo Pan's birthday, drawn mostly from bosses and workers in the construction trades. The God must be considered to be effectual, since deities who perform no miracles soon lose support and patronage. The hillside adjoining the temple has recently been cleared of squatter huts, and it is hoped to develop it as a public park, Lady Ho Tung Hall, University of Hong Kong According to the HKU's Jubilee publication The First Fifty Years (HKU Press, 1962) this women's hall of residence was donated by Sir Robert Hotung a few years after the War, to be named after his deceased wife. The foundation stone was laid on 14th August 1950 and the hall opened on 16 March 1951. It provided accommodation for 85 of the 206 woman students then enrolled, and was in addition to two other halls of residence for women administered by religious bodies. (2) VISIT TO OLD WANCHAI FRIDAY, 5 APRIL 1974 Background and Early Development Wanchai is one of the oldest districts of British Hong Kong. Under the name Ha Wan or 'Lower Bay', it was one of the 5 wan, alternatively 'bay' () or 'circuit' (#), a term used in the 1850's and 1860's to describe the residential and commercial areas largely developed by the new Chinese population of the Island. (See The China Review Vol. 1 (1872) p. 333 for an article "The Districts of Hong Kong and the Name Kwan-Tai-Lo'.) The area is described as follows in a list of the city districts, with boundaries, given in the Government gazette in 1857: 'Ha Wan, District No. 5. From Murray Barracks to Observation Point', Footnote: Those members who visited the Lu Pan temple at Ching Lin Terrace, Kennedy Town, in January may wish to know that there is an article on this subject in Colonel V. R. Burkhardt's Chinese Creeds & Customs, Vol. 2, pp. 117-120. The statement therein that the temple was built in 1928 is misleading: the entrance is dated in 1884-85. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES AND QUERIES 203 At this time the population of Ha Wan was 4861 (G.N. 21 of the Government gazette for 5th March 1859). Observation Point must be the Observation Place shown on the Map accompanying Mr. Chadwick's Report on the Sanitary Condition of Hong Kong, published by the Colonial Office in 1882. The map shows Ha Wan as District No. 6 and Wanchai as District No. 7. This indicates that Wanchai was taken from it at some date between 1857 and 1882. Observation Place is shown at p. 46 of the Index to the Streets, House Nos., and Lots in the Colony of Hong Kong, 1903, and may be identified with the lower end of the present Tin Lok Lane, near its junction with Hennessy Road, then seashore. Wanchai was one of the first districts to be developed after the British Occupation of the Island in 1841. The Reverend Carl T. Smith has kindly provided an account of this development, based on his original researches into Hong Kong records. This is attached as a separate Note. The Itinerary and Places of Interest The party will follow a circuitous route among the back streets, steps and terraces of old Wanchai between Monmouth Path in the west and Stone Nullah Lane on the east. Among the places of interest to be visited are several Chinese temples and shrines as follows: 1) The Pak Kung Shrine at the side of No. 7, Star Street. This was established before the War, probably upwards of 70 years ago. The shrine is a To Tei Miu (±普普) or altar to the earth god. The main festival of the year falls on the 2nd day of the second lunar month when the management committee of local residents organises a religious and social celebration. 2) Hung Shing Temple, Queen's Road East. This temple is one of the oldest of the area and may even have existed as a shrine before the British Occupation of the Island. According to Carl Smith there was a small settlement nearby which may have provided the body of regular worshippers, along with visiting boat people. The present structure dates from Hsien Feng 10th year (1860-61), repaired in T’ung Chih 6th year (1867-68) when the persons responsible are listed as 'the whole body of devout Hong Kong believers'. These dates point to an earlier origin, and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES AND QUERIES 213 Dealings in land and property were a major enterprise in early Hong Kong. An insight into the hazards of real estate speculation is given by George Duddell's testimony before the Land Committee in 1849. He speaks about his purchase of a lot at the south-west corner of Queen's Road West and Possession Street. As we walk along Fat Hing Street we shall be passing the south side of the lot. Duddell states regarding the purchase of the lots in 1844: The lot was bought after unprecedented bidding for two hundred per cent on the original upset rental. The circumstances in palliation of my buying it at such a price are, the lot was airy and perfectly level with one rock only to clear it off before building could be commenced, combined with a great demand for houses, and the facility the lot offered to speedily erect them, with the fact I was outbid on all other lots the same day. The buildings were built and tenanted, but within a year they had left for other houses. These houses were void, vagrants plundering even from doors and glass from windows, every grate was stolen. I must hire a private watchman to protect useless property The buildings were much damaged by the typhoon of 1848. In November of 1848, I surrendered them to Government. In consequence of requiring a Sailor's Home, I have by petition obtained back the lot, repaired the buildings and put my seamen into it. The premises were known as the Circular Buildings. Duddell again surrendered them to the Government in 1850. Not long after, the land was resold to Quoke Acheong, the Compradore of the P. & O. Steam Navigation Company. He was a large land owner in this area. On this property and a section he had purchased across Queen's Road, he developed his own business enterprises under the firm name of Fat Hing. The firm gave its name to the lane south of Queen's Road off Possession Street. Upon the elevated promontory called West Point, Joseph Frost Edgar built a bungalow. In March, 1843, he was admitted as the resident partner of the firm Jamieson, How and Company. He was one of the first two unofficial members of the Legislative Council, serving from 1850 to 1857. An advertisement for the rent or sale of the West Point Bungalow, dated July 19, 1845 (Friend of China), provides a description of one of the early residences in Hong Kong: A substantial house consisting of two sitting rooms each 30 by 20 feet and in height 17 feet, separated by folding doors, five ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES AND QUERIES 215 The area between Queen's Road and the present Des Voeux Road, originally the Praya, extending from Wilmer Street west to Eastern Street was bought in 1858 by a Chinese consortium consisting of Chun Afie, Pang Awah, Tso Atak and Leong Hang*. The tract purchased consisted of Marine Lots 90, 91 and 92. They were apportioned among the several purchasers. At first the property was devoted principally to Chinese ship building yards, but as population and business spread westward, the yards became crowded out. The two lanes Tsz Mi and Sai Woo were developed in the 1860's. On the old Praya there was a concentration of rice dealers and a scattering of salt fish stores, though Ham Yu** Lane was located on the lots immediately to the west, between Eastern and Centre Streets. Like all the land in urban Hong Kong, the area we visit has passed through successive changes in land use and ownership. The land use changes are marked by three main periods: first (1842 to around 1855) European godowns and residences; second (1851 to about 1880) ship yards, engineering works and coal godowns; and lastly (1870 to the present) Chinese shops, godowns and residences. The owners of the land were originally mostly non-Chinese. But by 1876, all except a range of godowns and sheds owned by the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company was in Chinese hands, being divided between two of the largest land owners in the Colony: the Li family of the Wo Hang and Lai Hing firms***, and Kwok Acheong who was Compradore of the P. & O. Co., owner of his own steamships, and founder of the Fat Hing firm. At its first settlement the area was almost rural, for it was situated at the western end of original Victoria. Because it provided a convenient spot for pier and landing facilities, two European firms selected West Point for their Hong Kong establishments, just as Jardine, Matheson and Company settled at East Point, even though both locations were somewhat distant from the main centres of foreign business in Spring Gardens**** and Central District. In *The Pang and Chan are the same that bought the land at the east end of Wanchai, in the vicinity of the Yuk Hui Temple—see "Notes on the Nineteenth Century Development of Wanchai”, earlier in this Section. ** Cantonese for salt fish. *** See Smith: "Emergence of a Chinese Elite”, JHKBRAS 11, pp. 90-92. See "Notes on the Nineteenth Century Development of Wanchai”, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES AND QUERIES 217 was redeveloped and in 1868 shops and godowns were built along Queen Street. Next to Robert's shipyard, Kwok Acheong had a compound in which he erected coal sheds, carpenter shops and a smithy. The latter was operated by Augustine Heard and Company. The present entrance to Tsung Sau Lane East on Queen's Road was the site of the original entry gate into the compound. By 1872 most of the buildings in "Acheong's Yard" had been removed, but in 1877 after the property had been sold to the Li family firm of Lai Hing, buildings were started along Tsung Sau Lane East. In the following year work was begun to redevelop Marine Lot 70, where Tsung Sau Lane West was opened in 1879. Previously the lot had been occupied by an engineering establishment. It was occupied successively by James Logan, William Swan, a boiler-maker, and William Dunphy, proprietor of the Novelty Iron Works. A large shipyard was built in 1856 on Marine Lot 58 where the Pybus godown had been built in 1842. The owners were two Scotsmen, George Harper and David Gow. In 1862 they sold out to James Logan, a plumber by trade, who took on as his partner John Riach, an experienced shipwright from Singapore. They operated as the Hong Kong Engine Works. The works of the new firm were destroyed by fire in 1866 and they sold the property to Li Sing. He redeveloped it by building a complex of shops, merchant hongs, family houses, and a theatre named Ko Shing. Three years before Harper and Gow built their shipyard, the P. & O. Co. had begun building extensive godowns and coal sheds on property immediately to the west. Some of this land they leased, others they purchased. Thus for a decade or so in the middle of the nineteenth century the entire area was dominated by establishments connected with the shipping industry. As the land on which the ship yards, smithies and coal sheds had been built was redeveloped, the area took on its present land use. On Queen's Road there were the shops; on the Praya (now the south side of Ko Shing Street) the business hongs; and in the lanes and alleys between, godowns and businesses auxiliary to the hongs, such as paper, lumber, bags, mats and firewood (from broken down boxes) — all used in packing and shipping. The lanes opened at various times, depending on when the lots were redeveloped. Those on Marine Lot 58 were the first. They ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 220 NOTES AND QUERIES large paper bag. This cost 10 cents and the number of dim sum was 18 pieces, usually sufficient for 8-9 persons. The article made picturesque comparisons between the sizes of different foods, then and now, with much larger pieces being supplied in the past. Prices too came in for odious comparison. "The difference in price in the old days and now is too great: people have said that it may be compared to the difference between the legs of mosquitoes and cows”. Tea house business begins at dawn. Those in Western open between 5-6 a.m, and close about 9 p.m. nowadays. According to the article, the tea houses of 50 and more years ago started business before dawn and closed at 10 a.m., and opened again between 11-12 to 3 without doing business at night time. The interior of tea houses was very colourful. The waiters used slang to report, usually in a loud voice, the consumption of patrons for making up their bills. The customers lolled about and took things at their ease, putting their legs on their own or another stool, often dressed only in a singlet and shorts in the summer months. This sort of thing can still be seen in one of the tea houses that we will visit (the Foo Lung Tea-house, 382-386, Queen's Road, Central) and at lunch time many of the patrons bring their singbirds in cages which they hang around the walls. 50 years ago and more no women were present in the tea houses because at that time it was not the practice for them to appear in public places; and no doubt this added to the informality noted above. Tea houses were also the scene of musical entertainment of a special Cantonese type known generally by the name of nam yam (✯✯) or "Southern tunes". Like Cantonese opera, the themes were often concerned with historical stories, handed down from one generation of entertainers to another. Blind musicians and singers often performed these roles. Until this year, this type of entertainment was given in the Tim Nam Tea House in Wing Lok Street, now under demolition. According to the former manager, the majority of the audience were boat people from the cargo boats plying in the harbour. In recent years this traditional type of entertainment has declined in popularity and both singers and audience were confined to a small group of devotees. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES AND QUERIES 221 (4) Diocesan BOYS SCHOOL AND LA SALLE College, KOWLOON SATURDAY, 4 May, 1974 The purpose of this visit is to see and enjoy the grounds and buildings of these two major Hong Kong schools and thereby to learn something of the history of education in the Colony. The visits are entirely due to the courtesy and cooperation of their Head-masters. The sites are extensive (23 and 10 acres respectively) and the buildings are of interest. 'DBS', as it is familiarly known, originated in 1869 with the Diocesan Home & Orphanage for English, Eurasian, Chinese and other scholars (male and female) which links with an earlier body, the Diocesan Native Female Training School of 1860-68. (From 1880 no more girls were received as boarders, though they still remained as day scholars. All girls left when Fairlea Girls School was opened in 1892. In 1900 a Diocesan Girls School was opened.) Located for many years at Bonham Road, the school moved to its present site in 1926. It may be truly said that its history is that of Hong Kong itself. The La Salle College is much newer, opening in 1932. However, its connection with Catholic education in the Colony is much longer. The La Salle Brothers had a record of 42 years' work in St. Joseph's College in Hong Kong when they opened their Kowloon Branch in 1917, and after two of the Fathers had 'gone together over the hills and lowlands of Kowloon' (as they then were) they found and purchased a 10-acre site by auction in 1928. Its premises are architecturally striking. As the then Roman Catholic Bishop said at the time, “Great though my hopes and expectations of the Christian Brothers were, I never dared to expect from them such a magnificent building as La Salle College."* Among the points to be specially noted on the visit are the following: DBS 1. the extensive grounds and playing fields (also made available to primary schools from resettlement estates). *Thomas F. Ryan, The Story of a Hundred Years: the Pontifical Institute of Foreign Missions (P.I.M.E.) in Hong Kong 1858-1958. (Hong Kong, Catholic Truth Society, 1959) p. 199. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 224 NOTES AND QUERIES The area still retains its distinctive character and is a tribute to the vision and public-spirit of its chief promoter, Mr. Ede (1865-1925). A small plaque set into the wall of a park in Essex Crescent perpetuates his memory. Another Garden City plan for the area south of Prince Edward Road, west of Waterloo Road and north of Argyle Street was initiated by the Hong Kong Engineering and Construction Company in 1932. Unlike the Kowloon Tong area, which was levelled by cutting and filling, this project was to utilise the natural features of the site. It was claimed that 'for excellence of situation, beauty of outlook, serenity of location and conformity with surrounding amenities, it will be without an equal in the Peninsula'. (South China Morning Post, Jan. 21, 1932, remarks at Sod Turning Ceremony.) Mr. J. P. Braga, Chairman of the Company undertaking the project, gave his name to the road at the centre of the tract, Braga Circuit. The area still retains some of its secluded and serene character and is a favourite of courting couples. It is better known today as Kadoorie Avenue, the general name used to describe the several roads that make up this residential complex. The Diocesan Boys' School As the name indicates the Diocesan Boys' School is an institution of the Anglican Church in Hong Kong. In 1859 the wife of Bishop Smith, being interested in the education of girls, organised a committee of women and founded the Diocesan Native Female Training Institute. It was established 'to introduce among a somewhat superior class of Native Females the blessings of Christianity and of Religious Training' (The First Annual Report). Education was to be in English. It was hoped the girls would make suitable brides for the male converts from St. Paul's College. However, there were some publicised instances of students from the School being sought after as mistresses of Europeans, their ability to speak English being a particular asset in such an arrangement. Due to this bad publicity local support fell off and the school was in financial difficulties. In 1867 all Chinese girls, except orphans and destitute, were dismissed. In 1868 Bishop Alford somewhat reluctantly agreed to head up a reorganisation. The following year the name was changed to the Diocesan Home and Orphanage. Under a new admission policy the Home was 'to receive and place children of both sexes, sound both in body and mind, of European, Chinese ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 238 BOOK REVIEWS European languages. For instance, in 1964 Horst Erdmann Verley has published Chinesischer liebesgartern which serves as the first German translation of 7 stories selected from the well-known collection of 16th century Chinese novels: P'o-an ching-ch'i. In 1968 this was followed by the same author's second German translation of 17 stories selected from Ching-shih t’ung-yen, (a different collection of novels again written during the 16th century) under the title Neuer Chinesischer liebesgarten. Turning to drama, in 1965 full English translations of two dramas of the Yuan Dynasty were edited by Cyril Birch into his Anthology of Chinese Literature (Grove Press, New York). The first of the two appears as J. I. Crump's translation of "Li K'uei Carries Thorns" (a drama of K'eng Chin-chih fl. 1279). The second happens to be Donald Keene's translation of “Autumn in the Palace of Han” (a work of a more famous Yüan dramatist, Ma Chih-yüan fl. 1251). In 1965 again, Ch'u Chai and Winberg Chai published "A Treasury of Chinese Literature" (Appleton Century, New York). A considerable number of English translations for both Chinese novels and dramas were edited into this anthology. In chapters 5th, 6th and 7th of part II, there are 5 novels of the T'ang, 2 of the Sung and 3 of the Ch'ing periods1. Furthermore, in chapters 10th and 11th of part III, the authors presented their translation of two dramas selected from the Yüan period and another two from dramas written during the Ming and the Ch'ing periods. Among them the Yuan drama "Snow in Midsummer" (written by the important dramatist Kuan Han-ch'ing) seems to be more notable, since this drama has not only been translated from Chinese into English by Yang Hsien-i and his collaborator Gladys Yang in their Selected plays of Kuan Han-ch'ing (1958, Peking), but also has been put out by Shih Chung-wen with a third English version: Injustice to Tou O (1972, Cambridge University Press, Oxford). Clearly, to put texts of Chinese novel or drama from Chinese into English or other European Language has been a fashionable task favoured by sinologists lately. 1 These 5 short stories of the T'ang period are of the so-called Chuan-ch'i and the 2 of the Sung period are usually called as Ping-hua while the last 3 of the Ch'ing period are selected from Liao-tsai, A Collection of Strange Tales, all written by P'u Sung-ling (1630-1715) of the early Ch'ing. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 BOOK REVIEWS 239 However, none of the above-cited translations deal with any original work of the Chin period (1115-1234). Amongst various branches of Chinese literature developed during the Chin period, the Chu-kung-tiao3, (literally, the "various moods", hereafter to be abbreviated as CKT), a kind of popular literature of this period, seem to be among the more important.2 To quote from the introduction of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon, "The Chu-kung-tiao belongs to that large group of 'story-tellers' ballads in which prose and verse alternate, but its verse was sung, while its prose was narrated! The sung part of any chu-kung-tiao consists of a large number of tunes (ch’ü-tiao #8) succeeding each other according to fixed musical rules. Groups of tunes belonging to the same mode (kung-tiao) were assembled into a suite (t'ao-shu) to make a musical unit for which different words were supplied by each story-teller." (p. 3) Although popular during the Chin period, yet few original texts of the chu-kung-tiao literature remain today. A woodblock print edition of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT✰✰✰ was found in a 1907-1808 excavation by Peter Kuzmitch Kozlov (1863-1935). It remained in the Leningrad Oriental Institute, as the introduction of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon has pointed out, “until April 1958 when the Soviet Government made the People's Republic of China a gift of this priceless volume and it is now kept in the Peking National Library" (p. 5). The original text of Liu Chih-yüan CKT is divided into 12 sections. But only 5 sections (1-3 and 11-12) have survived. The main body of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon by M. Dolezelova-Velingerova, a Czech Sinologist, and his collaborator, J. I. Crump, an American professor in Michigan University is in fact, their full English translation of these 5 sections. This book is the first work about Chinese folk literature of this kind ever written in English. Yet this main source of satisfaction is marred in several respects. First of all, the author's knowledge concerning the beginning about the CKT study in China is not complete. pp. 123-125 are devoted to bibliography of Chu-kung-tiao studies, in which Crump and Dolezelova-Velingerova have selected 30 articles contributed by 20 Sinologists from various countries (17 articles by 12 Chinese 静農 2 See T'ai Ching-nung £#£ : "Chu-kung-tiao-Chinese literature under the rule of the Nüchen Tartars" ƒÆŒ%TO**£*—*?* in Chung-wai Literature †±‡, Vol. I, No. 1, (1971, Taipei): 6-20. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 240 BOOK REVIEWS scholars, 10 articles by 5 Japanese scholars and 3 by 2 Europeans). According to this bibliography, the earliest study on Chu-kung-tiao seems to be an article by a Chinese scholar, Sun K'ai-ti written in 1932, while Japanese scholars' earliest study on the same subject is an essay written by Yoshikawa Kujiro in 1942. However, among Asian scholars' study on chu-kung-tiao literature, the earliest study on this subject should be credited to “Liu Ti-en shio-kyu tio kō” (A Study of the chu-kung-tiao of Liu Chih-yüan) written by Aoki Masaru. It first appeared in Shina Gaku (Journal on Chinese Studies), Vol. VI, No. 2, pp. 21–56 (Tokyo, 1932, March). Subsequently, the same article was included in the same author's Shina Bungaku Geijutsu Ko (Studies on Chinese Literature and Art), 1942, August, Kyoto (pp. 183-219). In this article, Aoki has not only analysed the written format of the chu-kung-tiao ballad but also compared the composition of Liu Chih-yüan CKT with that of pai-t'u-chi (Tale of a White Hare), a mid-14th century Chinese drama, once again written on Liu Chih-yüan's life stories. In addition, Aoki reproduced a plate to show the page face of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT. Four months after Aoki's article appeared in Shina Gaku, Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün's Chinese translation of Aoki's same article was published in the July-August issue of the Kuo-li pei-p'ing t’u-shu’kuan kuan'k'an (Bulletin of National Library of Peking) Vol. VI, No. 4, pp. 4603-4620 (1932, Peking). Undoubtedly, Aoki's study on Liu Chih-yüan CKT was regarded as both attractive and important. At this time Sun K'ai-ti's article on other chu-kung-tiao was also published in the volume VI No. 2 (pp. 4345-4350) of Bulletin of National Library of Peking. In addition to Aoki Masaru and Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün, once again in 1932, Cheng Ch'en-to (1898-1958), one of the pioneer scholars of Chinese popular-literature also published a study on the same subject. This is the well-received article: “Sung-chin yüan chu-kung-tiao kao”, i.e., “Studies on the 'various mode' of the Sung Chin Yüan Periods" which appeared in the first issue of the Wen-hsueh nien-pao (July, 1932, Peking). This massive study, occupying the first 78 pages of the cited journal, could in fact be treated as a monograph for this particular subject. In this essay, in addition to his study of the Structure of Liu Chih- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 BOOK REVIEWS 241 Yuan CKT Cheng Ch'en-to has also analysed the chu-kung-tiao literature of three different dynasties in great detail. Furthermore, Cheng again devoted a special chapter to CKT literature in the second volume of his Chung-kuo su-wen-hsüeh shih (i.e. History of Popular Literature in China), at pp. 63-154. This work was first printed in 1938 in Shanghai, and reprinted in 1953 in Peking. As to Liu Chih-yüan CKT in particular, Cheng Ch'en-to has also edited it into his Shih-chiai wen-ku (Library of Literature of the world) volume II (1935, Shanghai) pp. 483-508. Regrettably, just as Aoki's article in Japanese and its Chinese translation was omitted from Grump and Dolezelova-Velingerova's bibliography, so Cheng's contributions were also ignored. Second, the authors' knowledge of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT is not complete. Whilst the edition of this CKT has been correctly regarded by the authors of this book as “a woodblock print which came from a workshop in the region of P'ing-yang in Shansi province" (p. 5), such an identification would have been far more authoritative and scholarly if the authors had referred to an article written in Chinese by Chao Wan-li, a specialist on Chinese rare books who has served the National Peking Library since the 1930's. The title here referred to is Ch'ung-kao ti yu-i (On the Sublime Friendship). Its subtitle reads chi su-lien cheng-fu tsang-sung ti Liu Chih-yüan chu-kung-tiao ho liao-tsai tu-shuo (Notes on the various-mode of Liu Chih-yüan and the Illustrations of Strange Tales from a Chinese studio as being donated by the Government of the Republic of Soviet). This article appeared in Wen-wu tsan-kao tzu-liao No. 7 (1958, Peking) pp. 15-16, and p. 22. In it Chao Wan-li has not only firmly stated that the printing of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT was woodblocked around the P'ing-yang region at the Shansi province during the Chin period but also specified that the print of this chu-kung-tiao should be identified as the "P'ing-shui edition" since the quality of paper, the format of the block, the style of the carving as well as the forms of the blocked characters of this particular chu-kung-tiao are all in conformity to some other books of the Chin period woodblocked at the P'ing-shui area. 3 The title Liao Tsai here referred to follows that of the annotated edition of a selected English translation made by Herbert A. Giles in 1880 (London, Thos de la rue & Co.), and since reprinted in many editions. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH MEMBERSHIP LIST Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, G.C.M.G., M.C. HONORARY MEMBERS: BLACK, Sir Robert, G.C.M.G., O.B.E. CRANMER-BYNG, Prof. J. L., M.C., M.A. JONES, Dr. J. R., C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P. LAWRY, R. E., O.B.E., F.R.G.S. TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie, B.Sc. Econ., Ph.D. 183, Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England. 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada. 3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 246 LIFE MEMBERS: ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. 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First Chicago Hong Kong Ltd., Rooms 4004-9, Connaught Centre, H.K. 43, Stubbs Road, Flat C-1, H.K. c/o Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. c/o Govt. Training Division, Lee Gardens, 2nd floor, H.K. University Health Service, University of Hong Kong, H.K. E9, Repulse Bay Towers, 119A, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Wah Yan College, Queen's Road, East, H.K. Room 362, Central Govt. Offices, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o Caritas House, 2, Caine Road, H.K. BENNETT, Mrs. Patricia M. BENNISON, Larry L. BIRCH, Dr. Alan BLAIKLEY, P. E. BLAKE, Mrs. Doreen BORGEEST, Gus BRAUN, F. BRIDGES, G. A. BRIGGS, The Hon. Sir Geoffrey, Q.C. BROADBENT, Miss Margaret BROUWER, Mrs. R. P. BRUMMERSTED, D. A. BUCHANAN, Dr. A. J. C. BULLEN, J. B. 3, Coombe Road, H.K. Caltex Oil, G.P.O. Box 147, H.K. Department of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 19D, Vienna Court, Realty Gardens, 41, Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Paul Y. Construction Co., Bank of Canton Building, 18th floor, H.K. P.O. Box 1058, H.K. 8, Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. B-3, United College Staff Residence, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Courts of Justice, H.K. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. A3, Repulse Bay Mansions, H.K. 87, Pearl Gardens, 7A, Conduit Road, H.K. Dept. of Paediatrics, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Myer Eastern Buying Ltd., Cheong Hing Building, 12, Nathan Road, Kowloon. BURGGRAAF, Miss Huberta c/o Royal Interocean Line, P.O. Box 725, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: BUTLER, Miss B. A... BUTT, Dr. Nancy CAMERON, Nigel + CAPLAN, Malcolm Public Services Commission, Room 573, Central Govt. Offices, H.K. 253 The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. 11-D, Venice Court, 41, Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Hongkong & Whampoa Dock Co. Ltd. Kowloon Docks, Hung Hom, Kowloon. CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. John Room 315, Hongkong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. CENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES CERNY, Miss Eva CHAN, Prof. Cheng-siang · CHAN, Sui-Jeung CHAN, Tom CHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A. CHERN, Dr. K. S. CHEUNG, O. CHIU, Mrs. Carol C. CHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong CHOA, Robert COCHRANE, Mrs. Valerie COCKELL, Miss June V. COLBOURNE, Dr. M. J. COMBER, Leon CONNOLLY, Miss Moira COTTON, P. C. CRABBE, P. I. + CRAIG, Dr. Dale A. CRAMER, B. L. CREMA, Mario + + + + University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Department of Anatomy, University of Hong Kong, Li Shu Fan Building, Sassoon Road, H.K. Geographical Research Centre, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Environment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 43, Stubbs Road, Flat B-1, 5th floor, H.K. 12, Douglas Apartments, 22, Old Peak Rd., H.K. Department of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. 703, Prince's Building, H.K. Twin Brook, Flat 11B, 43, Repulse Bay Rd., H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Banque Nationale de Paris, 2nd floor, Central Building, H.K. 3rd floor, 112, Macdonnell Road, H.K. 66, Conduit Road, Flat 6B, H.K. Dept. of Preventive & Social Medicine, University of Hong Kong, Li She Fan Building, Sassoon Road, H.K. P.O. Box 6086, Kowloon. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulam, H.K. c/o Humphreys Estate & Finance Co., P.O. Box 44, H.K. Property Dept., Local Property & Printing Co. Ltd., 34/6 Caxton House, 1 Duddell Street, H.K. Music Dept., Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 18, Fenwick Street, 7th floor, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Chartered Bank Building, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 254 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: CRISSWELL, Dr. C. N. CROOK, Dr. F. W. CUMINE, Eric, F.R.I.B.A. CUMINE, J. P. DABORN, Miss Carol DAIKO, Paul D'ALMADA E CASTRO, Mrs. M. P. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. DAVIS, Mrs. Mona A. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. c/o King George V School, Kowloon. American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road, H.K. 28, Yung Ping Road, 2nd floor, Causeway Bay, H.K. 2-B Rose Court, 119, Wong Nei Chong Rd, H.K. Celcham Pharmaceuticals Ltd., Zung Fu Building, 1067, King's Road, H.K. P.O. Box 201, H.K. 4, Devon Road, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. c/o P.O. Box 5096, Kowloon. 9, The Albany, H.K. East Penthouse, Marina House, 17, Queen's Road, C., H.K. DAWSON, Prof. John L. M. DAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. DIAMOND, A. I. DONALD, Mrs. A. E. DOWNER, Mrs. Christine DRAKEFORD, L. S. DRACE-FRANCIS, C. D. S. DRYSDALE, Mrs. J. G. L. DUNKERLEY, Mr. & Mrs. David DWYER, Prof. D. J. EDMUNDS, Mr. & Mrs. E. T. EDWARDS, Miss J. A. EDWARDS, Miss A. H. EVANS, C. J. EVANS, Prof. D. M. E. Department of Philosophy & Psychology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. 1, Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. Public Records Office of Hong Kong, 2, Murray Road, H.K. 2, Mount Kellet Road, The Peak, H.K. 5, Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 124 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Room 506, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 8A/1, Borrett Mansions, Bowen Road, H.K. 401, Villa Verde, 14, Guildford Road, The Peak, H.K. Department of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Flat A15, Garden Mansions, 38, Belleview Drive, Repulse Bay, H.K. A3, Mandarin Villa, 10, Shiu Fai Terrace, H.K. c/o American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road, H.K. 101, Green Lane Hall, Happy Valley, H.K. Department of Law, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. FABRY, Mr. & Mrs. R. G. FEARON, Dr. J. Rural Retreat, Taipo Kau, N.T. 6E, Pearl Gardens, 7, Conduit Road, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: FESSLER, Loren W.. c/o University Service Centre, 155, Argyle Street, Kowloon. FISHER SHORT, W. c/o Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. FLEMING, Miss Paula Language Centre, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. FOLDES, Mr. & Mrs. Leslie 4B, Babington House, 5, Babington Path, H.K. FORSYTH, A. H. c/o Johnson, Stokes & Master, 4th floor, Hong Kong Bank Building, 1, Queen's Road, H.K. FORSYTH, James G.. Unipak (HK) Ltd., 59-61 Wong Chuk Hang Road, Aberdeen, H.K. FRASER, Miss Sylvia c/o Island School, 20, Borrett Road, H.K. FREYTAG, Mrs. Helen H.. 10, Tregunter Path, Flat 1201, H.K. FUNG, Mrs. Lawrence 17, Magazine Gap Road, Flat 5A, H.K. GAFF, Mrs. J. A. Apt. A-2, 5, Tung Shan Terrace, Stubbs Road, H.K. GAILEY, Mrs. Norah Flat 16, 14, Mt. Austin Road, H.K. GARCIA, Arthur Victoria District Court, H.K. GATELY, Charles c/o Environment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. GEOFFROY-DECHAUME, Francois c/o French Consulate General, 1208, Hang Seng Bank Building, 77, Des Voeux Road, C., H.K. GHOSE, Mrs. Rajeshwari 21A, Kennedy Road, 3rd floor, H.K. GIBB, Hugh c/o Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. GIBBONS, J. P. Language Centre, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. GILBERT, John FL-A9, Hilltop, 60, Cloud View Road, North Point, H.K. GILKES, D. A. The Bursar's Office, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. GILLESPIE, Col. Richard E. Defence Liaison Office, American Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. GIMSON, C. H. Buildings Ordinance Office, Public Works Dept, 9th floor, Murray Building, H.K. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. c/o Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., Queen's Road, C., H.K. GOODBODY, D. M. 727, Prince's Building, H.K. GRAHAM, A. T. R. Flat A, Hing Mee Building, 13th floor, 25-31 Leighton Road, H.K. GRAY, Peter H. c/o Maunsell Consultants Asia, 664, Nathan Road, Kowloon. GREGORY, Miss E. J. c/o Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 256 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: GREGORY, Prof. W. G. Department of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. GROVES, Prof. Murray C. - Sociology Department, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de - c/o Banque Belge pour l'Etranger, S.A., GUTLON, Mrs. Audrey HAFFNER, Christopher HALLIDAY, P. E. HALLMARK, D. S. HARGROVES, Mrs. Josephine L. T. HAYES, Mrs. Holly Edinburgh House, H.K. 39, Conduit Road, Flat 202, H.K. Spence Robinson Architects, The Atelier, Broadwood Road, H.K. Flat 507B, 19 Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. P.O. Box 387, H.K. Apt. C-2, 152, Tai Hang Road, H.K. 5/B, Garden Mansions, 157, Austin Road, Kowloon. HAYWARD-MAY, Mrs. A. - Flat C, 10, Wong Nei Chong Gap Road, H.K. HEATHERINGTON, Mrs. E. Bellevue Court, Flat A-2, 41, Stubbs Road, H.K. HEFFNER, Mrs. S. F. HERRIES, Sir Michael HICKS, Miss Catherine M. CHIU, Mrs. Họ Hung HALLAM, Miss Judith W. 14, Guildford Road, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. c/o Cathay Pacific Airways, Union House, H.K. 11, Briar Avenue, 1st floor, H.K. 2F, 10 Happy View Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. HOCHSTADTER, Dr. Walter 9, Cambridge Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. HODGE, P. HOFSTETTER, Mrs. M. - HOLMES, Sir Ronald, C.B.E. HOLMES, Miss J. HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. Charlotte HOTUNG, Eric E. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. HSIA. Tung Fei HUANG, Y. C. Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 3, Wood Road, 6th floor, H.K. Public Services Commission, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 26, Kennedy Road, H.K. 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. 104, Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. 10, Stanley Street, H.K. c/o Commercial Management Ltd., P & O Building, 17th floor, H.K. P.O. Box No. 20027/1. Hennessy Road Post Office, H.K. Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von + 9A, Stanley Beach Road, H.K. HUMPLE, Mr. & Mrs. George D. 17, Conduit Road, Apt. 2A, H.K. HUTSON, Peter 257 HUYSMAN, Mrs, J. c/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. HUYSMAN, J. 21, Broadwood Road, H.K. G INGLES, Miss J. M. c/o Banque Belge pour l'Etranger S.A., 81, Sai Yeung Choi Street, Mongkok Branch, Kowloon, JEN, Prof. Yu-Wen + Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. JIN, Mrs. Jane Dong-Fang 2, Stafford Road, Kowloon. JONES, G. W. E. 3, Yun Ping Road, 4th floor, H.K. Govt. Language School, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. JONES-PARRY, R. Longman Group (Far East) Ltd., P.O. Box 223, H.K. KESWICK, Simon L. - c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. KEYES, Michael P. · c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. KINGWELL, Mr. & Mrs. A. J.. Flat C/4, Cavendish Heights, 27, Perkins Road, H.K. KINOSHITA, James H. · + c/o Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. KINSEY, Miss Margaret J. Department of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. KIRKBRIDE, K. M. G. + c/o The Building Authority, Murray Building, 8th floor, Garden Road, H.K. KIRKWOOD, Mrs. Jean K. Mackenny Court, 1st floor, 65, MacDonnell Road, H.K. KNEEBONE, Mrs. Susan Y. 50, Leighton Hill Flats, 16, Link Road, H.K. KNISELY, Mr. & Mrs. Jay G. 68, Chung Hom Kok Road, Flat A-3, H.K. KNOWLES, Miss Moira G. c/o Public Services Examination Unit, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. KWOK, Robert Chin-kung + c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. LACK, Alan J. 1, Peak Pavilions, 12, Mt. Kellet Road, The Peak, H.K. LAM, Yung-Fai - c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6, Duddell St., H.K. LAMBE, Miss Margaret - 21F, Felix Villa, 10 Happy View Terrace, Broadwood Road, Happy Valley, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 258 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: LANG, F. G... LANGLEY, John A. LAYTON, F. A. L. LECLERCQ, J. M. LEE, Miss Ngah-Ping + LEE, Sung-Tai LERNER, Bernard - + LESLIE, Mrs. Elizabeth LETCHER, Dr. Roy M. LEVIN, David A. LEWIS, Mrs. Helen LI, Edwin Lao LI, Shi-yi LIM, Miss Laye Tin + + + - 43, Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon. c/o Toronto Dominion Bank, Rooms 917-920, Hutchison House, 10, Harcourt Road, H.K. c/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., Queen's Road, C., H.K. G.P.O. Box 13, H.K. Extra-Mural Studies Dept., University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. 36, Village Road, 3D, The Fine Mansion, Happy Valley, H.K. 601, Regent House, H.K. B-6, Royden Court, 129, Repulse Bay Rd., H.K. Department of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Department of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. 14, Conduit Road, Emerald Court 5-B, H.K. Consulate General of Costa Rice, 3, Tin Hau Temple Road, H.K. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, H.K. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hung Road, Aberdeen, H.K. LINTHWAITE, Mr. & Mrs, J. 2, The Albany, H.K. LIU, Miss Alison LIU, Sydney C. - LLEWELLYN, John LLOYD, Mrs. Aileen $. LO, Hsiang-lin LOBO, Mrs. R. H. LOCKING, J. R. LOFTS, Prof. B. - LUCAS, Col. E. S. $. - LUNDEEN, Mr. & Mrs. R. W.. LUTZ, Hans F.. MA, Prof. Meng, M.B.E. + + + + 34. Lugard Road, H.K. Apt. B-2, Swiss Towers, 113, Tai Hang Rd., H.K. Dept. of Geography and Geology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Flat 8A, Hamilton Court, 8, Po Shan Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Race View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46, Stubbs Road, H.K. c/o The Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club, Sports Road, Happy Valley, H.K. Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 1101, Tavistock, 10, Tregunter Path, H.K. Tai Yuen Lau, Flat A, 3/F., Tai Pak St., Tsuen Wan, N.T. Dept. of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS 259 ORDINARY MEMBERS: MacCALLUM, I. - c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. MacGREGOR, Keith - 19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K. MacLEAN, R. - 326-8, Tung Ying Building, 100, Nathan Road, Kowloon. MAHLKE, William J. - c/o Estates Office, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. MAO, Dr. Philip W. C., F.R.C.S. - P.O. Box 104, Macau. MARKEY, John C. - 117, Main Road, Kam Tin, N.T. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. - 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. MATHIAS, John R. G. - Johnson, Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. - Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. McELNEY, Brian S. - 1206, Shell House, 24, Queen's Road, C., H.K. McGOUGH, James P. - 10, Fort Street, 2nd floor, H.K. MEGGITT, Mrs. B. - 34, Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th floor, H.K. MIAO, Miss Irene Hung - c/o Miss G. Ou, P.O. Box 6440, Kowloon. MILLER, A. C. - 36, New Henry House, 10, Ice House St., H.K. MORGAN, Mrs. Carole - 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. MORROW, Miss Sharon E. - c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Insurance Dept., Jardine House, H.K. MOSLER, Mrs. M. - c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. MOYLE, G. C. - Anthropology Section, New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. MUNN, Mrs. E. - Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. MYERS, John T. - 304, Man Yee Building, H.K. NEWBIGGING, D. K. - 8, Abermor Court, 15 May Road, H.K. NG, Peter P. K. - Parker Pen Co. (F.E.) Ltd., Caxton House, 1 Duddell Street, H.K. NICOL, C. A. A. - Sandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, Sandy Bay, H.K. NISHIMURA, Masato - c/o The British Council, Star House, 3rd floor, Kowloon. O'BRIEN, Dr. John P. - O'HARA, Mrs. Margaret - Jardine House, 12th floor, H.K. ... Cameraman Ltd., 22A, Westlands Road, 6th floor, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 260 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: O'HARA, Randolph O'H WARD, Dr. & Mrs. F. A. OTTWAY, Mrs. Joy OXLEY, C. W. B. PARKIN, Mrs. Elise PARRINGTON, Miss June PAUL, Mr. & Mrs. Anthony M. PAYNTER, J. L. PERESYPKIN, Oleg P. PICKFORD, J. B. PORDES, F. POW, Hugh J. PRESCOTT, Jon. A. PRYOR, Dr. E. G. c/o The City Hall Library, Edinburgh Place, H.K. Flat 58, 140, Pokfulam Road, H.K. 216, Windsor House, H.K. District Office, Sai Kung, Sai Po Kong Government Offices, 692, Prince Edward Road, Kowloon. 12, Peak Mansions, H.K. Arts Faculty Office, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. 9, Jade House, 47C, Stubbs Road, H.K. Canadian Trade Commission, P.O. Box 126, H.K. P.O. Box 1382, H.K. E/M Dept., Public Works Department, Caroline Hill, H.K. 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. School of Physiotherapy, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. 67B, Perkins Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Colony Planning Division, Crown Lands & Survey Office, Murray Building, H.K. History Department, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. QUESTED, Mrs. R. K. I. REYNOLDS, W. A. 19, Middleton Towers, 140, Pokfulam Rd., H.K. RICKETT, Mr. & Mrs. E. A. 35A Shouson Hill Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. RIFKIN, Miss S. B. RITCHIE, D. J. ROBERTSON, Mrs. A. G. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. ROGERS, R. ROPER, C. W. ROSE, Miss Patricia RUDANT, Jacques SALMON, Mrs. P. A. American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road. H.K. Flat A-4, 45, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 5A, Hatton House, 15, Kotewall Road, H.K. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, Taipo. 1st floor, Kowloon. The Chartered Bank, 10, Granville Road, Kowloon. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, 1, Jordan Rd., Kowloon, French Trade Commission, 1505-7 Hang Seng Bank Bldg., 77 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. 40, Plantation Road, The Peak, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: SAPSTEAD, G. SCHWARZ, W. H. SCOBELL, C. L. SELWYN, J. B. SHAW, Dr. & Mrs. B. C. SHOEMAKER, J. F. SHU, Dr. H. T. SIEGEL, H. W. SIU, Miss A. V. SLEVIN, Brian SMITH, Rev. Carl T, SO, Dr. Chak Lam SOLOMON, Mrs. Miriam SPAIN, Mr. & Mrs. E. J. STAFFORD, Peter STEINER, Henry STEMPEL, A. STEWART, Miss J. M. C. STRANGER-JONES, A. J. STRICKLAND, John E. STUMPF, K. L., O.B.E. SU, Ming-Hsuan SU, Samson TAYLOR, Mrs. V. THOMA, Dr. Richard THOMAS, Rik THOMAS, Mrs. S. E. Highways Office, Public Works Dept., Murray Building, H.K. c/o Achelis (HK) Ltd., Kowloon City P.O. Box 9334, Kowloon City, Kowloon. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. 2404 Connaught Centre, H.K. 72, Middleton Towers, 140, Pokfulam Rd., H.K. 73, Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon. 70, Mt. Davis Road, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co. Ltd., 1916 Union House, H.K. Flat A, Hing Mee Bldg., 13th floor, 25-31 Leighton Road, H.K. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Chung Chi College, Shatin, N.T. Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 2 Wongneichong Gap Road, F5, Woodland Heights, H.K. D28 Burnside Estate, Repulse Bay, H.K. c/o The Mandarin Hotel, Connaught Road, C., H.K. Graphic Communication Ltd., Printing House, 6 Duddell Street, H.K. c/o Gilman Office Machines, 41st floor, Connaught Centre, H.K. 28, Lancashire Road, Kowloon. 12E, Cliffview Mansions, 25, Conduit Rd., H.K. c/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., G.P.O. Box 64, H.K. Lutheran World Federation, Dept. of World Service, 33 Granville Road, Kowloon. 28 Broadway, 10-B Mei Foo Sun Chuen, Kowloon. c/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, C., H.K. 6A Pekao House, 30 Conduit Road, H.K. 44, Mt. Kellet Road, 3A, Mountain Lodge, H.K. 31 Conduit Road, 9th floor, H.K. C-3, Clearwater Bay Apts, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 262 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: THROWER, Prof. L. B. TISDALL, Brian TOMLIN, Mrs. I. TONG, Louis TORRANCE, J. R. TOOGOOD, C. W. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSE, Charles TSO, Mrs. Priscilla TURNER, H. D. TWEEDIE, Howard TWITCHETT, Miss Yvonne TYLER, Mr. & Mrs. M. R. VEEVERS, Miss Kathleen J. VETCH, Mr. & Mrs. Henri VISICK, Mrs. Mary Flat 6B, University Residence No. 6, Chinese University of Hong Kong. 7, Stanley Mound Road, Stanley, H.K. 12A, Broadwood Road, 1st floor, H.K. Connaught Centre, 35th floor, H.K. A2, 2 Vista Panorama, Amonoda Road, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. 59-61 Wong Chuk Hang Road, 1st floor, Aberdeen, H.K. Dept. of Extra Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. History Dept., University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Officers' Mess, Grenadier Guards, Stanley Fort, H.K. c/o Island School, Bowen Road, H.K. 402, Tregunter Mansions, 14 Old Peak Rd., H.K. 79, Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. 10A, Belmont Court, 10, Kotewall Road, H.K. Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. WADIA, Mr. & Mrs. R. J. WALDEN, J. C. C. WATERS, D. D. WATT, J. C. Y. WEBB, Miss Susan M. WEBBER, Dr. & Mrs. J. H. WEI, Dr. Tat WENG, Mrs. Gloria WESTCOTT, K. WHITELEY, Mrs. I. E. 502, La Hacienda, 31 Mt. Kellet Road, The Peak, H.K. 1 Homestead, The Peak, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Flat 4, 5A Garden Road, H.K. Fanling Hospital, Fanling, N.T. 3 Fontana Gardens, 5th floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. 1 Essex Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. The British Council, Star House, 3rd floor, Kowloon. 8C London Court, 41A Conduit Road, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: 263 WILKINSON, Miss A. M. Sisters' Quarters, Flat 605C, Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. WILLIAMS, B. V. - c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. WILLIAMS, P. B. 10, The Albany, H.K. WILLIS, D. N. 35th floor, Connaught Centre, H.K. WILSON, B. D. Flat 2D, 30, Plunketts Road, The Peak, H.K. WILSON, J. K. Flat 3D, Man Kei Toi, Pak Sha Wan, Sai Kung N.T. WISBEY, Miss Glenda c/o Poste Restante, G.P.O., H.K. WONG, Kwok Fong 92A Pokfulam Road, 1st floor, H.K, WONG, Miss Marion 8, Fung Tai Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. WRIGHT, D. A. L. