RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 68 J. T. KAMM system of land distribution had its origins several centuries ago. At the time when the land was distributed, the tenant paid the landlord a certain sum; this sum represented the rent which the tenant thereafter handed over each year. The landlord could not increase the rent, nor could the tenant refuse to pay it. Furthermore, the landlord could not investigate his tenants in order to take back the land.” (G236). 28 Data from the land memorials, which register sales of subsurface values, indicate that a one-mow plot of land seldom exceeded 6 taels during the late 18th century. As we shall see later in the text, these prices necessarily remained constant into the 19th century. In the Hong Kong Almanack and Directory for 1846, we learn that the tenants valued each mow of rice paddy at $40.00 (1 tael = 1.11 Mexican dollars in 1846). Granted that tenants made good profits from the sale of land, still this example tends to illustrate the great potential disparity between the two values. (Hong Kong Almanack and Directory for 1846, Note on the Island of Hong Kong by A. R. Johnston; written in 1843). 29 Correspondence Respecting Affairs in China, ibid., p 7. 30 CSO306/1899 Extension; "With reference to the petition of Tang Yung Ping and others they naturally, at present, prefer the old feudal system of payment of rent in kind." 31 HKTCSMTC: Hong Kong Almanack, “Note on the Island of HK”. 32 CSO150/1901 gives a detailed account of these negotiations. 33 In general, the maintenance of perpetual tenancy systems presupposes the existence of communal landownership. The British found over 25% of all lots held in clan names in 1898; later Chinese sources place the estimate at 30%. These figures are probably not reliable for the earlier