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. WRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. YEUNG, Walter W. T. 60B, Conduit Road, H.K. YOUNG, Dr. Frances M. c/o The Bishop's House, 1, Lower Albert Road, H.K. ZIGAL, Mrs. Irene 12, Bowen Road, H.K. ZIMMERN, W. A. G.P.O. Box 837, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY OVERSEAS MEMBERS: JOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. Paul K. + JOHNSTON, James J. JUNKER, Mrs. Sibylle KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. - KIDD, S. T. LEAKE, Mrs. Sima B. LECKIE, J. B. H. - + - LYNCH, Rev. P. Francis, M.M. MACK, A. M. McCOY, J. - ORR, Iain C. PENNELL, W. V. - RAINBIRD, S. W. O.B.E. RASSIM, Mrs. E. SCOTT, J. M. P + SMITH, Dr. Ralph B. - SMITHIES, Michael SOO, Dr. Hoy Mun STOKES, John - 265 c/o Nan Shan Life Ins. Co. Ltd., 15, Nan King E. Road, Section 2, Taipei, Taiwan. P.O. Box 65, Marshall, Arkansas 72650, U.S.A. c/o Federal Foreign Office, Referat 412, Bonn (Germany-West), Adenauerallee 101. c/o Ostasiatisches Seminar, Der Universetat Zurich, Muhlegasse 21, 8001 Zurich, Switzerland. c/o Hong Kong Govt. Office, 54, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1, England. c/o American Consulate, Calcutta, India. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30, Rue Joseph 2nd, Brussels 4, Belgium. Maryknoll Centre House, 120 San Min Rd., 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan. 34, Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1, England. Dept. of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 14850, U.S.A. Pearce Institute, Govan Cross, Glasgow, S.W.1, U.K. Can Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. c/o Hong Kong Govt. Office, 54, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1, England. 101, Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. c/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., 9, Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3, England. School of Oriental & African Studies, Malet Street, London, W.C.1, England. Eng. Language Training Unit, University of Jadjahmada, Jogjakarta, Indonesia. 249, Jalan Pekeliling, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. c/o Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., Bandar Seri Begawan, State of Brunei. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. Jaishan, Apartada 56, Marbella, Provincia de Malaga, Spain. STURM, Dr. F. G. + c/o Dept. of Philosophy, The University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico 87131, U.S.A. UHALLEY, Dr. Stephen, Jr. 7103, Kukii Street, Honolulu, Hawaii 96821, U.S.A. WATSON, Dr. James L. - + c/o School of Oriental & African Studies, Malet Street, London, W.C.1, E7 HP, England. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 122. HKS 0316 HK.S 950 R8 A8 HT The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in March, 1977. 1,000 copies. Price per copy: HK$25 postage extra Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by YE OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., M.B.E., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1975: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Hon. Secretary: A. I. Diamond, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Helga Werle, Phil. Sin. Cand. (Munich) F. Geoffroy-Dechaume, Consul General for France K. A. Westcott, B.A., Dip.Ed. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. H. J. Lethbridge, B.Sc.(Econ.), B.Sc.(Soc.), Dip. Criminology Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. D. H. Liu ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. The Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Responsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT TREASURER's Report THE LIBRARY: and the Library Rules TRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH : I Page 1 9 13 16 A Hong Kong Spirit-Medium Temple-JOHN T. MYERS Merchant Organisations in Late Imperial China: Patterns of Change and Development-WELLINGTON K. K. CHAN 28 China's Economic Planning and Changing Geography—CHIAO-MIN HSIEH 43 ∞ NOA 48 61 71 88 ARTICLES: Incident between the Hong Merchants and the Super-cargoes of the British East India Company in Canton, 1811—J. L. Cranmer-BYNG The Great Plague of Hong Kong-E. G. PRYOR Notes on Chiuchow Opera-Helga Werle Condition of the European Working Class in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong-HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE The Employment of Foreign Military Talent: Chinese Tradition and Late Ch'ing Practice-RICHARD J. SMITH 113 The Pacific Oyster Industry in Hong Kong-BRIAN MORTON AND P. S. WONG Captive Surgeon in Hong Kong: the Story of the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong 1942-1945- DONALD C. Bowie NOTES AND QUERIES: ... The Pottery Kilns at Wun Yiu, Tai Po-J. W. HAYES The Noon Day Gun-CARL T. SMITH The German Congregation in Hong Kong until 1914-CARL T. SMITH 139 150 291 292 292 295 Boat People's Ceremonies observed from Island House, Tai Po-D. AKERS JONES 300 The RAS Photographic Survey in Hong Kong—H. A. RYDINGS 311 Chief Marshal T'ien, patron of the stage, of musicians and wrestlers-East and South East China-K. G. STEVENS 303 Chang Yu-tang and an old Hanging Scroll from Cheung Chau-FRANCIS S. Y. SHAM AND JAMES Hayes Hung Hom: an Early Industrial Village in Old British Kowloon-Carl T. SMITH AND JAMES HAYES Typhoon Preparations in 1903 BOOK REVIEWS 318 324 327 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d A View in Perspective The Staff Conclusion Acknowledgements (ii) The footnote reference at p. 295 is now to p. 12 (iii) Take out 'University of California Press' at footnote 5 on p. 132 (iv) The reference to Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke's autobiography at p. 178 should be to the footnote at p. 290. (v) The following changes/additions should be made to Wellington K. K. Chan's article on 'Merchant Organisations in Late Imperial China': (a) the references to charitable halls in Shanghai and Canton on p. 33 (second and third paras) are to private ones. (b) Add to footnote 15: Prior to this, it should be noted that there already were a few semi-active government-run charitable institutions in Canton. See Edward J. M. Rhoads, "Merchant Associations in Canton 1895-1911," in Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner, eds., The Chinese City Between Two Worlds (Stanford, 1974). (c) Change footnote 38 to the following: See my Merchants, Mandarins and Modern Enterprise in Late Ch’ing China (Harvard University Press, forthcoming). Also Edward Rhoads' "Merchant Associations in Canton" cited above. I disagree with Rhoads' interpretation, however, that the chambers of commerce attracted all or most of the gentry-merchants (as opposed to the few or none for the charitable halls), or that they were successful in "[breaking] down barriers between guilds and [creating] a city-wide merchant organization (p. 107)." More successful, probably; but as my own study shows, the chambers were still disunited by geographical or trade differences. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d LIBRARY NOTICE Owing to the removal of the British Council Library from Gloucester Building it became necessary to make new arrangements for the R.A.S. Library, part of which had been made accessible to members through the kind co-operation of the British Council Representative and with the assistance of his library staff, and had been housed in the Gloucester Building, The books in the R.A.S. Library have therefore now been transferred to the Public Records Office, 2 Murray Road, which is on the mezzanine of the multi-storey carpark building above the Transport Department Licensing Office, access being by the external staircase next to the carpark shroff's office. By kind permission of the Archivist, the books are shelved in the P.R.O. Library, where they may be consulted by members of the Branch on production of their membership cards, and borrowed in accordance with the revised rules of which a copy is attached. It is unfortunately still necessary to keep the periodicals (bound and unbound) and pamphlets belonging to the R.A.S. Library in the Main Library of the University of Hong Kong, where members may consult them on application to the Hon. Librarian. These items are not available for loan. There are a few copies of the printed catalogue of the Library, 1972 and first supplement, 1972-73, available to those members who have joined in the past three years, on application to the Hon. Librarian. It is hoped to produce a second supplement for 1974-75 at the end of this year. Donations of books relating to the interests of the Society are always welcome. Arrangements can be made to collect books from donors who are not able to convey their gifts to either the P.R.O. or the University Library. 18th October, 1975. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d A HONG KONG SPIRIT-MEDIUM TEMPLE 23 weekday. His possessing spirit is the saintly monk Buddha Sha僧。 The third medium is also a Chiu-chow in his early 30's. He is employed as a performer in a Chiu-chow opera troupe and seldom appears at the temple except on major feast days, e.g. Chinese New Year. His possessing deity is the Supreme Buddha. The medium "in training” is a Chiu-chow in his early 20's who was until recently employed as a security guard at a local transportation facility. He now supports himself by odd jobs such as take-home piece work from local factories. His possessing deity is the mythical Monkey of Chinese legend.13 It is obvious that an individual kei tung's rank within the cult is not based on the relative position of their possessing deities within the Chinese pantheon. Rank is predicated on the kei tung's experience as a medium and degree of involvement in the affairs of the temple association. The mere fact that the cult master's possessing deities would be judged as relatively minor personages in the Chinese pantheon in no way affects his recognized position of dominance among the ritual specialists. His over twenty years of experience as a kei tung, and his role as one of the founding “19 Brothers" of the temple association, render his position unassailable. Many elaborate ceremonies are conducted by Tai Wong Ye kei tung, the most ostentatious being those held during Chinese New Year and the Yu Laan or Hungry Ghost Festival. It is our contention, however, that the keystone of the cult's appeal as a religious centre lies in the simpler ritual held each evening at 10 p.m. It is that ritual which we will now discuss. Tai Wong Ye Temple: The Possession Ritual Eighty-seven years ago a Christian missionary in Amoy described a spirit possession ritual as follows: "The graven idol can be seen sitting in the shrine, with its attendant figures by its side. The group of men that are chanting in a steady, monotonous voice charms that are supposed to bring the spirit are usually men of no reputation in the village. There is no scholar in his long role present, and no man of influence standing by to do honor to the idol. The men seem fit for scenes of darkness and remind one of Macbeth's witches making their ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 24 JOHN T. MYERS incantation around the cauldron. On they go for hours in darkness. The voices at times grow louder and the drum beat more vigorous. All at once the medium who has begun to sway his body from side to side as if to invite supernatural influences begins to be violently affected. He dances and leaps in the air, the beat of the drum becomes more rapid, and the voices of the men louder and shriller. The wildest confusion reigns. It seems as though some horrid scene from the infernal regions were being enacted on earth and the devils had been let loose for a time to carry on their orgies among men."14 We have quoted at length the 19th century description because it is our opinion even the most zealously anti-pagan observer may have a difficult time identifying it as essentially the same type of ritual enacted each evening at Tai Wong Ye Temple. Scheduled at 10 p.m. for the convenience of a working class population the ceremony incorporates little of the din and frenzy which characterized its Amoy counterpart. On almost any given evening shortly before 10 o'clock petitioners begin arriving at the temple. The number commonly varies from 10 to 15, with a distinct majority being middle-aged and elderly women. After burning joss sticks and offering prayers to the deity, petitioners at the direction of various tan sang who tend the altar, inscribe their name, birthday, and the names of other family members on a red sheet of paper. This accomplished they gather around a red table in the middle of the shrine chamber. The atmosphere is casual as greetings and gossip are exchanged between them. On the red table is a can of red paint, a slender paint brush, a rubber stamp, a stack of yellow paper slips, a rather large compartmentalized box with various types of herbs, and a basin of foo shui or "sacred water" #k. Near the table is a red, throne-shaped chair. At approximately 10 p.m. the medium enters the temple. After greeting those present he approaches the table and takes a sip of the sacred water. Continuing to stand before the table, he begins to move his head from side to side. He then starts pounding the table with his fists while emitting loud guttural grunts. After a few moments he adopts a stylized posture signifying to all present the identity of the possessing deity. The tan sang provide him with the throne-like chair and he sits to hear the petitions of worshippers. The possession is usually effected within two minutes of his sipping the sacred water. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 26 JOHN T. MYERS managed by members of one Chinese speech group, the Chiu-chow. The "honorary" committee members, the working committee members, the tan sang, and the kei tung are Chiu-chow. Observation of numerous possession ceremonies reveals that it is rare to discover a non-Chiu-chow among the worshippers. This de facto exclusivity is rendered more formal in a brochure advertising places for tablets of the deceased in the “Hall of 100 Surnames" by the statement that the places are reserved for heung lei or fellow countrymen, i.e. fellow Chiu-chow. While from a ritual point of view Tai Wong Ye is correctly described as a spirit-medium temple, from a social point of view it is akin to a type which Feuchtwang2 designates a "Compatriot” temple. It is a place where members of the Chiu-chow minority speech group can gather to converse freely in their native tongue, exchange useful information, and enjoy that sense of solidarity which Durkheim posits as the chief product of shared ritual. The low-keyedness of the ritual offerings is understandable when one realizes that the target population is one already predisposed by regional socialization to accept the reality and effectiveness of the kei tung's mediumship. Our conclusion therefore is that the success of the Kwun Tong spirit-medium temple is due more to the social selectivity of its appeal than to a heightened interest in spirits and their mediums on the part of the general population. NOTES 1 Firth 1959, p. 141. 2 Feuchtwang, no reference details available. 3 Elliott, 1955. 4 Jordan, 1972. 5 Ahern, 1973. 6 Potter, 1974. 7 This observation is based on casual questioning of Hong Kong residents over a three-year time period. 8 Potter, op. cit. 9 The Chiu-Chow and Hoi-Luk-Fung people's native regions are the eastern coastal counties of Kwangtung Province. The Hokkien are natives of Fukien Province which is immediately east of Kwangtung Province. 10 Tak Kaau is a syncretic cult which claims tens of thousands of supporters from the Chiu-Chow communities in Southeast Asia. Although more ritual attention is awarded to Chinese deities the Tak Kaau pantheon includes Christ, Allah, and deities from the Hindu religion. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA 33 buffeted the Chinese state, the need for social services grew rapidly. In the urban areas, merchants organised themselves in new groups with the specific purpose of offering relief and good works. The new organisation was known as a shan-tang charitable hall or hospital. These charitable halls became popular first in the area around Shanghai, where a large number of them were founded during the 1850's and 1860's. From about 1870, they were imitated in Canton and Hong Kong. According to the nineteenth century scholar-official, Feng Kuei-fen, the concept of charitable halls as permanent establishments of private social welfare dated back to the Shang and Chou dynasties.13 Until the mid-nineteenth century, only Shanghai had a few in existence. One traced its origin to 1374 while another, a centre catering to orphaned children, dated back to 1710.14 In Canton there was no charitable hall until 1870, when the Ai-yü shan-t'ang was established by a group of merchants. Its prospectus specifically stated that it was modelled after P'u-yü of Shanghai.15 At about the same time, merchants in Hong Kong, with the local government support, initiated a hospital, the Tung Wah Hospital, to offer Chinese style medical treatment to the poor. Its services were later expanded into famine relief and it became the major centre receiving contributions from overseas Chinese. By 1900, eight more charitable halls were built in Canton to form the "Nine Great Charitable Halls" of Canton (Chiu-ta shan-t'ang).16 In Hong Kong, one other major merchant charitable hall was opened in 1882. This was called the Po Leung Kuk (Pao-liang chu) or the "Society for the Protection of Women and Girls."18 Other communities followed the pattern. The format of the two Hong Kong organisations was particularly favoured by the overseas Chinese who retained or changed slightly the names Tung Wah Hospital and Po Leung Kuk throughout Southeast Asia.20 Merchants as Community Leaders The rise of charitable halls in urban settings meant that merchants had assumed a leadership role which in other times had been held only by the scholar-gentry members. Down to 1949, the latter maintained their commanding position in the villages and small towns. But in the large commercial centres like Canton and Soochow, even though there were no lack of upper gentry members, the merchants took over the lead in providing social services. The ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 40 WELLINGTON K. K. CHAN community in the major commercial centres helped the regional governments to become more independent of, and ultimately even more powerful than, the central government. In this way, merchant organisations helped the growth of political regionalism even as they advanced the cause of social and economic integration. We began this study of Chinese merchant organisations on the premise that they reflected not only great resilience as institutions, but also the flexibility of their organisers in adopting changes consistent with changing values and changing times. To synchronise values and the environmental conditions, however, proved to be highly intractable. In late imperial China, as society made fast and momentous changes towards regionalism, warlordism and political illegitimacy, merchant organisations adjusted admirably, but somehow failed to keep pace with the rapidly changing environment. Our conclusion then is to suggest that indeed both men and institutions showed great resilience, but that in times of great social and political stress, there were limits as to what they could accomplish. NOTES 1 See, e.g. Thomas A. Metzger's "The Organizational Capabilities of the Ch'ing State in the Field of Commerce: The Liang-huai Salt Monopoly, 1740-1840," in W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1972), pp. 9-45, showing how the organizational flexibility of the Liang-huai salt administration was matched by the manipulative skills and non-conformist behavior of its administrators; and John E. Schrecker, Imperialism and Chinese Nationalism: Germany in Shantung (Cambridge, Mass., 1971) for emphasizing comparable success by late Ch'ing foreign policy institutions and officials. 2 Ch'üan Han-sheng, Chung-kuo hang-hui chih-tu shih (An institutional history of the Chinese guilds) (Shanghai, 1934), pp. 29-36. 3 H. B. Morse, The Gilds of China (London, 1909), pp. 35-48; Ho Ping-ti, Chung-kuo hui-kuan shih-lun (A historical survey of Landsmannschaften in China) (Taipei, 1966). The German term "Landsmannschaft" used by Professor Ho for "hui-kuan" was first suggested by D. J. MacGowan in his "Chinese Guilds or Chambers of Commerce and Trade Unions," Journal of North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 21 (1888-89). 4 Chung-hsü Hsi-hsien hui-kuan lu (A repeat edition of the continuation to the records of the Hsi-hsien Landsmannschaft) (n.p., 1834), “hsü-lu hou-chi,” pp. 13a, 16b, 19a, 22b; "hsin-chi," pp. 3b-5b, 12a. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA 41 5 Ho Ping-ti, "Salient Aspects of China's Heritage," in Ping-ti Ho and Tang Tsou, eds., China in Crisis (Chicago, 1968), I. 1:34-35; Ho Ping-ti, Hui-kuan shih-lun, pp. 33-34, 37-40. 6 See John Fincher's article on provincialism in Mary C. Wright, ed. China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913 (New Haven, 1968). 7 Ezra F. Vogel and Tamako Yagai, “Japanese Studies of Chinese Guilds," unpublished paper delivered at the Seminar on Problems of Micro-Organs in Chinese Society, 1963; Peter J. Golas, "Early Ch'ing Gilds,” unpublished paper delivered at the Conference on Urban Society in Traditional China, 1968. 8 Ch'üan Han-sheng, Hang-hui chih-tu, pp. 99-101; Peng Chang, “Distribution of Provincial Merchant Groups in China, 1842-1911," (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, Seattle, 1958), pp. 51-55. 9 The others were from (1) Chihli, (2) Shantung, (3) Nanking, (4) Wusih and (5) the Shansi bankers. See A. M. Kotenev, Shanghai: Its Mixed Court and Council (Shanghai, 1925), p. 253 n. 10 Lai Lien-san, Hsiang-kang chih-lüeh (A brief account of Hong Kong) (Hong Kong, 1931), 115-17 11 For a detailed account, see Fang Teng, "Yü Hsia-ch'ing lun," (On Yu Hsia-ch'ing) in Tsa-chih Yüeh-k'an (Monthly miscellany), 12.2:46-51 (Nov. 1943); 12.3:62-67 (Dec. 1943); 12.4:59-64 (Jan. 1944). 12 P'eng Tse-i, "Shih-chiu shih-chi hou-ch'i Chung-kuo ch'eng-shih shou-kung-yeh shang-yeh hsing-hui ti chung-chien ho tso-yung" (The revival and function of urban handicraft and commercial organizations in late nineteenth century China), Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical studies) 1:71-102 (1965). 13 T'ung-chih Shang-hai hsien-chih (Gazetteer of the Shanghai County for the T'ung-chih reign), ed. Yü Yueh (n.p., 1871), 2:21-28. 14 Ibid. 15 Nan-hai hsien-chih (Gazetteer of the Nan-hai County), eds. Chang Feng-chieh, et al. (n.p., 1910), 6:106-13. 16 Sixtieth Anniversary of the Tungwah Hospital: A Commemorative Issue (Hong Kong, 1930). 17 They were Ai-yü, Kuang-chi, Kuang-jen, Ch'ung-cheng, Shu-shan, Ming-shan, Hui-hsing, Fang-pien, Jun-shen. 18 "Reports of the Special Committee appointed by H.E. Sir William Robinson, KCMG, to investigate and report on certain points connected with the Bills for the Incorporation of the Po Leung Kuk, a Society for the Protection of Women and Girls" (Hong Kong, 1893). 19 E.g. see Hsiang-shan hsien-chih hsü-pien (A continuation of the Gazetteer of the Hsiang-shan County), ed. Li Shih-ch'in (n.p., 1923), 4:18a-20b, in which it is stated that a number were founded during the Kuang-hsü reign (1875-1908). 20 Song Ong Siong. One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore (Singapore, 1967), pp. 277, 309, 424, 432; George W. Skinner, Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand (Ithaca, 1958), pp. 2-13. 21 Nan-hai hsien-chih, 6:10b. 22 Shang-hai hsien hsü-chih (A continuation of the Gazetteer of the Shanghai County), ed. Yao Wen-nan (Shanghai, 1918), 2:38a. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 42 WELLINGTON K. K. CHAN 23 P'eng Tse-i, "Shih-chiu shih-chi," 1:73, 90-95. 24 Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life (New Haven, 1965), pp. 216-17. 25 Chang Chih-tung, Chang Wen-hsiang-kung chi (The papers of Chang Chih-tung), ed. Hsu T'ung-hsin (Peiping, 1919-21), "tsou-kao," 12:1-5b. 26 Ibid. 27 E.g., Hsiang-kang Hua-tzu jih-pao (Chinese Mail of Hong Kong), 1901: 4/27, 5/9. 28 Hua-tzu jih-pao, 22/3/1901. 29 Mark Elvin, "The Gentry Democracy in Chinese Shanghai,” in Jack Gray (ed), Modern China's Search for Political Form (Oxford, 1969), pp. 41-65. 30 Imperial Maritime Customs, Decennial Reports 1882-1891 (Shanghai, 1893), p. 34. 31 Morse, Gilds of China, pp. 53-54; Decennial Reports, 1882-1891, pp. 537-38. 32 In 1892, those of Yunnan and Kweichow were added. 33 Decennial Reports, 1882-1891, pp. 119-20. 34 Sheng Hsuan-huai, Yü-chai ts'un-kao ch'u-k'an (Collected drafts of Sheng Hsuan-huai, first issue), ed. Lü Ching-tuan (Shanghai, 1939), 7:36a. 35 The China Weekly Review (Shanghai), 24/7/1926, pp. 188, 190. 36 Hua-tzu jih-pao, 10/10/1907; 28/10/1908. 37 The Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce: The Fiftieth Anniversary Commemorative Issue (Singapore, 1954), pp. 2-3. These practices, somewhat modified, are still going on today, see Sin Chew Jit Poh (Singapore Daily), 9/2/1975, p. 3. 38 See my own forthcoming article "The Chamber of Commerce in Late Ch'ing China." ** 39 North-China Herald (Shanghai), 23/2/1906. 40 Chang Ts'un-wu, Chung-Mei kung-yüeh fang-chiao (Disputes over the Sino-American labor agreement) (Taipei, 1965). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d INCIDENT BETWEEN HONG MERCHANTS AND THE SUPERCARGOES OF THE BRITISH EAST INDIA COMPANY IN CANTON, 1811. J. L. CRANMER-BYNG* A detailed account of this incident was recorded by the senior officer on the British side, Captain the Hon. Hugh Lindsay,† the Commodore of the East India Company's fleet at that time. It is in the form of a letter to his sister, Lady Anne Barnard, undated, and was printed in The Lives of the Lindsays by Lord Lindsay, 2 vols., London, 1849. A full copy of this letter, retaining the original punctuation, has been supplied by Mr. Tom Lindsay, a long-time member of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. It is worth printing because of the details it supplies which are missing in the brief account of the same episode in Hosea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China, 1635-1834, Vol. III, Oxford 1926, p. 156. Historians of early Anglo-Chinese relations, and of the British East India Company's trade with China, have to rely to a great extent for their material on Morse's five substantial volumes. It is worth examining, at this point, how Morse wrote these volumes which are based on a massive collection of hand-written documents. * Professor Cranmer-Byng belongs to the Department of History at the University of Toronto. He was the first Hon. Editor of this Journal and has contributed to it from time to time. Hon. Hugh Lindsay was a younger brother of Alexander Lindsay, 6th Earl of Balcarres and 23rd Earl of Crawford. A note at the bottom of page 400 of Vol. II of Lives of the Lindsays states: Mr. Hugh Lindsay was for many years Member of Parliament for the burghs of Forfar, Perth, Dundee, Cupar and St. Andrews, and Marshal of the Admiralty. In the text on the same page it is stated that he was also a Director and Chairman of the East India Company. He died in April 1844 in his eightieth year. The biographical note goes on: Hugh Hamilton Lindsay Esq., his only son, and long a resident in China, is the author of the extremely interesting 'Voyage of the Amherst, — along two thousand miles of the coast of China,- published in 8vo. by a speculating bookseller, from his report to the East India Co., which was printed by order of Parliament. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 62 E. G. PRYOR mucous and epithelium frequently appeared in the stools.* Additionally, painful swellings or buboes commonly developed in the groin, neck or armpits usually by the second day. Even though by the turn of the nineteenth century medical science had made significant progress, little was still then known of the manner in which the disease was transmitted. It was not until 1905 that it was finally established in Bombay by the Plague Research Commission of India that the bacillus, pasteurella pestis, commonly gained entry into the blood stream by inoculation through the bite of fleas which, in turn, were carried by rats. Scientific research into the causes of the plague in Hong Kong came close to finding this answer but the plethora of other more plausible-looking theories detracted attention away from the apparently harmless flea. The Origin of the Plague in Hong Kong Bubonic plague in China was thought to have first spread from Yunnan which, itself, is likely to have been infected by transmissions over the trade routes from India. As a prelude to the outbreak of the disease in Hong Kong in 1894, it appears that it occurred in Canton in January of that year. By June, it had reached epidemic proportions and had accounted for some 80,000 deaths. At the outbreak of the disease in Canton, many persons (particularly the well-to-do) moved into the countryside and thereby created new foci for its dissemination. Simpson thus records that it is "not surprising that whatever affects Canton is not long in making itself felt in Hong Kong. This year when cholera broke out in Canton there was only an interval of a few weeks before the disease appeared in 1894." Indeed, the spread of the disease to Hong Kong was accelerated by the unrestricted entry from Kwantung Province of many thousands of workers and also junks and river boats that formed an integral part of the colony's role as an entrepot. On the 10th May 1894, Hong Kong was declared an infected port and within the space of a few weeks the administration was * Quoted in William Hunter, A Research into Epidemic & Epizootic Plague Hong Kong, 1904, p. 6. ↑ W. J. Simpson, Report on the Causes and Continuance of Plague in Hong Kong and Suggestions as to Remedial Measures, London, 1903, p. 22. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d THE GREAT PLAGUE OF HONG KONG 63 faced with our epidemic of great magnitude. By July, for example, there had been 2442 deaths. Hospitals were quickly established on board the "Hygeia", at Kennedy Town Police Station and at the Kennedy Town glass works. The first two hospitals were run by European staff whilst the third was manned by Chinese personnel of the Tung Wah hospital. Official despatches record that "it was deemed advisable to give the Chinese doctors a free hand at first. In any case, it is difficult to persuade the Chinese to report cases of sickness and their foolish and violent prejudice against Western medical men is quite sufficient to induce them, as they certainly did in the first fortnight or three weeks of the existence of the plague, not only to secrete their sick but often to desert their plague-stricken friends and relations after death."* A house-to-house inspection was carried out by personnel of the garrison and those houses in which plague had occurred were cleansed and disinfected. This action gave rise to numerous complaints from the Chinese community for it was rumoured that the foreigners had sinister and unspeakable desires on the women and children. Indeed, so inflamed did feelings become that a deputation of Chinese petitioned the Governor, Sir William Robinson, to order the cleansing operations to be stopped. However, Sir William made it clear in no uncertain terms that the government was determined to take strong measures. Subsequently, an anti-government poster campaign was launched and this spread to Canton where further rumours were started to the effect that English doctors were accused of cutting open pregnant women and scooping out the eyes of children to make medicines for the treatment of plague-stricken patients. The prompt answer of the governor in Hong Kong was to station the gunboat "Tweed" off Tai Ping Shan and to offer a reward for information leading to the arrest of persons distributing malicious posters. Additionally, the Chinese Viceroy in Canton was requested to issue proclamations denying the atrocity stories. However, these were not made with any great degree of vigour and feelings in Canton continued to run high to the extent that two women missionary doctors were set upon by a mob. * "Further Correspondence Relative to the Outbreak of Bubonic Plague at Hong Kong between Sir William Robinson to the Marquess of Ripon 1894", p. 2 in Blue Book Reports on Bubonic Plague 1894-1903, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 64 E. G. PRYOR The Chinese community in Hong Kong became panic-stricken and there was a mass exodus of workers back to China. In the China Sugar Factory, for example, some 300 workers downed tools and walked their way back to Swatow about 180 miles away. The economic life of the colony suffered considerably as a consequence. So much so that Sir William Robinson recorded that "without exaggeration, I may assert that, so far as trade and commerce are concerned the plague has assumed the importance of an unexampled calamity."* Conditions in the hospitals became exceedingly crowded. The Kennedy Town Glass Works Hospital was intended to accommodate 100 patients but at one point contained 200 afflicted persons. Admissions to hospital at the peak of the outbreak averaged 80 a day whilst dead bodies piled up in the streets at the rate of over 100 a day. A new pig depot had to be hastily converted into a hospital to take 140 patients and the running of all hospitals was assumed by European doctors as it was soon found that Chinese traditional medicine was of no avail. During the frantic efforts to rid the colony of the plague about 7000 persons were dispossessed of their homes, 350 houses were condemned and sealed off and several boatloads of patients were sent to Canton. With the advent of cooler weather the plague abated and there was hope that the visitation of 1894 would not be repeated. Indeed, there was no outbreak in the following year but in 1896 the oriental version of the black death stalked the streets of Hong Kong and carried off 1078 unfortunates, the majority being Chinese in the congested district of Tai Ping Shan. The plague thence became an almost annual occurrence usually making its appearance in February or March reaching a peak by July and then virtually disappearing during the autumn and winter. Over the period 1894-1901 some 8600 persons succumbed to the disease and this represented a mortality rate of about 95 per cent. Relentless efforts were made to root out the assumed cause of the problem which was generally thought to be insanitary living conditions. Regulations were passed requiring notification to the nearest police station of any cases of plague and in default of this obligation there was a penalty of $25, which at that time was a * Ibid, p. 5. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d THE GREAT PLAGUE OF HONG KONG 65 considerable sum of money. However, compliance with this regulation was seldom observed. House to house visits continued to detect afflicted premises but this also proved difficult. Usually, bodies were thrown out at night by the other occupants of infected houses so as to avoid detection and the subsequent disinfection of the premises. In 1900, for example, 412 dead bodies were dumped in the harbour, When the disinfection of houses was undertaken it was the usual practice for the occupants to be issued with new clothes. Their own clothes, bedding, curtains and carpets were sent to a steam disinfecting station. The premises were then thoroughly cleaned by spraying the walls with a solution of perchloride of mercury; alternatively, rooms were fumigated with free chlorine obtained by the addition of diluted sulphuric acid to chlorinated lime. Finally, the floors and furniture were scrubbed with Jeyes fluid and the walls were lime-washed. During these operations the occupants were given temporary accommodation on Chinese marriage boats anchored off Stonecutters Island. Other measures taken included the burial of the dead in a plague cemetery at Kennedy Town and the regular disinfecting of all public latrines with chlorinated lime. In Search of an Answer The suddenness of the attack of plague in 1894 and its continued virulence for the next two decades must have caused great dismay among the community in general, particularly as it also seemed impossible for modern science to eradicate the basic cause of the disease. When Sir William Robinson reported to the Marquess of Ripon in 1894 on the course of events he wrote: "It is, I think, very probable that the want of sufficient water and the filthy habits of life amongst the 210,000 Chinese who reside here have rendered Hong Kong liable to the invasion and development of the germ of the bubonic plague. Chinese are of the opinion that the plague emanates from the ground and is favoured by a long continuance of dry weather when the earth becomes porous and numerous fissures appear on the surface facilitating the escape of whatever causes the disease."* * Ibid, p. 5. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d THE GREAT PLAGUE OF HONG KONG 67 disease to man remained a mystery and the two Japanese researchers could only conclude that the bacillus was drawn from the air by breathing. Further investigations soon established a positive relationship between the incidence of plague first among rats and subsequently among man. On this account, Simpson reported in 1902 that “no success is likely to accrue from the adoption of any measure limited to dealing with plague in human beings and which does not take cognizance of the fact that plague in rats and mice also disseminates the infection. It does not serve any very useful purpose to remove the sick and cleanse everything in the infected houses and above the ground if the infection is being carried by plague-stricken rats from house to house or district to district by the subterranean movements of rats, whether this be effected by rat burrows or by sewers and drains. Both rat and human plague possess infective powers and each can spread the disease not only to its own species but also to the other”.* Simpson could offer no explanation as to the medium of infection although he did make a number of observations as to the conditions which appeared to favour the spread of the disease. In particular, he drew attention to the extremely crowded and insanitary conditions under which the majority of the Chinese population lived, the virtually unrestricted migration of thousands of people from infected areas in China to Hong Kong, and the fact that the colony served as a great emporium with hongs and godowns filled with stores and infested with rats. Simpson saw the solution to the problem by way of the strict enforcement of various preventive measures. Besides the already well-established procedures for the disinfection of houses, public latrines, and the like, he recommended in 1902 the appointment of medical men in every health district to register cases and find out causes of the disease. He also urged the strict control over the disposal of dead bodies in the street and harbour, and, to this end, suggested the enforcement of collective fines on all households in any street where a dead body was discovered. He further saw the necessity for the bacteriological examination of rats as part of an * First Memorandum from W. J. Simpson, M.D., to James Stewart Lockhart, Sanitary Board Office, 20th January 1902, p. 1 in Blue Book Reports on Bubonic Plague 1894-1907. Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 68 E. G. PRYOR intelligence service to pin-point danger spots and proposed the distribution of 100,000 hand bills publicising the causes and symptoms of plague, the destruction of rats and the addresses of places where sickness could be reported. Another recommendation was the establishment of a plague department with wide powers for the discovery, prevention and cure of plague including inoculation with a highly potent horse antiserum prepared at the Haffkine Institute in India. A final recommendation made by Simpson was a general improvement of sanitary conditions and stricter control over the design of tenement blocks which he described as follows: "The rooms, as a rule, are far too deep, the object of this depth being to subdivide each room into a number of cubicles for the accommodation of families or lodgers. Though there may be windows at each end of the room, the great depth materially obstructs the light to take an example from the better class of buildings, many of the houses that are being erected are eighty feet deep without lateral windows and contain long, narrow rooms of fifty-five feet in depth, by twelve or thirteen feet in width, lighted in front by a window and also in the rear by another window which looks into a backyard of twelve feet. . . .”* From the recommendations made by Simpson arose the Public Health and Buildings Ordinance of 1903 which set new standards for the design and occupancy of buildings and which remained in force until 1935. By 1904 a considerable amount of deductive evidence had accumulated to link the occurrence of plague to the fleas carried by rats. Dr. J. M. Howie of Changpoo, for example, was of the opinion that the main cause of plague was inoculation through the bite of fleas, lice and mosquitos. Dr. H. Dobson of Yung Kong also noted that the cases he had observed appeared to have been caused by "the bites of insects (fleas), contamination of open wounds on legs or elsewhere (or) through food containing the germ." William Hunter, the Government Bacteriologist of Hong Kong also noted * Second Memorandum from W. J. Simpson to James Stewart Lockhart Sanitary Board Office, 20th March 1902, p. 15 in Blue Book Reports on Bubonic Plague 1894-1907. + W. J. Simpson, Report on the Causes and Continuance of Plague in Hong Kong and Suggestions as to Remedial Measures, London, 1903, p. 31. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d THE GREAT PLAGUE OF HONG KONG 69 that "Simond...... has given a great deal of attention to this subject (and) came to the conclusion that Indian rat fleas bite man and that rat fleas spread plague from one rat to another and also to the human species."* However, Hunter himself was not convinced of this theory and subscribed to the view that cockroaches picked up the bacillus and transferred the disease to food stuffs. Others shared his scepticism. Finally, studies undertaken in 1905-06 by the Indian Plague Commission in Bombay conclusively established that fleas were the principal agents of transmission. Of the 1500 species of fleas about 100 can transmit plague; the most widely disseminated is Xenopsylla cheopis which is equally at home on rats or homo sapiens. At one feeding on a rat, the blood of which contains 100 million organisms per millilitre, a flea will ingest about 5000 organisms which then multiply in the flea's digestive tract. Later, its proventriculus becomes plugged by gelatinous masses of bacilli and, as a result, the valvular action becomes impaired. Because of this obstruction, blood cannot be sucked into the stomach. The esophagus becomes distended and the elastic recoil of the walls of both pharynx and gullet when the flea stops sucking may drive back into the bite wound highly infective blood. An infected flea may regurgitate as many as 10,000 to 24,000 organisms at one biting. Many species of fleas, however, may become infected without incurring blockages and these may never become pestiferous unless they have fed on severely infected rodents. Once a rat has become infected and subsequently dies the fleas carried thereon migrate to another host when the corpse loses its body heat. When the rat population has become decimated the fleas transfer their attention to human beings. This sequence of events thus explains the commonly observed phenomenon that plague in rats precedes plague among the inhabitants of infected premises. Even though the discovery of how plague was transferred from rats to man enabled more effective preventive measures to be taken to eradicate the disease in Hong Kong, it continued to afflict the colony until as late as 1929 when two cases were recorded. Virulent *W. Hunter, A Research into Epidemic and Epizootic Plague, Hong Kong, 1904, p. 32. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 72 HELGA WERLE and then a company is contracted to erect the temporary bamboo structures to house performances and ceremonies. The ideal is for the structures to be arranged in a square, the temple facing East and the stage opposite (i.e. West), so that the god is conveniently positioned to get the best view of the stage. The organizers are housed on one or both sides of the temple and on the sides of the square are exhibited the giant-sized dragon-robes, crowns and boots, all elaborately made of paper, which will be burnt and, in this way, sent as a birthday present to the god. AND RICE TO DONATE TO THE POOR EXHIBITION OF COLLECTED GOODS FESTIVAL TEIFLE COMMITTEE HALL FOR CEREMONIES TO APPEASE SOULS 辉花 ROOF TO SHELTER AUDIENCE (FORMERLY OF NATTING, NOW TIN SHUI WAI) STAGE KITCHEN EXHIBITION OF PAPER DRAGON ROBES Chiuchow festival square (the layout is almost the same whether it is used for the celebration of god's birthdays pao-tan or for the appeasement of the hungry souls in the 7th month called Yu-lan-p'en). The interior of the temporary temple is almost completely occupied by a large square table (about 4m x 4m) on which items donated by individuals of the community are displayed before they are auctioned off. Holding a microphone and a gong several auctioneers stand on a table in front of the temple and, competing with the loudspeakers amplifying the opera music, they promise prosperity and good fortune (in the traditional 4-character phrases) to the highest bidder. Bottles of brandy and whiskey, porcelain figures of immortals and deities, and colourful lamps and lanterns go for several hundred or thousands of dollars at a time. Although the successful bidder can take his acquisition home he does not pay the bid until the following festival. And especially if he is poor at the time, he ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES ON CHIUCHOW OPERA 73 may later increase his bid to several thousands of dollars, because the people are convinced that a god who is powerful (for whom it is worthwhile to give such a lavish celebration) will ensure the bidder good fortune so that he can pay his debt the next year. And because many people become rich in this way it is possible to collect the large sums of money necessary to cover the cost of these on-going festivals. The community proves its wealth by inviting, if it can, the best and most costly operatic troupe. This is now the Sang Ngai Chiuchow Opera troupe (founded in 1965) which charges a fee of up to 20,000 HK$ per evening. The troupe consists of about 80 members, which include 20 musicians, 40 actors, stage-hands, a costume-keeper, hair-dresser, art-director, designer, manager, coolies and a cook. OZTUKI CORTEN TABLE 2 PROVI START OF W.C. The Chiuchow Opera stage and 'p'o-t'an' ceremony. The size of the stage depends on circumstances and forms a square, including its backstage which is only accessible by climbing up a ladder where the troupe's kitchen is. On the morning of the first performance the coolies carry the 20-40 big wooden trunks on a bamboo pole up the ladder and then they are all put in their right position backstage. Those with the musical instruments go left and right of stage; those with hats and small props are lined up at the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 74 HELGA WERLE back of the stage (military and civil hats should be separated, so that those who wear them will not fight with each other!). The costumes are all taken to the left back corner and the other trunks which contain the dressing-tables of the lead-actors (one character of their name is painted on the trunk) are placed wherever space is left. There is one old man in charge to look after the patron-deity of the troupe. He will place the shrine in the middle of the back-stage against the back-wall. The rolled up carpet is taken to the stage. All this preparatory work is done in complete silence, everyone is afraid lest their name should be uttered before the ceremonial (P'o-t'ai k'ai-lo “breaking of the stage and opening the gongs") otherwise they would be unlucky. If one would name an actor, evil spirits not yet cleared from the stage would get hold of him, and during the performance this actor would slip or forget his text, or he would be unable to sing in tune or otherwise damage the success of the presentation. In the right back corner of the backstage a space is subdivided for a latrine which is not to be used before the p'o-t'ai ceremony. No outsider is allowed on stage and backstage before the ceremony as they have no knowledge of the strict rules that govern the preparations for a performance. In the afternoon between 3 and 6 o'clock everything is ready for the p'o-t'ai ceremony. All the actors of the troupe are assembled, and all the percussionists sit at their drums and gongs on the left side of the stage. Two actors of the troupe who are especially trained for this ceremony go out on the stage and stick a coloured strip of paper-money to the four corners of the stage. Then one of them seizes an enormous trident-fork and the other a live cock, which has been especially chosen for its high comb. The one who holds the cock then bites into the cock's comb until it bleeds. He rushes to the four corners of the stage and, holding the cock's head in one hand, he smears blood on the paper-money he stuck there before. And then they both run madly from the left stage entrance to the front of the stage, from there out through the right exit of the stage, rushing through the backstage to the left entrance of the stage. They then cross the stage to the right side where the string and wind instruments of the orchestra are positioned and then back to the left side, where throughout this ceremony all available percussions are beaten in a frantic rhythm. During this mad rush blood ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES ON CHIUCHOW OPERA 75 from the cock's comb is sprinkled over stage, backstage and musical instruments. These two actors are in military costume and sometimes have painted faces. One is fiercely brandishing his trident against the invisible evil spirits. They are followed by another person holding a red bucket, who throws handfuls of rice mixed with salt and black beans in all the directions in which the cock's blood is dripped. After they visit the percussions they go to the front of the stage, where in the middle a staircase leads down to the auditorium. There they bow three times to the deity sitting in the temple facing the stage. This is the end of the ceremony (see drawing on p. 73). While the 'p'o-t'ai' ceremony is in progress the old man in charge of the patron-deity shrine directs the actors to light joss-sticks and bow and kotow in front of the shrine. The cock used in the p'o-t'ai ceremony is either set free or bought at a high price by those who raise chickens, as such a cock guarantees success. Before the ceremony starts a warning is given that children should leave the area and avoid seeing the ceremony, as they may be frightened or even terrified. They may be shocked for life or instantly drop dead. After the performance there is also a short ceremony performed by two actors who portray the young man's and young girl's role. There is no music at all, they walk very fast over the stage and utter a text the words of which are known only to the initiated and are taboo to the rest of the actors. The same is true for the words uttered at the p'o-t'ai ceremony. This troupe does not eat beef, and should its actors eat beef on a day on which they perform, they may suddenly feel very ill on stage. If this is the case they drink a bowl of water mixed with black vinegar, which will make them vomit the beef. They then bow before the shrine backstage, ask forgiveness for their mistake and promise never to do it again. Whereupon they feel better and can go on performing. The troupe's cook never serves beef, only fish and pork, salted vegetables, peanuts and rice-gruel, typical of the Chiuchow cuisine. Most Chiuchow opera troupes venerate Tien Yüan Shuai Bi General T'ien, but although the Sang Ngai opera troupe's shrine, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 76 HELGA WERLE which has the shape of a miniature temple, has the three characters Han-lin yuan embroidered on its red curtain; it is not General T'ien who is sitting behind the ever closed curtain, but the San t'ai-tze lao-yeh the 3 princes (Mu-ch'a, Chin-ch'a and No-ch'a).* The birthday of the San t'ai-tze lao-yeh is celebrated yearly by this troupe with special performances in the first month of the Chinese calendar in the public housing estate Tung Tau Tsuen ✯✯, not far from the airport, where a whole community considers the San t'ai-tze as their patrons. At this birthday celebration in 1976, between 9 and 10 p.m. a man suddenly came running to the temple facing the stage and donned the costume prepared on the table. No-ch'a is usually represented as a young boy: his hair tied in a bob over each ear, with his feet on fire-wheels. The man, a medium, is believed to be an ordinary man who might have never thought of No-ch'a. But on his birthday the god (here No-ch'a) will possess a person who will then only act as a medium. The man or sometimes a woman will get up from his bed, if he is sleeping, or from the table if he is eating, and rush to the square where the festivities are held without talking to anyone. Sometimes 3 people appear being possessed by the 3 princes. If the god in this temple has proved to be particularly efficacious (ling) then this event is expected and the respective clothes for the god are already prepared on a table specially marked with a green bamboo 3m high attached to its leg. The costume for the god is usually put into a flat round basket and a weapon is placed beside it. The medium puts on No-ch'a's costume, a yellow silk blouse and trousers and on the head he puts a band with the two hair-knots attached, shaking all the while and aided by those who have expected his arrival. When dressed the medium takes up the weapon, a solid spiky iron-ball on a chain, and wields it against his own body, beating his back and chest, perhaps to prove that he is actually possessed by the god. * Doré, Chinese Superstitions, Taipei 66, Vol. 7, p. 413 and Vol. 9, p. 111; E. T. C. Werner: Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, page 247. † Such a bamboo is also fastened to the roof of the stage or where rituals for the dead are held: it indicates the presence of spirits or marks the place to which spirits are invited to come. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY 89 explore the lives led by members of the European working class and to develop some ideas about the nature of social stratification among Europeans and Chinese in nineteenth century Hong Kong. The documentation on working class Europeans in Hong Kong is not extensive. They were often barely literate. Even if they wrote well, they were not inclined to record on paper their thoughts and experiences for posterity. If they wrote letters home, such correspondence was not usually preserved (there are some exceptions) for future generations. It is extremely difficult, therefore, to obtain a clear picture of their social perceptions, of what they felt about Hong Kong. Most accounts of this class must come, inevitably, from middle-class Taipans, colonial civil servants, travellers, journalists, writers of one type or another, many of whom were class-ridden and decidedly unsympathetic to the European hoi polloi of the China coast. A great deal of information is to be found, of course, in the English language newspapers printed in Hong Kong; but much of it deals solely with court cases, providing only indirect clues to the problems facing working class Europeans and to the social attitudes of their superiors. We do not have much material on their social and private lives for they were not clubmen or members of prestigious associations. Consequently, their everyday activities are not recorded normally in the social columns of local newspapers. Only intermittently, when they acquired local notoriety for delinquent or deviant behaviour, were their lives memorialised in the annals of the press. Scarcity of primary source material and lack of documentation should not stultify all efforts to write about the European working class in Hong Kong, for questions raised by its existence are important sociologically and some attempt must be made to answer them. For example, members of the European uniformed supervisory staff—those whom Cantonese call pong-paân (help-manage)* - had frequent face-to-face contacts with ordinary Chinese and often lived cheek by jowl with them in Chinese residential areas; this fact would suggest that Chinese stereotypes of the European may have derived from, or been heavily influenced by, such contacts. Such a question directs the sociologist to a further problem, * For this term, and for the maai-paån or managers see Marjorie Topley's definition at p. 105 below. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 90 H. J. LETHBRIDGE that of cultural transmission. What was the nature and content of cultural transactions between those low status Chinese and Europeans who met at work, and sometimes socially?* Did working class Europeans play an equivalent role in Hong Kong as beachcombers and castaways in the South Seas?? Finally, the problem of the relationship between low and high status Europeans in Hong Kong demands investigation, for although the two groups formed separate communities, it is clear that Taipans depended upon working class Europeans, such as policemen, for their private security and also skilled European workers for the successful running of their business enterprises in Hong Kong. These and other questions suggest that working class Europeans, although only a minor part of the total European population (if we exclude soldiers, sailors and merchant seamen), cannot be dismissed summarily as of little account in the social and economic development of Hong Kong. A thesis of this essay is that their importance has not been stressed sufficiently by historians and writers on colonial Hong Kong. THE EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN HONG KONG Broadly speaking, working class Europeans in nineteenth century Hong Kong may be divided into five groups—(1) beachcombers; (2) police or those with quasi-police functions: inspectors, supervisors, and overseers in government employ; (3) soldiers, sailors and merchant seamen; (4) mechanics, artisans, and others in low status occupations; and (5) outcastes.† The divisions are not clear cut; there is a certain amount of overlapping; movement from group to group did take place. The divisions reflect a subjective ranking of occupations and statuses by middle class Europeans, such as merchants, in Hong Kong. In Britain at that time, supervisors and inspectors would have been regarded as members of the lower middle class; but in Hong Kong a telescoping of social classes took place because there was no true equivalent of a European proletariat, of manual workers. A European was accepted as either respectably middle class or as not—the acid test was one of commensality. Inevitably, a number of Europeans existed in a limbo * I have been unable to explore this subject as exhaustively as I would have wished, and suggest that it is a suitable subject for research. † For a contemporary instance see Halcombe (1896) p. 186. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY 93 clandestine (i.e., unlicensed and unregistered) brothels. For example, John Lee, an Inspector of Brothels in 1877, had joined the Hong Kong Police in 1864 and had been appointed Inspector of Brothels by the government in 1870. As a constable he had spent part of his service on dockyard duty; appointment as an Inspector of Brothels was a step up in the world; he improved both his status and finances. Such persons, too, had chances of obtaining, corruptly, substantial sums of money from Chinese, in this case from brothel keepers and their charges.5 The increase in demand for, what may be termed, low-level European man-power, was caused by the establishment of new government departments and an expansion in the activities of the old, as ordinance after ordinance was introduced into the colony. This was particularly true of the Surveyor General's Department, renamed the Public Works Department (P.W.D.) in 1891. The carrying out of large public works projects, such as the construction of public buildings, reservoirs and roads, meant that there was an increasing need for supervisors, overseers and inspectors. There were difficulties in finding suitable men. Departments had to take what they could find locally. Some specialists badly needed by the Hong Kong government were, however, recruited in London by the Crown Agents. Many P.W.D. overseers were former Royal Engineers, who had taken their discharge in Hong Kong, and as soldiers had had experience in the building of fortifications and other military works. They were, in modern army parlance, ‘tradesmen'. But an overseer admitted to a commission of enquiry in 1902 that it was always difficult to obtain responsible assistants: "You can get beach-combers (sic) and old sailors, but they are no earthly use if you put them on a job and you have to depend on a Chinese foreman or contractor for a knowledge of the details of the work. They must be figure heads, but it is no use to put them on a Department like this." He also confirmed that ‘any European here—it doesn't matter who he is or where he is picked up—can be put on a job and is termed an Overseer'. An architect concurred, stating that many overseers were picked from the beachcomber class. It appeared that in an attempt to rehabilitate beachcombers, clergymen and benevolent societies had been sending such persons along to the P.W.D. for ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d # EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY 101 At 5 A.M. he awakes with a soft punkah breeze fanning him. 5.15. Cup of cocoa and a biscuit brought to his bedside by a coolie. 5.30. The barber coolie shaves him, still in bed. 6. Bathing parade. 7.30. Breakfast, of which 1/2 lb. of beef-steak forms an invariable component. 8 to 11. Nothing whatever to do, and plenty to help him to do it—the everlasting coolies perform nearly all the cooking, sweeping, and cleaning up in barracks. 11. A short spell of school and theoretical instruction in gunnery. After dinner, unanimous repose on bamboo matting, as being cooler than a mattress. 5 P.M. One hour's easy gun-drill. 6 to 10. Sally forth to chaff the Chinese folk, try a trifle of 'samshu',* and practically ascertain that this potent rice spirit will prostrate with splitting headache the seasoned old soaker to whom a tumbler of brandy would be but as a glass of water. In fact, during the hot weather, he merely mounts guard, and is available for emergencies; in the cool season, he is of course made to rub up his drill. His idle life is not a happy one, destitute as it is to him of interest and active amusements, and in a very short time he becomes listless, depressed, and pulled down, contrasting painfully with his newly landed, fresh-looking comrades... I have known it asserted that no efforts of a commanding officer can keep European troops permanently stationed at Hong Kong in a state of military efficiency.23 The problem of drunkenness worried the naval, military, and civilian authorities in Hong Kong throughout the nineteenth century. In 1898, a commission to investigate the problem was set up because, as the preamble to the report states, there was a strong opinion in some quarters that deleterious liquors were being sold in the Colony, which were doing a great deal of mischief to soldiers and sailors.24 The commissioners discovered that although soldiers and sailors often drank samshu, a cheaper brew than Western spirits, the problem was not a simple one of 'deleterious liquors' incapacitating troops and naval ratings but rather that of excessive imbibing of all types of spirits, both Western and Chinese. In 1898, there were 23 licensed public houses and bars in Victoria alone; 47 storekeepers were licensed to sell alcohol; and numerous Chinese shopkeepers sold samshu. A part of Upper Lascar * See Couling Encyclopaedia Sinica, 1967 reprint of the original edition of 1917, p. 497. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY 105 had married, or lived with, Chinese, Eurasian or Portuguese women and for that reason stayed on. The decision to remain in employment in Hong Kong was also related to the level of wages in Britain and to depressions and unemployment in the mother country. Most felt that they were better off, if only marginally, in Hong Kong. Lastly, many inspectors had served in the army, navy or merchant marine; the jobs they took in Hong Kong usually satisfied their instinct for hierarchy, order, and discipline. As Dr. Topley writes: In Hong Kong, unlike in some British colonies and ex-colonies, two social classes of westerners are recognized. Chinese divide westerners into the taai-puân (bosses) and pong-paân (help-manage). The latter category includes most people who are in uniformed supervisory jobs. The former term has been romanised by westerners in Hong Kong as "Taipan" and is used commonly in conversation and in the English press to refer to wealthy westerners.28 Those in uniformed supervisory jobs—members of what one may call the 'inspectorate'—were in nearly every case former servicemen. There was thus no radical break in their lives when they stayed to work in Hong Kong in the dockyards, Marine Department, Sanitary Department, P.W.D., police, or prisons. TAIPANS AND THE EUROPEAN LOWER CLASS Visitors to Hong Kong were always startled by the extent of conspicuous consumption found there. Typical are these comments by a seasoned traveller in the 1860s: Europeans in Hongkong live in a very expensive style; much more expensively, one would think, than they need do, when we consider that many of the necessaries of life are to be had at prices very little in advance of our market rates at home. Nothing surprised me more in Hong Kong than the expensive way in which English assistants were housed, and the luxuries with which they were indulged. Indeed few more luxurious quarters were anywhere to be found than the 'junior messes' of the wealthy British firms. There the unfledged youth, coming out from the simplicity of some rural home, was apt to develop into a man of epicurean tastes, a connoisseur in wines, and to become lavish in expenditure...29 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY 109 in the main it is a limited number of English words used more or less according to Chinese idiom, and also mispronounced. The fewest possible number of English words is used.35 The widespread use of this lingua franca prevented Chinese and Europeans from even remotely grasping the subtleties of each other's culture. The amount of social contact, outside work and the market place, between Europeans and Chinese must not be exaggerated, for both groups enjoyed a healthy contempt for, and misunderstanding of, the other. W.A.P. Martin, at that time a Presbyterian missionary, relates that when he stepped ashore at Canton in 1850 he was greeted by a hooting mob 'who shouted Fanqui, fanqui! Shato, shato! ("Foreign devils! cut off their heads.")'36 L.C. Arlington, of the Chinese Maritime Customs, claims that, even in 1891, when a foreigner passed in his chair from Shameen (the foreign concession quarter in Canton) through the native city the coolies would shout out 'Take him to the execution ground'. No foreigner, he continues, be he white, Indian or Japanese, could escape the contemptuous term ‘foreign devil'. 'It was shouted at you from the tops of houses, from alleyways, and from courtyards.'37 Despite the language barrier, a working class European did not find it too difficult to establish a liaison with a Chinese woman. In the early days, such women were found usually among the Tanka boat population, a pariah group that populated the fringes of the Pearl River delta region. A few of these women achieved the status of 'protected' woman (a kept mistress) and were, sometimes, well provided for by their paramour, such as a ship's captain. In time, a considerable number of police, overseers, tidewaiters and others, entered into alliances, even marriages, with local women, since, of course, there was always a scarcity of marriageable young European women in Hong Kong.* But mixed marriages were condemned by Taipans; the partners were ostracised by polite European society since a mixed marriage clearly stigmatised a European as an outcaste. Such racial attitudes became more rigid toward the end of the century. Although some Europeans lived with or even married Chinese women, it does not follow that such social arrangements provided See Carl T. Smith's interesting article on one of these Tanka Women in Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 46, June 1969, 13-17 and 27. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d # EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY 111 It is exceedingly difficult to assess the cultural impact of working-class Europeans on the Chinese population; there were strong, but not completely impenetrable, barriers between the two; each despised the other, the underdog European particularly so. Although the latter usually lived in Chinese quarters of the town, spoke pidgin English or a little Cantonese, and often lived with a Chinese woman, this did not make him necessarily feel less British. He was, it can be inferred, as jingoistic as his counterpart in Liverpool or London, buoyed up at times by a sense of racial and national superiority. He did not belong to Chinese society and, it can be surmised, never wished to. He was more at ease with Portuguese and Eurasians; but his social contacts with them were often touchy, prickly, and patronising; for even the déclassé European knew he was a member of a dominant race. At the end of the century, Taipan and pong-paân were residentially segregated. A writer concluded that ‘between those who reside at the summit (of the Peak) and those who live in the peninsula of Kowloon there is as wide a gulf as that which divided Dives and Lazarus'.39 This 'gulf' was more than an expression of traditional English class attitudes: the European working class in Hong Kong was an anomaly in a colonial setting, a curious transplant from a more settled society. ## NOTES 1 Sir James Cantlie, 'Hong Kong' in the British Empire Series, vol. i, 1906, p. 514. 2 See, for example, 'Beachcombers and castaways' in H. E. Maude's Of Islands and Men: Studies in Pacific History, Melbourne, Oxford University Press, 1968, pp. 134-177. 3 China Mail, June 8, 1888. 4 J. W. Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. i, p. 279. 5 For details about John Lee consult the Report of the Commission to Enquire into the Working of 'The Contagious Diseases Ordinance, 1867', Hong Kong, 1879. 6 'Report on the Public Works Department', Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1902, p. 51. 7 Lt. Col. G. J. Wolseley, Narrative of the War with China in 1860, London, 1862, p. 3. 8 John Stuart Thomson, The Chinese, London (1909), p. 30. 9 George Woodcock, The British in the Far East, London, 1969, p. 21. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 112 10 Ibid., p. 31. H. J. LETHBRIDGE 11 Fifty Years of Progress: The Jubilee of Hongkong as a British Crown Colony, Hong Kong, Daily Press Office, 1891, p. 43. 12 J. S. Thomson, op. cit., p. 8. 13 Ibid., p. 54. 14 Allister Macmillan, ed., Seaports of the Far East, London, 1923, p. 340. 15 Information about Bridget Montague is to be found in contemporary Hong Kong newspapers and the Report on the Contagious Diseases Ordinance (see note 5). 16 Alfred Weatherhead, Life in Hong Kong: 1856-1859. Typescript in the Library of the University of Hong Kong. 17 W. A. Hornaday, Two Years in the Jungle, London, 1885, p. 185. 18 Capt. Gordon Casserly, The Land of the Boxers, London, 1903, p. 193. 19 John Thomson, F.R.G.S., The Straits of Malacca, Indo-China and China, London, 1875, pp. 192-3. 20 J. A. Turner, Kwang Tung or Five Years in South China, London (1894), pp. 108-9. 21 See China Station 1859-1864: The Reminiscences of Walter White, London, National Maritime Museum, Maritime Monographs and Reports, No. 3, 1972. 22 Ibid., p. 27. 23 Major Henry Knollys, English Life in China, London, 1885, pp. 56-7. 24 'Report of the Commission on Alcoholic Liquors', Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1898, p. 1. 25 E. J. Eitel, "Treatment of Paupers in Hong Kong', Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1880, p. 470. 26 Ibid., p. 469. 27 The Kowloon British School was opened in 1902; before that some girls were educated at convent schools in Macau. 28 Marjorie Topley, 'The Role of Savings and Wealth among Hong Kong Chinese', in L. C. Jarvie, ed., Hong Kong: A Society in Transition, London, 1969, p. 193. 29 J. Thomson, op. cit., pp. 203 and 208. 30 L. N. Wheeler, The Foreigner in China, Chicago, 1881, p. 242. 31 Rev. E. J. Hardy, John Chinaman at Home, London, n.d., p. 29. 32 Leon Radzinowicz, Ideology and Crime, London, 1966, p. 38. 33 Allister Macmillan, op. cit., p. 339. 34 Op. cit., p. 151. 35 Samuel Couling, The Encyclopaedia Sinica, Shanghai, 1917, p. 437. 36 W. A. P. Martin, A Cycle of Cathay, New York, 1900, p. 24. 37 L. C. Arlington, Through the Dragon's Eyes, London, 1931, p. 151. 38 H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, New York, 1958, p. 186. 39 Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartwright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Other Treaty Ports of China, London, 1908, p. 341. Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT 117 obvious and absolute.22 The greater the stake a barbarian had in the order he was defending, the more likely he was to serve China faithfully. Thus, financial attractions, marriage and other personal ties, and bureaucratic checks, worked together to assure barbarian fidelity. Like Chinese rebels who had been induced by the dynasty to repent of and abandon their rebellious ways, barbarian employees who had “returned to loyalty" might be honored with rank and title, and brought within the Chinese social and institutional framework.23 But their devotion was never beyond question. Regardless of how close a foreigner might approximate the Chinese cultural ideal, or how long his family boasted residence on Chinese soil, his barbarian origins were seldom forgotten; and if he caused trouble, or proved unfaithful, the problem was usually attributed to his barbarian-ness.24 Nonetheless, the use of foreigners in military positions remained a persistent feature of Chinese administration for well over two thousand years. The nature and extent of this barbarian service may be suggested by a few examples taken from various periods in China's pre-imperial and imperial past. China's Early Use of Foreign Employees With the rapid expansion of the Chinese cultural sphere during the latter half of the Eastern Chou, the employment of aliens by the various contending states became a common phenomenon although one not without its opponents in this period of continual conflict and intrigue. During Li Ssu's tenure as "alien minister” (k'o-ch'ing) of the Ch'in, members of the royal house and other dignitaries, fearful that men from foreign states had come to sow dissension, requested that there be a complete expulsion of aliens. Li Ssu, himself from the state of Ch'u, argued persuasively against such a course, citing earlier examples of Ch'in's beneficial employment of foreigners: "Of old, when Duke Mu was seeking for officials, he procured Yu Yü from the Jung [barbarians] in the west, and obtained Po-li Hsi from Yüan in the east. He welcomed Chien Shu from Sung, and sought P'ei Pao and Kung-sun Chih from Chin. These five men had not been reared in Ch'in; yet Duke Mu, by using them, united twenty [sic] states, and so became Lord Protector over the Western Jung."25 Yu Yü's case is especially worthy of note, not only because he was largely responsible for the defeat of the barbarous Jung, but also because he himself had originally ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 128 RICHARD J. SMITH to his loyal soul” (i-wei chung-hun). The throne, for its part, expressed profound grief over Ward's death, and ordered that special posthumous honors, including the erection of memorial temples, be bestowed upon this upright, brave, and “irreproachable” warrior.72 Ward as a Model for Barbarian Employees It is perhaps not surprising that Ward's employment became the standard for other foreign employees in the Chinese military service. Soon after his death, an imperial edict expressed the view that if foreigners were to lead Chinese troops and be granted military authority, they had, like Ward, "to petition requesting to be enrolled on the Chinese population register [p'an-t'u] and be willing to accept Chinese control [chieh-chih]."73 At least in part because of such stipulations, Ward's second in command, Henry Burgevine, assumed command of the Ever-Victorious Army in October, 1862. Like his predecessor, Burgevine had petitioned to become a Chinese subject, and expressed his willingness not only to accept Chinese control, but also to be bound by Chinese law.74 In the course of his career he had been granted honors similar to those bestowed upon Ward, and had also married a Chinese. But he did not enjoy a close personal or business relationship with any Chinese officials, and in time he clashed with his Chinese sponsors. After a quarrel with Yang Fang in early 1863, Burgevine was dismissed by the Ch'ing authorities and branded a “rebel” (ni).75 Eventually he joined the Taipings, and although subject to Chinese jurisdiction by the terms of his own petition, Burgevine avoided prosecution owing to the intercession of foreign officials. In 1865, he drowned under mysterious circumstances while in the custody of the Chinese authorities.76 The Burgevine episode highlighted the inadequacy of cultural controls in "managing" barbarian employees. But even before Burgevine's "rebellion," the Chinese had begun to appreciate the limitations of cultural submission as a determinant of loyalty. On December 6, 1862, the throne received a joint memorial from Hsüeh Huan and Li Hung-chang which spelled out these limitations on the basis of their experience with Ward. Hsüeh and Li harbored few illusions about the American commander and his motives. Pointing out that Ward had indicated his willingness to become a Chinese subject, but had never shaved his head or changed to Chinese clothing, the two officials went on to state that despite his ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 132 RICHARD J. SMITH became American citizens,93 Meiji Japan held similar views and pursued similar policies. In short, China's response to the basic problems of employing foreign military men, although tinged with specific characteristics of Chinese political culture such as a special emphasis on personalistic relations, was reasonably enlightened, and not fundamentally different from that of other countries, Asian or Western.95 China's attempt to build a modern, Western-trained officer corps in the T'ung-chih period did not fail because the foreigners she employed refused to become Chinese subjects or to accept Chinese culture. It failed primarily because the Chinese did not use foreign military assistance in a systematic and sustained way, as did, for example, Meiji Japan. Plagued by continual foreign meddling, and unwilling to fundamentally restructure the existing military establishment with its carefully devised system of checks and balances, the weak Ch'ing government neglected to sponsor meaningful, centralized military reform, dooming itself to defeat at the hands of the Japanese in 1894-95.97 NOTES 1 See, for example, Edward Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963), esp. p. 49, 291 note 75; Henry Serruys, "Were the Ming against the Mongols settling in North China?," Oriens Extremus, 6 (1959), 136ff; etc. 2 For the employment of foreigners under these circumstances, consult Wolfram Eberhard, Conquerors and Rulers (Leiden, 1965); Lei Hai-tsung, Chung-kuo wen-hua yû Chung-kuo ti ping [Chinese Culture and the Chinese Military] (Ch'ang-sha, 1940); Michael Loewe, Imperial China (New York, 1969), 182. 3 Kuwabara Jitsuzo, “On P'u Shou-keng,” Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 7 (1935), 44-45; also Su Ch'ing-pin, (Liang Han ch'i Wu-tai ju-chi Chung-kuo chih fan shih-tsu yen-chiu) [Research on barbarian families residing in China during the period from the Han to the Five Dynasties] (Hong Kong, 1967), 2; Wai-ming George Yuan, "Ko Son-ji (Kao Hsien-chih): A Korean in the Chinese Military Service,” Asea Yongu, 13.3 (1970), 160. 4 See the forward to this work in Li Te-yü's collected writings, Li Wei-kung hui-ch'ang i-pin chih [The collected works of Li Te-yu] (Shanghai, 1937), chüan 2, 10-11 (consecutive pagination). The book is listed in the sections on literature in the T'ang-shu (2:20) and the Sung-shih (2:19a). All references to the dynastic histories are to the po-na edition. 5 I have discussed these challenges and their implications in a forthcoming study entitled . (University of California Press). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 136 RICHARD J. SMITH 46 See K. A. Wittfogel and Feng Chia-sheng, History of Chinese Society, Liao (907-1125) (Philadelphia, 1949), 8-10; also Igor de Rachewiltz, “Yeh-lü Ch'u-ts'ai (1189-1243); Buddhist Idealist and Confucian Statesman" in Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett, Confucian Personalities (Stanford, 1962). 47 Wittfogel and Feng, 9. 48 See Herbert Franke, "Sino-Western Contacts under the Mongol Empire,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 6 (1966), 52. 49 Kuwabara, 96-99. 50 See Henry Serruys, "Mongols Ennobled during the Early Ming,” HIAS, 22 (1959); also Serruys, "Landgrants to the Mongols in China: 1400-1460,” Monumenta Serica, 25 (1966), especially 394. As had been the case with other barbarians in China's past, the use of Mongol and Jurched troops in the Ming could be a liability as well as an asset. See Serruys, "Sino-Jürched Relations During the Yung-Lo Period (1403-1424),” Göttinger Asiatische Forschungen (Weisbaden, 1955); 67-68, 71. 51 See the summary discussion in Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, The Rise of Modern China (London and Toronto, 1975), 138-139; also George L. Harris, "The Mission of Matteo Ricci, S.J.: A Case Study of an Effort at Guided Culture Change in China in the Sixteenth Century,” Monumenta Serica, 25 (1966). 52 James B. Parsons, Peasant Rebellions of the Late Ming Dynasty (Tucson, 1970), 129. 53 C. R. Boxer, "Portuguese Military Expeditions in Aid of the Mings Against the Manchus, 1621-1647," T'ien-Hsia Monthly, VII (1938); S. Y. Teng and John K. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey, 1839-1923 (New York, 1970), 13; North-China Herald, January 10, 1852. Boxer, 32, offers the explanation that the expedition was undermined by Cantonese who feared that the Portuguese, if successful, would be granted extended trading rights, while the North-China Herald suggests that when the men reached Nan-ch'ang they were ordered to return because "the contemptible figure they presented completely disappointed expectation." It is probable that each of these interpretations has a measure of validity. 54 Serruys, "Were the Ming,” 136. 55 Boxer, 35. 56 Wills, Guns, Pepper and Parleys, especially chapter 2; Fu Lo-shu, A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820) (Tucson, 1966), I: 32-33, 58; Teng and Fairbank, 34. 57 The Ch'ing did, however, ally with the Russians against the Dzungars during the K'ang-hsi period and the Ch'ien-lung emperor did make good use of Western cannon (Hsi-yang p'ao) in his famous campaigns. See, for example, IWSM, TC 9: 30a-b; also Teng and Fairbank, 34; Swisher, 697. 58 See Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, "Russia's Special Position in China during the Early Ch'ing Period," Slavic Review, 13.4 (December, 1964). 59 Chinese Repository 11: 64; Swisher, 98-99. 60 See Masataka Banno, China and the West, 1858-1861 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), especially 45-53, 207-209; Swisher, 683-697. 61 See, for example, IWSM TC 22: 11b-13b; also Richard J. Smith, "Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Feng-huang-shan, 1864-1873,” Modern Asian Studies, 10.12 (1976). 62 For the use of this expression (or a variant) as late as the 1890's see WCSL 101: 9 and 129; 16. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT 63 See Smith, "Foreign-Training,” 83-86. 64 Ward and other foreigners in the Chinese military service are studied in depth in Smith, Ward, Gordon and the Ever-Victorious Army. 65 For basic Chinese documentation on Ward's career, see IWSM TC 4: 25-276; 4: 40a; 4; 51b-52; 5: 6b-8b; 5: 33-36b; 5: 51-52; 5: 54; 6: 2a-b; 6: 14b; 6: 17b-18; 6: 19b-20; 6: 30-31; 7; 47b-48b; 9; 3-4. 66 IWSM TC 79: 11. 67 Ibid., TC 4: 25-26; see also John K. Fairbank, "The Early Treaty System," 270. 68 IWSM, TC 5: 33-36b; 5: 51-52; 6: 19b-20; 6: 30a-b. 69 Li Hung-chang, Letters to Friends, 1: 29. 70 Foreign Relations of the United States (1888), part 1, 211-217. 71 IWSM, TC 6: 17. 72 Ibid., TC 9; 3b. 73 Ibid., TC 9: 4. 74 Ching Wu and Chung Ting, eds., Wu Hsu tang-an chung ti T'al-p'ing r'ien-kuo shih-liao hsüan-chi [Selections of historical materials concerning the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom in Wu Hsu's archives] (Peking, 1958), 128-129, 75 See Martin Ring, "The Burgevine Case and Extrality in China, 1863-1866," Papers on China 20 (1969). In mid-1863, Prince Kung requested that Burgevine be expunged from the Chinese population register. See IWSM, TC 17: 136 and 20b. 76 Ring, 145-146, 156 note 70. 77 IWSM, TC 10: 46-49. 78 Ibid., TC 10: 50a-b. 79 Ibid., TC 15: 10b-11. 80 I have discussed this combination in Ward, Gordon and the Ever Victorious Army. For some indications of Li's approach, consult J. O. P. Bland, Li Hung-chang (New York, 1917); I. C. Cheng, Chinese Sources for the Taiping Rebellion, 1850-1864 (Hong Kong, 1963), 120-132; Gordon Papers (British Museum), Ad. Mss. 53, 386, Robert Hart to Charles Gordon, October 7, 1863. 81 See, for example, Feng Kuei-fen's Hsien-chih-r'ang chi [Collected essays from the Hall of Manifest Aspirations] (1876), 6: 46. 82 IWSM, TC 22; 3b; 24: 29a-b; 25: 27b-28b; 27: 28-29. On Gordon's return to China in 1880 to assist Li during the so-called Ili Crisis, consult Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, "Gordon in China, 1880," Pacific Historical Review 30.2 (May, 1964). 83 See Kuo T'ing-i, Taiping t'ien-kuo shih-shih jih-chih (A daily record of historical events of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom] (Taipei, 1963), appendix, 165-167. 84 See Smith, "Foreign-Training". 85 See Mary Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism: The T’ung-Chih Restoration, 1862-1874 (New York, 1967), 216; IWSM, TC 16; 11; 39; 22-29; 70: 38a-b and 41-42b; 85: 39a-b; 87; 31, 34-35. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d THE PACIFIC OYSTER INDUSTRY IN HONG KONG (的蠔業) BRIAN MORTON* AND P. S. WONG† Oyster farming is an ancient industry. The Japanese and Romans are the earliest known oyster farmers, and with time the practice has spread to other parts of the globe. Thus different species of oysters are cultivated in Europe (Ostrea edulis and Crassostrea angulata), North America (Ostrea lurida and Crassostrea virginica), Australia (Crassostrea commercialis), and in Japan and China (Crassostrea gigas—the Pacific oyster). The diverse sites of culture have led to different methods of farming and the utilisation of a range of implements. With research and development, however, the Japanese method of hanging strings of oysters from rafts in the surface waters of the sea is slowly becoming universally accepted as one of the more successful techniques—but traditions die hard. Oysters (*) have been cultivated in Hong Kong for some considerable time; Bromhall (1958) estimates 700 years though Mok (1973), more conservatively, estimates 170 years. The method of culture is unusual, involving implements of unique design, not hitherto described. The identity of the local oyster remains a mystery though Bromhall introduced the Pacific oyster Crassostrea gigas (Thunberg 1793) (✯✯) into Hong Kong in 1950. It would seem probable, however, that this is also the endemic species, since Hong Kong is within the natural geographic range of C. gigas (Tschang et al, 1962) and specimens have been recovered from archaeological digs on Lamma Island and, more recently, from the mud excavated from the High Island reservoir site. Oysters only grow in estuaries and the Hong Kong oyster industry is centred around Deep Bay (*) which is situated on the northwestern corner of Hong Kong, forming the boundary between China and Hong Kong (Fig. 1). The bay covers an area of approximately 112 km2 bordered to the landward by a characteristic fringe of dwarf mangroves. Deep Bay opens to the southwest directly into the mouth of the Pearl River (#) which is the major river draining the hinterland of southern China. Numerous rivers and streams * Department of Zoology, The University of Hong Kong. † Department of Zoology, The University of Auckland, New Zealand. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d SHOW CHUN RIVER. YUEK LONG Y. L. RIVER CREEK LAU- TOLD YUEN PEARL RIVER IFAU. SHAN HARBOUR NEW TERRITORIES 140 KOWLOON, BRIAN MORTON & P. S. WONG LANTAO ISLAND HONG KONG ISLAND Figure 1. The location of the Deep Bay oyster industry in Hong Kong, The extent of the oyster beds.* drain into the bay, the main ones being the Shum Chun River (* DT) forming the border and Yuen Long Creek (# ) drain- *The Lantao sites shown on Fig. 1 are explained on p. 147. 0 1 2 MILES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BRIAN MORTON & P. S. WONG power. There is thus an advantage for an oyster farmer to possess a large family. Usually every member of the family participates in the work. Male members usually handle the more laborious procedures such as the laying of the cultch, the transfer of the oysters from one bed to the other and the harvesting of the oysters for resale. Female members may also participate in this work especially those young and strong enough--but more often they are in charge of separating the oysters from the cultch and the shucking and selling of the oysters. Younger members of the family assist with domestic chores. In Deep Bay, the oysters are cultivated in the traditional manner i.e. by bottom-laying (*). This method involves the laying of cultch (*) on the muddy bottom to collect the oyster spat (#). The set oysters are then left to grow for one or two years in the breeding ground (*) before being transferred to the deeper fattening ground (†) for an additional period of one or more years prior to harvesting (#). Elsewhere in the world various materials are used as cultch for the collection of spat. These include stones, shells, bamboo sticks (Cahn, 1950), lime coated roofing tiles or egg-crate fillers, cement dipped wood veneer rings or old fish nets (Needler, 1941; Quayle, 1969) and even sticks of the mangrove, Aegiceras majus (Roughley, 1922). In Hong Kong some ten years ago, rocks and shells (Plate 14; A, B) were most commonly used as cultch. The supply of rock from nearby shores has, however, been virtually exhausted. Consequently stones are now being replaced by concrete tiles (*) (Plate 14; C, D) or concrete posts (Plate 14; E, F). Stones and oyster shells of appropriate size and thickness are still collected and reserved as cultch whenever available. The oyster shells are first cleaned and placed in the sun for weathering prior to being used. Concrete slabs are made artificially at a cost of HK$500/10,000 (in 1974). Old concrete slabs or posts which remain unbroken after the oysters have been detached can be reused. They are cleaned to remove all fouling organisms and then dried in the sun. The most important and labour intensive stage in the bottom-laying method of oyster culture is the collection of the spat (**). In Deep Bay oysters spawn from March to September when temperatures are high and salinities are low (Mok, 1973). As a consequence the cultch has to be laid within this period. However, Page 150 Page 151 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 144 BRIAN MORTON & P. S. WONG used in N. America e.g. Virginia, by poorer oystermen (Yonge, 1960). During summer, the oysters can be harvested more easily by diving. The oysters are usually taken by boat to the major marketing village of Lau Fau Shan (∗) and are deposited on the shore close to the village. There they are either separated from the cultch (Plate 16; A) immediately or left for a day or two according to demand. Shucking (➠) (Plate 16; C) is undertaken by hand using a traditional shucking implement (…). This is a hammer-like instrument with one long sharp-edged arm and a short, stout, pointed arm. A cotton glove is needed to hold the oyster as the shell is extremely sharp. When shucking, the opener sits on a low stool and the oyster is held firmly, left cupped valve down, on the ground. Using the short pointed arm of the shucking hammer a small hole is punched in the shell an inch or so from the posteroventral end of the right, upper valve. The long arm is then inserted into the hole and with the sharp edge working forward and upward in a right and left motion, the adductor muscle of the oyster is cut where it attaches to the upper valve. A prying motion of the long arm of the hammer also breaks the hold of the ligament. The sharp edge is again used to cut the adductor muscle from the lower valve. In Lau Fau Shan, shucking is usually undertaken by the female members of the family. The shucked oysters are usually sold fresh. With reduced demand some of them may be dried under the sun and sold impaled upon characteristic rings (∗∗) (Plate 16; D). Small ones in the cluster or those broken during shucking are used to make oyster sauce (…). Most of the fresh oysters are transported to outside markets or to restaurants in Kowloon or Hong Kong Island. A small quantity is sold at Lau Fau Shan in small market stores as the village is itself a tourist centre famous for oysters (Plate 16; B). These oysters are shucked as purchased. The shucked oysters are quantified by means of standard sized cans and sold at the following price (1973-74): H.K. $13 per large can H.K. $11 per medium can H.K. $9 per small can Long plastic bags (40 cm x 8 cm) are used to hold the shucked oysters. Previously the oysters destined for outside markets or ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 146 BRIAN MORTON & P. S. WONG 2.0 WEIGHT OF OYSTER PRODUCED (METRIC TONS) 1500 1000 500 * 中 ** "+15 -1.0 55 -0.5 VALUE OF OYSTER PRODUCED (MILLIONS OF HK DOLLARS) 1954 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 Figure 2. Annual production of oysters in Hong Kong from 1960 to 1973. (Data obtained from the Hong Kong Annual Departmental Report by the Director of Agriculture and Fisheries, 1953-54 to 1973-74.) land receive less profit each year and eventually fail. The great reduction in the availability of man-power is probably the greatest factor, since the younger, educated and more urbanized generation prefer less labour-demanding employment. There is a shortage of manual labour especially during the busy season in Spring and early Summer. The political sensitivity of this border area is also a problem so that as the Director of Agriculture and Fisheries reported in 1951-52 “flotillas of up to twenty boats manned by about one hundred oyster pirates not being uncommon." A dispute in 1966-67 over oyster bed No. 5 reduced production figures considerably (Fig. 2). Improvement may be possible by introducing new methods of culture. The bottom-laying method of culture is primitive and keeps the oyster industry in a more or less unmanaged state. In the United States, a comparison of public and private oyster grounds reveals striking differences in yield between management techniques practiced in each area (Bardach and Ryther, 1968). Investigations into new methods of cultivation have been made by the Agricultural and Fisheries Department of the Hong Kong Government. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 148 BRIAN MORTON & P. S. WONG chi, 1966) by the application of anti-fouling paints. Undoubtedly the main disadvantage to this technique is that a large capital investment is required with high maintenance costs and a greater chance of damage and loss during a typhoon. As noted earlier oyster culture in Deep Bay is at present being run on a family basis lacking a large capital investment. The adoption of the more expensive raft method of culture would appear, under present socio-economic conditions, to be impossible. The setting up of a co-operative system by the oyster farmers concerned, together with an extension of the Government loan scheme for fisheries development to the oyster industry could enable the oyster farmers to obtain the necessary finance to improve the industry. With an available source of funds for investment and with further detailed research to determine the modifications required to ensure the success of a programme of modernisation in the special environment of Deep Bay, Hong Kong's oyster industry is not without a future. LITERATURE CITED Bardach, J. E. and J. H. Ryther, 1968. The Status and Potential of Aquaculture. American Institute of Biological Science, Washington, D.C. Vol. I (261pp.), Vol. II (224pp.). Bromhall, J. D., 1958. On the biology and culture of the native oyster of Deep Bay, Hong Kong, Crassostrea sp. Hong Kong University Fisheries Journal, 2; 93-107. Cahn, A. R., 1950. Oyster culture in Japan. The United States Fisheries and Wildlife Services Fisheries Leaflet, 383; 1-80. Furukawa, Atsushi, 1968. The raft method of oyster culture in Japan. In: Proceedings of the Oyster Culture Workshop (Ed. T. L. Linton). Marine Fisheries Division, Georgia Game and Fish Commission, Brunswick, Georgia, pp. 49-54. Hong Kong Annual Departmental Report by the Director of Agriculture and Fisheries, 1953-54 to 1973-74. The Hong Kong Government. Knight-Jones, E. W., 1952. Reproduction of oysters in the rivers Crouch and Roach, Essex during 1947, 1948, 1949. Fishery Investigations, London, 18; 1-48. Korringa, P., 1947. Relations between the moon and periodicity in the breeding of animals. Ecological Monographs, 17; 347-381. Leung, C., B. S. Morton, K. F. Shortridge and P. S. Wong, 1975. The seasonal incidence of faecal bacteria in the tissues of the commercial oyster Crassostrea gigas Thunberg 1793 correlated with the hydrology of Deep Bay, Hong Kong. Proceedings of the Pacific Science Association Special Symposium in Marine Science, Hong Kong 1973; 114-127. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d PACIFIC OYSTER INDUSTRY IN HONG KONG 149 Mawatari, S. and T. Miyauchi, 1966. Studies for the improvement of Pearl oyster shell cleaning—1. Antifouling chemical coatings and their acceleration effect on shell growth. Miscellaneous Reports of the Research Institute for Natural Resources, Tokyo, 67; 54-66. Mok, T. K., 1973. Studies on spawning and setting of the oyster in relation to seasonal environmental changes in Deep Bay, Hong Kong. Hong Kong Fisheries Bulletin, 3; 89-101. Mok, T. K., 1974. Study of the feasibility of culturing the Deep Bay oyster Crassostrea gigas in Tung Chung Bay, Hong Kong. Hong Kong Fisheries Bulletin, 4 (in press). Morton, B. S., 1975. Pollution of Hong Kong's commercial oyster beds. Marine Pollution Bulletin, 6; 117-122. Morton, B. S. and K. F. Shortridge, 1976. Coliform bacteria levels correlated with the tidal cycle of feeding and digestion in the Pacific oyster (Crassostrea gigas) cultured in Deep Bay, Hong Kong. Malacological Review (in press). Morton, B. S. and R. S. S. Wu, 1975. The hydrology of the coastal waters of Hong Kong. Environmental Research, 10; 319-347. Needler, A. W. H., 1941. Oyster farming in Eastern Canada. Bulletin of the Fisheries Research Board of Canada, 60; 1-83. Quayle, D. B., 1969. Pacific oyster culture in British Columbia. Bulletin of the Fisheries Research Board of Canada, 167; 1-68. Rougley, T. C., 1922. Oyster culture on the George's River, New South Wales. Sydney, Technological Museum, Technical Education Series, 25. Tschang, S., C. Y. Chi et al., 1962. Animals of Economic Importance of China. Marine molluscs. Scientific publisher, Peking. 張靈,賽錄彥等,1962. 中國經濟動物誌,海産軟體動物. 科學出版社。 Watts, J. C. D., 1973. Further observations on the hydrology of the Hong Kong territorial waters. Hong Kong Fisheries Bulletin, 3; 9-25. Wong, P. S., 1975. The community associated with the Pacific oyster (Crassostrea gigas Thunberg) in Deep Bay, Hong Kong, with special reference to the shell borer Aspidopholas obtecta Sowerby. M.Phil. Thesis, University of Hong Kong. Wood, P. C., 1969. The production of clean shellfish. Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food Laboratory Leaflet (New Series), 20; 1-16. Yonge, C. M., 1960. Oysters. Collins, London. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 153 World War dealing with the Campaigns. This was compiled from records and reports prepared for the editorial board by Colonel J. T. Simson, Lt. Col. C.O. Shackleton, Dr. P.S. Selwyn-Clarke and myself. PRELUDE Up to 8 December, 1941 After twenty-four hours delay outside the harbour because of fog, my wife and I disembarked in Hong Kong one fateful day, 1 April 1939, where I took up duty as surgical specialist in the British Military Hospital, Bowen Road. The Colony was by far the most beautiful station in which I had ever served and the scenery recalled to me, as to many others, parts of the west coast of Scotland. Twelve years earlier I had spent a short time there on my way to Shanghai, Tientsin, Peking and Shan hai kwan so that the scenes were not altogether strange to me. We lived a pleasant life in a hotel and flat for the next fifteen months. Because of fears that a Japanese attack was imminent my wife was evacuated in July 1940, first to the Philippines along with service and civilian wives and families and thence to Sydney with them. She took hardly to the regimentation inevitable in view of the numbers involved, and after living in Melbourne, Sydney and Brisbane she left the shelter of the official evacuation. In some fashion she contrived to make her onward journey to the west via Hong Kong and after a short interlude there she lived successively in Singapore, Colombo, up-country in Ceylon, in Calcutta, Delhi and Bombay before she reached England on 4 July 1942. At one time in India she was tempted by an offer to go to Chungking to work there with a financial expert friend of ours who was attached to the Chinese government at that time, but in the end she did not. Experiences of this kind were not uncommon among service wives and I include this short note of her travels to show what a war-time evacuation of families can mean. With her departure my own life in Hong Kong continued to be filled agreeably enough with work, including valuable experiences with the University Department of Surgery and the Professor, K.H. Digby. There were plenty of opportunities for physical exercise, and I carried out an order to prepare lists of surgical equipment I judged necessary to fit army hospitals for the inevitable coming ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 163 rapidly in the hospital but our nurses carried out full duty by day and by night though many had to draw on their reserves of courage to do so. In Bowen Road the women nurses moved at once into the hospital building from their isolated mess and were joined by their colleagues from other hospitals who had suffered the murderous attacks on themselves, their patients and their doctors. It is not surprising that many of them were deeply apprehensive. They never suffered any overt attacks but in their crowded quarters in war-damaged wards they had to guard against many peeping toms among the Japanese guards. On duty they were objects of much curiosity to sentries who, in their rubber-soled boots would suddenly materialise silently out of the darkness of night with their bayonets fixed. Inquisitive Japanese officers would appear in the wards where many patients had limbs immobilised in various forms of apparatus. Those in Thomas splints suspended from Balkan beams were special objects of curiosity but when Japanese tried to touch the carefully balanced suspensions they were speedily moved on by our sisters. In particular the lady who would have hanged the Governor showed, as might be expected, no fear. The courage and fortitude of our nurses at this time are beyond all praise and their example was of the greatest importance in encouraging male staff and patients. Early in 1942 the Japanese set about concentrating British and allied wounded, except Indian troops, in Bowen Road. The Japanese had their own political reasons for segregating Indians. By 26 February the only other hospital serving British and allied troops was the small St. Teresa's Hospital in Kowloon which provided a few beds for men from the P.O.W. camps there. Eventually on 11 August 1942 St. Teresa's was closed and its few patients who still needed care were moved to Bowen Road. Thereafter no British or allied wounded remained in any other service or civil hospital or building which had been used as a hospital. The Military Hospital, Bowen Road, thus fell into Japanese hands structurally damaged but functionally practically intact, fully equipped with beds, mattresses, blankets, sheets, normal hospital furniture and office equipment and ample surgical equipment, laboratory resources and good stocks of drugs and dressings and medical dietary necessities. Our stocks of ration fuel, coal and expendable materials which we could not replace were soon exhausted. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 169 release. His nerve was not shaken by his experience, and it was a privilege to have him on the staff. Major Charles Boxer had studied the Japanese language in Japan and when hostilities broke out was a staff officer in China Command. Towards the end of the battle on the Island he went out to help the defence in the field and was very seriously wounded. He was taken first to the Queen Mary Hospital and thence to Bowen Road in early January 1942. The Japanese of course knew that he was in Hong Kong and sought him out after our surrender. After the immediate danger of his wound had passed his services as an interpreter were much in demand both by Shackleton and by the Japanese. The surgical problems of our wounded were being brought under better control when on 7 August 1942 Boxer gave me a message from the Japanese that on the following day Simson the A.D.M.S., Shackleton the commanding officer, a named number of officers and other ranks of the staff and 40 patients were to leave Bowen Road and that all women staff were to be transferred away from the hospital 48 hours later. At the time we considered that only twelve patients were fit to go to P.O.W. camp. All except two of the women staff were to be transferred to the Civil Internment Camp on the Stanley Peninsula. The two exceptions, as noted earlier, were released, in Hong Kong. I was promised 30 “first aiders” to replace our nurses but it was much later before 10 Canadian volunteers arrived to help us. The Japanese instruction to me was to take charge of the hospital with Major Gerald Harrison as my deputy. My own position was secure enough for I was much senior to my medical colleagues in the hospital, but Harrison was not the next in seniority in the British army. Before his departure Colonel Simson was good enough to give me a letter in which he “promoted” me to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel and to take charge of the hospital. As an interpolation this development did not forward my career in any way and it was not till 16 January 1946 that I was promoted to the substantive rank of Lieutenant Colonel. My pay in this rank began only upon this date though my seniority was slightly ante-dated. By 1946 I had nearly 28 years service, so my forebodings of 1939 and 1940 about my career were justified. This little story shows that it is always unwise to be captured in war; the effect on the career of a regular soldier can be calamitous. It also illustrates the slow rate of promotion thirty years ago. I was however grateful for Colonel Simson’s ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 170 DONALD C. BOWIE letter, for this showed that I did not owe my position to Japanese choice. They had been known not to be guided by seniority in the British army when selecting individuals with whom they chose to co-operate in running prisoner camps. The A.D.M.S. and Shackleton left with me letters expressing their admiration of the way the staff in the hospital were carrying on the work, and this was much appreciated. I had asked in writing for six nursing sisters to be left in the hospital to take charge of nursing but this, like many other requests in the future, was met by complete silence, and all were removed. The staff and the patients who could make the trip gathered in the forecourt to take leave, first of the male staff and patients and second of the women staff 48 hours later as they left in their lorries. And so by 10 August 1942 I found myself in charge of 211 patients including 25 officers, with a staff of 6 medical officers (including myself), one dental officer, a quartermaster, a Church of England chaplain, 55 other ranks R.A.M.C. and R.A.D.C. and 6 Royal Engineers plus one civilian engineer, The staff remaining included two very well known Hong Kong doctors, Majors James Anderson R.A.M.C. who thereafter carried out all necessary surgery, my contribution coming when he was unwell or when acting as his assistant, and John Durran, a Hong Kong Volunteer who was both physician and eye specialist. Gerald Harrison was the specialist physician, James Swyer the specialist radiologist, Jack Fraser the specialist ophthalmologist, Norman Fraser the dentist, F.J. Campbell the quartermaster and James Squires the padre. Mr. J.L. Muxlow was the senior warrant officer, he had been in charge of the A.D.M.S's office at China Command. Mr. W.L. Bartley had been promoted warrant officer on the spot by Shackleton during hostilities to act as executive warrant officer in order to cope with the varying and awkward, not to say dangerous situations which suddenly developed and he had played his part well. He held his post until our release, but I imagine that his local promotion did not advance his army career for the same reason as held good in my case. We had a splendid, well qualified man, G.P. Shorthouse to take charge of nursing duties, G.W. Forknall was the chief cook and J.H. Platt lived in the food stores and was responsible for all receipts and issues from them. We had an excellent dispenser, D. Harper, and most of the skills needed in a hospital were to be found among our medical and dental staff. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 171 engineers, of whom Mr. E. Sims was senior, contributed many talents from among their seven members and it was remarkable how other abilities, unsuspected beforehand, came to be displayed by other staff. We were lucky in our staff not only because of their varied skills but also because of the spirit they showed and their willingness to tackle problems in fields new to them. I considered that the removal of Simson and Shackleton was part of a Japanese plan to separate from bodies of prisoners those who had exercised command during hostilities and round whom men might rally against their captors. Most very senior officers were also removed from the P.O.W. camps. The only reason I was ever given for the changes was that the Japanese wanted to reduce our staff, which they considered to be too large. When I come to enlarge upon my diaries, which are complete after 8 August 1942, it is evident that the period of captivity up to August 1945 divides itself naturally into four parts. First, there was the period of the Infections, including wound sepsis, dysentery, and diphtheria. Then came the period of Deficiency Diseases. This was followed by a period of Slow Decline, which lasted till about March 1945. Finally came a few months of Relative Stability, which covered the period from April 1945 up to the Japanese surrender in August. Each stage merged with that which followed, but the divisions are convenient for descriptive purposes. All were characterised by undernutrition. THE PERIOD OF THE INFECTIONS During the brief period, only 18 days of active hostilities, I had been much struck by the disabling injuries caused by enemy mortars and grenades. These disintegrated into small pieces, almost slivers of metal, which were sprayed in a shower when they exploded. In the patients who got back, these splinters caused many eye and peripheral nerve and blood vessel injuries. Clouds of them also seemed to penetrate the skin and fat, though not often deeply, and lodged there or in muscle. All these tiny wounds became infected, the soldier victim was put out of action, and his treatment added much to the burdens of our medical services. Compound injuries of the bones and joints were always infected, and the difficulty of eradicating infection added greatly to our anxiety for the outcome in these patients against a background of undernourishment on unbalanced diets. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 175 at the corners of the mouth and scrotal oedema. During August 1942 only 17 cases of deficiency diseases were admitted as such, but the same signs were common among the dysentery and diphtheria admissions. We began an investigation into all the various manifestations and intensive treatment was started. These patients with deficiency diseases were to form a nearly immovable block in our patient population for a long time because improvement came about extremely slowly. An outstanding symptom was burning pain in the feet which sometimes required morphine for its relief. Many sought to ease the pain by plunging their feet into cold water and one patient had to be confined in a place where water was not available in order to avoid maceration of the skin. Some who had had deficiency diseases improved enough to return to P.O.W. camps. Others remained in hospital up to our release in 1945. These last had balancing problems, numbness of limbs and visual defects. The hospital had admitted 1225 patients during 1942 and this figure included all patients transferred to us from all the other civil and service hospitals in the Colony. Of the total, 443 were admitted during the five-month period August-December and at 31 December 341 patients remained. Pressure on our accommodation had been severe, and repeated changes in the usage of wards were needed to isolate infectious patients and provide room for all who needed our care. The Canadian P.O.W. camp at North Point closed in October and the troops moved to Kowloon. Perhaps because of the rearrangements required by this move, but almost certainly reinforced by the well-known Japanese fear of infectious disease, we were not allowed to discharge patients whom we considered would suffer by a move to a camp. The pressure on our space and feeding arrangements was therefore intense and this did not begin to ease until April 1943. By the end of 1942, however, the heaviest burden of the infections had become lighter, though the long haul to cope with the deficiencies as the main load had already begun. The year 1942 had weighed heavily on the spirits and energies of patients and staff. The departure of the women nurses cast a gloom over the hospital. The future seemed uncertain, the rations were poor, patients flooded in, deaths were frequent, but food gifts to the hospital from friends in Hong Kong and the arrival of a Red Cross parcel per head, to which I shall refer later, together with a natural resilience as the acute epidemics subsided towards the end of the year brought about some lightening of the clouds. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 178 DONALD C. BOWIE he did not explain his meaning. I concluded that the fish had probably been taken from the harbour whose waters were thoroughly polluted. Some of the fish was quite horrid and my diary recorded on 8 August 1942 that I could not touch mine. This was quite an admission for it was rare for me to boggle at any sort of food. Our cooks at first removed the fish heads before cooking but Seino pointed out to us that this was a waste. As a result we began to make what we called fish head soup; this proved to be not to everybody's taste but it did add a new if not always attractive flavour to plain boiled rice and vegetables. Additions to the Japanese supplies of Food. (a) Gifts from Friends in Hong Kong Unfortunately I have no record to show the date on which these gifts started, but by August 1942 visitors from the City of Victoria were being allowed to bring gifts of food to the hospital on Mondays and Thursdays. The food was usually contained in gunny sacks and included tins which contained food sealed in by the makers e.g., jam, or which were filled by the donors with for example peanut butter. I have never learned the whole story about these supplies and I hope that Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke, then Dr. P.S. Selwyn-Clarke, will find it possible to relate this in detail.* A little later I shall have more to say about this remarkable man who was Director of Medical Services in Hong Kong at the outbreak of war. As may be imagined the tins and containers became the vehicles for an exchange of notes between the hospital and citizens in Hong Kong. These notes contained personal and family items of news but very useful information came in from our friends to us suggesting methods of combating the deficiency diseases. Small supplies of important drugs were sent in by this route and information was given on methods of cultivating yeast, hop barm and other preparations thought to remedy vitamin deficiencies. Much ingenuity was expended in the hospital in making false bottoms and lids to tins and I can remember only one time when a communication was discovered. The culprit, a Hong Kong man, reacted by his cries and behaviour in a most satisfactory manner to the slapping he * Sir Selwyn's autobiography, Footprints, the Memoirs of Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke, was published by Sino-American Publishing Company, Hong Kong in 1975. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 180 DONALD C. BOWIE chases made using funds voluntarily subscribed by officers of the staff and officer patients. A first charge upon all receipts was to provide what we called "extras" for patients in need and only the surplus after this prime need was met was issued for general use. The true value to the hospital of the gifts received is therefore much greater than appears in the records I am able to give here, which reflect only that portion used for general issue. (b) Supplies bought with money, contributed by Officers, Staff and Patients. I recorded earlier how sometime in 1942 before the departure of our nurses the Japanese began to pay commissioned officers, both staff and patients. In these days members of the Q.A.I.M.N.S., as it was then, were not commissioned and were not paid. I also recorded how Colonel Shackleton started funds from which to finance purchases for the general good. When I succeeded him the funds were reorganised and responsibility for administering them was spread more widely. A Hospital Central Fund was set up and managed by an executive committee of two officer patients and one medical officer with myself as chairman. This received money, still on a voluntary basis, from officers in the hospital and occasionally from those in P.O.W. camps in North Point and in Argyle Street, Kowloon. Disbursements were made to four sub-funds; one to provide extra diets for patients, one to supplement general messing, one to provide necessities and comforts e.g. electric bulbs, cigarettes etc. and lastly a small C.O.'s Fund. The first three were run by sub-committees and I was left to apply the minor resources of the C.O.'s Fund to support any enterprise for the general good. As a side light on human nature it is interesting to recall that one or two British officers were reluctant for a time to support the Central Fund. They feared, from past experience no doubt, that the British army's accounting system would seek to recover from their pay at home the value of the military yen they were receiving from the Japanese. They knew that when they became prisoners, marriage and other allowances ceased and they foresaw that their wives and families might be able to draw only upon their basic pay. This view was ridiculed by the majority who held that we were faced with a situation in which immediate action was required and the reluctant ones soon abandoned their position and made their contributions valiantly. Readers in the 1970s will find it hard to believe ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 182 DONALD C. BOWIE March 1944 was the last month in which I kept records on the above lines. Earlier a system of bi-monthly intakes of Red Cross supplies, some acquired locally, was started, and these intakes added hugely to the value of the gift parcel system. The new system is described more fully in the section on Red Cross Supplies. Purchases to improve general messing using voluntary contributions of money continued unchanged. I repeat that much of the specially purchased foods and gifts of food from visitors were used to provide for extra and special diets for very sick patients. The figures I give are concerned only with general diets and fail completely to indicate the value to sick patients of these gifts and purchases. (c) Red Cross Food Supplies The value of the contributions made by the Red Cross Society to the well-being of patients and staff can hardly be overestimated. Morale had already been seriously shaken by the removal of our nurses in August 1942 and by the outbreaks of dysentery and diphtheria by the time the deficiency diseases appeared. The burning feet which reduced men to tears, the visual defects which prevented reading, the staggering gait due to defective balancing power of those who were able to get up at all, the emaciation of so many and the weight loss of all were known by all to be due to under-nutrition. There seemed no escape from a steady deterioration and this, together with shortages of fuel and other supplies produced an atmosphere in the hospital not far short of gloom. A little improvement was just beginning to show as the high incidence of the infections declined when on St. Andrew's day 1942 Red Cross food parcels were delivered in the proportion of one per head of the 392 inhabitants of the hospital. As was usual with most Japanese actions we had no warning beforehand. Each parcel contained 12 tins of assorted foods, tea, sugar, soap, and a bar of chocolate. All but 10 were, except for minor deficiencies, intact. Of the 10, eight showed more than minor deficiencies and these along with one intact parcel were issued to the nine members of the medical officers' mess who agreed to accept them. The defective parcels were shown to the Japanese interpreter without much hope, and true enough they were not made up. A month earlier a newly arrived interpreter had told me that Red Cross parcels were being delivered to Sham Shui Po P.O.W. camp but our expectations subsided as time went on and none arrived in the hospital. When our parcels did arrive ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 185 received from Japanese sources, (Appendix A) will show that fresh milk was also received from time to time and this, of course, as is noted, was used practically wholly for the ill patients. It was only occasionally that a little was allowed to others in order to keep up their morale. Feeding the Staff I do not here include the officers who were members of the staff, for these received pay and could use what was left of this after contributions had been paid and friends supported to supplement their general messing, though the extra thus obtained was very small. The problems with other staff can also be stated simply. These men's work was essential; deprived of it, the hospital could not function. Some of this work was hard if intermittent, e.g., carrying patients or stores, felling trees for timber; some was hard and regular, like the work of the laundry squad, particularly during the dysentery outbreak; some was exacting and often provoking, like that of the nursing staff. On the other hand, the lamentable conditions of acutely ill patients had to be rectified at all costs. The principle adopted was that when a member of the staff began to show signs of early deficiency, as some were doing as early as August 1942, he was admitted to hospital, when he had all the rights of patients to extra diets. In the case of staff members who had, for example, put in a heavy day felling trees or moving 100 kg sacks of rice, I made to each man a small extra issue, maybe an egg, maybe some peanut butter, and so on. This was a token rather than a major contribution to their nourishment and was never resented by patients. In the early days of the Hospital Central Fund in 1942, the executive committee, on which officer patients were represented, recognised the special position of the working staff, and small, very small cash payments were made to these monthly from the Fund. At a later date, in 1943, staff were given working pay, again in very small amounts by the Japanese, but it was not till 6 March 1945 that the needs of working staff were recognised by a formal entitlement to extra general rations. We had long known that in the P.O.W. camps, men employed on camp duties got increased rations, and we got the immediate example we required when in January 1945 a working party from Sham Shui Po was accommodated in Bowen Road while employed on preparing land in Happy Valley ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 192 DONALD C. BOWIE dical Services of the Japanese Army of Occupation. Selwyn-Clarke represented to Eguchi that it was essential to take precautions to avoid outbreaks of epidemic diseases in the chaotic conditions following our surrender and he, with his wife and daughter and a handful of his staff, were spared internment for a while in order to organise the necessary work. Certain other categories of people, for example senior bankers, were likewise not interned at the beginning though the movements of all these men were always restricted within narrow limits. Selwyn-Clarke's mind turned at once to ways in which he could help those who were in P.O.W. or Internment camps. He knew exactly what would happen and how health would suffer and he set about getting food and drugs to combat the infectious and deficiency diseases he saw to be inevitable. I do not know how these relief operations were financed nor do I know many details. He visited the camps and though not allowed to see the prisoners he did get guides as to what was needed e.g., food, fuel, meat, cooking oil and at the same time he got the names of many prisoners. He had found out that the Japanese would allow entry to parcels of food etc. addressed to individuals but would not accept bulk supplies for delivery. He then recruited a number of women helpers; some of these had husbands, relatives or friends in the camps and hospital. Before hostilities Selwyn-Clarke was at all times completely absorbed in the task he had in hand. In a community where alcohol and tobacco were cheap and widely used he did not drink and he did not smoke and I think found it difficult to interest himself in the small talk usual in the kind of society in which Hong Kong took pleasure at that time. His wife was an electrifying woman, full of energy, vastly intelligent and widely informed, with great warmth, firmly held opinions and completely devoted to the welfare of the Chinese citizens of the Colony. She unfortunately has since died, but she always played a leading part in organising the parties delivering food to the hospital. One of her main helpers was Miss Helen Ho. Miss Ho was arrested three times by the Japanese, the first being shortly after Selwyn-Clarke's own arrest. She was imprisoned once below the Supreme Court; another time she was confined in a house above Queen's Road, but being allowed to open a window for air she attracted the attention of a passing friend by flashing a reflected ray of sun in her eyes using a hand mirror. She then dropped a pre- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 194 DONALD C. BOWIE always been under close surveillance as well by the gendarmerie. After his arrest in May, 1943, he was confined in the cells below the Supreme Court in conditions of the utmost squalor and was subjected to the intensive, unending, repetitive "interrogation" about his alleged spying activities which are lamentably so well known nowadays. One of the accusations was that in some way he was in touch with the British Embassy in Lisbon to which he was supposed to have reported information about Japanese activities. The charge was a capital one and the sentence of the trial court was death. To such a condition was he reduced that he told his captors to get on with the job and carry out the sentence. This they did not do, and he suspects that the deaths in prison of the Chief Manager of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank in circumstances in which ill-treatment and starvation were suspected made even the Japanese gendarmerie reluctant to offer Selwyn-Clarke as a third victim. Sixteen months later he was tried again, also upon a capital charge but due to some dealings of oriental subtlety by some of his friends in the Colony the sentence this time was three years in prison. In December 1944 he was transferred from Stanley prison to Ma Tau Wei Internment camp near Kai Tak airport and there he says he was alright. In August 1945, when we welcomed him to our hospital in the Central British School he was still physically in poor shape and he suffered permanent disabilities. His spirit, however, if it had once been bent, had by then recovered and as soon as he could after the Japanese surrender he returned to his office in Hong Kong to reestablish medical and health control and order in the Colony. Before closing this section which has been devoted to the problems of feeding patients and staff in the hospital I am glad to refer to the Red Cross organization in Hong Kong during the war. Mr. R. Zindel, a Swiss citizen and thus a neutral, was in charge. He made formal inspections of the hospital about every six months accompanied by the Japanese Commander of P.O.W. camps. I shall refer later to these visits, but it was quite evident to me that Mr. Zindel was confined within strict limits by the Japanese during his inspections. He must, I feel sure, have met the same difficulties in his work outside the hospital, but I record here with gratitude our indebtedness to his tenacity, skill and resource in getting to us so many of the food stores which made such a very great difference to our wellbeing. I had the pleasure of meeting him also in Hong Kong during my visit in 1964. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 196 DONALD C. BOWIE names in this account I shall spell them as they sounded to me. I was old enough to be aware of the fighting qualities of their troops in the Russo-Japanese war of 1904 and Japan was acclaimed as our ally in the First War. The reputation of the people for courtesy in their own country was high. The situation changed drastically in the nineteen thirties. The conduct of their troops in Manchuria and in China, the truculence of their government and the xenophobia of their nationals in Japan itself gave the nation a sinister reputation, and those of us who had followed these developments had few illusions about what would happen to people conquered by their armies if war came. This reputation was entirely self-made. I never hated the Japanese as such though I came to distrust individual members of their army. I try here to record our dealings with those in charge in the British Military Hospital in Hong Kong. The name of our hospital changed from time to time. In April 1942 I was writing reports and requests from the British Military Hospital. By September 1942 our name had become "Dai Ichi Bun In, Kirishima Dori". By October 1943 we were "Dai Ichi Bun Ken Sho", but I don't know what our name was in Kowloon. The commander of P.O.W. camps in Hong Kong was one Colonel Tokunaga, and our hospital came under his authority. He was a thick-set man of a little over average Japanese height. His age was not easy to guess but I judged him to be well over fifty and he gave me the impression of having been recalled to active service from the reserve. He was nicknamed 'the pig' by our troops. I do not know if he could speak English but I suspect that he understood our language a little. I never had experience of conversation with him, and on his inspections and visits he seemed utterly withdrawn from any human contact with staff or patients though his orders, transmitted to me after inspections, showed that he had been observant and had noted arrangements which he considered should be changed. These referred only to such matters as the lay-out of beds, notices in wards, conditions in the hospital grounds and so on. He never gave me orders at the time of his visits; these were transmitted later. When the representative of the Red Cross came, Tokunaga always preceded him wherever they went and he obviously dictated the route to be followed. I never knew him speak to a patient. Tokunaga seemed to me to be a Japanese officer of the old school showing by his demeanour the rigidity of his training. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 197 had no means of judging his intelligence. After the war Tokunaga was sentenced to be hanged by our War Crimes Court in Hong Kong in 1946, a sentence later commuted to life imprisonment and later still to 20 years in prison. I cannot speak for any of his actions as far as the P.O.W. camps were concerned, and I emphasise this. So far as our hospital was concerned I did not and do not consider that his conduct towards us merited a death sentence. Tokunaga, of course, was not a medical man. A Japanese army doctor, Lieutenant Saito, was in immediate charge of the British Military Hospital throughout our captivity. He also had charge medically of the P.O.W. camps. He acquired an evil reputation among our troops in the camps, partly from what was reported to be his haphazard selection of patients to be sent to our hospital, a selection made from lists prepared by our own doctors when he often never saw the patients at all. In the hospital I found it impossible to establish any kind of durable understanding with him even on a professional plane. I never got to know the extent of his medical knowledge. When reports, oral or written, upon patients were made to him they seemed to be engulfed and to disappear leaving little or no trace. He must have paid some attention to some of the written reports for at times he required elucidation of a point that had been made. Between August and December 1942 Saito made few appearances in the hospital; a typical sudden incursion was at nine p.m. on 9 September. He then demanded to see all our blind patients, all who had suffered amputations and all over sixty years of age. This done he wanted to go on and see sixty-eight others whom we had previously listed as unfit for service, either permanently or for a substantial period of time. As the visit was unannounced we had not got the case sheets and X-rays ready, and he and I vied with each other in proclaiming our readiness to wait for these and go on as long as necessary. In the end we restarted at seven a.m. next day and took seventy minutes to see fifty-eight patients. I got no inkling as to his decisions. On 13 October I had my next encounter with Saito when he came to see our diphtheria patients, including one who had received a transfusion of blood taken from a recovered diphtheria patient. In reply to my question he told me that the diphtheria situation in Sham Shui Po was better, the disease being less severe and presenting as one case every two-four days. This account was totally different from that given by patients we had admitted recently from ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 198 DONALD C. BOWIE that camp. It was at this time that I first proposed that I should be allowed to visit P.O.W. camps in order to discuss the various medical problems with our doctors there and plan the best use of our hospital services for their patients. This suggestion, like so many others, provoked no apparent reaction and though I repeated it at frequent intervals I never got near a P.O.W. camp until I was moving to our new hospital in Kowloon in 1945. Major Harrison was allowed to make one visit to North Point Camp to consult with Canadian medical officers about some problems in which specialist advice was wanted. This was his only visit to a camp and none of our other doctors were ever allowed to visit either. I had another passage with Saito following an air raid on Hong Kong in October of which I shall write later, but in these critical months in 1942 my approaches to him had to be made in writing or through his N.C.O., Sergeant Seino or the interpreter and any messages from him came back by the same route. On 23 November Saito saw all officer patients and though he did not make a physical examination he marked five for discharge. We considered that two of these would improve by a further stay in hospital, though it was not vital for them to do so. The order for discharge however stood. On 21 December we had our second Red Cross inspection, the first during the period I was in charge but Saito did not appear in the suite. A day or two later however he demanded a report on our sufferers from pellagra asking for detailed information about skin, gastro-intestinal and nervous symptoms and the details of treatment and on 16 January 1943 he came to see the patients. We demonstrated these including the eye cases. As our experience in these fields was small we asked his advice and he suggested giving 100 mgm nicotinic acid by intramuscular injection daily for 10 days. As was his usual custom he would not wait to make a detailed inspection and cut his visit short. We delayed him on the stairs long enough for him to use the English words "B. complex" when speaking on the causal deficiency. With this exception he had spoken Japanese throughout and whether he had got the information in discussion elsewhere, it agreed with our view that the symptoms were not to be explained by a pure vitamin B1 deficiency. In reply to my question he said that nicotinic acid and suitable diet were the important elements of treatment. He said also that yeast, easy to get before the war, was now hard to obtain. He promised to consult a colleague about ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 199 the eyes. He and I agreed that neither of us had ever seen a case of pellagra before. On 22 January 1943, Saito came in again and was handed a copy of our pellagra report which he should have had already from Takeyama, our interpreter, the night before. He now said that in Sham Shui Po patients were being given 10 mgm nicotinic acid by injection daily, a figure which contrasted with his advice given less than a week earlier. This did nothing to increase my confidence in him as a physician. A day later Saito came in again. We had heard that 1200 men had left P.O.W. camps by ship having been equipped with some warm clothing, a Red Cross parcel and 10 yen each and that they were accompanied by two British and one Canadian doctor. I tried but failed to extract any more information on this subject. Saito told me that Sham Shui Po then held 2000 men of whom 1000 were sick and twice he emphasised that he did not want our hospital to be used as a hotel by men who were fit for camp. I found this rather irksome coming so soon after the tragedies of the closing months of 1942. I acknowledged that we did have some patients who were apparently in good condition physically but who showed serious visual defects which were evident if any examination of them were to be carried out. I complained that the only information we received about an incoming draft of patients was the approximate number and the time they were expected to arrive and even this was not always reliable while the notice was always short. Because our space was limited the only way we could accommodate new patients was to discharge about the same number of our existing ones. It thus came about that I was asking medical officers for the names of patients best fitted to return to camp and whose progress was unlikely to be jeopardised by discharge, rather than those in whose fitness we had confidence. I said that I could not overrule a doctor's decision on the medical condition of a patient only to be told that the same applied in the Japanese army. I was a little surprised at this. My protest had no effect and on our side we continued making room for new patients by discharging the fittest among the old patients. In 1943 this policy was the only one possible. Eighteen months later we did have patients admitted from camp, chosen by Saito, who seemed to us to be in better shape than some that we had to discharge. A Colonel Watanabe of the Japanese medical service visited us ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 200 DONALD C. BOWIE unexpectedly on 26 January and saw three of our wards. I told him that by now every patient coming from Sham Shui Po had symptoms of some form of deficiency disease. I did not discover his standing as a physician but having seen three patients in one ward and two in another he left without making any comment. Still in 1943, on 29 January we were required to make a return of patients to the Japanese and this showed that we had 213 cases of deficiency diseases in hospital out of a total of 331 patients and the total included 62 war injuries. It is clear that about this time the Japanese were interested in the incidence of deficiency diseases among prisoners, and on 6 February Saito required a report on all such cases admitted from Sham Shui Po since the end of February 1942, that is during the preceding year. We were given certain headings under which to make the report and two of these referred to the effect of Apellagrin and of the diet we provided. We had later to enlarge this to give many more details about the cases of visual defects. On 29 March Professor Uehara, said to come from the Imperial University, Tokyo, together with a colonel of the Japanese Army Medical Service, Saito and other medical officers visited the hospital without warning to see some patients suffering from pellagra. The professor seemed specially interested in the skin manifestations and I believe he attributed the visual defects to beri-beri though we had no discussion with him on clinical or therapeutic measures. It is impossible for me to say what effect all these visits and reports had on our wellbeing. Certainly the Japanese rations continued as before, though no improvements were made. On the other hand it is just possible that the Red Cross bulk supplies to which I have referred earlier and which began about this time may have been a response to our predicament. This is a pure guess on my part. Our Japanese were very keen on getting reports from us. For example on 27 January 1943 Takeyama, interpreter at the time, transmitted a demand for lists of hospital equipment held by patients e.g. boots, shoes, shirts, blankets, beds, mattresses etc. In March we were again required to bring up to date lists of our patients who were over the age of 60, blind or had suffered amputations. On 28 May Saito having previously warned us, we were inspected by Lieutenant General Hamada Chief of the P.O.W. department, Tokyo. We had to display flowers, put white cloths on the tables ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 201 in the recreation room and put disinfectant in a bowl outside the Japanese office. The general spoke to nobody. Two months earlier, in March I had been ousted from my office in the front of the building and this pleasant room henceforward became the headquarters office of the Japanese within the hospital. I was surprised that they had not seized this earlier. On 23 August 1943 the President of the Japanese Red Cross Society, Prince Shimatsu, inspected the hospital. At all times the appearance of the hospital was good, but at this as at all inspections the Japanese laid great stress on having the recreation room looking specially well. In addition to white cloths on the tables and vases of flowers all the musical instruments and equipment for indoor games had to be laid out on display. As usual the inspecting officer had no parley with patients or staff. I have records of only three occasions on which British doctors from P.O.W. camps were allowed to visit Bowen Road. Major Ashton Rose, Indian Medical Service, was the doctor accepted by the Japanese as being in administrative medical charge in Sham Shui Po camp. I believe he had considerable influence with them, in so far as any prisoner could have influence. On 5 March 1943 he visited the hospital bringing with him some patients for admission and came again on 23 March with an officer patient for specialist eye examination. On the second occasion he stayed to lunch, a phrase which of course indicates a higher degree of sophistication than in fact we deserved. It was however something for us to be able to entertain a guest at all. We learned from Ashton Rose that the general state of prisoners in Sham Shui Po was improving and that the men were fitter. On 13 May Captain Woodward, an Australian serving with the I.M.S., came over from Kowloon to have medical advice about himself and on this occasion Saito came too. It seems curious now to look back upon such things, but up to March 1943 the bomb and shell damage to the hospital inflicted fifteen months earlier had gone substantially unrepaired. The top floors were badly damaged and as I reported earlier the kitchen in the middle section connecting the two blocks of wards was completely destroyed. Rain poured in at these places as well as at other damaged areas and the recreation room below the kitchen was unusable in wet weather. The fact that we did not carry out repairs earlier probably resulted from our preoccupation at that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 204 DONALD C. BOWIE than he need. The improvement in his attitude to us in 1945 as the war drew to a close was significant. I never felt safe with him. His management of drafts of patients coming to our hospital from P.O.W. camps showed gross negligence particularly in the early year or so and I found it scandalous that he allowed a patient with acute and easily remediable intestinal obstruction to reach death's door in 1942 before allowing him to be sent to the hospital. How far blame should be laid on Saito and how far his commander, Tokunaga, should bear responsibility I do not know. I was then, and still remain, glad that we did not have to have Saito as our master if we had been losing the war, I thought Sergeant Seino was the most intelligent of all the Japanese army administrators with whom we came in contact. It was he who was most closely concerned with our routine affairs. He retained his dignity and upheld his position, but he was a man who could be talked to though not easily swayed. He never let his army down, and he never slapped me though he did, I know administer a token slapping to one of our officer patients whom he had caught communicating on a family matter with the outside world through the medium of our parcels. I do not know what happened to him after the Japanese surrender, but so far as we were concerned he did his duty fairly and earned a degree of my respect. Japanese officers and N.C.O's nearly always wore swords and always on duty wore what used to be called field boots in the British army in the First War and between the wars when they were worn by cavalry and gunner officers and by field officers in other regiments and corps. The Japanese used to skiff (or "skliff" is likely an OCR error for "scuff" or "skiff") their feet along the ground thus making an important noise as they walked, well suited to the dignity of their wearers. At first in 1942 the guards were drawn from Japanese units but later were Formosans (Taiwanese). The latter were of no great quality and were poorly clad and equipped, and some of their N.C.O's were pettily officious and often over ready to take offence. They wore ankle boots with canvas uppers and rubber soles and there was a separate compartment in the canvas for the big toe. It was often startling to meet them on a verandah in a blackout as they moved silently along with fixed bayonet and rifle at the trail. These guards interpreted their own orders in such matters as the amount of lighting allowed during blackouts and the time of our ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 208 DONALD C. BOWIE If I had known I would not have named him to the Japanese. They carried out their own searches and interrogations, accompanied by tying up to water pipes or other suitable tethering posts those they wanted to interview. All were well slapped but the thief was never discovered. Two of our orderlies and one R.A.M.C. man were removed to P.O.W. camp though. On another note, soon after I took charge an electric bulb was stolen from the perimeter lighting system, no doubt by one of our people who needed one. The elementary error was made of not replacing the filched good bulb with a worn-out one. This was a useful lesson to me personally from which I profited, but on the occasion of which I am writing I was summoned and formally told that while a bulb was a small matter stealing it was an insult to the Imperial Army and I was warned that if I wanted trouble I could be sure of getting it by allowing such offences. The best story about trading, a true one, concerned a patient who was negotiating a deal with a sentry. Much experience had shown that some sentries were less governed by strong principles of honesty in business dealings than others, and often enough no confidence whatsoever was shown between the parties concerned. On this occasion the sentry wanted to take the article away for valuing before making an offer, but our patient was not prepared to allow this. Eventually a compromise was reached and the sentry left his loaded rifle with the patient as a surety while he took the article away for valuation. The patient kept the rifle in his bed and in due course the sentry returned and a bargain was struck. In the earlier days a number of sentries came to our nursing orderlies suffering from venereal disease being for some reason reluctant to report sick with such a complaint to their own people. They knew the value of the sulpha drugs and they knew that we possessed some of these. At first I was tempted to allow our men to treat them in the hope that we might thereby enjoy some advantages, in the form at least of their forbearance to be unduly zealous in their dealings with us. I soon came to see that we were likely to gain nothing from this practice and set my face firmly against it. Our small stocks of sulpha drugs were so extremely valuable to us that I myself controlled their issue to wards, a special case having to be made to me on each occasion by the doctor in charge. I would not however assert that some of our men did not supply ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 209 advice or even treatment of a sort, no doubt for certain small advantages, though I have no proof at all that this was so. SUPPLIES OF DRUGS AND DRESSINGS At the time of our surrender, our hospital was well stocked with drugs and dressings. Except for very small quantities in categories which we could well afford to spare, the Japanese did not confiscate or ask for any of our stocks. In the parcels we received from our friends in Hong Kong from time to time were included small amounts of special drugs and preparations which were extremely valuable to us in treating patients. My record of the supply by the Japanese of anti-diphtheritic serum given in a previous section is accurate. At various times during the three full years of my charge, small quantities of drugs and dressings were supplied by the Japanese. Unfortunately, I have no records now on this subject, but my memory is clear that deliveries were irregular, quantities were so small as almost to be negligible, and such drugs as arrived were non-specific in their actions. Earlier, I recorded in this account the measures taken to make sure that drugs with specific action, for example, the sulpha drugs, were issued only in cases where they could be expected to turn the scales in favour of a sick patient. Through such careful conservation, aided by luck, we reached the date of our release with small stocks of essential specific drugs in hand and diminishing quantities of dressings still available, though I would not have wanted to have had to hold out much longer. I must not be understood to be saying here that we had all that we needed in the way of drugs and dressings. This was far from being the case. We were expressly forbidden to send drugs to the P.O.W. camps, and the only possible reason that I can think of for this must have been Japanese unwillingness to admit that the camps required anything more than they themselves thought fit to provide. The prohibition fitted in with their persistent refusal to allow me, or the other doctors in Bowen Road, to consult with the doctors in the P.O.W. camps regarding the allocation of our resources and methods of collaboration between hospital and camps in the medical management and treatment of the diseases which beset us. We did get some drugs into camps carried by volunteer patients whom we were discharging from hospital, but the amounts were never large and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 212 DONALD C. BOWIE which swept through the hospital from time to time. If any instrument did survive it was not taken to Kowloon when the hospital moved there in March 1945. Placed in a similar position in a hospital today I would never run such a risk again. The foregoing account shows a remarkable naivete on my part. The guilelessness of some of our men was quite as remarkable. I recall examining the diary of a soldier who died in Bowen Road before handing his belongings over to someone authorised to receive them. The diary had many references to world events which had clearly been obtained by wireless. I thought it wise to destroy these references at once, for if discovered they would have led directly back to an illicit receiver as the source which I judged to have been sited in a P.O.W. camp. The Japanese allowed us to receive and read copies of an English language paper called the Hongkong News, which was published in the Colony. My notes show that we began to receive three or four copies of this paper daily from October 1942. I circulated these copies to each ward in the hospital and to all staff, but I am sorry I did not preserve any in my own records. The news in the paper was, I recall, quite accurate in describing places where events of importance in the war were taking place. I cannot say whether all events were recorded in this fashion. The treatment of the stories in the paper was, of course, wholly from the Japanese angle, and the result was to create in us prisoners a mounting sense of the victories they were achieving. We could and did discount many of the stories, and we had in the hospital a number of school-type atlases which were never taken away from us, and from the place names we could at least trace where events were taking place in the war as they happened. At first, this local paper was issued to us free, and from time to time supplies were stopped when it was not difficult to deduce that the issues that had been withheld contained news unfavourable to the Japanese. AUGUST DECEMBER 1942 These five months were for the hospital the worst period of our imprisonment. On 1 August 1942 there were 245 patients attended by twelve officers on the staff, not all of whom were medical, sixty-five other ranks including six Royal Engineers plus one civil engineer, seventeen nursing sisters Q.A.I.N.M.S. and Canadian ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 213 service, thirty-two women members of the Nursing Detachment of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps and two women nursing auxiliaries. By December 31 we had 341 patients, slightly over half of whom were Canadians, attended by six medical officers including myself, one dental officer, one Church of England chaplain, one quartermaster R.A.M.C., 81 other ranks including seven engineers and nine Canadian combatant soldiers who served as orderlies. In these five months we admitted 546 patients of whom 42 died, 31 of these were Canadians. Up to about 19 December 1941 we had buried our dead in Happy Valley, but when this site became unapproachable we used large bomb and shell craters close to Bowen Road immediately below the hospital to form common graves. When this site was full we prepared another cemetery by the main gate of the hospital. In August 1942 we had to prepare a new cemetery within our wired perimeter on the bank to the north of the hospital and between the hospital and Bowen Road. We had, of course, no coffins and at first we used sheets as shrouds. The mounting number of deaths compelled us to substitute well-worn blankets as shrouds and this practice continued up to the end of 1942. Our funerals were dignified affairs and I attended in every case. We usually had a few patients and staff as well and at first, remarkably enough, the Japanese were always represented by Sergeant Seino or others and they came bearing wreaths and sheaves of beautiful flowers. They did not keep up this practice very long and I think they had ceased to attend well before we had buried the last of our 42 men before the end of the year. Funeral parties were always guarded. In August 1942 we began to give thiamine by injection regularly to staff while all in hospital received yeast drinks. Each member of the staff received two yen from the Central Hospital Fund and I was given a copy of the Japanese "Rules for P.O.W. Camps", and I was told that though these were not wholly applicable to a hospital, we were required to conform to the rules in a general sense. I have no idea now what these rules were, but I do know that they did not introduce any new feature into our daily life. About this time all in the hospital were required to complete a form showing their previous experience especially as car drivers, members of the medical profession, those experienced in manufacturing processes and mining, communications experts, agriculture etc. One splendid question was "In what occupation you want to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 216 DONALD C. BOWIE hospital. As a result our wards were crowded to a greater extent than ever before. Earlier all in hospital were required to sign a statement undertaking not to escape. Few of us, patients or staff, felt any compunction about signing such a document under duress and only two officer patients refused their signatures. Early in November, Colonel Tokunaga, no less, came himself and saw both officers. One thereupon signed while the other was removed and kept overnight in a small cupboard-like room in a building in Kowloon. I understood that he was not ill-treated, and it was explained to him that our British General Officer Commanding had ordered officers to sign. He then signed and was returned as a patient to our hospital. Most of our patients had lost all their kit and many did not possess even a drinking mug at this time. They were using tins which had contained tinned food, but the rims of these tins were jagged and caused much pain especially to patients whose lips and tongue were raw from deficiency diseases. Our engineers set to work and fitted empty tins with handles and smoothed out the rims and acceptable drinking mugs were soon issued to all patients. The engineers also turned out badly needed fly-swatters in large numbers. In November we received 198 books from the Red Cross for our library, and in December another 400 library books arrived. Also in December a number of musical instruments, indoor games, packs of cards etc. were received through the Red Cross from the Pope. In November we had a stock of 270 gramophone records and these were listed and we were even able to provide requested programmes of music. From time to time we received a number of copies of the Japan-produced English language Japan Times in one of which an indignant account was given of the torpedoing by an American submarine of the "Lisbon Maru" which was carrying British prisoners to Japan. In this disaster when the torpedo struck, many of our men were battened down in the holds and prevented from trying to save themselves. Some were fired upon while swimming. The Japanese indignation should properly have been directed against the guards. Normally we had two check parades daily, one about eight a.m. and the other about five p.m. and about once a month on average ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 218 DONALD C. BOWIE attacks on defences which were hardly dented. The areas in which fighting was taking place were still thousands of miles away from us and the newspaper constantly asked the subtle question as to whether the American losses were worth incurring. In the hospital 1943 was a drab year for us; the number of patients dropped from 341 on 1 January to 234 on 31 December. Drafts of patients for admission from P.O.W. camps came on ten out of the twelve months and on each occasion patients were discharged. The condition of incoming patients showed a distinct improvement as the year went on though many patients and staff had an additional affliction to endure, that of intestinal worms. Suspicion fell upon a number of food items including vegetables and Chinese brown sugar as the vehicle of infection, but we never established that any one substance was the culprit. On three separate occasions I was handed sums of military yen by the Japanese in cash, the donors being the Red Cross Societies. One such gift came from the Canadian Society and was marked for Canadian troops only and was so distributed. Apart from this all other gifts had no limitations placed upon them. On each occasion the available cash was divided and paid equally to all except commissioned officers. Each man thus received 40 yen over the year while Canadians had an extra 30 yen, and in all cases I gained a few yen for my Commanding Officer's Fund from small surpluses. The Central Hospital Fund also benefited from money contributed by officer prisoners in camp in Kowloon which was transmitted to us by the Japanese. The signatures of some patients on the receipt sheets were indecipherable scrawls, because they were quite unable to coordinate their movements. Thirty patients died during the year, and by the end of October 104 of our men were buried in cemeteries in and around the hospital. In April we were given a tin of black paint by the Japanese at our request to allow us to paint the names of the dead on the very well made wooden crosses constructed by us to mark their graves. In December a Japanese interpreter appeared saying that it was his job to see to it that graves were properly prepared and marked and that plans of these existed. I was very proud of the work that our men put in, and the graves of those who had died were properly prepared, identified and maintained. Usually each grave held only one body; occasionally two shared a grave, and on one occasion three men were buried together when they had died ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 222 DONALD C. BOWIE Four times during the year the Japanese gave us supplies of soles, heels, nails, hobs etc. for repairing boots and three times we got issues of khaki and white cloth, thread etc. for mending clothes. As an example of quantities, on 19 June we received 15 yards khaki cloth, 11 yards white cloth, 5 packets sewing needles, 2 sewing machine needles, 3 reels white cotton, 3 large reels white thread and 13 large reels of khaki thread, one of these being extra large, 50 sets half-soles, 476 pieces heels, 9 lb hob-nails, 74 lb protectors and 5 lb nails. Religious services were held in the recreation room twice each Sunday and were conducted by Mr. Squires. The form of service was such that men who belonged to churches other than the Church of England could attend and the turn-out to morning service was usually good, resembling in a way a village congregation at home. Mr. Squires was hard put to it to produce wine for communion but kept up his supply by a variety of bought or ingeniously concocted liquors. In March we managed a Roman Catholic service conducted by Father Deloughry, a Canadian who was a patient at the time, but this represented nearly our only success for members of this church. Ever since hostilities we had had a number of patients who had been blinded or had suffered amputations while others who were over the age of 60 were likewise unfit for further service. In the latter cases I recall that if being over 60 barred a man from fighting, then one of the bravest and most stubborn resistances of our little war, carried out by senior members of the Hong Kong Volunteers would never have happened. So in April 1943 twenty-eight of our patients in the classes named were discharged to P.O.W. camps and I think that all left us quite ready for a change to new surroundings. Towards the end of the year we were examining how we could discharge to P.O.W. camps, without risk to themselves, those patients whose eyesight had been seriously affected by deficiency diseases. We decided that if these patients were in satisfactory physical state otherwise, and if we could ensure that they would get 8 mgm thiamine by injections every second day in camp, we could retain specialist control if we could get them returned to us at regular intervals for assessment of their progress. We were encouraged to believe that this was a realisable objective because three officers from Kowloon had been sent over earlier in the year for ophthalmic examination and one of these was admitted at ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 225 their heads. Though bits of protein may thus have been made available many found it hard to look their fish in the face. We had two Red Cross inspections by Mr. Zindel in June and December. On both occasions staff and patients paraded and he made quite extensive rounds though no communication between him and us was allowed. In July though, he sent us a number of indoor games including chess sets, a table tennis outfit, two dart board sets, 18 packs of cards, four badminton rackets and two boxes of shuttles. These again had to be given prominent places in the recreation room where they could be seen. About half way through the year we began to have to pay for our four copies of the Hongkong News which we received usually each day, 15 sen each at first. In June I was faced with a demand from Seino for reports on our compradore shop, on the state of health of our staff, on the boots and clothing of all in hospital, on patients classified by diseases, on our complaints and on our methods of dealing with mosquitoes, lice, bugs and flies. About the end of July staff, but not patients, were allowed to bathe in the reservoir provided they wore fandoshis while I required bathers to have a shower first. The supply of mains water was intermittent and low stocks of the drug forced us to reduce the daily dose of thiamine in August to 4 mgm by injection. All concerts, church services etc, had to be finished by 8 p.m. and applause, cheers for entertainers, community singing etc. were forbidden, again I think partly because of the nearness of the Japanese army's watchful critics, the Japanese navy, and partly because our own guards might take exception to noises of this kind. We had a good piano in our recreation room and a less tuneful instrument in what had been the Chinese boys' quarters. By September all concerts and piano playing in the recreation room except during church services were stopped. I failed again to get an extra rice ration for our staff and stocks of rice would not allow us to issue extra to them without reducing the amount available for patients; for my pains we were called upon to make returns to the Japanese showing all our food stocks. Members of the staff had been allowed to store certain locked boxes containing personal possessions in our boiler house and on 3 September a sudden search of these was made by the Japanese, all locks being smashed to get the boxes open. Seven officers and two other ranks were involved as owners, and a pair of binoculars ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 228 DONALD C. BOWIE of electricity and water supplies and firewood, increasingly frequent air attacks and I suppose the general problems faced by the Japanese in retaining a small unit isolated from other P.O.W. camps which they had to supply and guard. The fifteen months which remained to us in occupation of Bowen Road proved to be a long drawn-out test of our endurance. We knew from the local newspaper about the Normandy landing by the allies and thereafter we traced on our school atlases subsequent progress in Europe. We gauged progress on the Russian front from the place names, while the names that appeared in the accounts of the Pacific war betrayed the progress being made there against the Japanese even though they always emphasised the staggering losses claimed to have been inflicted on their enemy in all their encounters. Progress was more rapid than I for one had thought possible, but our own existence in Bowen Road became increasingly circumscribed as the boundary wire was brought even closer to the main hospital building. In January 1944 our staff were removed from their barrack block to occupy the fair-sized Ward 3 on the top floor of the hospital. Gates in the wire allowed our men to get to their own gardens for a few hours by day; by November the wire was brought even closer so that all buildings were excluded from us except for the cookhouse and the mortuary, During January 1944 we had to cut the rice ration from 383 to 354 in order to conserve stocks, and by now rice was being weighed out at the steward's store into the utensils of each ward and mess. All staff under commissioned rank began to receive Japanese pay, 25 sen for a warrant officer, 15 for a sergeant or corporals and 10 for a lance corporal or private, so it had taken three years before our captors allowed this trivial right. Pay for commissioned officers arrived pretty regularly and in June all received their Japanese banking accounts to check. All contributed fixed proportions of their pay to the Central Hospital Fund from which small monthly payments of five or six yen were made to staff and N.C.O.'s in charge of wards. Disbursements continued to be made from the fund to provide extras for patients in need, supplements to improve the general diet and cigarettes or cash instead to all except commissioned officers. Small purchases of various stores needed in the hospital were also made. In April 1944 the contributions to our fund which had been coming from our officers in P.O.W. camp in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 243 Red Cross X-ray films but by then we had no developer. We were very glad to receive from the Japanese some bars of coarse washing soap which we badly needed. We were also given 200 envelopes of tooth powder, some material for sewing and for boot repairs and some drugs including T.A.B. for inoculations. In January 1945 we had to render yet another list of patients suffering from serious visual defects, arranged by nationalities, and this list recorded a total of 65. No mail had come in for some time but some did arrive on 18 and 19 January, my latest letter from home being dated August 1944. Christmas and New Year messages were delivered to us from Red Cross Societies in many of the allied countries. The month however was dominated by American air attacks on Hong Kong. By 8 January we had had 17 air alerts without a raid and on 15 January we had a two-hour raid. On 16 January occurred the most spectacular and effective of all our raids. It began about 8 a.m., went on till noon, was resumed during the afternoon and continued until dark. The all-clear was sounded at 9:30 p.m. During raids, all movement in the hospital was prohibited but we had to go out of doors to reach our kitchen and as the morning went on, I went out myself, as of course there was no interpreter about and by signs got the agreement of the guard to draw breakfast, which we eventually got about 11 a.m. It was 2 p.m. before we got dinner and not till after 6 o'clock was it possible to draw tea. All bearers of food had to hasten to get under cover with the greatest possible despatch. In the hospital, Japanese standing orders were to keep all shutters closed during raids or run the risk of being shot at. My little bunk in a converted lavatory overlooked the harbour and it was not difficult to open a shutter far enough to get glimpses of what was going on. Three large Japanese cargo ships were anchored in the harbour and the American air attack was pressed by dive-bombing through very heavy fire in the most courageous fashion. At times the whole atmosphere seemed full of the sound of sustained gunfire and bomb explosions and the amount of ammunition used in the defence must have made a serious inroad on Japanese stocks. I did not see any aircraft brought down though there must have been casualties, but at the end of the day three cargo ships were badly listing and clearly unseaworthy for a long time to come. Fires were left burning in oil storage tanks on Stonecutters Island and elsewhere, and this day was to us a most impressive... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 246 DONALD C. BOWIE All of Mr. Campbell's records of receipts of Japanese rations were removed by Saito on 17 February in order, he said, that they could be examined by Japanese checkers. We never got them back. On 19 March 24 lorry loads of beds (100) and mattresses and medical equipment left the hospital. On 21 March 109 patients with four doctors and 5 nursing orderlies were transferred to huts in Sham Shui Po leaving four officers and 56 staff with 15 so-called strong patients. I left with these on 23 March for Sham Shui Po. This was the only time I had been in a P.O.W. camp and by then the prisoners, like ourselves in the hospital, had become adjusted to the conditions. The hospital equipment had gone to the Central British School in Kowloon. We had stripped Bowen Road of every single article and structure we thought might be useful to us on our new site. In this, the Japanese seemed to encourage us. THE REASONS FOR THE RETENTION OF THE HOSPITAL IN 1942 AND ITS REMOVAL IN 1945 In the conditions following our surrender, it is not hard to understand the Japanese decision to leave a British Military hospital, which they found as a going concern, to care for Allied sick and wounded. Such a decision enabled them to conform with the provisions of the Geneva Convention, a political decision, while at the same time using an immediately practical alternative to involving their own medical services. Our hospital must have been a showpiece to their own inspecting officers and to the Red Cross representatives, both International and Japanese, and illustrated how they were conforming with the provisions of the Convention. They clearly succeeded in creating a good impression, as shown by the spontaneous remark to me of Mr. Engelbacher (I am not certain of the name) of the International Red Cross at the inspection on 21 December 1942 by Mr. Zindel and himself. He declared that we were better off than patients in a Japanese military hospital. This might have been true, but at that time, I was oppressed by the deaths of the last few months and the condition of large numbers of our patients, and I received the information with some coldness. The arrangement under which we continued to occupy our own hospital must have provided quite serious administrative inconveniences for the Japanese. So far as I know, we provided the only concentration of British P.O.W. on the Island, though the Stanley Internment Camp, some miles away, held civilian internees and was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 249 how these were employed. We had four gardens. The quarter-master and the padre slept in the former's office, three doctors slept in the small room we used as the staff officers' mess, while I was again fortunate and had a tiny room, enough to take my bed directly behind the main hospital office, an arrangement which was very convenient for all concerned. We re-started our meteorological observations on 14 April in lovely weather and I see that we had a small putting course and a croquet lawn in action both laid out over pretty rough country. The generator was successfully repaired and we tried to get cement to make a secure base for the engine. We were employing ten workers temporarily on various jobs while another ten were regarded as on permanent duty so long as they remained suitable. It was encouraging to receive two patients suffering from malaria and peptic ulcer respectively from Sham Shui Po since it looked as though we were going to be used as the local hospital for the camps. By 24 April the kitchen even began to accept private dishes for cooking from patients and staff. This sounds very grand, but in fact the dishes consisted of saved-up rice flavoured in various ways according to the resources of the owners. We now had a total of 176 people in the hospital and there were many spontaneous expressions of pleasure at our vastly improved conditions. The general spirit in the hospital was excellent, though we still had one patient on the dangerously ill list. The building was suitable for our use, our numbers were reduced, we were eating better and though we had some pretty ill patients they were being cared for in airy wards into which poured plenty of sunshine. I think this in itself, contrasting so markedly with the dull and rather gloomy wards with their sad associations in Bowen Road had a stimulating effect upon us. The stairs leading from our part of the hospital to the Japanese quarters were blocked by wooden frames made by our carpenters on Japanese orders. The Hongkong News arriving very irregularly and we had to replace the white beds in the ward for the blind because they took up too much space. By 26 April we had one garden ready for planting and we had decided that bully chow fan was a waste of good corned beef and that this was better made into rissoles. We washed out and thoroughly oiled all our drains but we could not obtain putty to repair broken glass in our metal frame windows. We were allowed to use the church piano up to 7 p.m. daily but the Assembly Hall remain- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 252 DONALD C. BOWIE May 1942. Each page bore many signatures and Saito now wanted a similar undertaking to be given but with only one signature on each page. The original undertaking as presented to us in Bowen Road read "I hereby swear that I shall not make any attempt to escape whilst I am a prisoner of the Imperial Japanese Army. Dated this day 17th year of Showa”. In 1942 we had had much debate with the Japanese over the text of this declaration and eventually the staff signed the following version, “I hereby swear that I shall not make any attempt to escape, and understand that I am on parole and may not leave the hospital precincts without permission from the Commandant". In 1945 Saito insisted upon the first version given above. I had a long argument with him saying that we had signed the alternative version in 1942 since we did not regard ourselves as prisoners, to which Saito retorted that in fact we had been and were being treated differently from other prisoners. All members of the staff signed the new undertaking, but the old date of 26 May 1942 was used in the 1945 form. On 31 May the guard sergeant told me at 4 p.m. that a working party of 40 men was coming from Sham Shui Po and were to be accommodated in the church. We put up beds with mattresses and two pillows each, the beds being so closely placed as to touch each other and shortly afterwards 40 Canadians arrived with a sergeant in charge. Next day the working party went off early to Kowloon Hospital to heap earth round air-raid shelters, but they were not pressed too hard there. On 1 June the parcels that came from our visitors included 250 eggs which we set aside for patients only. From the working party the hospital got a rumour that Sham Shui Po was sending a concert party the next day, a Saturday, and sure enough on 2 June a band and concert party numbering 41 came from camp by lorry and by march route. My diary records that we had music, both classical and Japanese, as well as dance music and variety acts. Tokunaga was present and the concert was good, but I was not allowed to do any more than provide the performers with sweet tea. On June 2 and subsequently we had no newspapers and Saito told me that none were being received in the camps either. Though our church was being used as a barrack room, services continued to be held and at this time we were again having to use ingenuity to avoid having to serve boiled rice only at meals. For example, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 259 arrived accompanied by interpreters and the Japanese sent in 3000 packets of cigarettes, 12 bottles of saki, 36 tins of coffee, 40 kilos of salt, 180 kilos of sugar, 240 tins of milk, 48 kilos of butter and a sack of coffee beans. We were now doing very well because Major Crewe a R.A.S.C. officer came from Sham Shui Po to learn what supplies we needed and brought with him 26 pints of fresh milk which we gratefully received. Mr. C.E. D'Almeida brought us a gramophone and records and other gifts from 10 Ice House Street, and promised us supplies of drugs free which he was going to send over. A refrigerator and five bread tins came from the Red Cross in Hong Kong and I was told that stores were arriving the next day from Sham Shui Po for us to split between internees, Indian prisoners and ourselves. The internees numbered about 300, including sick and about 30 children. I was able to meet a request from Sham Shui Po for various regulations including Kings Regulations and Financial Instructions. On 22 August we arranged with Colonel Field for all our Q.A. sisters to return, and Saito and Sekiguchi came to ask what they could do. The Governor of Hong Kong had been removed from the Colony by the Japanese and Mr. Gimson who had been Colonial Secretary at the time of our capitulation came with Mr. Nakimura from the Japanese Foreign Affairs Department. Major Lamb R.A.S.C. had been appointed to take charge of supplies and his policy was for us to rely upon Japanese rations supplemented by Red Cross stores and to indent on Sham Shui Po for our additional needs. A radio, with some mugs and gifts of milk were gratefully received by us from Mr. C.E. D'Almeida and gifts also came from Messrs. Ruttonjee of 11 Duddell Street. Eight of our civilians left for Stanley with Mr. Gimson and were delighted to go. The radio was working well indeed and on 23 August I asked Dr. Selwyn-Clarke to get us some vegetables, fruit, invalid jellies and flour. I telephoned Nomura about our records and on 24 August I wrote to Colonel Tokunaga formally requiring the return of our hospital records. Mr. Campbell and I presented this letter to him personally at Japanese headquarters in the presence of Nomura. I said that we held Tokunaga personally responsible and he accepted the letter. A batch of 19 visitors arrived from Stanley including two children, and we had to put them up overnight because of stormy weather in the harbour. British headquarters now required us to set out prominently a sign, "P.W." each letter to be 20 feet by 20 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 262 DONALD C. BOWIE A R.A.F. sergeant got married on 28 August and Miss M. da Roza, a local lady offered her services as a masseuse for our patients. At this time I had to deal with complaints arising from long standing antagonisms in P.O.W. camps now openly displayed after long repression. I am glad to say that this phase subsided eventually without overt official action becoming necessary. We also prepared a system of recording the medical condition of Hong Kong Volunteers before they were freed to their homes in the Colony. Doctor Newton, the deputy Chief Medical Officer in the civil medical service, took charge of the Internee Camp nearby and we were allotted a motor car which we shared with the Indian camp. It was on 28 August that Saito came in with Hasegawa after 9 p.m. and told me formally that all our medical records had been burned about 15 August along with their own records which the Japanese were burning at that time. As I have reported earlier I got his written acknowledgement that these records had been destroyed and also that none of the plain clothes removed by him from us remained. My diary records that I spoke sternly on this matter, which must have given me some pleasure at the time. By now a party was going each day from the hospital to visit relatives and friends in Stanley. The journey was made by ferry and took about two hours. On 29 August some planes came over just after 7 a.m. and some food and cigarettes were dropped later the same day in Sham Shui Po. Included in the drop were some medical boxes and my diary records that the contents of these came as a marvellous revelation to us. We were doing well about this time because the Japanese delivered about eleven thousand packets of cigarettes and jam to us and we heard that British warships and aircraft carriers had been seen off Stanley. On 30 August planes were flying over Hong Kong all morning and a B.B.C. radio report said that the fleet had come. Nomura asked for lists of our patients and I required him to come and get these himself. This action was possibly required of him by our relieving force. True enough a large fleet came into harbour on 30 August, which was 14 days after the Japanese surrender. This delay seemed a long time to us but the arrival of the fleet brought to an end a confused situation in which we were increasingly managing our own affairs. We sent our car for Admiral Harcourt to go to Sham Shui Po and he later went round our hospital with Mr. Gimson who Page 270 Page 271 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 263 had taken over the civil administration for the time being. The Admiral cheered us all up by saying that his hospital ship could take 600 patients and he had asked for another hospital ship as well. A Canadian warship, the Prince Rupert, took some Canadians and all our sisters off to supper in the ship. I worked up to 2.30 a.m. preparing lists for the use of our Military Headquarters in Sham Shui Po and also the details of our hospital patients awaiting evacuation. On 31 August a naval doctor arrived as a liaison officer and I called on Surgeon-Captain Willoughby the P.M.O. in the hospital ship Oxfordshire. Some tough-looking marines commandeered transport and we transferred 101 patients to the hospital ship at once. At this time my diary records that we had ample food but I was dead tired and the P.M.O. very kindly asked me to stay in the Oxfordshire as he seemed to think I needed a rest. This was most considerate of him but there was still much to be done. Willoughby wanted the Q.A. sisters to sail also in the Oxfordshire with the patients, but Miss Dyson objected strongly and rightly won her point. The rest of the patients embarked in the hospital ship also and we provided case notes for all such patients. A Group-Captain R.A.F. came to the hospital to take it over for R.A.F. use, but our army sisters remained with us to their, and our, delight. A very senior R.A.F. combatant officer took some joy telling me that those of us who had wives at home were in for some nasty shocks for most of these had gone badly astray during the war. He did not say how their husbands had conducted themselves. The Indian Hospital seemed to be well under control and Major Evans told me he had 314 patients in hospital, about 85% of whom had manifestations of pellagra, and I was able to help by supplying some drugs. The ship's P.M.O. Willoughby advised the Admiral that the Oxfordshire should go direct to the United Kingdom to avoid having to tranship patients in Manila, and the ship thereupon accepted another 90 patients and was replaced by the New Zealand hospital ship, Monganui, of which the P.M.O. was Bennett. On 3 September I crossed the harbour and recovered all my buried records from Bowen Road, and I went from there to Shau Ki Wan where I found no trace of the possessions of any of our men who had been killed at the army medical store near there. They had been buried in craters behind the Salesian. I could not get transport ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 265 At this time I took part in some discussions on any action to be taken to report on the conduct of individuals while prisoners and I took the view that adverse reports should only be made in cases of the grossest neglect of duty and I made no report of this kind. Our staff and patients, apart from an occasional minor misdemeanour by one or two, conducted themselves splendidly. On 4 September the large Empress of Australia arrived. I took two R.A.F. doctors to the Central British School where they saw something of the population of bugs and very understandably wanted to occupy apartments in nearby flats. By now the R.A.F. had brought 3000 troops into the Colony and they needed hospital services for their sick. There was, as might be expected, some confusion in the various administrations. Some people were moving too fast with too little thought, while others thought too long before moving. On 5 September I went off to the Empress of Australia early and later found that Surgeon-Captain George Abercrombie was now Fleet P.M.O. in the battleship H.M.S. Anson. Abercrombie was later to be a founder member and in due course a distinguished President of the College of General Practitioners (later a Royal College), and I had the pleasure of meeting him quite frequently in London later. He kindly invited me to lunch in the Anson one day. Long voyages in warships in wartime conditions had left him looking rather pale, while of course I was pretty thin by that time. The main dish at lunch was a mutton stew in which the mutton was extremely fat and the watery part of the stew was laden with fat globules. I well remember the look of horror on his face as he watched me dispose of what to him must have been a repulsive dish. At this time I learned that Colonel Lindsay Ride was replacing Field as senior officer in the army in Hong Kong. Ride had commanded our Field Ambulance during the fighting in Hong Kong. He was a professor in the University and his Chinese students helped him to escape as soon as we surrendered to Mainland China, where he set up an organisation to keep in touch with events in Hong Kong and which helped people to escape from the Colony. I believe that it was through his thoughtfulness that my wife learned that I was still alive after hostilities ended but none of the messages I sent off from Hong Kong after our release ever arrived. Ride was later Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hong Kong, and knighted for his services to the Colony. The R.A.F. hospital moved into the Central British School ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 268 DONALD C. BOWIE None of the foregoing figures can be taken as more than approximately correct. A figure however for which I can vouch with certainty is the total number of wounded treated in Bowen Road. This figure was 646 and was carefully computed by me in the studies I made of our records during the months and years of captivity before the Japanese finally destroyed them. The Bowen Road figures include all who were seriously wounded during hostilities, because all wounded admitted to other hospitals in the Colony and who were unfit for discharge to P.O.W. camps after our surrender were eventually concentrated in Bowen Road by the end of February 1942. The last patients who suffered war injuries to be admitted came from St. Teresa's Hospital in Kowloon when this closed on 11 August 1942. My record of the total Bowen Road casualties amounting to 646 is likely to be less than the actual total number of wounded, because when other hospitals were closing and evacuating their more seriously wounded patients to Bowen Road it is likely that a number of other patients had by then recovered sufficiently to be able to go to P.O.W. camps and it must be remembered that it was the Japanese who decided where these patients must go. The official figures suggest that, excluding Indian casualties, some 855 soldiers were seriously wounded during hostilities. In Bowen Road we treated 646 of these. It is evident therefore that about 75% of seriously wounded other than Indians were evacuated by the medical services to hospitals. This represents a major success having regard to the conditions, and the system of evacuation and the skill and determination with which it was carried out must be judged to have worked well. The Field Ambulance commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Ride, which achieved these results was responsible also for recovering Indian casualties, and I have no doubt that these were evacuated with the same degree of success as were the British casualties. Figures however are lacking since the Indian Hospital was overrun during the Japanese advance and records were lost. Readers will recall that early in the hostilities the Chinese ambulance drivers deserted, understandably enough especially to those familiar with the Japanese treatment of captured Chinese opponents. Thereafter ambulance cars were driven by Field Ambulance personnel usually drawn from the medical services. This makes their achievement all the more notable. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 271 I can recall only three occasions on which the Japanese interfered with internal discipline in the hospital and I have given a short account of two of these earlier. On the third occasion our executive sergeant-major Mr. Bartley had crossed the Japanese in some way and for the only time in my three years' experience Sergeant Seino came to me, indicated displeasure with Bartley and asked if I wanted him removed from the hospital staff and sent to P.O.W. camp. Bartley's executive ability was of great value in the hospital and I had no hesitation in saying that I did not want him removed. He stayed with us until our release. Patients and staff were fairly often slapped by guards for some real or imagined disobedience or slight. These punishments were never serious, but I was always apprehensive that the person slapped might retaliate and so cause real trouble. I took up the cudgels on behalf of our people on every occasion, but I never obtained any real satisfaction and I wondered how much authority our hospital Japanese administrators had over sentries. Within the hospital the routine discipline affecting patients and staff was in my hands. Control in wards was in the hands of medical officers in charge, assisted most effectively by the system whereby selected patients were placed in charge of internal ward affairs. These patients were of several nationalities and were not always senior in rank. Their characters and standing with patients seemed to give them more effective authority. I have referred earlier to petty thieving. Occasionally offenders had to be dealt with formally by me in my office. Usually a reprimand sufficed though occasionally a man would be confined in a small room in an outhouse with a wire stretcher as bed. This method was used rarely and a man's food was never cut in any circumstances, while he was closely observed during the term of his punishment in order to avoid adverse effects. At the end of the war no records of misconduct were handed over to any authority by me and no man was reported to any service authority for misbehaviour of any kind. Many of the problems I had to cope with arose from the antagonisms which spring up between individuals, particularly if they are called upon to work in conditions of close proximity. There was no relief from the physical presence, the personal habits, the method of working of others in the particular team so that it was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 276 DONALD C. BOWIE ordered to do so, unwounded. However this may be, there we were, available to relieve them of the responsibility of caring for our casualties. The next point of importance is the Japanese decision to behave like other belligerents and abide by the terms of the Geneva Convention though they had not been signatories. As a result, they recognised and accepted representation in Hong Kong and some, at least of the activities of the International Red Cross Society. As a possible third consequence they allowed the hospital to remain in its buildings and concentrated there all allied wounded from other hospitals in the Colony. They used it also to receive some, but not all sick from the P.O.W. camps. All of these actions conferred clear benefits on the Japanese, as well as upon us. Any drugs or dressings removed by them from the hospital were in such small quantities as to be unimportant to us. Even when an electricity generator was taken, we still had another left. Except when some unacceptable decisions to admit too late, or discharge too early, sick prisoners were made by the Japanese the clinical freedom of our doctors was not challenged. The hospital was given staple food and fuel rations and clothing and boot repair materials on a scale which may have been based on a standard used for Japanese troops who of course were known to live in part off the country in which they were operating. International agreements of course required only this scale to be observed. I think that our guards fared rather better than we did on their basic rations, especially in fish, but I have recorded earlier the anxiety shown by guards when their rations, like ours were late in arriving. I recall here the public statement to us in 1944 by a supplies officer that there were shortages on the Japanese side but that they would try to keep the hospital properly supplied. This was an appeal to us to understand their position, an appeal which fitted ill with much of the Japanese bearing towards prisoners. Their plight then, in Japan itself as well as in Hong Kong and no doubt elsewhere was extremely grave and their desperate resistance for another year is surprising. It was however hard, even impossible for prisoners to take then the detached view that we can today. While the Japanese haul of booty in the form of drugs and medical supplies in Hong Kong must have been enormous the quantities that reached the hospital were negligible and we were ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 278 DONALD C. BOWIE Saito. He acted without giving reasonable consideration to the cases of sick people put to him as needing hospital treatment, so that many for whom hospital treatment could have been life-saving were not sent in. When the hospital moved nearer to the camps in Kowloon in 1945 we began to see signs that it might be going to be used properly to receive the more serious cases in the camps as they occurred and so fulfil its proper function. If we had been moved near to our sources of patients at the beginning of our imprisonment we might have served our sick more extensively and would have been of greater value to the camp doctors. A move then, when we had a hospital full of seriously wounded, would have been dangerous for these men. By the time the move occurred the need was much less pressing though our availability did, I believe, do much to improve our service. I do not know what relations existed between Saito and his commander Colonel Tokunaga, but while I must, in justice, be careful in reaching judgments, I consider that as a medical man Saito failed to do much that lay within his power for our sick, particularly those in camps. In saying this I do not claim for our prisoners more than the standards of care allowed by international agreements. A coordinated plan to apply such resources as we commanded in camps and in hospital would have made a vast difference to the medical story of prisoners in Hong Kong. While therefore I can agree that we in the hospital fared better than many in Japanese hands I must also record my conviction that the possession and careful husbanding in the hospital of our own resources played a very large part in such successes as we achieved. Any success that attended the efforts of any of us would have been immensely diminished without the aid of Mr. Zindel and the Red Cross Society and our generous friends in Hong Kong. Without the life-saving measures provided by the medical services in the P.O.W. camps, using makeshift resources, many patients would never have reached the hospital at all. THE STAFF My main purpose in writing this account is to record the history of the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong, from 1942 to 1945 and those who served on the staff or were patients there. The account fails to record some of the colourful personalities we had ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG Appendix “C” Roll of Staff Table 1 Rank Name Unit Major Anderson* J.W. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Anderson J.H. R.A.M.C. Lt. Colonel Bowie* D.C. R.A.M.C. W.O.I. Bartley* W.L. R.A.M.C. Private Bulter* G.E. R.A.M.C. Lieut. (QM) Campbell* F.J. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Cunningham T.C. R.A.M.C. Corporal Chandler* F.R. R.A.M.C. Private Cawley T R.A.M.C. Captain Clyne T.F. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Coombs** A.H. R.A.M.C. Private Cummings* R.R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Climo* R. R. Engineers Sergeant Carvell* J. R. Engineers Major Durran J. H.K.V.D.C. (Medical) Corporal Davies A.F. R.A.M.C. Corporal Dodds* J.W. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Edge H.B. R.A.M.C. Private Entwistle* H.R. R.A.M.C. Major Fraser J.D. R.A.M.C. Captain Fraser N.L. A.D. Corps $Sergeant Forknall G.W. R.A.M.C. Private Galt C. R.A.M.C. Major Harrison* G.F. R.A.M.C. Corporal Hindley* F. R.A.M.C. Corporal Harper* D. R.A.M.C. Corporal Hugill* W.J. R.A.M.C. Private Harrison R.C. R.A.M.C. Private Harrison* C.E. R.A.M.C. Private Hedley* J.H. R.A.M.C. Private Howe* S.J. R.A.M.C. Private Jenkins* J.G. R.A.M.C. Private Johns P. R.A.M.C. Private Jotcham* A.E. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Keogh G. R.A.M.C. Corporal Lethbridge* F.W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Lyall R. R.A.M.C. 287 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 288 Rank Name Corporal Leath* N.J. Mr Leghorn J. DONALD C. BOWIE Unit R.A.M.C. Att. R. Engineers W.O.I. Muxlow* J.L. R.A.M.C. Private Molloy* W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Nicholls* R. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Platt* J.H. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Peasegood H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Pike S.C. R.A.M.C. Private Pratt* D.G. R.A.M.C. L/Corporal Rennison R. Engineers S/Sergeant Roberts* J.H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Reynolds* J.S.R. R.A.M.C. Private Richardson J. R.A.M.C. Private Roberts T. R.A.M.C. Private Ross* L. R.A.M.C. Major Swyer J.E. R.A.M.C. Revd. Squires* S.J. R.A.Ch.D. Private Sinclair A.L. R.A.M.C. Private Skimins W. R.A.M.C. Private Syme J.A. R.A.M.C. Private Stanley* E+ R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Shorthouse G.P. A.D. Corps Sergeant Smith A.W. A.D. Corps M.S.M. Sims* E. R. Engineers Q.M.S. Samways* W. R. Engineers Corporal Thompson R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Twitchett* A. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Tyas* T.A. R. Engineers Corporal Whybro* R.A.M.C. Corporal Wilkinson* Corporal Varty* R.A.M.C. R.A.M.C. Footnote:- No asterisk One Two Served in Bowen Road only Served in Bowen Road and Central British School Served in Central British School only should be rewritten in HTML as: 288 Rank Name Unit Corporal Leath* N.J. R.A.M.C. Mr Leghorn J. Att. R. Engineers W.O.I. Muxlow* J.L. R.A.M.C. Private Molloy* W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Nicholls* R. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Platt* J.H. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Peasegood H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Pike S.C. R.A.M.C. Private Pratt* D.G. R.A.M.C. L/Corporal Rennison R. Engineers S/Sergeant Roberts* J.H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Reynolds* J.S.R. R.A.M.C. Private Richardson J. R.A.M.C. Private Roberts T. R.A.M.C. Private Ross* L. R.A.M.C. Major Swyer J.E. R.A.M.C. Revd. Squires* S.J. R.A.Ch.D. Private Sinclair A.L. R.A.M.C. Private Skimins W. R.A.M.C. Private Syme J.A. R.A.M.C. Private Stanley* E+ R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Shorthouse G.P. A.D. Corps Sergeant Smith A.W. A.D. Corps M.S.M. Sims* E. R. Engineers Q.M.S. Samways* W. R. Engineers Corporal Thompson R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Twitchett* A. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Tyas* T.A. R. Engineers Corporal Whybro* R.A.M.C. Corporal Wilkinson* R.A.M.C. Corporal Varty* R.A.M.C. Footnote:- No asterisk - Served in Bowen Road only One * - Served in Bowen Road and Central British School Two + - Served in Central British School only Here is the corrected version in HTML format: 288 Rank Name Unit Corporal Leath* N.J. R.A.M.C. Mr Leghorn J. Att. R. Engineers W.O.I. Muxlow* J.L. R.A.M.C. Private Molloy* W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Nicholls* R. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Platt* J.H. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Peasegood H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Pike S.C. R.A.M.C. Private Pratt* D.G. R.A.M.C. L/Corporal Rennison R. Engineers S/Sergeant Roberts* J.H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Reynolds* J.S.R. R.A.M.C. Private Richardson J. R.A.M.C. Private Roberts T. R.A.M.C. Private Ross* L. R.A.M.C. Major Swyer J.E. R.A.M.C. Revd. Squires* S.J. R.A.Ch.D. Private Sinclair A.L. R.A.M.C. Private Skimins W. R.A.M.C. Private Syme J.A. R.A.M.C. Private Stanley* E+ R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Shorthouse G.P. A.D. Corps Sergeant Smith A.W. A.D. Corps M.S.M. Sims* E. R. Engineers Q.M.S. Samways* W. R. Engineers Corporal Thompson R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Twitchett* A. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Tyas* T.A. R. Engineers Corporal Whybro* R.A.M.C. Corporal Wilkinson* R.A.M.C. Corporal Varty* R.A.M.C. Footnote:- No asterisk - Served in Bowen Road only One * - Served in Bowen Road and Central British School Two + - Served in Central British School only ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG Attached to Staff -- Table 2 Rfm Archibald Private Rfm Baxter Cambon Private Caruso Rfm Davidson Private Frankiewicz Private Kashton Private Kohut Rfm Woodridge Corporal Young Rfm Snively O.S. French Q.M.S. Hamlen B.S.M. Lobban C.S.M. Collings Sergt. Lockie Corporal Carter P.O. Waardenborg Canadian Army R.N. R.A.S.C. R.A. H.K.V.D.C. R. Scots R. Sigs. R. Netherlands Navy Appendix "D" Roll of QAIM.N.S. and Canadian Nursing Sisters, British Military Hospital, Bowen Road (Incomplete) Miss E. M. B. Dyson Miss Mirian Beaman Lieut (Miss) Kay Christie - Canadian Service Miss Gwendelene Colthorpe Miss Mary Curry Miss Freda Davis Miss Molly Gordon Miss Brenda Morgan (Killed) Miss Margaret North Miss Kathleen Thompson Miss Daphne Van Wart Lieut (Miss) May Waters Canadian Service Miss Joan Whiteley 289 Notes:-- 1. To my great regret I have not got the names of the members of the Hongkong Auxiliary Nursing Service. 2. The two members of the Canadian Service were repatriated to Canada in November 1943. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 290 Editor's Footnotes DONALD C. BOWIE 1. Dr. Bowie's own career and achievements, before and after the historic events of which he writes, will be of interest to readers of this Journal. They are as follows: M.B. 1918. University of Glasgow. F.R.C.S. Royal College of Surgeons, Edinburgh 1929. Honorary F.R.C.G.P. (Royal College of General Practitioners) 1969. Sir Arthur Keith Medallist, Royal College of Surgeons, England, 1969. Main Appointments, Army. Commissioned R.A.M.C. 1918. Served in U.K., France, Germany, Turkey. Seconded to Egyptian Army 1923-25. Shanghai Defence Force 1927. Territorial Adjutant, 54th East Anglian Division T.A. 1928-30, Surgical Specialist, British Troops in Egypt 1930-35. Surgical Specialist, Queen Alexandra Military Hospital, London 1936-39, Surgical Specialist, British Troops in China, Hong Kong, 1939. Prisoner of War, 1941-45. Reader in Military Surgery, Royal Army Medical College, London 1946-48. Consulting Surgeon, Middle East Land Forces 1948-50. Retired 1950. (voluntarily) Civil. Regional Postgraduate Dean, British Postgraduate Medical Federation, University of London in North West, South West Metropolitan and Wessex Hospital Regions, 1950-70. Now Retired. Dr. Bowie was awarded the O.B.E. (Military) in 1946. 2. Dr. Bowie's account of Japanese attitudes and behaviour can usefully be set beside the comments of Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke and Dr. Li Shu-fan, the eminent Hong Kong surgeon, who both experienced them at first hand. Sir Selwyn writes (pp. 71-72 of his autobiography referred to at p. 178 above): Nobody can deny that man's potential for cruelty was exhibited on an appalling scale by the Japanese in the stress of war. It was predictable in the circumstances that I should suffer my share of ill-treatment at their hands, and this is what presently came about. Yet the feature of their character that stood out from that whole experience was in fact their unpredictability. They would be acquiescent, even humane, when least expected, vicious with sudden fury after a phase almost of apathy. They could respect, sometimes, a principled stand or an unflinching argument, and yet visit a meaningless rage upon the helpless. To attempt to understand them was the plain duty of anyone seeking to protect a community that was at their mercy, and the first lesson to be learned was that surrender violated their military code, making a prisoner a non-person. But this too was a generalization, and as such to be guarded against as one guarded against racial prejudice. For men are not cast in one mould, even by war, even by a code or an ideology. Dr. Li's account of Hong Kong under Japanese rule is given in chapters 6-9 of his autobiography, Hong Kong Surgeon (London, Victor Gollancz, 1964) in which his comments at pp. 159-160 are relevant here. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES THE POTTERY KILNS AT WUN YIU, TAI PO So far as I know, the printed official papers of the Hong Kong Government contain only a few references to these local kilns. They all relate to the period 1899-1912 and in chronological order are as follows: (a) "One village we visited was engaged entirely in the manufacture of pottery, the clay for which is found in the mountain immediately above the village. The villagers are said to have learned the art of manufacturing pottery from an Italian missionary who formerly resided among them." J. H. Stewart Lockhart's Report on the New Territory, Hongkong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899 P. 544.* (b) "The pottery works at Un Yiu near Tai Po manufacture very coarse ware for export to Kong Mun and local use. The trade done is quite small.” Eastern No, 88, Correspondence relating to the Kowloon-Canton Railway (London Colonial Office, 1907) Enclosure B to No. 59 to Lyttelton, 11 January 1905. (c) "The only Potteries are at Wun Yiu near Taipo, about 400,000 pots, rice bowls and plates are here turned out every year, of an average value of 6 cash each; most of them are exported to Tam Shui in Chinese Territory, Some also to Hongkong." G. N. Orme. "Report on the New Territories 1899-1912" Sessional Papers 1912, para. 83, p. 55. There were at least two kilns. One of these was built over some years ago for a school extension. The other, or part of it, is still to be seen. There are said to be others in the area. A temple dedicated to Fan Sin Kung (#) stands near the site of the kilns. It is in good repair and contains commemorative * Appendix No. 2 to the Report, which deals with the geology of the New Territory, adds 'Some excellent pottery clay exists on the slopes of Tai Mo Shan, of which we saw specimens in the village of Wun Yiu, of a light brown colour and extremely fine texture'. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 292 NOTES AND QUERIES tablets showing a major repair or reconstruction in 1897-98 and 1925-26. A large Roman Catholic chapel, now in ruins, once stood close by. It is shown as being in existence in Father Volonteri's 1866 map of the San On District—see JHKBRAS Vols 9 & 10 (1969 & 1970), pp. 141-148 and 193-196 respectively—but unfortunately receives no mention in Father Ryan's The Story of A Hundred Years. The Pontifical Institute of Foreign Missions (P.I.M.E.) in Hong Kong 1858-1958. Hong Kong 1975 JAMES HAYES THE NOON DAY GUN The following extract from the Hong Kong Daily Press, January 3, 1870, is not without a historical and for present day residents faced with an increase in our defense contribution—topical interest: It is interesting and just to note that the renewing of the twelve o'clock gun firing is due to liberality of Mr. Magniac of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson and Company, who when the Home Government ceased to provide this small return for the heavy Military Contribution forwarded annually from this Colony, purchased a gun, etc., and had it fixed up at Messrs. Jardine's, where it is fired daily. NOTE: Herbert St. Leger Magniac was admitted a partner in the firm of Jardine, Matheson and Company, July 1, 1862. Hong Kong, 1975 CARL T. SMITH THE GERMAN CONGREGATION IN HONG KONG UNTIL 1914 A note on "Bethesda" and the "Berliner Frauenverein für China” by Pastor Albrecht Plag appeared in vol. 9 (1969) of this Journal. He there asks where Bethesda was located. Early maps of Hong Kong and a search of title in the Land Registry indicates it occupied the site of the present Mid-levels Police Station on the north side of High Street at its junction with Bonham Road. The original lot extended down to Hospital Road. The plot consisted of two Inland Lots numbered 624 and 607. Page 300 Page 301 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES 293 The former had been purchased in 1859 at a Government Land Sale by an Austrian, Gustav Overbeck (later Baron von Overbeck), a partner in the firm of Dent and Co. In the following year, Lot 607 was granted by Government to the Berlin Women's Society as a site for their foundling hospital. The trustees were Overbeck and the Rev. Johann Ludwig Ladendorff. New trustees were named in 1869, and of these, three were German merchants; Berthold Friedrich Johann Schwarzkopf, founder of the firm of Blackhead and Co., Friedrich August Julius Menke, of William Pustau and Co., and Gustav Overbeck. The other trustee was Ladendorff's successor as Superintendent of the Foundling Hospital, Rev. Ernest Klitzke. In 1892, Lot 624 was purchased by the Government. The remaining lot was registered in the name of the Director in Hong Kong of the Berlin Ladies Mission for China, incorporated by Ordinance No. 12 of 1889. At the time of the First World War, the property was administered as alien property. Finally, in 1925, it was surrendered to Government. As residents of an English colony with a predominant Chinese population, those for whom English or Chinese is not a first language tend to organize groups where they can use their mother tongue. A German Club was organized in Hong Kong in 1859, and by 1867 a recognized German church congregation was meeting regularly. German church services had been held previous to 1867, however. A report of the Berlin Society concerning its activities in 1858 mentions the baptism of a certain Lydia (Wei-mong) “at a German service at Victoria”. The Day Book of the Rev. Rudolph Lechler, of the Basel Missionary Society, notes on May 19, 1861, attendance at a German service on Morrison Hill, where the premises of the Berlin Society were located before they occupied "Bethesda" in July, 1861. Another Basel Society missionary, the Rev. Philip Winnes, in 1858 reported, "I preached to the German sailors, for there are always ships arriving from Hamburg and Bremen. Also this year a poor German established a German Inn for sailors, where always a few people are staying until they can find employment. In this inn, I preached until the sailors had had enough, and that they had quite soon.” (Heidenbote, March, 1858, p. 15). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES 295 gregation of about one hundred persons, but sufficient for the present requirements of the denomination. The funds necessary for the erection of the Chapel have been derived from two sources, about one half having been found by the Lutheran Mission in Germany, and the other half collected by friends of the Mission in the Colony. On Mar. 14, 1881, the same paper describes the opening ceremony: The consecration of the new Bethesda Chapel, in connection with the Berlin Foundling Association, took place yesterday morning under the conduct of the Rev. Pastor Klitzke, assisted by the Rev. R. Lechler and W. Louis. The musical portion of the ceremony was performed by the Leidertafel. The new church is a neat little edifice and has received as interior decoration a marble font and three stained glass windows, presented by a friend in Germany and the Committee of Management respectively. For some reason the services were moved in 1902 to the Church Hall of Union Church. Here the group met until 1904 as the "Deutsche Kirchen und Schulegemeinde". It then moved back to Bethesda Chapel, where services were held until the congregation was broken up by the outbreak of the War in 1914. Hong Kong, 1975 CARL T. SMITH PHOTOGRAPHIC SURVEY OF HONG KONG: NOTES TO ACCOMPANY AN EXHIBITION* Members may have heard of or seen references to the survey which has been embarked upon by some of your Councillors, with the co-operation of photographers from other associations and societies. The purpose of this report is to give you some idea of the objects and scope of this project, and to let you know what progress has been made. We have so far deliberately limited publicity on the survey, since we have been very much finding our way by a series of trials and errors; and offers of additional assistance, which we hope may be forthcoming in future, would have * Held at the Annual General Meeting in April 1975 (see p. 6 above) and subsequently on show at the British Council Library, Gloucester Building, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES 303 CHIEF MARSHAL T’IEN, PATRON OF THE STAGE, OF MUSICIANS AND WRESTLERS-EAST AND SOUTH EAST CHINA Miss Werle in her fascinating article1 on Swatow horizontal stick puppets referred to Chief Marshal T'ien (###)* patron of Fukienese and Ch'aochow actors and musicians, and quoted from Werner's2 extract from Doré's translation of the Han dynasty classic Shan Hai Ching (1), which partly explains T'ien's deification. Marshal T'ien appears on altars as a tablet bearing his titles, or as a lone image on the small, portable altar found backstage of most Fukienese or Ch'aowchow travelling operas and theatres in Taiwan and South East Asia, or less frequently with attendants who only appear on temple altars. His image is easily recognised by one unique characteristic: one or two crabs painted on his face. He is also unusual, though not unique, in having a small dog under one of his feet or beside him. This animal, called the 'Dragon Dog' (#14) is normally black, though white and piebald have been seen. It is comically dressed in a theatrical jacket with trousers of red, yellow and green and is often represented kneeling and carrying a small, wrapped package said to be T'ien's official seal (Plate 19). T'ien himself generally is depicted as a teenager, seated, with protruding eyes and a tightly rolled scroll in his right hand. His left hand is raised waist height with one finger or two fingers together, pointing vertically in a theatrical manner (Plate 20). His robes are shiny, golden and heavily decorated, and occasionally he has two long pheasant tail feathers protruding from the top of the head trailing down behind him. The crab may be painted around his mouth, across his forehead or both. In the early part of this century a French priest on the Yangtze plain, Père Doré, described the three musician brothers T'ien as *It is difficult to translate To Yuan Shuai meaning fully: literally it means 'the marshal of the Capital'. 1JHKBRAS, 13, (1973), pp. 73-84. 2E. T. C. Werner: A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, pp. 125, 322 & 574. 3Père Doré: Récherches sur les superstitions en Chine (Zikawei 1961) Vol. IX, p. 188, and Vol. XI, p. 1,004. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 304 NOTES AND QUERIES patrons of musicians and sketched them without either crab decorations or the dog. The main brother was shown holding a fan in each hand whilst the other two stood beside him with two attendants. Later in this Note, you will see that one of Chief Marshal T'ien's titles is Wu Tai Yuan Shuai. Père Doré described Wu Tai separately and sketched him as a young man with green twigs behind the ears, a large crab on his forehead, a tiny Taoist crown on his bald head and dressed in loose-fitting robes. Wu Tai, according to Doré, was accompanied by two male and two female attendants. This would appear to be the southern provinces' temple version which Doré did not realize was a manifestation of Marshal T'ien. There are, as one would expect, many variations in characteristics in Ch'aochow and Fukienese carvings. For instance, occasionally he is represented as bald, or the front of his hair is shaven in Ch'ing fashion making him half-bald; in others he has a long queue or two long pigtails; sometimes he wears a military helmet or a scholar's cap, and in some images he has a black cock under his other foot. In several places he is represented as a youth standing on one foot with both arms raised in a dramatic, theatrical stance, and in others he is standing stolidly, with both feet together holding one or two swords. A sketch of T'ien To Yuan Shuai by a Singaporean Fukienese god carver depicted him with a red face, staring eyes and dressed in scholar's robes. (Plate 21). An actor, one of a company of Ch'aochow players in Bangkok, explained that they only had a tablet in their portable shrine, and that their image with only one crab painted on his forehead, was permanently in a temple. He told me that the single crab on the forehead meant that T'ien was the patron of actors, whereas others with the crab on the mouth represented the middle brother of the T'ien trio who is only prayed to for good health. In one sighting in Ipoh, in North Malaya, Marshal T'ien was wearing armour, carried a sword and bell, but was barefoot and had a crab painted on his mouth. He was known to the temple priests to have been a vegetarian monk from Ch'aochow, insane as a child who had cured himself and is now worshipped for a similar cure by parents of the mentally sick. (Plate 22). Above his image on a small backstage altar of a Foochow opera troupe in Singapore, was the carved inscription ‘Ministry of Wind ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES 306 h) Feng Huo Yuan T'ien Yuan Shuai (風火院田 元帥) i) Wu Tai Yuan Shuai (五代元帥) j) Chung Lich Ta Yuan Shuai (忠烈大元帥) k) Lei Hai-ch'ing (†) Various Sightings Tien the Marshal of the Wind and Fire Ministry Marshal of the Five Dynasties The Great and Loyal Marshal See Werner's story below. I have never seen nor heard this title in any temple in Taiwan and South East Asia, nor in any book on these places. In Anking on the Yangtze in the thirties, the three gods of the actor's guild were T’ien (□) To (†) and Kuo (#)* In 1971 there were at least five temples dedicated to Chief Marshal T’ien and the three Tien brothers in Taiwan. One of these was in Taipei and one in Changhua (title 'c' in the list above) and another in Taipei, one in Tainan and one in Yunlin (title ‘a' above). According to a Penang (Malaysia) temple keeper and a Hsinchu (Taiwan) devotee, prior to 1949 the cult centre of this Taoist heterodox (*) cult used to be at Ch'uanchow (*), Fukien. Legends Numerous legends surround Chief Marshal T'ien. One basic story has already been recounted by Miss Werle. Variations and other stories include another recounted by Werner who, like Père Doré, failed to connect Marshal T'ien with Wu Tai Yuan Shuai, Marshal of the Five Dynasties (5#†) whom he calls the 'God of the Musicians'. Werner continued, "this god had his origin in a practical joke played by his school fellows on a young scholar who lived in the time of the Five Dynasties (907-60 AD). Whilst he was taking a siesta they drew a picture of a crab on his forehead and stuck two willow branches (sometimes represented as pheasant's tail feathers) behind his ears. When he awoke he was so chagrined that he 4 Shryock: The Temples of Anking: Libraire Orientaliste: Paris 1931, p. 163. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES 311 Fukienese communities but also on the Yangtze, possibly in at least two areas, and is not only the patron of most entertainers (musicians, boxers, wrestlers, actors etc.) but also has the secondary function as a health and fertility god, possibly performed by the middle brother. Mersham, Kent, 10 February, 1975 KEITH G. STEVENS CHANG YU-TANG AND AN OLD HANGING SCROLL FROM CHEUNG CHAU This note relates to an interesting local figure and Kwangtung worthy. It is thought that readers will be interested both in the content and style of writing of such literary pieces. It is not known where the following material (First and Second Accounts) was obtained, nor why there should be two similar pieces in the Hong Kong Wai Chau General Association Bulletin. There are no biographies of Yu-tang in the Kwei Shin district gazetteer (last edition seems to be Ch'ien Lung 48, which is, of course, too early) nor in the Kuang Hsü 7 edition of the Wai Chau prefectural gazetteer, the most likely sources for biographical aid. (Information supplied by Mr. Arthur Lai Shue-tim of the Chinese Library, University of Hong Kong, who kindly checked them at our request). FIRST ACCOUNT [translated from the Chinese of p. 109 of the Hong Kong Wai Chau General Association Bulletin, 1964 by Francis Sham Shui-yu]. Gen. Cheung Yuk-tong* was appointed as the Kowloon Deputy Garrison Commander at Taipang (A). Under his charge, the inhabitants along the coasts enjoyed security and peace. Later when the southern part of the Kowloon Peninsula was ceded to Britain as a colony [in 1860] he contributed immensely to establishing the demarcation line which forms the Boundary Street of today. The relics in connection with him which are partially left behind are what is called the "Spare-the Waste-Paper Pavilion” (***) as well as his fist-writing (*) of Chinese calligraphy. One can hardly refrain from sighing with admiration whenever we think upon the historical relics. * Cantonese romanization. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 314 NOTES AND QUERIES the plaque with its inscription there was a pavilion [inside the City] with the title of "Spare the Waste-Paper Pavilion" (*) built through his financial contributions, with the object of advising the people to save the used paper and then try to make the most use of it.* The Pavilion was originally built at the East Gate of the Walled City, but now it is almost demolished with the ruins of only 2 walls left, one at the back, the other on the left. In meditating over the past one can hardly refrain from sighing and grief whenever we come across such valuable things in connection with the General, General Cheung's ability is two-fold—civil as well as military administration. In spite of being a military officer he was well-versed in letters, and talented in the composition of verses and Chinese calligraphy. He was not only skilful at handling brushes but also acquired the technique and skill in applying his fist and fingers to writing. The method he adopted for fist-writing is to wrap his fist with moistened cotton. On the four walls of the Spare Paper Pavilion there used to be his fist and finger calligraphy, but unfortunately all these valuable things have disappeared. The only remaining fist-writing by him is the sole big Chinese character of (literally means longevity) which still exists in the Hau Wong Temple at the wall exposed to the open air. In addition there is another wooden plaque, about 10 feet in width, on the inscription of which are two big Chinese characters" (literally "the mirror of the sea") which appears inside the Ma Kok Temple ( * M) in Macau. Among the General's literary works, there are two books written by him; one being Poems Composed at Leisure (2 volumes); the other being Journal at Leisure (1 volume).† From this, we may say that General Cheung is a scholarly general. ANOTHER ACCOUNT (translated from p. 96 of the same Journal, again by Francis Sham). Cheung Yuk-tong (†), alias Hon-sang (±), was born in Wai Yeung District () until the early Republic known as Kwei Sin district (歸善縣) Actually to prevent written papers, which were held in respect because of the Chinese characters on them, from being trampled under foot or otherwise disregarded. ↑工餘日记,and 工餘開詠,Regrettably not available in Hong Kong libraries. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 318 NOTES AND QUERIES everlasting as the Southern Mountain (a classical allusion symbolizing the “realm of longevity”). Providence has showered blessings of prosperity upon the family and bestowed her posterity with divine qualities. Here are gathered the young and the old to offer her their greetings and celebrations. May she live long like the evergreen pine-trees. Her descendants, who devote themselves to academic studies or engage in husbandry, have come forth with their fervent blessings of the "Nine Similes" [a psalm from the Book of Poetry].* Your mother, sitting in the North Hall, is presented with auspicious peaches [the "fruit of longevity" in Chinese legend]. She radiates with the spirit of the Dragon and the vigour of the Horse. Assembled at this Birthday party in this sumptuously decorated hall are honourable guests, all from noble and dignified families (Scribbled by Sun Ying-suet). Hong Kong, 1976. FRANCIS SHAM AND JAMES HAYES HƯNG HȮM (£): AN EARLY INDUSTRIAL VILLAGE IN OLD BRITISH KOWLOON. British Kowloon was ceded in March 1860. Its population at that time was around the few thousand mark, and its growth was steady over the next twenty years. In 1881 the population numbered 9,021. Thereafter the population rose sharply and by 1897 it was 26,402, of which 19,202 were male, (Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485). The increase in the Kowloon population from 1860 on may be attributed to the establishment of industrial and manufacturing concerns, that undoubtedly owed their existence to the presence of nearby Hong Kong, then making great strides towards its establishment as a great entrepôt and commercial and financial centre. Among them the Hong Kong Whampoa Dock Company set up its yard at Hung Hom in the 1860's, the Cosmopolitan Dock began at *The "9 Similes" (*) from the Book of Poetry() (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) 如山如阜,如同如陵,如川之方至,以莫不增, (6) (7) (8) 如月之恒,如日之升,如南山之壽,不騫不崩, (9) 如松柏之茂,無不爾或承 [FSYS] ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES 319 Tai Kok Tsui in 1880 and in 1898 the Green Island Cement Company moved its works from Macao to Hung Hom. This fact helps to explain the predominantly male population in the census. The Hung Hom community was among the largest of these new commercial and industrial settlements. By 1897, its population was 5,876, standing second only to Yau Ma Tei with 8,051 (SP1897 p.485). (1) Details of the earliest settlement up to 1898 The first list of occupants of Hung Hom is the 1867 Return of Squatter's Licences.* This shows that the village was composed of forty-four premises held under licence by thirty-four individuals, of whom eleven bore the surname Tsang and nine Lee. Near the village was 31 mow of land under cultivation. These also were largely held by the Tsang and Lee families. As the village grew, due to the growth of the Hong Kong and Whampoa Dock Yard with its opportunities for employment and for providing services for its ever-growing staff of employees, the amount of land under cultivation declined; only three years after the 1867 list, the amount of cultivated land had been cut in half. Between 1867 and 1874 the number of listed properties remained fairly constant, but in 1875 there was an increase from fifty-four to seventy-five. In succeeding years, however, the number of individuals occupying land by squatter's licences slowly declined. The first collection book for Village Rates in Kowloon is dated 1873.† It lists the occupant of the premise, with the use of the premise, its value, and the owner. Aside from the Dock Company's extensive establishment, thirty-nine buildings are listed. These included the Police Station (at the time unoccupied), a dwelling used as a school, six chandlery shops, one shop dealing in sundries, two carpenter's establishments, a fruit seller, and a barber. Of the shops, only three were rented out; the others were occupied by their owners. The remaining premises were all small family residences occupied by their owners. In two years, the properties upon which rates were collected had increased by twenty-five. Among the new premises listed was a Joss House rated at $50 and a house for the Joss House keeper, * H.K. Public Records Office, H.K. Record Series 183. † H.K. Public Records Office, H.K. Record Series 83. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 322 NOTES AND QUERIES great blaze they saw was not being fed by the engine sheds and the numerous and extensive buildings of the Company there." (Daily Press, Dec. 17, 1884). After the fire, the area was laid out into regular lots and the government began disposing of them at public auction. It was at this time that the building sites were regularized and the streets were officially named. Fronting the Dock Company's property and the sea was Bulkely Street, with buildings only on the north side. Behind it was Market Street (now Wuhu Street). The Public Market built in 1886 occupied a block on the north side of this street in the centre of the laid out portion of the village. These were the two main streets running east and west. At the east end of the village was Hill Street, (now Tientsin Street) running north and south, next to the west was Dock Street, then Station Street leading up to the Police Station situated on a hill behind the village, then an unnamed street (now Marsh Street) and finally Temple Street leading up to the Kun Yam Temple nestled under the hill behind Market Street. Also behind Market Street both on the east and west side of the village were rows of small family houses.* In the 1890's the area of Hung Hom near the present Chatham Road was being developed for industrial establishments. The area was known as West Hung Hom. At the turn of the century, there was at Hung Hom a match factory, a sugar candy factory, a glass factory, and a dozen or so boat building yards. There was also a Hotel and Tavern, owned by an Indian who left a will. Various Hong Kong capitalists invested in Hung Hom lots. The partners of Lapraik and Company owned several blocks in front of the Market House. These were later sold to the Hong Kong Land Company. When new lots were laid out to the west in the 1890's, Ho Tung and later Lau Chu Pak, of the Yaumati Ferry Company, bought several of the blocks. Li Kwong also owned valuable lots at Yaumati. (b) Some local institutions: Schools A Government-subsidized village school was established under the direction of the local community, and several Christian schools were opened. The Church Missionary Society had lots at the east end of the village, the London Missionary Society in 1883 applied * Two maps showing Hung Hom in 1892 and 1901 are printed respectively at p. 321 and between pp. 322 and 323. Page 330 Page 331 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 330 BOOK REVIEWS Chapter XIV: "The Nineteenth century: Looking Backward and Forward", is mainly a discussion of the landscape paintings of the 19th century, represented by Ch'ien Tu (1763-1844) and Tai Hsi (1801-1860). Chapter XV: "Bird-and-flower painting: The end of a tradition”, five artists of the Ming Dynasty; Lu Chih, Hsiang Yuan-pien (1525-1590), Chou Chieh-mien (act. 1580-1610), Chang Hung, and Sun K’o-hung (1532-1610), and two artists from the Ch'ing Dynasty; Hua Yen (1682-after 1755) and the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi (1835-1908) form key figures for discussion. The merits of this book are shown, first of all, by a detailed chronology of the artists of the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties. This point can be clearly seen if the chronologies of the same group of artists as they appear in other writings on history of Chinese painting are compared with those in Prof. Li's new publication. In order to make this point clear, a concordance table about the chronology of many artists is provided below.* The second merit of this book seems to be a new use of old editorial principles practised in Chinese historical writings. As stated, Volume I consists of 15 chapters. In every chapter, a detailed study of each picture is always preceded by an introductory essay. The origin for presenting such an essay in a descriptive catalogue, when old writings on Chinese painting are studied, can be traced back at least to the early 12th century work, Hsuan-ho hua-p'u *1#," a descriptive catalogue about paintings, in Emperor Sung Hui-tsung's imperial collection, the Ming Hua Lu ***;14 and also to "Records of History of painting in the Ming Dynasty", edited by Hsü Hsin in late 17th century, both edited according to this principle. In the former, the subject-matter of Chinese painting is classified by the anonymous editor into 10 categories; and in the latter, into 15 subdivisions. Using modern concepts to review Hsuan-ho hua-p'u and Ming hua-lu, each category in these two historical documents should evidently be read as an independent chapter. More significantly, introductory essays, no matter whether long or short, are always addressed to each chapter-like category. p. 330. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 332 BOOK REVIEWS If other, even earlier historical writings are to be taken into account, the editorial principle for presenting an introduction for each chapter, as Prof. Li has done in his new book, can be further traced to as far back as the 2nd century. For instance, in I-wen chih, "Records of Literary Documentation”, the 30th chuan of Han Shu (History of the Han Dynasty), all the available documents have been classified, according to their nature, into the following groups: Book of Changes, Book of Documents, Book of Songs, Book of Rites, Book of Music, etc. In each group, before listing all books devoted to the same theme, Pan Ku, the author of Han Shu, also provided many introductory essays; one for each of those groups. Undoubtedly, namely the old Chinese editorial principle, of presenting an introduction to each chapter, which was first initiated by a historian in the 2nd century and again used by art historians in the 12th and the 14th centuries, has played an important role in Prof. Li's A Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines. I have devoted the rest of this review to a discussion of points of detail on which I differ from Professor Li's findings. These do not detract from Professor Li's considerable contribution to scholarship, but it is appropriate to mention them here for the sake of readers and users of this book. First of all, there happen to be some problems of identification. For example, Figure 52 (A-1) in vol. II deals with a complete set of reproductions of a landscape album dated 1729 by Huang Shen. In leaf 9 (pl. LXXXVI) of this album, in addition to its title and date, this 18th-century artist has also inscribed one 5-word poem. The 16th Chinese character which appeared in the 3rd line of this poem is an adjective which modifies a kind of orange that Huang Shen might have seen locally. This character, in Vol. I, p. 246 is identified by Prof. Li as 'yeh' since its literary meaning is rendered by its English translation as 'wild'. The reviewer questions this. His reasons are two-fold. In an old Chinese writing, Yen Tzu chun-chiu … the ancient quibbler Yen Tsu (d. 500 B.C.) once stated that Chinese oranges in Southern Huai area were always good while the same fruit when moved to the Northern Huai area was always bad because of its thick skin.15 In this connection, the title of leaf 9 seems worthy of notice, since it is inscribed by the artist himself as ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 333 "On the Road to Mt. T'ien-chu” (or as Prof. Li prefers, "On the Road to the Peak that holds up the sky"). This very Mt. T'ien-chu is geographically located in the present western An-hui Province16, south of the Huai River. During the 6th century B.C. (or the active period of Yen Tsu), the area which included Mt. T'ien-chu was part of the territory of the State of Ch'u17. Thus, to associate the oranges of Ch'u to Mt. T'ien-chu is but to relate some old historic and geographic references to the real scenery that Huang Shen might have seen in 1729. Secondly, in structure and in style, as far as those example-characters in the "Dictionary of Six Different Scripts for Characters of Chinese Calligraphy" is concerned, the 16th character hand-written by Huang Shen for leaf 9 of his landscape album, certainly bears more physical resemblances to 'ch'u' rather than ‘yeh'. Thus, there seems to be reason enough to conclude that this problematic Chinese character 'yeh' should be more properly identified as 'ch'u' instead of ‘yeh'. This is not only because the new identification has more possibilities to conform with the old geographical and historical information, but also because it is able to fit in with other calligraphical references as a whole. The second example of this nature happens to be Prof. Li's failure in identifying a literary reference. In Volume II, Plate CVII illustrates a fan-painting attributed to K'un-ts'an. In Volume I, p. 203, Prof. Li's English translation, together with the original poem in Chinese inscribed by the artist himself, are presented side by side. It does seem essential to quote them both here again: “Leisurely I sit in my boat below the valley In the vast twilight of dusk, smoke rises gently from an old house; 水屋蒼冥起昏煙; the autumn scene is there for me to sing and to enjoy, 自有秋光共嘯傲, and one needs no money to own mountains". I47#★¶¤· It is obvious that after comparison, the literary implication of the term "Chang-tou" which appears in the last Chinese line has not been rendered by any literary equivalent in the English version. In fact, this term happens to be not only the key word in terms of an overall understanding of the last line but seems a key point in interpreting the poet's intention as expressed by the whole poem. Documentarily, “Chang-tou” §§ is a reference to Juan Hsiu #k. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 336 BOOK REVIEWS including Li E, accepted an invitation of the Ma brothers to go on a joint-tour to visit Chiao-shan, the famous island situated in the middle of the Yang-tze River near the present day Ch'en-chiang in Chiang-su province.24 For this trip, all members wrote some poems which were later put together, and titled as Chiao-shan Chi-yu Shih (hereafter to be abbreviated as Chiao-shan CYS), A Collection of poems Commemorating A Travel to the Chiao Island.25 Those poems inscribed by Chin Nung on leaves 11 and 12 of the Drenowaltz album are, in fact, two poems written by two different poets of this joint-tour. The first poem, "Watching the Moon on Chiao Island but being required in designing poem rhyme to use the word 'Sheng'"26 is written by Li E. It is not only to be found in the Chiao-shan CYS but also in Li E's own collection of poems; Fan-hsieh Shan-fang-chi #### (hereafter to be abbreviated as Fan-hsien SFC), A Collection of Poems Composed in the Fan-hsien Mountain Studio.27 Similarly, the second poem which is entitled "Watching the Moon in the Chiao Island but Required to have the word 'Yueh' in rhyme"28 is composed by Ma Yueh-kuan. It is found in the Chiao Island Collection29 and also in Ma Yueh-kuan's own collection of poems, “A Small Collection of Poems by An Untrammelled and Elderly figure at A Sandy River".30 In Vol. I, from p. 235 to the first line in p. 236, Prof. Li's English translation deals with Li E's poem; and, from line two onwards, the latter portion of the poem in English is Prof. Li's translation of the cited poem by Ma Yueh-kuan. To consider these poems by two identifiable poets as one is certainly incorrect. With respect to the second inscription, treated by Prof. Li as a long poem of Chin-Nung, it is in fact, a collection of three different poems once again all written by Li E. In Vol. II Plate LXXXI-L which is a reproduction of the last leaf of the album, from line 1 up to the first four characters in line 8, the content is to be identified as the first poem by Li E and the title of the poem is read as "Lodged in the Fo-jih Ching-hui Buddhist Temple".31 In Vol. I, page 236, line 1 to line 12 of Prof. Li's English translation deals with this poem. Similarly, in Plate LXXXI-L, from the fifth character of line 8 up to the first five characters of line 17, this section of the inscription on leaf 12 is to be identified as Li E's second poem associated with the long title "Getting up at dawn, monk Ch'e Page 345 Page 346 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 337 guiding me to the foot of the Peak of Yellow Crane; there, after my contemplation of the Hiding Dragon Spring, I begin to search the Cave of Dragon and Reach the Cave of Immortal Lady”32. In Vol. I, from the last line of p. 236 up to line 21 in p. 237, the English translation deals with this poem. Once again, in Plate LXXX-L, from the last two characters of line 17 till the end of the inscription, the content is to be identified as Li E's third poem. It is entitled "A Travel to the Temple of Crane and Forest,33 Prof. Li's English translation of this poem is at Vol. I, lines 22 to 29 on p. 237. In the "Collected Poems Written in the Fan-hsien Mountain Studio" all poems are chronologically arranged, and the dates of each year are always recorded under the first poem of each year. Thus, according to such chronology, these three pieces cited are all Li E's poems written in 1735. That is, they are all composed one year before Chin Nung had completed the Drenowaltz album, since the latter is dated 1736. In logic, it seems alright for Chin Nung to inscribe Li E's three poems on the last leaf of this album since the two men seem to have been very good friends since at least 171434. However, it is absolutely impossible for Chin Nung to have inscribed two poems in 1736, one by Li E and other by Ma Yueh-kuan, to be written as late as 1748 in leaf 11 of this album. The significance of this discovery should be interpreted critically. The date of the inscription in this Drenowaltz album is some 12 years earlier than the actual date for composing the poems, and so the authenticity of the former is obviously doubtful. This brings us to the question of whether the calligraphy is really by Chin Nung or is perhaps by a very good copist. To think even one step further, the problem of whether extraordinarily elaborate landscapes should really be accepted as authentic works of this artist needs to be reconsidered. There happens also to be a third problem of identification. For instance, on the 1st leaf, as well as on that with Wu Ta-chang's colophon of Tai Itsi's album of ‘Landscapes after Great Masters' (Vol. II, Fig. 56, plates XCIV-XCIX), there appears a number of collectors' seals. Of them, as Prof. Li has specifically noted, (Vol. I, p. 262) "Six of Chang Hsiang-ning, ho p'ing-chai, who cannot be identified, one which cannot be identified”. In fact, this unidentified collector is not a mystery. He is Chang Hsiang-ning, a contemporary Cantonese literary man, a ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 338 BOOK REVIEWS native of Pan-yu of Kwangtung Province, who was born in 1909 and died in 1960. He was not only a collector of Chinese art, but also happened to be a minor seal carver. In this branch of Chinese art, under the experienced guidance of an elderly Cantonese seal carver and scholar, Teng Erh-ya (1884-1954), Chang Hsiang-ning was trained as a seal carver. He has also carved two seals for another well-known Kwangtung paleographist, Jung Keng35. Lastly, in Prof. Li's A Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines there appears a little problem of use of references. Some useful information has occasionally been neglected. For example, Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's long handscroll called Kuei-yü I-yüan T'u -λ (pl. LV-LIX) or as Prof. Li has rendered it in English; "Going Home and Living Abroad Are the Same Thing" (p. 172), the following aspects are disputable. Firstly, his introduction about the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's landscape handscroll. It is certainly true that the amazing size; 23.5 × 1302 cm, of this very scroll now in Drenowaltz Collection makes it one of the longest paintings in the handscroll format in China (p. 172). However, it is believed that this figure can be made still more meaningful to student of Chinese art if this particular measurement is compared with the measurements of other long handscrolls. Prof. Li could also point out that Hsiao Yün-ts'ung seems to have been an artist in favour of producing very long handscrolls. To be more specific, the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's other landscape handscroll, according to a Japanese record3, measures more than 40 Japanese feet, namely, 12.12 feet37. This is almost as long as 13.02 feet, the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's handscroll now in Drenowaltz collection. With regard to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung, it is undoubtedly true that not much is known about his early life. Yet, some useful information related to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's middle age has not been taken into account when Prof. Li wrote his general introduction about the life of this artist. To be more specific, in 1638, when Hsiao Yün-ts'ung was 43 years old38, like many of his contemporary literati-artists around the same time39, he joined the well-known Fu She Association (復社 Association of Reconquering)40. The major interest of this association, from the very beginning, was always politics. At first, around the 1630's, the general motivation of this institution was to encourage the disorganized intellectuals of that time to stand up against the political power established by the eunuchs which ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 339 controlled the central government of the late Ming period. However, due to the expansion of the military power of the Manchus, the central activity of this Association from 1640, turns into the intellectuals' Anti-Manchu Movement.41 The fact that Hsiao Yün-ts'ung has been a member of the Reconquering Association can certainly help us to understand more about his life and personality. Although we know nothing about Hsiao's Anti-Manchu activity, a description of him as, “taking up the life of a hermit, he devoted himself to poetry, essay-writing, scholarship, and painting” (p. 177) is at least not the entire picture of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's life. He must have been patriotic and full of the spirit of justice at one time. More likely it was only because of the triumph of the Manchus that he was forced to live as a recluse for his last 30 years. Professor Li has tended to ignore this key point in Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's life. To conclude, in the 20th Century, in the 60 years since Stephen W. Bushell (1844-1908) published his classic Chinese Art42, due to the stimulation given by the opening of museums, the growth of private collections and a developed new interest in studying things oriental, a good number of histories of Chinese art have been written by scholars of different nationalities. None of them, however, has attempted a Chinese art history based on a single private collection,43 like Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines. This appears to be the first book of this kind, and despite those problems that the reviewer has already pointed out, and some other minor disputable points44, it is not inappropriate to call this book the first such publication. It is one, too, that is associated with a unique and earlier feature of writing Chinese art history, the introduction. The reviewer suggests that as a Research Curator of the Nelson Gallery and Atkins Museum in Kansas, with its far better known collection, Professor Li should publish another such history of Chinese art, or history of Chinese painting, based on that renowned assemblage. University of Hong Kong, 1976 FOOTNOTES CHUANG SHEN 1 For instance, the well-known collection of Mr. K. Sumitomo, is described in the illustrated and descriptive catalogue Senoku Seisho ★A★T (The collection of old bronzes of K. Sumitomo) first edited by Prof. Kosaku Hamada∗ ∗ ∗ and others in 1911. After being revised by Prof. Sueji Umehara∗ ∗ ∗ it was reprinted in 1934 in Kyoto. The additional catalogue concerning Mr. Sumitomo's new acquisitions on ancient ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 340 BOOK REVIEWS Chinese bronze is again by Prof. S. Umehara and was separately published in Kyoto in 1961. 2 The Senoku Seisho is sub-divided according to nature of bronzes, into two parts. The first part dealing with ritual vessels is by Prof. K. Hamada while the next part, devoted to Chinese bronze mirrors, is edited by Prof. Yoshito Harada. 3 In addition to these catalogues about the Sumitomo collection, in 1951 Prof. S. Umehara has also edited Kakkaku Kikkin Senshu (Selected specimens of the Chinese Bronze collection in the Hakkaku Art Museum), an illustrated and descriptive catalogue on Chinese bronzes housed in a private museum possessed and financed by Mr. Jihei Kano in Kobe. 4 For instance, among his various studies on ancient Chinese bronzes, there are three catalogues. The first, "Bronzes in the Hellström Collection", is in the Bulletin of Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (hereafter abbreviated as BMFEA) (1948, Stockholm), No. 20, while the second, "A catalogue of the Chinese Bronzes in the Alfred F. Pillsbury Collection" was published in Minneapolis in 1951. The third, "Bronzes in the Wessen Collection”, is in BMFEA, (1958, Stockholm), No. 30. 5 For instance, his Fruhe chinesische Bronzen aus der Sammlung Trautmann (1939, Peking). 6 For instance, the Chinese Bronzes from the Buckingham Collection, (1946, Chicago), jointly edited by M. C. Chen and Charles F. Kelley. 7 Alfred Salmony (1890-1958): Archaic Chinese Jades from the Edward and Louis B. Sonnenschein Collection (1952, Chicago). 8 W. Perceval Yetts (1878-1957): The Georg Eumorfopoulos Collection: Catalogue of the Chinese and Corean Bronze, Sculpture, Jade, Jewellery, and Miscellaneous objects (1929-32, London). 9 Howard Hansford: The Seligman Collection of Oriental Art, Vol. I, (1957, London). 10 Yoshito Yonezawa: Painting of the Ming Dynasty, (1956, Tokyo). 11 Osvald Siren: Chinese painting, Vol. VII, (1958, London). 12 Victoria Contag: Chinese Masters of the 17th Century (1969, London). 13 The date of Hsuan-ho hua-p'u is not known. But a general date, 1120, the second year of the Hsuan-ho era during the reign of the Emperor Hui-tsung of the Northern Sung Dynasty, associated with its preface, is normally considered to be the date of completion of its compilation. Regarding its authorship, it has been previously suggested by scholars in the Ch'ing Dynasty, such as Wang Wan, as having been edited by Emperor Hui-tsung himself, and by Chou Chung-fu as being by Tsai Ti, and by Pien Yung-yu as being by Hu Kuan. But according to Yu Shao-sung, a 20th-century specialist on the historiography of Chinese art, none of these old identifications are reliable. Instead, a possible editor of this imperial catalogue is perhaps an anonymous eunuch of the Northern Sung palace. For detailed discussion see his Shu-hua shu-lu chieh ti (hereafter abbreviated SHSLCT), "A Collection of Summary of content and Studies of Titles of Books on Chinese calligraphy and painting", (1931, Peking). 14 Although it carries a preface by the author, this book is undated. In general, as Yu Shao-sung has suggested (SHSLCT Chuan 12, p. 9), Hsu Hsin must have lived in the transitional period of Ming and Ch'ing but the book itself is written in early Ch'ing. 15 See Yen-Tzu chun-chiu, Nei pien, 10th chapter of the Tsa-hsia section. This book is generally regarded as a work of the 6th century B.C. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 341 16 This mountain is clearly marked in the map (pl. CXIV of Vol. II) of the book review. In addition, according to Chun kuo ku-chin ti-ming ta tzu-tien "Dictionary of Ancient and Present Place Names in China", edited by Tsang Li-ho and others (1933, 2nd edition, Shanghai), p. 135, Mt. Tien-chu is at the northwest of Chien-shan in the present western An-hui Province. 17 In Tung Shih-heng's Li-tai chiang-yu hsing-shih i-lan-t'u (1914, Shanghai), Map 3 (Chan-kuo ch'i-hsung-t'u A Map of the Seven Strong States during the Warring States period); again in Watari Yanai's Toyo Tokushi Chizu (1934, 3rd edition, Tokyo), Map 3; also in Albert Herrmann's A Historical Atlas of China (1966, 2nd edition, Chicago), Map 8 (The Contending States), the Huai River area is always marked as part of the territory of the State of Ch'u. 18 This is to be seen in Fujiwara Sosui's Chokuoku shoho rokutai dai-jiten, Dictionary about Six Different scripts of Chinese calligraphy, (1960, Tokyo), pp. 615-616. 19 See Chin Shu, History of the Chin Dynasty (1974, Peking punctuated edition), Chüan 40, (in Book V), p. 1366. 20 Ibid., p. 1359. 21 For the latest findings of scholars of this small circle, see Ho Ch'i-min: "Chu-lin ch'i-hsien yen-chiu" "A study of the Seven Talents of the Bamboo Grove", 1966, Taiwan. 22 Po-hsüeh hung-tz'u. This examination, initiated in 731, the 19th year of the K'ai-yüan era during Emperor Hsüan-tsung's reign in the Tang Dynasty was during the Ch'ing Dynasty confined to some limited candidates primarily recommended by the Education Department in each province. 23 For sound scholarship on the economic importance of Yang-chou during the Ch'ing Dynasty, see Prof. Ho Ping-ti: "The Salt Merchants of Yang-chou: A Study of commercial capitalism in Eighteenth century China", in the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (1954, Cambridge), Vol. 17, pp. 130-168. 24 Tsang Li-ho and others, op. cit., p. 923. 25 The edition that the reviewer used is the Yüeh-ya-t'ang ts'ung-shu edition, first wood-blocked in Canton in 1850. 26 The Chinese title reads: "44415447". 焦山看月分得辇字 27 In Chiao-shan chi it is to be found in p. 1b-p. 2a, while in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, (1937, Shanghai), hsü-chi (a supplementary collection), chüan 7, pp. 359-360 (In the Kuo-hsüeh chi-pen ts'ung-shu edition). 28 The Chinese title reads: "9493A7”. 同作分得月字“ 29 In Chiao-shan chi it is to be found in p. 9a-9b, while in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi it is in hsü-chi, chüan 7, p. 360. 30 In Ma Yueh-kuan's own Sha-ho i-lao hsiao-kao (also the Yüeh-ya-t'ang ts'ung-shu edition), it is to be found in chüan III, p. 17a-17b. 31 The Chinese title reads: "宿佛日淨慈". It is to be found in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 134. 倪龍瘢痕 32 The Chinese title reads: “晚起 撖上人導行黃萬峯下 倪龍瘢泉 尋龍”. It is in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 134. 33 The Chinese title of this poem reads: "...". It is to be found in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 135. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 342 BOOK REVIEWS 34 This observation is mainly based on the fact that the first poem from his own collection is entitled "Chin shou-men has shown me a rubbing of the inscription taken from the bronze bells being made for the Ching-lung Monastery during the Tang Dynasty.” 毒門见示所裁唐景龍觀錘髭拓本 In Li E's Fan-hsieh SFC, chuan 1, p. 1 under this poem, the date of its completion is recorded by the combined used of the Chinese cyclical characters: chia-mu which according to Li E's chronology, is to be identified as 1714 (the 53rd year of the Kang-hsi era). 35 Ever since 1963, the Kwang-tung ying-jen chuan, “A Biographical study of the seal-carvers in Kwang-tung", edited by Ma Kuo-chuan, has continuously appeared in the -lin section of Hong Kong's Ta Kung Pao Daily News. His study about Chang Hsiang-ming in particular, appeared in Ta Kung Pao, December 19, 1965. In October 1974 this biographical information was edited and published by the Nan Tung Company in Hong Kong, still entitled Kwang-tung ying-jen chuan. The portion concerning Chang Hsiang-ning is to be seen in this book edition p. 98. 36 This is based on Takikawa Shiteru's colophon being inscribed on Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's painting entitled Li Sao T’u. A full reproduction of this painting has been printed in 1924 in Tokyo by Seigei Omura as one item of his edited Zubon Sosho. In addition, Takikawa's colophon was also quoted by Professor Akiyama Mitsuo in his Sho Sekiboku to Shuzan Koryo zu which appeared as the last article, being collected in the same author's Nihon bijusisu ronko (1943, Tokyo), pp. 413-414. 37 According to Tzu Hai (1967, Taiwan edition), Appendix V (A conversion chart British, Japanese and Metric Lengths), each Japanese feet equals 0.3030 metre. Thus, 40 Japanese feet equal 12.12 metre. On the other hand, since the Drenowaltz handscroll measures 1302 cm; namely, 13.02 metre, the lengths of this painting, now in Switzerland, and the Li Sao Tu, once in Japan, are certainly very close. 38 See Hu I: "Hsiao Yun-ts'ung Nien-p'u” “A Biographical study of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung on A Yearly Basis”, in Mei-shu Yen-chiu (1960, Shanghai), No. 1. 39 For these literary men who were gifted artists as well as members of the Fu She Association, these were, in addition to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung, many others, such as Li Sui-chlu from Kwangtung province, Wan Shou-ch'i (1603-1652), Wu Wei-yeh (1609-1671), Chi Pao-chia (middle 17th century) and Mao Hsiang (1611-1693) from the Kiangsu province, Fang I-chih (1611-1671) from the An-hui province, and Yang Wen-ts’ung (1597-1645) from the Kwei-chou province. These were all example-figures of such a type. 40 Hsiao Yün-ts'ung name is listed in Fu She Hsin-Shih Lu "Records of Members of the Fu-she Association" first volume, p. 7a. This rare book is now owned by the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica at Nankang, Taiwan. 41 Hsieh Kuo-chen: "Nan-ming shih-luch" “A Brief History of the Southern Ming Period" (1957, Shanghai), pp. 12-13. 42 S. W. Stephen: Chinese Art, 2 vols. (1904-06, London). 43 Ch'eng Wei: “A primary study on the Origin and Development of Ancient Bird-and-flower paintings" in Wen-wo (1963, Peking), No. 10, p. 22-29. This article probably serves as the only research on the history of Chinese painting by using one single painting collection as its basis. Yet unlike the work done by Professor Li ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 343 in this new publication, the subject being discussed by Ch'eng Wei is only one of many aspects of Chinese painting. 44 Such as (A) in Chapter X whether Chiao Ping-chen should be regarded as an artist of the Yu-shan school, and (B) in Chapter IV, whether Mo Shih-lung's chronology is to be rendered as ca. 1540-1587. Undoubtedly the chronology which appears in Professor Li's book is far more reasonable than ca. 1567-1582, the impossible chronology suggested by C. C. Wang and Victoria Contag in their Seals of Chinese painters and collectors of the Ming and Ch'ing Periods (1966, Hong Kong), p. 134. Nevertheless, for many years Mo Shih-lung's chronology has always been a puzzle to students of Chinese art. No one so far, except Professor Li, has so explicitly pointed out the years of birth and death of this artist. For example, in Nan-ching po-mu-yüan tsang-hua-chi, Chinese paintings in the collection of the Nanking Museum (1966, Peking), Vol. I, p. 3, the editor was able only to find Mo Shih-lung's death was in 1587. In Professor Li's book, this artist's year of death agrees with what the Nanking specialists have found. About Mo's year of birth, Vol. I, p. 106 states, "he must have been born around 1540, though the precise date is not known", so it seems that 1540-1587 is a tentative calculation. However, students of Chinese art would feel grateful if Professor Li could give his original information and state that on what ground this chronology is obtained. THE SANDALWOOD MOUNTAINS; READINGS AND STORIES OF THE EARLY CHINESE IN HAWAII: compiled and edited by Tin-Yuke Char, pp. xv, 359. Honolulu, University Press of Hawaii 1975. “Yum sai see yuen.” “When drinking water, think of the source." This ancient Chinese proverb came to mind as I read Mr. Char's compilation, The Sandalwood Mountains. This is a monumental book—a monument to the Chinese who came to Hawaii in the early 1800s to start the first sugar plantations there and who later came in the tens of thousands in the latter third of the 19th century. Many of these early Chinese laborers were brought to Hawaii indentured for three to five years at a cost of $5 to $7 a month, including pay and support. Many of them later left to start their own rice plantations and other agricultural pursuits. Others left to go into retailing and service industries. Many lived to see their children and grandchildren become teachers, professional people, political leaders and thoroughly integrated into Hawaii's multi-racial life. The book is also a monument to the compiler, Tin-Yuke Char, who has brought to his task an unusual background including studying and teaching in Hawaii, China and the mainland United ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q # SAI KUNG, THE MAKING OF THE DISTRICT AND ITS EXPERIENCE DURING # WORLD WAR II ## DAVID FAURE'* ## INTRODUCTION The traceable history of Sai Kung District begins in the eighteenth century. At that time, the whole of Hong Kong, * ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This article records and analyses the findings of a research project into the oral sources available for the history of Sai Kung, conducted by members of the Oral History Project Team of the Centre for East Asian Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Thanks are due to many people for the successful completion of this project. Mr. Colin Bosher, former District Officer, Sai Kung, suggested it in the first place, and Mr. S.J. Chan, the present District Officer, gave his advice and encouragement most generously. Professor Chen Ching-ho, former Director of the Institute of Chinese Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, took a most understanding attitude towards research on local history, and his kindness made possible not only this project, but also several other projects concerning the history of the New Territories. At every stage, the staff of the Sai Kung District Office and members of the Sai Kung Rural Committee helped in many and varied ways. The kindness of Miss Carrie Tsang, Miss Joyce Nip, Mr. Lei Yun Shou, J.P., Mr. Chung P'oon, Chairman, Sai Kung Rural Committee, and Mr. William Wan, must be especially acknowledged. Between November 1980 and August 1981 many residents of Sai Kung and neighbouring districts kindly agreed to be interviewed by the research team and their student assistants. For the record, their names and the dates of these interviews are appended to this report. As always, Dr. James Hayes and Dr. Patrick Hase offered kind and sound advice, and made available their own research notes for consultation. Father Sergio Ticozzi provided information on the history of the Roman Catholic Church in Sai Kung. Mr. K.M.A. Barnett generously gave us his time to discuss numerous issues that arose in the interviews. Thanks are also due to the Sai Kung Rural Committee and the Chinese University of Hong Kong for providing financial support for this project, and to Mr. Deacon Chiu, whose generous donation to the University made its grant possible. At different times, the following students at the Chinese University assisted: Cheng Shui Kwan, Kwok Po Nei, Lam Loi, Lau Kwan Yau, Lee Lai Mui, Lui Shuk Yee, Ngo Yin Ling, Tang Chan Yiu, Tsui Lai Yi, and Wong Yue Leung. Miss Cheng Shui Kwan and Miss Lee Lai Mui worked on this project from the start to its completion, and their contribution to the project is immense. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 162 DAVID FAURE including the New Territories, was part of San On county. The magistrate governed from the county seat at Nam T'au, across what is now Deep Bay. There were also sub-county offices, at Tai P'ang on the northern shore of Mirs Bay, and at Koon Foo, later renamed Kowloon City. These, with Nam T'au, were responsible for the southern part of San On county, that is, the area which includes the present-day Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories. The officials hardly ever visited the villages. By default, these villages were for the most part left to conduct their own affairs. Taxes were often collected with the co-operation of the rich and influential families in Yuen Long and Sheung Shui. Litigation could be conducted at Nam T'au, but lawsuits were rare. The principal markets on the mainland in this area were Tai Po, Sheung Shui, Yuen Long, and Sham Chun, and understandably, the main trade routes in the eastern New Territories went north-south, linking Kowloon City, Sha Tin, Tai Po, Sheung Shui, and Sham Chun, from where there were ferries to Nam T'au. Cut off from these trade routes by Ma On Shan, the Sai Kung villages were very much in the backwaters of the county. The history of the development of these villages is the story of a backward area slowly pulling itself up by its bootstraps.1 Development came in two stages. From the early eighteenth century to the mid-nineteenth, population increased steadily. In the late seventeenth century, only three villages in the entire district merited entry in the San On Gazetteer, i.e., the Punti-speaking villages of Ho Chung, Pak Kong, and Sha Kok Mei. Not surprisingly, all three were located in well-watered valleys that were close to the footpaths leading to Sha Tin and Kowloon. By 1819, the next edition of the gazetteer recorded, in addition to these three, the Punti villages of Wong Chuk Yeung, Tai Long, Chek Keng, Ko Tong, Pak Tam, and Cheung Sheung, as well as the Hakka villages of Mang Kung Uk, Tseng Lan Shue, Sha Kok Mei (sic), Pan Long Wan, and Lan Nei Wan (later Man Yee Wan). The listing is not complete, but it accords with the general pattern of Hakka immigration into the Hong Kong region throughout the eighteenth century. There must have been a substantial boat population in the eighteenth century. There was, in fact, a larger boat population ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 163 3 in the Hong Kong region in the late Ming dynasty than in the early Ch'ing. Then, from the early Ch'ing, after a period of decline, the boat population must have expanded until almost 1900. A particular type of settlement grew up in the area, quite possibly within the eighteenth century, such as on Kau Sai Island or Leung Shuen Wan, where a group of Hakka people farmed on the coastal strip and fished in coastal waters, and maintained a symbiotic relationship with a group of boat people whose boats moored in a permanent anchorage nearby. Boat people's temples, in honour of T'in Hau or Hung Shing, were frequently constructed in these communities. Ships from the naval squadron based in Tai P'ang occasionally called at these inlets and contributed to the construction and repair of the temples. The earliest datable object in these temples is a Ch'ien-lung 6 (1741) bell in the T'in Hau Temple on Leung Shuen Wan.5 The second stage of economic development began in the middle of the nineteenth century when Hong Kong was opened as a port. This stage continued until the Second World War. At the beginning of this period, Sai Kung District consisted of farming and fishing communities, with some salt-making at Yim Tin Tsai. But the opening of Hong Kong had an immediate impact on Hang Hau and the islands near Sai Kung. A bell was donated to the Hang Hau T'in Hau Temple in 1840, and there were a number of donations to both this and to the Hung Shing Temple on Tung Lung Island from the 1870's on. The temple at Tai Miu (Joss House Bay), and those in Po Toi O and Tin Ha Wan, were possibly built or repaired at this time. Donations were also made to temples on Kau Sai and Leung Shuen Wan in the 1880's and 1890's. The wide connections of Hang Hau are attested to by the donation tablet that was set up for the repair of the temple in 1876, on which are recorded the names of well over a hundred and fifty shops. Many of these were obviously not located in Hang Hau but conducted business there.6 The reason for this apparent increase in wealth from the mid-nineteenth century on in these coastal communities is the growing importance of fishing as a source of cash income. The new city provided a large market for fresh as well as salted fish, and a fishermen's community was growing at Shaukiwan on ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q HKS 0897 HK.S 950 R8 A8 HT The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Printed in October, 1977 Price per copy: HK$25 postage extra Obtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Printed by YE OLDE PRINTERIE, LTD., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY Patron: H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., M.A. Governor of Hong Kong The Council, 1976: President: Marjorie Topley, B.Sc.(Econ.), Ph.D. Vice-Presidents: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. Hon. Secretary: A. I. Diamond, M.A. Hon. Treasurer: D. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A. Hon. Editor: J. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P. Hon. Librarian: H. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A. Councillors: Sir Lindsay Ride, C.B.E., E.D., M.A., D.M., LL.D., J.P. (Past President) Helga Werle, Phil. Sin. Cand. (Munich) F. Geoffroy-Dechaume, Consul General for France K. A. Westcott, B.A., Dip.Ed. L. R. Wright, A.B., M.A., Ph.D. H. J. Lethbridge, B.Sc.(Econ.), B.Sc.(Soc.), Dip. Criminology Carl T. Smith, B.A., M.Div. D. H. Liu G. W. Bonsall, M.A., M.L.S. Filled vacancies during the year B. A. V. Peacock, M.A. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. A brochure containing a short history of the Hong Kong Branch, together with a list of lectures given before the Society since its revival, can be obtained by prospective members from the Hon. Secretary, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. The Council welcomes contributions from non-members as well as from members. Articles, notes and queries, and other material dealing with such subjects as the history, languages, literature, art, social customs, and natural history of Hong Kong and adjacent areas will be considered for publication. Contributors are requested to follow closely the style sheet of the Journal, obtainable from the Editor. Contributions of over 20,000 words will not normally be accepted for publication in the Journal. They may, however, be submitted for consideration as monographs. All communications intended for publication should be type-written in double spacing on one side of the paper only, leaving adequate margins. They should be sent to the Hon. Editor, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong. Responsibility for opinions expressed in articles published in this Journal rests with the individual contributors and not with the Council. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 58 DOUGLAS W. SPARKS The study of relationships between Teochiu and other ethnic groups within the estate was obviously of relevance to my research. I became particularly interested in relationships between the Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung, that is, people from two districts in Kwangtung directly south of Teochiu along the coast (海豐 and 陸豐). Hoi Luk Fung persons are the most similar to Teochiu among Chinese ethnic groups in Hong Kong in language, culture, and historical origins. It was initially perplexing that Teochiu in the housing estate disliked Hoi Luk Fung more intensely than any other ethnic group, and I very quickly became aware of sharp cognitive and interactional boundaries between the two groups. With increasing knowledge of northeastern Kwangtung, the area from which these people migrated, and of cognitive and social divisions within the estate, people from the border area between Hoi Luk Fung and Teochiu became an enigmatic social puzzle to me. These people are from an area called Kap Jih (P7), and there exists among Teochiu within the estate considerable variation and confusion as to the ethnic identity of these people. The confusion, of course, fuelled my interest and led to more questions and my eventual ability to view the categorization of Kap Jih in a more fluid and flexible manner, as did the Teochiu themselves. The resettlement estate is composed of about 67,000 residents, all of whom were resettled from squatter settlements into densely populated 16-storey blocks. Most of the residents have lived in this estate since it was constructed ten years ago, and many of them had lived in squatter settlements for many years prior to resettlement. Thus, my research did not focus upon problems of resettlement nor upon the adaptation of recent immigrants to an urban, industrial social setting. People living in the estate function within dense social networks which include relatives and friends within the estate, work colleagues, and friends and relatives living in other areas of Hong Kong. This is particularly true among the Teochiu segment of the housing estate population. Many Chinese ethnic groups are found within the estate. Housing Authority officials managing the estate do not have figures categorizing residents of this estate by ethnic group, but according to information from residents themselves, Cantonese are the largest and Teochiu the second largest ethnic group. According to Teochiu 1 A more detailed description of the ecology of the housing estate appears in my dissertation, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG 65 that the area was far from administrative centers, was very hilly and a refuge for bandits. The local people were described as rough, uneducated and rebellious. It was suggested that another administrative unit be established in the area to suppress bandits and establish schools in order to civilize the inhabitants (Hui Lai Gazetteer, 1930:81). Prior to the establishment of this separate district (the local administrative unit at that time being #), the area that was to become Hui Lai was part of the administrative unit of Hoi Fung. The latter first appeared as an administrative unit in 627 A.D.; prior to that Hoi Fung had been a part of Nan Hai (✯✯) and later administrative units in southern China (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, pp. 11-12). In 1142 Hoi Fung was combined with surrounding units to form Wai Chow prefecture () (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, pp. 11-12). According to the Hoi Fung Gazetteers, during the Ming Dynasty, in 1524, some of the Wai Chow sub-units were combined to form the district of Hui Lai, leaving Hoi Fung with only 7 districts (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, p. 11). Evidently Hui Lai then became administratively subordinate to Chiu Yeung, as Teochiu was then known. During the Ch’ing Dynasty, in 1731 Hoi Fung was divided into two units, Luk Fung and Hoi Fung, which remained a part of the larger unit of Wai Chow (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, p. 11). Prior to the establishment of Luk Fung, Kap Jih had always been a part of Hoi Fung and in 1731 when Luk Fung was separated from the rest of Hoi Fung, Kap Jih became a part of Luk Fung (Wai Chow Gazetteer, section on the geography of Luk Fung). Kap Jih was originally a small horse changing station for government messengers. It was always a part of Wai Chow Fu (AF), and except for one brief period, was never a part of Teochiu. From 1914 to 1921 Wai Chow, including Kap Jih and Hoi Luk Fung, were combined with Teochiu into a larger administrative unit containing 25 districts (personal communication from Jao Tsung-i, October, 1976). After 1921 this larger unit was disbanded, and Kap Jih and adjacent Hui Lai villages became parts of different administrative units, as had traditionally been the case after the early 1500's. This brief administrative history, although confusing to follow, is important in indicating the following points: (1) The district of Hui Lai was a part of Hoi Fung until about 1500, a fact which is virtually unknown to Teochiu in the housing estate who think that Hui Lai has always been a part of Teochiu. Aside from indicating ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 70 DOUGLAS W. SPARKS were not antagonistic toward each other in China. Teochiu, if asked why they dislike Hoi Luk Fung, will reply that although there are many similarities, Hoi Luk Fung are very different in personality, and that it is their aggressive and rough nature that distinguishes them from Teochiu. Teochiu also resent Hoi Luk Fung for identifying themselves as Teochiu to outsiders who cannot distinguish between the two; for example, it is often stated by Teochiu that Hoi Luk Fung criminals identify themselves as Teochiu and thus the police have an unjustified opinion of Teochiu and crime statistics for Teochiu are inflated by Hoi Luk Fung wrong-doing. Teochiu consider Fukienese, however, to be distantly related and feel a special friendship as a result, although very few Teochiu within the estate know any Fukienese. This is interesting in that Teochiu and Fukienese are linguistically and historically related and are perceived in a positive manner, whereas Hoi Luk Fung are even more closely related and are so negatively perceived. The nature of Teochiu perceptions of Hoi Luk Fung is exemplified in the following incident known to me. The son of a particular Teochiu was severely beaten by another boy; the father (A) wanted to revenge the act and attack the other boy's father. Another Teochiu (B) told me that the reason for (A)'s desire to assault the man was because he is very hot-tempered and that although (A) is from Hui Lai, his village is near the border with Hoi Luk Fung. Hence (A) has acquired a Hoi Luk Fung temperament! Other people from the same village might not be considered in a similar manner but because (A) is over-reacting in (B)'s eyes, (A) is behaving like a Hoi Luk Fung and is actually seen by (B) to be similar to Hoi Luk Fung in temperament. Cases of over-reaction in Teochiu from villages distant from Hoi Luk Fung would not, of course, be susceptible to (B)'s logic and assumptions. Although there are no phenotypic differences between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung, they can easily distinguish each other's speech. A Teochiu can immediately determine whether a Southern Min speaker is Fukien, Teochiu, or Hoi Luk Fung, and it usually requires only several hours or days of conversation for Teochiu to completely understand a particular Hoi Luk Fung. They are readily identifiable to each other, and cognitive boundaries and conceptions are thus easily acted upon in interaction. Cantonese and other ethnic groups, with the exception of Hakka originally from north- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG 75 only a few cases in which a Kap Jih person has done so. One example involves a very charismatic and locally powerful man who has cultivated ties in both communities and is involved in the festival organizations of both. Not everyone could successfully do so; it is unlikely that Kap Jih involved in Teochiu networks would be tolerated if they became intensely involved in Hoi Luk Fung activities and relationships. The two sets of relationships would be contradictory in that membership in one requires that one behaves "loyally", and the latter is partially defined in terms of specified action vis-a-vis outside groups. Those individuals who do successfully operate in both communities are in effect manipulating the normative system in breaking some norms, but are possessed of certain attributes that can negate the misbehavior. In the example mentioned here, the individual is sufficiently powerful within the local area so as to demand and obtain the allegiance of Teochiu despite his known involvement with Hoi Luk Fung. Conclusion Cognitive classifications and interactional patterns are often treated as distinct analytical entities in anthropological research and theorizing. When viewing the way people act and conceive of things at a lower level of abstraction, the two are obviously inseparable. The study of process, as opposed to the study of frequencies, form and structure, forces attention to be focused upon the interplay between the two, to explain categorizations of groups or individuals in terms of interactional patterns, as in the case of Teochiu classification of Kap Jih in the housing estate. In the latter, the lack of consensus concerning Kap Jih is only confusing for the outsider, in this case the researcher, and has never been a public issue that had to be "resolved". Variation in classification is acceptable and not threatening. This is partly because Kap Jih have loosely modified their history to establish an historical link with Hui Lai and thus become "Teochiu" if they choose to do so. On the other hand, interactional patterns may be influenced by generally accepted and acknowledged conceptualizations of other groups, as in the case of Teochiu-Hoi Luk Fung relationships. In the latter, there is consensus concerning the classification and there is much less variability in interaction with Hoi Luk Fung. Viewed in a simplistic manner, interethnic interaction is a matter of definition — one must decide which category a person belongs to and then Page 90 Page 91 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 90 ELIZABETH L. JOHNSON loom does not appear to have been part of the inventory of Han Chinese material culture, this leads one to speculate that the Hakka may have learned the technique through contact with pre-Han people in the hill areas of Kwangtung where they settled. This is, at least, one possible explanation for their use of this technique. NOTES 1 The research reported here was done in Kwan Mun Hau Village, Tsuen Wan, during 1975-76, following my dissertation research which was done in the same village in 1968-70. The work was supported by the Joint Centre on Modern East Asia, at York University in Toronto. 2 Recent research reports on Tsuen Wan include: Graham E. Johnson, "Leaders and Leadership in an Expanding New Territories Town", The China Quarterly, March 1977, pp. 109-125. Elizabeth L. Johnson, "Women and Childbearing in Kwan Mun Hau Village", in Women in Chinese Society, Margery Wolf and Roxane Witke, eds., Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1975. An exhibit of patterned bands, and Szechwan peasant embroideries, was held at the University of British Columbia Museum of Anthropology from April 15-June 15 of this year, with the title "Chinese Peasant Textile Arts: Kwangtung and Szechwan Provinces". The exhibit was prepared by the students of Anthropology 431. 3 I wish to express my gratitude to my informants in Kwan Mun Hau Village, who not only introduced me to the subject of patterned bands but were also very patient in supplying me with information about them. I should also like to thank my very able research assistant, Jennifer Woon Chi-yee. 4 Dr. James Hayes has raised the interesting question of whether the bands used on these occasions would be woven in the colour and style of the wife's or the husband's village or would always be red (a lucky colour). Unfortunately I cannot answer this question without further research. 5 Some of the mountain songs were learned while others were sung in a kind of spontaneous repartee between two groups, often of men and women. The form of the wedding and funeral songs was learned, but the content varied according to the feelings which the individual singer wished to express. 6 See: James Hayes, "Itinerant Hakka Weavers", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch. Vol. 8, 1968, pp. 162-165. Aijmer, in his article "Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society” (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol. 7, 1967, pp. 42-79 (p.48)) mentions home weaving of fabrics, but this was apparently not done in Tsuen Wan, at least in recent memory. 7 For a general study of this phenomenon, see Aijmer, op. cit. 8 G. W. Skinner states that this was also true of Szechwan peasant embroideries. G. William Skinner, "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China, Part I" The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. xxiv, no. 1, November 1964, pp. 3-44 (p.40) Page 105 Page 106 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q "PATTERNED BANDS" IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG 91 9 See John A. Brim, "Village Alliance Temples in Hong Kong”, in Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Arthur P. Wolf, ed., Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1974, pp. 93-104. 10 J. H. Stewart Lockhart, in his "Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong" (H.M. Stationery Office, 1900, p.6) states that different systems existed in Tai Po, Yuen Long, and "Ts'ün Wan and other areas". 11 In my census sample of Kwan Mun Hau Village, only 15% of the wives of household heads were born in Tsuen Wan. However, 89% of the mothers and 69% of the wives of Village Representatives interviewed by Graham E. Johnson in 1969 were born in Tsuen Wan District. (Graham E. Johnson, Natives, Migrants, and Voluntary Associations in a Colonial Chinese Setting, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cornell University, 1970.) The reason for the discrepancy between the two samples is not clear; it may reflect differences between leaders and ordinary people, or between Kwan Mun Hau Village and Tsuen Wan in general. 12 Reported by Pat and Roger Howard, Canadians teaching in China. 13 Reported by Graham E. Johnson in 1976. 14 This was stated by Fei Hsiao-tung in an interview with Helga E. Jacobson and Graham E. Johnson in October 1976. 15 There is, for example, no mention of a backstrap loom in the very comprehensive study China at Work, by Rudolf P. Hommel (The M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1969). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q A HAWAIIAN KING VISITS HONG KONG, 1881 101 Today, there are students from Hawaii studying in the University of Hong Kong and the Chinese University of Hong Kong; while, in Honolulu, many students from Hong Kong are studying at the University of Hawaii, continuing the tradition of cross-cultural relations. In the footsteps of the Royal Tourist, Hawaii's people today choose Hong Kong as a favorite spot on their tours of the Orient, to stop, look, and shop. NOTES 1 Ralph S. Kuykendall, The Hawaiian Kingdom, (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1953), Vol. II, pp. 180-181. For a reproduction of the Wo Hang Labor Recruitment Contract, see Appendix A, below. 2 For a reproduction of the Hong Kong Emigration Officer's Certificate issued to the Alberto, see Appendix B, below. For a reproduction of the Plantation Labor Contract, signed in Hawaii by both employer and employee, see Appendix C, below. 3 The Chinese in Hawaii (Chinese-English edition), (Honolulu: Overseas Penman Club, 1929), Chinese section, pp. 38-40. 4 Norris W. Potter and Lawrence M. Kasden, Hawaii, Our Island State, (Columbus: Merrill, 1964), p. 185. 5 Honolulu Magazine, February 1973, reprinted excerpt from Edward Joesting, Hawaii: An Uncommon History, (New York: Norton, 1973), pp. 208, 212. See also A. Grove Day, Hawaii: Fiftieth State, (New York: Meredith, 1960), p. 137. 6 William N. Armstrong, Around the World with a King, (London: Heinemann, 1909). In addition, the State Archives of Hawaii has three folders of correspondence from Armstrong and King Kalakaua, FO & EX FILE (Foreign Office and Executive). The King's letters are of special interest. 7 Richard Greer, "The Royal Tourist — Kalakaua's Letters Home from Tokio to London” in The Hawaiian Journal of History, Vol. V, 1971, pp. 75-109. 8 State Archives of Hawaii. List of Arrivals of Immigrants, Hawaii Bureau of Immigration Reports, 1886, pp. 266, 277. 9 Jardine, Matheson & Co. in December 1973 bought the controlling interest in Theo. H. Davies & Co., Ltd., one of the "Big Five" business giants in Hawaii. 10 Gavan Daws, The Shoal of Time: A History of the Hawaiian Islands, (New York: Macmillan, 1968; reprinted Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1974), p. 218. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 102 TIN-YUKE CHAR APPENDIXES A. Wo Hang Labor Recruitment Contract, June 3, 1865; reproduced from Tin-Yuke Char, comp, and ed., The Sandalwood Mountains: Readings and Stories of the Early Chinese in Hawaii, (Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1975), pp. 275-276. B. Hong Kong Emigration Officer's Certificate issued to the Alberto, July 22, 1865; reproduced from The Hawaiian Journal of History, Vol. VI, 1972, p. 151. C. Plantation Labor Contract, 1890, in English and Chinese, to be signed by both employer and employee; reproduced from Char, op. cit., pp. 280-284. APPENDIX A Labour Recruitment Contract, 1865 On 23 June 1865, Dr. Wilhelm Hillebrand for the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society signed an agreement with Wohang Company of Hong Kong for the recruiting of laborers in Hong Kong. Hillebrand, not familiar with conditions in Hong Kong and China, was glad to negotiate with an emigration broker to help him recruit the desired number of strong and healthy workers. Such brokers undertook to recruit emigrants for a fee, to provide food and lodging for them before departure, and to put them on board ships to sail to their waiting employers abroad. It has this day been agreed between the Hon. W. Hillebrand, acting as agent for the Hawaii Government on the one part and Wohang on the other part: That Wohang contracts for the supply of about 500 Chinese emigrants for Honolulu, Sandwich Islands, to be sent by two ships of about equal size, the first vessel has to be dispatched on or before 25th July next and the second ship on or before 20th August next. That the said emigrants must be strong and healthy able to perform field factory and domestic labour, none above 35 years of age, unless he belongs to a family to serve... under a contract drawn up by the Hon. W. Hillebrand in accordance with the regulations of the Hawaii Government. Families are preferable and Wohang engages to procure at least a proportion of Twenty to Twenty-five per cent married women of the whole number of emigrants That a present to the emigrants is given on embarkation at the rate of ($8) eight dollars to each male and ($20) twenty dollars to each female emigrant. That the emigrant must be subject to inspection on embarkation, those found unfit for the purpose required to be rejected. Wohang further agrees: To fit out the ship for fifty-six (56) days passage to the above-named port of Honolulu—to erect berths, to provide water casks and water, firewood, wholesome provisions, ventilators and cooking utensils—to furnish the passengers each with two suits of clothing, one winter jacket, one pair shoes, one bamboo hat, a mat, pillow, and bed-covering. *Interior Dept., Misc.: Immigration-Chinese, 1864-June, 1865 (Archives of Hawaii). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q A HAWAIIAN KING VISITS HONG KONG, 1881 103 To place medicines on board and every necessary article as required by the Hong Kong Emigration law, also to pay all fees for clearing the passengers from their port, bearing all the expenses to bring them from the interior, to victual them until their departure, to erect a hospital on deck and everything in accordance with the Hong Kong Law for the consideration of Twenty-five Dollars ($25) payable as required, (balance to be settled before departure of the ship) for every passenger over 15 years of age and twelve dollars and a half ($12.5) for every child under 15 years of age and over one year old, nothing being paid for babies under one year. If an English doctor be engaged Wohang allows one dollar per head and the Hon. W. Hillebrand to find the necessary medicines. Wohang agrees also to engage a competent interpreter and a Chinese doctor if required at the rate of twenty-five dollars ($25) each per month. On arrival in Honolulu the Hon. W. Hillebrand's agent to have the option of keeping the interpreter and doctor at the before-named rate of wages or to dismiss them in paying them a present of ($50) fifty dollars each.... Twenty of the passengers have to act as cooks as required by the local law...six have also to act as overseers and two as stewards on board during the passage.... Wohang is bound to put up a rail partition to separate male and female passengers on board.... In witness whereof... 3rd day of June, 1865. APPENDIX B W. Hillebrand Wohang See Plate 17 of this Journal at rear of the volume. APPENDIX C Labor Contract, 1890* THIS MEMORANDUM OF AGREEMENT, Made and entered into at Honolulu, and by and between ... hereinafter called the Employer, hereinafter called the Laborer- MT WITNESSETH THAT: WHEREAS, the Laborer has arrived at the Hawaiian Islands, upon the understanding that he be there employed as an Agricultural Laborer, under the laws of the Republic of Hawaii; and in consideration of the sum of $54 in U.S. Gold Coin, advanced and lent to him by his said Employer for defraying passage money and expenses from his home in China to the Hawaiian Islands, and for clothes, receipt of which is hereby acknowledged, * Interior Dept., Misc.: Immigration-Contract Forms (Archives of Hawaii). The Chinese text is at p. 106 following. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q IN SEARCH OF THE CHINESE NAME FOR “LI SUN” 111 Lo Hsiang-lin's book translated into English, Hong Kong and Western Cultures (Hong Kong, 1963) which gave this same official name for the interpreter of the Chinese Educational Mission, Thus, it may well be concluded that Chan Laisun was the name given at his birth in Singapore and Tseng Heng-chung was his official name in later years. It is hoped that this article about the search for a Chinese name will stimulate a response from relatives and friends of Tseng Lan-sheng (Tseng Heng-chung) and bring forth corrections and additions to the story of an unusual person and family who lived during the early historical period of China and American cross-cultural exchanges.9 NOTES 1 See pp. 92-106 of JHKBRAS 16 (1976). 2 William N. Armstrong, Around the World with a King (London: Heineman, 1909), pp. 92-93. 3 Tin-Yuke Char, The Sandalwood Mountains: Readings and Stories of the Early Chinese in Hawaii (Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1975), pp. 44-51. 4 Yung Wing, My Life in China and America (New York: Holt, 1909), p. 183. 5 容閎自傳:西學東漸記, 台北文海出版社 1973 重印, 6 Carl T. Smith, "A Register of Baptised Protestant Chinese, 1813 - 1842," Chung Chi Bulletin, December 1970, pp. 23-26; Smith, "Idols on a School Hill: the American Board School for Chinese Boys in Singapore, 1835-1842,” Chung Chi Bulletin, December 1974, pp. 28-30. 7 舒新城編: 近代中國留學史, 上海中華書局 1933. 8 羅香林著: 香港與中西文化交流, 9 Tsung-1 Dow, Chronological Biography of Li Hung-chang - 著: 李鴻章年, 香港友聯社, 1968 does not include King Kalakaua's visit in 1881 nor does it mention Chan Laisun (Tseng Heng-chung), although otherwise most comprehensive. Mr. Char has since added the following extra note: It would add great interest should Hamilton College be able to find Chan Laisun's family photograph of 1872. Also, some one in Hong Kong may be able to add to the family story of his son Spencer who married the daughter of the Rev. Ho Fuk-tong of Hong Kong. Probably Carl Smith has additional materials and will write the next article. The October 1975 issue of Smithsonian carried a good article on Li Hung-chang's visit to New York in August 1896, accompanied by 18 aides and 2 servants, 300 pieces of luggage, a golden sedan chair, several cargoes of song-birds, 2 noisy parrots. He brought along his own chefs, bakers, valets, guards, footmen, secretaries, interpreters, and physician. His chief interpreter was then Lo Fing-luh, a skilled linguist in German and French as well as English. There was no mention of Chan Laisun as an interpreter or secretary. Perhaps by that time he had gone on to other work or may have died. In 1896 he would have been 67 years old (born 1829). Editor's note: Carl Smith's article extending the story of Chan Laisun and his family follows on. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q CHAN LAI-SUN AND HIS FAMILY 113 and then in Ningpo, mentions Ruth and her friend Christiana A-kit in the Annual Report of the London Tract Society for 1847: I have two young women Indo-Chinese converts, who, fleeing from persecution, joined me in this country [Batavia]. They have applied themselves to the study of the English language since their arrival in the north, and one of them in particular is thirsty for the intelligence which that language opens out to her. Her desire for information has reference especially to religious subjects. As we shall note A-tik's home after her marriage to Lai-sun was what nineteenth century missionaries called “pious", but piety was connected with a concern for a modern education for Chinese girls and for some years she taught in the missionary school in Shanghai. A missionary educator visited their home at Shanghai, and her account published in 1857 in the American Episcopal Church journal, Spirit of Missions (v. 22, p. 350), gives evidence of the manner in which they combined their western type education and connections with the Chinese community in which they lived. At the time of the visit Yung Wing, later the initiator of the Chinese Educational Mission in which Lai-sun participated, was a guest in the home. The missionary visitor noted that Yung Wing greeted her "with quite an American air”, though he had to admit he had forgotten her name. When Yung Wing, even then interested in education, asked if he could visit the girls' school under the missionary's charge, she politely turned him down as she felt that since the girls were so modest and unaccustomed to a male presence at the school, it would unduly upset them, but she turned to Mrs. Chan and her friend Christiana A-Kit, wife of Kew Teen-shang, and asked their opinion on the matter. They said they never objected to associating on social and friendly terms with Christian gentlemen. "But", said Kit, "when merchants or other heathen men call to see Attee's husband, she always retires." Yung Wing remarked, "When I was in the United States as a student, I often visited young ladies' seminaries and they never objected, in fact, I think they rather liked it.” The missionary lady took the occasion to probe a little deeper into the attitudes of American educated Chinese, posing the question, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q CHAN LAI-SUN AND HIS FAMILY 115 He served as chief secretary at the Chefoo Convention in 1876, and until the time of his death assisted at the many transactions Viceroy Li had with foreign powers. He was to have joined Li in his mission to Japan after the Sino-Japanese War, but Li excused him saying, “You are old and so am I; but I have to go because there is no help for it." At the time of his death Chan Lai-sun was survived by his widow, two sons and two daughters. He was predeceased by his son William and a daughter. The death notice of his widow, who died at the age of 92 on 17 Jan. 1917, was published in the Chinese Recorder (v. 58, p. 258). Her son Spencer T. Lai-sun had died only thirteen days before. Spencer had been educated at Queen's College, Hong Kong, before being taken to the United States by his father at the inauguration of the Chinese Educational Mission in 1872. He and his elder brother, Elijah, attended Yale. According to his obituary (South China Morning Post, 23 Jan. 1917), Spencer had an “extraordinary command of English” and was remarkably well informed on Chinese affairs, being one of the first to forecast the gravity of the Boxer Uprising. He was simultaneously on the staff of a Chinese language newspaper, the Hu Pao, and of an English language paper, the North China Daily News, both published at Shanghai. In 1911 he abandoned his newspaper career and as an expectant Taotai joined the staff of Viceroy Tuan Fang at Nanking. Early in his career in 1885 he undertook a special mission to India. When a reporter of the Times of India interviewed him, he was impressed with Spencer's European style clothing and the absence of a queue, for the latter he was said to have been given special permission by the Chinese authorities. During his school days in Hong Kong, Spencer had become acquainted with the family of the Reverend Ho Fuk-tong, being most likely a regular attendant of the Chinese congregation which met in the afternoons at Union Church. He married Ho Man-kwai, the daughter of the pastor. She died in Shanghai in 1894 at the young age of twenty-eight, leaving a young daughter, Daisy. The other two daughters of Chan Lai-sun married Europeans. The husband of the eldest daughter was a Danish ship captain, N. P. Andersen. He had seen service in the Taiping Revolution and had a long career in the Coast Staff of the Chinese Customs. He was somewhat older than his wife and married in middle age. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 116 CARL T. SMITH Mrs. Andersen was one of the founders of the Chinese Red Cross Society, serving as its first Vice President. In recognition, the Chinese Emperor granted her a large honorary board. Their only daughter, K. Ruth Andersen, married in 1905, Donald R. McEuen, son of a former Captain superintendent of Police at Shanghai. A younger daughter of Chan Lai-sun married a businessman, Mr. W. Buchanan, presumably the same as listed in the 1884 Chronicle and Directory of China as a land agent and broker with J. P. Bisset and Co. of Shanghai. This, then, is a record of a Chinese family living in a marginal situation. Both Lai-sun and his wife were born in Southeast Asian overseas Chinese communities. Both in childhood became caught up in English language missionary education, which served to further alienate them from Chinese tradition. Lai-sun started his career as a missionary assistant, but to make better provision for his growing family turned to business, associating himself with foreign businessmen, not as compradore but as assistant and partner. However, the very fact of his marginal background qualified him, as a member of Li Hung-chang's staff, to make a particular contribution to China's developing relations with foreign powers. His children received a solid western-style education. Of the two sons who grew to maturity, one was an engineer the other a journalist, and both for a part of their career served the Chinese government. The daughters left the Chinese community, but the eldest took her place in public life as a founder of the Chinese Red Cross. This partial reconstruction of the life history of one China Coast family is perhaps more than a mere historical exercise in reconstructing a family history from scattered sources. It can also be viewed as an illustration of the social processes at work in creating a distinctive culture in the port cities of China, including Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 128 CARL T. SMITH later to Lilong, where he served under Brother Bellon in the boy's school. Because of his relation to the Rebel King, it was difficult on the mainland so he came to Hongkong until 1878, when he emigrated with those of Shaukiwan. 14 A search of the records of British Guiana might provide details of his later career. Lechler's Day Book under date 12 January, 1871, mentions a visit from Tsau-phoi, a member of the Fung family of Tsim Sha Tsui, and on 18 February, 1871, he notes that Fung A-lin from Tsim Sha Tsui returned to the Girl's School at Sai Ying Poon. It is probable that Fung Tsau-phoi and Fung A-lin were the son and daughter of "a former Rebel King", who is referred to in the records of the Girl's Boarding School of the Basel Mission at Sai Ying Poon. A report dated 10 July, 1866, lists as a student Lyu Tsya, aged eighteen years, "betrothed to a son of a former Rebel King, who long has put away the crown, baptized by the Berlin Missionary Hanspach in her home." Also listed is Fung A-lin, the small sister of the young man. She had been enrolled in 1865, aged seven years. Her mother was a widow and a Christian. Keeping in mind that the Hakka version of the surname Hung was written Fung, and that the entries in Lechler's Day Book were written in a very illegible script, it may be that Fung Tsau-phoi is the same as Hung Tsun Fooi mentioned in T’ai-p’ing t'ien-kuo shih-shih jih-chih Appendix, p.24, as present in Hong Kong after the fall of the Taiping government. Two relatives of Feng Yün-shan, a twenty-one year old nephew A-sou and his fourteen-year old cousin, accompanied the Rev. Issachar J. Roberts to Shanghai in 1853, in an attempt to reach Nanking. A-sou was baptized by Roberts at Shanghai. The Baptist Missionary Rev. Matthew T. Yates became acquainted with the two boys, but in his book The Tai Ping Rebellion, he mistakenly states that they were brothers of Feng Yün-shan. Fung A-sou found it impossible to reach Nanking, so he came down to Hong Kong. From here he went up to Canton where he became a teacher to an American missionary. But he became ill, and returned to Hong Kong where he died on the 21 August, 1855. These accounts of some of the events in the lives of friends and relatives of Taiping leaders and their association with the missionary ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 129 movement in China illustrate the impact of the Christian aspect of the Taiping ideology had on individuals connected with it in a peripheral way. The Taiping rebellion upset the even tenor of their former village life. They became refugees. Most had an objective, however: they wished to join their former village clansmen and neighbours at the Taiping capital, Nanking. A few were successful; more, perhaps, were not. Having been previously influenced by the confused Christian ideas as promulgated by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan and Feng Yün-shan during the period before the outbreak of open hostilities between the Imperial forces and the Taiping revolutionaries, it was natural for them to seek out the missionaries for assistance and employment and also to be receptive to more thorough training in the Christian faith. The missionaries welcomed them as a means of relating to the Taiping movement with its promise of establishing a new dynasty on Christian principles. The promise was never realized and the missionaries eventually were disillusioned, but not before forming close relations with these refugees, some of whom became valuable assistants and contributed to the growth of the Chinese Christian Church. The Taiping Kingdom had within it, from the Christian point of view, the seeds of a transformation of China, but the end result was largely disastrous for China, and its fall left behind those who had dreamed of a glory that had passed them by. Some, as this article suggests, adjusted to a life devoted to the Christian Church, while others went other ways. But the missionaries maintained a nostalgic interest in those who had been closely connected to the leaders of the Taiping movement. NOTES This article first appeared in Ching Feng (*) Quarterly Notes on Christianity and Chinese Religion and Culture, XIX, No. 2, 1976: 105-119, and is reproduced here with permission. Ed. 1 When my sources have not given names in Chinese characters, I have used the romanization of the original manuscript, except for Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, Hung Jen-kan and Feng Yün-shan. There are particular difficulties in determining the proper surname for individuals who appear in the sources as Fung. This was the accepted Hakka form of the surname Hung #, but it was also the Cantonese spelling of the surname Fung. 2 Die Evangelischen Heidenboten, Oct., 1854, Letter of Hamberg, dated, May 1854. 3 Ibid., June, 1868, p. 73. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 130 CARL T. SMITH 4 London Missionary Society Archives, London, England (hereafter given as L.M.S.A.), South China Box 5, Folder 3, Jacket C, letter of Legge, 26 Sept., 1853, and Jacket D, Yearly Report of the Hong Kong Mission, 25 Jan., 1854. For a brief notice of Keuh A-gong see my article, "A Register of Baptized Protestant Chinese 1813-1842, Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 48 (Dec., 1970), p. 24. For Ng Mun-sow see my article, "Dr. Legge's Theological School", ibid, No. 50 (June, 1971), pp. 16-22. 5 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 2, Jacket C, letter of Legge, 28 Jan., 1869, and Folder 1, Jacket A, letter of Wong Foon, 8 May, 1857. Another missionary estimate of Hung Jen-kan is the testimonial the Rev. John Chalmers sent to the Rev. Rudolph Lechler, Basel Missionary Society Archives (hereafter given as B.M.S.A.), Vol. IV, 1857-1862, letter dated, London Mission House, Hong Kong, 24 Dec., 1857: “I have great pleasure in giving my testimony to the Christian character of Hung Jin, the relative of Hung Sew Tauen, who, since his return from Shanghai in the year 1854, has been in the employment of our mission; first as a Christian teacher, and afterwards as a preacher and assistant missionary. His general behaviour has been such as becomes the Gospel; the work which we have given him to do, he has always executed to our satisfaction and not only so, but his zeal for the promotion of the cause of Christ has been marked. He is a young man of superior abilities, and I hope he may yet be honoured to labour successfully in the preaching of the gospel to his countrymen for many years. 6 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 1, Jacket B, letter of Chalmers, 5 June, 1858. 7 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 1, Jacket C, letter of Legge and Chalmers, 11 Jan., 1859, with enclosure of translation of letter of Hung Jan: "Translation of Hung Jan's last letter, sent from Shanghai by Mr. Muirhead, who received it from a Chinaman who had been with Lord Elgin's expedition up the Yangtze. He wrote in 170 or 180 miles on that river below Hankow." Letters from "Shau Kwan, Nan Gan [both on the north boundary of Kwangtung], one from the capital of Keangse, one from imperialist camp at Yaou Chow [in north of Keangse]" are mentioned as having been written by Hung Jen-kan. 8 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 2, Jacket C, letter of Legge, 24 Aug., 1860, and Folder 3, Jacket B, letter of Legge, 14 Jan., 1861. 9 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 1, Jacket A, letter of Legge and Chalmers, 14 Jan., 1857. 10 L.M.S.A., Legge Family Papers, letter of 28 Mar., 1861 and 24 Mar., 1871. 11 For identification of Hung K'uei Hsiu see Jen (Chien) Yu-wan “**太平£Ø*^£$*M”, (Record of Visit with Descendants of the Taiping Hung Family) ***@** (Taiping Kingdom Miscellany), No. 4, and * Lo Hsiang-lin, (Historical Sources for the Study of the Hakkas), (Hong Kong, 1965), p. 409, 12 B.M.S.A., Hong Kong School Report, 14 Feb. 1875, "Teacher Schui Thin will shortly change places with Fung Khui-syu in Tschong Hang Kang, because the last as a son of a Tai Ping Rebellion King, cannot stay anymore in the mainland without danger to the life of himself and family." 13 B.M.S.A., Hong Kong School Report, 16 Apr. 1873, and Die Evangelischen Heidenboten, Jan., 1866, letter of Lechler, 2 Oct, 1865. 14 B.M.S.A., Chinese Mission Yearly Report 1885. The ship Dartmouth left Hong Kong 25 Dec., 1878 and arrived at Georgetown, British Guiana on 17 Mar., 1879. Among its 516 emigrants were seventy Christians. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 131 CARL SMITH'S ADDITIONAL NOTE Carl Smith has added to the text of the article appearing in Ching Feng the following note on the family of Li Tsin-kau and their services to the Hakka Church of the Basel Mission in Hong Kong and in Sabah. Li Tsin-kau, otherwise known as Lee Sik-sam, died 8 April, 1885, aged sixty-two. On the letters of administration issued to his widow Ho Lai-yau, the value of his estate was estimated at $400. His assets consisted principally of a small house beside the Basel Society's Church and Mission House in Sai Ying Poon, which he had purchased in 1878 for $480. He sold a portion of the lot in 1878 for $370. Li Tsin-kau's wife was baptized in Hong Kong in 1861 and died there 21 September, 1888, leaving four surviving children. The family property after her death was conveyed by Li A-cheung, an interpreter, Li Shin-en, a missionary and Li En-kyau, unmarried to their brother Li A-po, a trader. The eldest son of Tsin-kau, A-lim, had died in 1864 “in trouble with the police". A-po, the second son was betrothed in 1865 to Kong Oi-fuk from Lilong. She was a student in the Basel Society Girl's Boarding School at Hong Kong, and he was a student of their Boy's School at Lilong. The third son, A-cheung studied at Hong Kong Central School (Queen's College) and in 1871 was given the prize for best scholar. After leaving school, he entered Government service, beginning as a charge-room interpreter for the Police, but in 1875 was transferred to the Magistracy as a clerk. Three years later he was promoted to Second Interpreter in the Magistracy. In 1882 he was offered the position of Interpreter to the Kingdom of Hawaii. Like his brother he had married one of the students of the Girl's Boarding School in Hong Kong, Tshin Then-tet. She accompanied him to Hawaii. In 1883, the Rev. Frank Damon, who was in charge of Chinese Christian work in Hawaii, visited Hong Kong. In a report of his visit published in The Friend (New Series, Vol. 33, No. 2, p. 9) he expresses his pleasure in meeting "the venerable and interesting father of our Government interpreter in Honolulu, Mr. Lee Cheong. A brother and sister are engaged in teaching here, while another brother is missionary to his countrymen". ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 133 Gützlaff ever met each other in 1848 when Feng returned from Kwangsi and stayed in his native place for a short period to wait for the return of Hung Hsiu-ch'üan. I cannot see how the fable started. It may be that some members of the Union did join the Taiping army and recognized superficially the similarity of the organizations of Feng and Gützlaff with practically the same contents in their teachings, thus misunderstanding the identity of the two groups; and thus, Feng was mistaken for a fellow-member of the Union. All in all, this problem needs further study and intensive research before a conclusive answer can be obtained. (2) Li Tsin-kau ($£$) According to Hamberg's account, Li Ching-fang (***) was Hung Hsiu-ch'üan's cousin who lived in Lien Hua Tang (##) in Hua-hsien where Hung taught. The Tai P'ing pamphlet T'ai Ping T'ien Jih (***ŋ) identifies him. Hung first studied Liang Fa's pamphlets seriously with him. W. Oehler, Die Taiping-Bewegung (1923), asserts that Ching-fang was the grandfather of Li Tsin-kau. For certain reasons I believe Ching-fang was more likely the father, as Tsin-kau was seemingly too young to befriend and discuss such serious matters with Hung. The late Rev. Chang Chu-ling (✯✯✯) told me a very amusing anecdote about Li Tsin-kau. After establishing his capital in Nanking, Hung Hsiu-ch'üan ordered Tsin-kau to recruit followers in Kwangtung. Tsin-kau failed in this mission but went north personally. When he arrived at Shanghai on the way to Nanking, he heard that the God whom Hung saw in his visions years ago wore a black robe. He thought that God, the True God, should be dressed in white, and therefore what Hung had seen was really the Devil. The result was that he turned back to Hong Kong immediately without attempting to see Hung again. (See my Taiping Tienkuo Chuan-shih, pp54-55, notes pp58-59) This story corroborates with the account Carl Smith found (p. 124), but the call to come to Nanking might be from Hung Jen-kau rather than from Hung Hsiu-ch'üan. (3) Hung Jen-kau (Shield King †1##) At last, the question 'who financed Hung Jen-kau's trip to Nanking?' is solved with Carl Smith's finding that the London ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 134 CARL T. SMITH Missionary Society did it. In one of Jen-kau's confessional statements, Chalmers was named the donor. Now it is clear that the money was given him only through Chalmers. Jen-kau probably did not know that Legge and Chalmers continued to support his family till the end of 1859. With reference to Legge's belief in Jen-kau's compromising practice of polygamy, my view is that Legge was induced to such opinion by the allegation of Joseph Edkins, another missionary who had visited Jen-kau in Soochow and started to make such charge upon his return to Shanghai. R. J. Forrest, a British vice-consul and a close associate of Jen-kau whose private life was well-known to him, made an emphatic refutation on this charge. (This apologia is quoted in my book The Taiping Revolutionary Movement, p358). Jen-kau was fully exonerated. (4) Hung Kuei-yüan (洪貴元) (alias K'uei-hsiu 魁秀) I am personally grateful to Carl Smith who had finally found out, with documentary evidence, the whereabouts of Hung K’uei-hsiu, the eldest son of Jen-kau. Years ago I was told that he had migrated to America (U.S.A.). I did not stop my long search for his descendants even as late as 1964-65 when I made my last trip to the U.S. Of course, I failed in my efforts because he and his family settled down in Demerara, British Guiana instead of North America, as ascertained by Mr. Smith. I wish someone would be interested enough to pick up the thread and look up his descendants there. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q Table VII Haulage Totals and Kilometre Tons per Truck 1942 - 1945 Reference Period No. of Trucks Haulage in Kilometre Tons M & R Kilometre Tons Per Truck, P.A. Total Medical & Relief 1 1942 QUARTERS 2 and 3 30 138,187 65,724 47.6 9,212 2 1943 WHOLE YEAR 30 382,860* 172,287 45.0% 12,762 3 1944 QUARTERS 1 and 2 28 284,628 128,453 45.1 20,330 4 1945 QUARTERS 1 and 2 27 408,921 170,254 41.6 30,290 5 1945 QUARTERS 3 and 4 35 537,212 234,240 43.6 30,697 This includes trucks under conversion and maintenance but not those laid up or being dismantled for spares. X The total haulage is estimated from the M & R figures. Note on Power Sources for Trucks Ref Period Petrol/Alcohol Diesel Charcoal Total 1 14 1 - 4 13 30 average 2 13 5 12 30 average 3 9 4 15 28 average 5 2 20 27 average $ 25 10 35 average A ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46 143 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 144 W. A. REYNOLDS truck so that the payload of 2 tons was the maximum. However, by 1944 the charcoal trucks were being operated successfully over the Luhsien road with its high altitude as well as all the other routes. Charcoal was obtainable in most villages and was cheap in the mountain areas and the cost, per ton carried, was 1/5 of that of alcohol. The charcoal burners carried the major load of supplies through 1944 and the first part of 1945. The successful Burma campaign of autumn 1944, the opening of the Ledo road and the petrol pipeline laid along it made a great difference to the Unit transport systems. Not only was the Unit allocated 25 Canadian W.D. 3-ton Dodge trucks in the summer of 1945 from ARC and UNRAA, but it was also able to obtain P.O.L. (Petrol, Oil and Lubrication) supplies from the US army free of charge. To quote from a letter written 10/6/45 “It was a great moment when at Kunming, Rupert (Stanley) and I drove up in a truck to the P.O.L. station and pulled up beside a real petrol pump (and bright red at that too) and said to the Sergeant "Fill'er up" and he filled her up to the tune of 22 gallons US. When I told him it was 34 years since I'd done that he registered the usual GI amazement that anyone could stand the place that long”. System Performance The cargo carried by the system was in three categories: Medical and Relief supplies for NHA, IRC, ARC etc.; FAU maintenance and fuel supplies; and return cargoes. The Government transport administration ruled that no trucks should travel empty and on return journeys must take Government, usually military, cargoes. The Unit had a special pass, as a Christian pacifist organization, exempting it from taking soldiers or weapons and instead usually had cargoes of salt from the Yangtse valley south to Kweichow and Yunnan. The system performance figures in terms of kilometre tons for the 4 years, as far as they are at present available, are given in Table VII. The number of trucks available on average through the years are given, and from this it will be seen that the operating efficiency in terms of kilometre tons per truck per year steadily increased. This was due to:--- 1) increased efficiency of the Charcoal truck operations, more than compensating for the deterioration of the diesel trucks ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 154 W. A. REYNOLDS All hospitals and medical services in China were very short of medical supplies both in terms of medicines, anaesthetics, equipment and everyday requirements such as bandages and sheets. In addition, in a time of inflation, assets were put into easily saleable form of which medicine, such as quinine, was a favourite. This meant that there was little western medicine for sale in the open market and supplies of such materials, whether in store or in transit, were a favourite target for thieves. However the greatest losses in the Nationalist armies were undoubtedly from the malnutrition/dysentery cycle from which, beyond a certain point, there was no recovery. 3 The daily routine on the road varied with the fuel used, but there were common features. The driver and mechanic (or assistant if carried) slept on the truck, the shorter in the cab and the taller on top of the cargo. This helped to prevent theft of cargo and removal of parts such as headlamps and half-shafts which were in great demand. Passengers slept in the nearest inn, or perhaps mission station. Techniques for an undisturbed and loss-free night in an inn included an oiled sheet (p.8) sewn into the bottom of the mosquito net which was then slit at one end and fastened with clips, and placing the bed or table legs into shoes to make unauthorized removal of them difficult. Activity started at dawn and after refuelling and a check on wheels and springs a quick breakfast of ji dan dou jiang (p.8) taken from a travelling salesman, the truck would get under way. There would normally be a stop at a convenient fandian (p.8) between 10.30 and 12 noon- refuelling, wheel and spring checks and away again until late afternoon and a stop for the day. Liquid fuel was carried in 50 (US) gallon drums and was siphoned out into 5 gallon cans for transfer to the truck tank. A skilled man, using a rubber hose, can induce a siphon by sucking at the end and avoid getting his mouth full of raw alcohol, rape seed oil or whatever the fuel might be. Operation and refuelling of the charcoal burning trucks was a much longer and dirtier procedure and is described in the section devoted to them. 4 The Sentinel/HSG trucks had an interesting history. With the loss of the coastal region and the main railway lines, China had not only lost the possibility of importing diesel fuel and petrol but had gained a number of experienced, but unemployed, steam railway engine drivers and firemen. The IRC decided to enquire into the possibility of steam road transport and got in touch with the Sentinel Steam Carriage and Wagon Co. Ltd. at Shrewsbury, England, the major manufacturer in the past of steam road engines. The transport would use local coal or charcoal fuel and the available engine drivers and firemen. However, the tare weight of steam wagons is high and the gross weight would have been greater than the bridges would have stood. The Sentinel company suggested an alternative. They had recently taken up the designs of the High Speed Gas engine and offered a 5 ton capacity truck fitted with a 4 cylinder horizontal HSG engine with a 12:1 compression ratio. This burnt producer gas made from charcoal in a gas generator of the cross-draught type. Four of these Sentinel/HSG were purchased and may have been the first (and possibly only) ones built. One of these had been lost on the Burma Road and the remaining three contributed to the death of one man, resignation of another, and almost broke the hearts of several other Unit members. It should be a cardinal point never to introduce any equipment, mechanical or electrical, into a tough environment lacking supporting services, unless it has been in series production and has been thoroughly tested in similar conditions. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 Other field workers, both British and American, are likely to follow them. 4. My own work would have been impossible without the generous help of many officers of the New Territories Administration; I should like to thank them collectively, expressing my gratitude in particular to the District Officer Tai Po and his staff. I have also the pleasure of thanking many officers in other branches of the Government; among them my thanks go especially to Mr. K.M.A. Barnett, Mr. J.W. Hayes, Mr. K.W.J. Topley, and Mr. P.K.C. Tsui; I am in the debt of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, the Department of Co-operative Development and Fisheries, various officers of the Courts, and the Colonial Secretariat Library. To my host in Tai Po, Mr. Tsang For-piu, I am specially obliged. I should like also to thank my colleague Dr. Marjorie Topley for much guidance and several teachers at the University of Hong Kong whom I had the privilege of consulting. 5. In what is to follow I shall discuss the general background to social research in the New Territories, report on some of the problems I have myself looked into, and suggest what further work could be done (and how it might be done) to promote the interests of both scholarship and administration. 6. Until the advent of the Communist regime in China the New Territories did not interest social scientists. (It can also be argued that they were of little interest to anybody outside the New Territories Administration). Chinese scholars could not be expected to concern themselves with territory under British rule, while scholars from the West were far too preoccupied with China to consider the claims of a stretch of the Chinese countryside which, from their point of view, was no more than the railway route into Kwangtung. And of course it must be remembered that the number of social scientists working on Chinese themes was, before the Second World War, extremely small. Since 1949 the New Territories have come increasingly to be appreciated as a field for research: they have been politically accessible and have had the advantage of offering for study perhaps the best living example (however much affected by British rule and modern changes) of traditional Chinese country life. So far three anthropologists have completed field studies in the New Territories: Miss Barbara E. Ward, from London, who was primarily concerned with Tanka fishermen in the Sai Kung area (and who will probably be revisiting the New Territories this ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 195 simply pushed back the social frontier of the New Territories, as is dramatically the case in Tsuen Wan, but affected the lives and ideas of large numbers of people in many parts of the region. Overseas migration, old in nature but new in pattern, has brought in much wealth. An agricultural revolution, no less dramatic than its industrial counterpart but less commented on in the world outside, has pushed the rice economy aside from the centre of the scene, created new kinds of settlement and broken up the image of an unhurried farming community. Land has now entered, or efforts are being made to bring it into, new markets for both agricultural and building uses. In these conditions it is not enough to study old-established communities and traditional institutions. How these changes have come about, how they are perceived and evaluated by the people they most closely affect, and how they in turn imply other kinds of changes should certainly stand in the forefront of studies of the New Territories at the present time. 9. On the other hand, it would be a mistake—as grievous as the error of neglecting what is new—to suppose that only the latest changes deserve attention. From the moment British administrators set foot in the New Territories a chain of changes was initiated: in land tenure, in political leadership, in social control, in economic life. The measure of modern change is not to be taken solely by a comparison between 1963 and 1949 or 1941; it must be gauged by the whole stretch of British administration. But, in turn, even this is too parochial a framework for the study of what was once a part of China. At this late date it is still possible to catch glimpses in the New Territories of how the area was governed before 1898 and to work out the implications of this form of government for social life. The New Territories, that is to say, have something to contribute to the historian's understanding of China in late Ch'ing times, and this understanding on the part of the historian of modern China can, reciprocally, help to build up a picture of 65 years of the New Territories against the background of their Chinese origins and under the influence of changes in China. 10. One of the problems I attempted to approach was the nature of local leadership in the New Territories. Let me, from this example, try to illustrate how changing institutions might be analysed to throw light on present-day concerns. I must stress the tentative and summary nature of my account, for the subject needs far more Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 197 to the problem of ensuring law and order by means of administra-tive, legal, and police measures which in effect left people as much as possible to their own devices. But however much an adminis-tration may seek to preserve traditional institutions and modes of behaviour and very superficially the pre-war New Territories Administration resembled a Chinese form of Government—it inevitably produces some changes which spring from the framework of its own rules. One change immediately brought about in the New Territories was the removal of political and economic power from certain clans, mainly in the west, which, under the Chinese regime, had exercised control over considerable areas by virtue of their access to the government and their tax privileges. More fun-damentally, however, the new regime set into decline a system of local leadership which had hitherto rested on principles inherent in imperial Chinese society. 13. At the edge of China the county of San On (about three-fifths of which became the New Territories in 1898) was not remarkable for producing scholars, but, as an integral part of the Empire, it sent its men into the examinations and, as a result, furnished the country with some administrators. I have not yet had the oppor-tunity of checking the examination quotas operating at the end of the century, but at its beginning—I do not have the source by me as I write there was a quota of eight graduates at each three-yearly examination at Canton for San On, and an additional quota of two for the county's Hakka population. (In the last decades of the Empire, moreover, the sale of examination equivalents was very common; the number of titled scholars in San On was therefore likely to be considerably greater than that suggested by examination quotas). According to Lockhart, who surveyed the New Territories in 1898, there were about 150 sau ts'oi* in the county. See J.W. Hayes, "The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 2, 1962, p. 11. Those who studied for the examinations were com-paratively few, and they were almost certainly members of clans, and families within these clans, which, by reason of their riches and connexions, were in a privileged position. But the idea was widespread that all respectable men (a category including all the farmers) were eligible to offer themselves for examination and, ultimately, to assume administrative office. And there existed many schools in the countryside to set children going on the ladder ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 200 MAURICE FREEDMAN Chinese rule, the remoteness, the danger and the expense of the central courts had left much authority to the local elders, and especially to those entrusted with powers of collecting local taxes: under British rule this authority naturally decayed, though they have continued sometimes to be the medium of dealings with the villagers. But their moral influence has often been of great assistance to the officials in the maintenance of the public peace, and their knowledge of the decisions of questions concerning local customs, disputed successions, fung shui and such like. (Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912, Papers laid before the Legislative Council no. 11 of 1912, p. 45). 17. We shall need to consider who these elders were, but before doing so we must look at a wider context within which local leadership was to be seen. At the time the New Territories were created they were in large part covered by a network of village-groupings, many of them being known under the name of yeuk. A yeuk was a collection of neighbouring villages which had some means of expressing its unity (sometimes in the ownership of property common to the grouping) and which was often combined along with other such yeuk to form what I propose to call a yeuk-complex. This kind of organisation can conveniently be illustrated from material on the yeuk-complex to have survived most fully into our own day. I refer to the Ts'at Yeuk (i.e. the Seven Yeuk) of Tai Po. 18. There for long stood a market town at Tai Po: Tai Po Kau Hui. It was (and physically remains) just by the Tang settlement of Tai Po Tau, but the market was under control of the Tang people further north in Lung Yeuk Tau. As Masters of the Market the Tang taxed sellers and, if the stories told about them now are to be believed as reflecting reality, and not mythical justifications of revolt, they harassed buyers by the exercise of the privilege of claiming choice produce. Their control of the market was from time to time challenged. In 1892, the matter having been brought to the county magistrate's court at Nam Tau, a ruling was given that only the Tang had the right to build shops in the market. This decision (which was inscribed on a stone slab and placed in the local Tin Hau Temple) appears to have been the culmination of a series of challenges to Tang power by the Man of Tai Hang. (Up to 1873, when it was destroyed by a typhoon, the Man had had a settlement next to the market, but by the 1890s their base was Tai Hang). In response to the unfavourable outcome of the lawsuit ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 201 the Man and their allies rallied local support to form a new market on the other side of what in British times has come to be known as the Kwun Yam River. This was the beginning of the market town of Tai Po in its present form. (The story up to this point is told by Sung Hok-p'ang, 'Legends and Stories of the New Territories. I. Tai Po', The Hong Kong Naturalist, vol. VI, no. 1, May 1935. The stone slab recording the magistrate's decision no longer stands in the temple; when the temple was recently rebuilt the stone was cast into the yard where it now lies, often encumbered with rubbish, a neglected minor monument of late Ch'ing history). 19. The new market in a short time consigned the old one to a decrepitude familiar to anyone who has walked behind the Jockey Club Clinic which now stands next to the Tin Hau Temple. Soon the founder of the new market put up the first of the bridges to span the Kwun Yam River; the subscription list for the bridge is recorded on two stone plaques set into the wall of the Man Mo Temple which had been built as a centre for the new market. A room in the temple still houses the public weighing scales from which the founders and their successors have derived an income. 20. The story goes that the Man who led the revolt against the Tang monopoly called a meeting of the leaders of seven yeuk around Tai Po, each of these taking a share in the new market in the form of shops. The land on which the market was built appears to have been for the most part the property of the Man. Now it is probable that the Ts'at Yeuk dates from this point in time. My informants take this view. And there is one piece of information which tends to confirm it: one of the constituent yeuk is Cheung Shue Tan which, according to what I was told in Sha Tin, was previously a member of a yeuk-complex in this latter area; so that it may well have changed its allegiance at the time of the founding of the new market at Tai Po. But even if the Ts'at Yeuk came into being so recently, the yeuk themselves can hardly have done so for they appear to have been the material out of which the complex was formed. Many locals assert that the yeuk did not antedate the Ts'at Yeuk, but I am inclined to think that we are dealing here with a very old form of grouping, as comparative evidence will suggest. The seven yeuk were Lam Tsuen, Cheung Shue Tan, Ting Kok, Shuen Wan, Hap Wo, Tai Hang, and Fan Leng. Together they had over seventy villages, but the yeuk were of unequal size, so that while, for example, the Man settlement at Tai Hang formed a yeuk ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 204 MAURICE FREEDMAN Connected with the union there was an organisation which operated a kind of agricultural insurance scheme, making good losses by theft of crops and beasts. Again, the Luk Yeuk was composed of both Punti and Hakka. 24. There are other 'numerical' yeuk-complexes: the Four (Sz) Yeuk of Tsuen Wan, the Six (Luk) Yeuk of Sai Kung, and the Nine (Kau) Yeuk of Sha Tin. In these three cases, however, we see the influence on rural organisation of an urban and administrative centre. The walled city of Kowloon was the only official seat in that part of San On to be converted into the New Territories. It held the yamen of a deputy magistrate and certain military officials, no doubt acquiring some of its importance as a centre of government in the second half of the nineteenth century from the proximity of the British Colony. The Kau Yeuk of Sha Tin appears to have consisted of forty-eight villages, of which the five largest were Punti and the rest Hakka. The Ch'e Kung Temple (now the property of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs in his part as a corporation sole) belonged to the Kau Yeuk, according to one account, but was taken over by the S.C.A. when a dispute was precipitated by a claim put forward by one village to control it. On the Sz Yeuk of Tsuen Wan I have discovered little more than that it existed. Sung Hok-p'ang once told a Chinese scholar, who has since committed the statement to writing, that the area now called Tsuen Wan was in late Ming or early Ch'ing times known as Tsuen Wan Yeuk and that formerly all the villages in the area from Ting Kau to Kowloon City belonged to it. The Luk Yeuk of Sai Kung, however, has left clearer traces. I cannot define its composition exactly, but I have been told that Ho Chung, Pak Kong, Sha Kok Mei, Tseung Kwan O and two settlements in Shap Sz Heung were the six yeuk. Once again, both Hakka and Punti were involved. The three yeuk-complexes of Tsuen Wan, Sha Tin, and Sai Kung were in some fashion tied in with a council, formal or informal, in Kowloon City; and it appears likely that the local deputy magistrate used this organisation to make contact with the villages in his neighbourhood. In 1879 (according to its own records) there came into existence in Kowloon a body known as the Lok Sin Tong; members of the three yeuk-complexes were represented on it. Its primary object seems to have been to promote charity, public works, and education, while in character it would appear to have been an association of local gentry. The Lok Sin Tong still exists; indeed, it has grown ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 229 her grave was on the head her descendants would be very great men: but if on the tail they would be more humble people, perhaps officers of low degree, and, although prosperous, none would succeed to high rank.' The princess chose the tail because she preferred her descendants to stay humble, she herself having suffered so much. See Sung Hok-p’ang, ‘Legends and Stories of the New Territories”, IV. Kam T'in (continued)', The Hong Kong Naturalist, vol. VII, no. 1, April 1936, pp. 34f.) 62. The term fung shui is often used to mean simply a grave, and there is no need to stress the point that burial lies at the heart of geomancy. But in fact fung shui covers all aspects of men's dwellings on earth. Every territorially defined unit of society has its fung shui, from the household up to the state. The residence of the head of the state affects the prosperity of the country. (For this reason great emphasis is often placed on the geomantic excellence of Government House). The fortunes of cities, towns, and villages depend on their physical arrangement and dominating buildings. Political units take their fate from government offices. (The fung shui of the new Fanling District Court has impressed many locals). The fung shui of an ancestral hall determines the fortunes of members of the clan. (For this reason it is hardly ever to be found inside a wai, a walled enclosure; it must have free access to its site). A house shapes the destiny of its master and those for whom he is responsible. Consequently, geomancers are often employed to advise on the siting, orientation, certain architectural features (especially height), and work—and opening-dates of domestic and other buildings. Indeed, there appears to be some specialisation among fung shui sin shaang in the New Territories, some of them putting themselves out to be experts on graves and others on buildings. 63. Burial and the fung shui associated with it differ markedly in city and countryside. Only the rich among the people in the urban area can afford to escape the regimentation of their dead in cemeteries and seek geomantically favourable sites in private plots. (Some in fact acquire the right to bury their dead in land forming the traditional preserves of village communities. They may have to pay dearly for the privilege. Along one of the main roads in the New Territories there stands a pavilion, now many years old, which was put up as part of the compensation to the local people for the geomantic disturbance caused them by the burial in their area of a ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 234 MAURICE FREEDMAN tance was put up by the Administration to geomantic objections to plans for development. Reporting on the first phase of British rule Orme wrote that fung shui objections had been made to the proposed routes of the railway and roads, 'but it is characteristic of the Chinese folk that their superstitious fears have always yielded ultimately to the needs of a progressive age.' (Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912, p. 47). But as long as the Administration wishes to honour its undertaking to respect local beliefs and customs the formula it has arrived at seems to be the most sensible that could be devised. It appears to strike the right compromise between intransigence and complete passivity. 69. I come now to the price the Administration must pay. If fung shui is detrimentally disturbed not only may compensation be demanded but a ritual remedy may be sought which often takes the form of a tun fu, a series of rites to prevent misfortune. Fung shui, as I have argued, is a kind of 'science', its principles working automatically and without the agency of anthropomorphic supernatural entities. But some fung shui, even undisturbed, give off a malign influence, a Killing Breath (shaat hei) for which the remedy cannot be sought within fung shui itself. Rites become necessary. They call upon supernatural beings (as opposed to forces) and, characteristically, require the services of men who, being 'priests' and not, so to say, scientific technicians, stand in contrast to geomancers. In reality, the contrast is imperfect, for some geomancers do apparently undertake to perform tun fu, but the 'pure' fung shui sin shaang will not meddle with such things, saying that a Deadly Breath will never emanate from a properly constructed fung shui and that the remedy for a disturbed one is the province of religious practitioners from whom he is careful to dissociate himself. Tun fu are typically performed by maam moh lo, although other kinds of ritual specialists may also be involved; there is a spirit-medium in the Tai Po area who has performed these rites. Tun fu (or tan fu, as it is called in some places; there are some linguistic and ethnographic questions I cannot discuss here) invokes a range of deities, general and local, to counteract the malignancy and ensure peace. Among these deities some will decide that the work falls within their province and take appropriate action. Tun fu by one rite imposes a special religious embargo on the action of the evil influences and by another removes the embargo when peace and security seems to have been assured. The Administration and others ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 244 MAURICE FREEDMAN among them is very irregular, even when allowance is made for the differences in size between the communities. There are clearly specialisations here, and sets of comparable statistics for other areas would be a necessary preliminary to a study of why, despite the fact that overseas migration has been very general in the New Territories in recent years, some communities have not contributed to it or done so on a very small scale. This problem has often been raised in studies of emigration from southeastern China, but it has never been thoroughly gone into, and it would be a pity if the opportunity to study it in the New Territories were missed. 82. Why do people emigrate? New Territories men do not go abroad to make a new life or even, it would seem, to see the world. They, like millions of men from Fukien and Kwangtung before them, have sought a way of earning a better living; they have not intended to settle abroad (whatever later circumstances and opportunities may have suggested or dictated) and have hoped to be able to return home with enough money to sweeten their old age. Although, as we have seen, a few hundred New Territories women have gone to the United Kingdom to join their men, the general character of the migration has been male. In an ideal pattern, men go abroad, earn, remit money, and return. But a large-scale exodus of able-bodied men entails some serious consequences for the social and economic life of the people left behind. In some areas of the New Territories the absence of young and middle-aged men is so striking as to be obvious even to the casual observer. Inferences from the census data are not easy to draw, because the absence of men from the old-established communities may be marked in the figures by surpluses of men among the new population, but the 1961 data show significantly that of the five Districts Sai Kung has the lowest ratio of males to females (951:1,000) and that within the Tai Po District Sai Kung North and Sha Tau Kok stand out very sharply as areas with low ratios (794 and 782 respectively, whereas the ratio for the District as a whole is 1,019). Moreover, Sai Kung has had a low ratio over a long period (859 in 1921 and 800 in 1931). (See K.M.A. Barnett, Hong Kong, Report on the 1961 Census, vol. II, p. 25, Tables 110 and 111. Population figures, by sex, for individual villages and settlements are available from the 1961 census, although not published in the Report; they provide a valuable guide to the communities from which male emigration has been heaviest, although again, the presence of new ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 253 modern buildings, the banks, the cinemas, and the daily shopping, the country town still has many of the characteristics of the place it was in former times when the market was held only on certain days of the month and formed the only means by which people in different parts of the area kept in regular touch with one another. Marriages, business deals, and politics were and remain important elements in the body of transactions which the country town stands for. But not all the issues are to be prejudged; it may be that as the town grows in size and economic significance it develops an urban autonomy, and a kind of small-townsman emerges whose interests and values are no longer so tightly correlated with those of the villager. The town of Yuen Long, for example, may prove to have gone far in this direction already, and the advent of new business men into the market towns, some of them with bases in the city, may point the way to an increasing tendency for the small urban areas of the New Territories to set themselves up as independent social entities with their own mechanisms of internal order (chambers of commerce, kaifongs, and trade associations). It is for this reason that I hope that one of the two students from London who will be arriving in the New Territories in the autumn will be able to concentrate on a market town and its relations to the countryside. There is of course another kind of market town in the New Territories: the one which depends on fishermen and in which, as a result, there has traditionally been a social cleavage between the buyers and the sellers, such that the town has not been under the control of the people of the surrounding area. Such a town fell within the scope of Miss Ward's study. An outstandingly interesting example (especially attractive because its historical background has been explored in a paper, now in press, by Mr. Hayes*) is Cheung Chau; it should certainly be borne in mind for future investigation. It offers the promise of our being able to see the results of a long period of tight urban organisation, resembling very strikingly, I suspect, the kind of urban settlement built up by Chinese emigrants in many parts of South-East Asia. 93. I have been brought by questions of urban organisation to touch on fishermen. The Tanka were the first group of the New Territories population to be studied by an anthropologist, and there is little likelihood that fishermen, whether land-based or boat people, * "Cheung Chau 1850-1898: Information from Commemorative Tablets" in JHKBRAS, 3, 1963: 88-99. — Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 257 97. These are general points made with reference to the Chinese family in its traditional form and conditions. What kinds of family units are to be found now in the New Territories? The 1961 census figures for household size (which can be roughly equated with family size) show that the most characteristic size is about 4 to 6 people, that there are many smaller ones, and that units larger than 7 are few. To take an example (which I have conveniently in my notebook): the following figures are for the household sizes in the Tai Po census area (i.e. Tai Po District) in respect of units which occupy whole concrete, brick, or stone houses—that is to say, where housing conditions approximate the most to tradition. (See Census, vol. II, p. 12, Table 020). Household Size Numbers of Households of Each Size 1 1,299 2 1,441 3 1,655 4 1,839 5 1,773 6 1,550 7 1,174 8 759 9 401 10 and over 612 Total 12,503 The units are typically small. How is it that there are so many households with 2 persons and (despite the contradiction in terms) 1 person? There is of course a refugee element in these figures (but it would have been much bigger if we had taken the data for people living in wooden houses or shacks), but they do not account for all cases. Under what conditions are single-person 'households' found? When will a young married couple set up on their own? What economic significance is to be read into the forming of small units generally? Are small units in fact economically independent, and do they contain an element of people who are poor and can no longer rely on support from outside the unit? That is to say, if we start by defining the family as a unit which lives by itself we have then to enquire into the social and economic ties maintained between its members and the members of other such units with ================================================================================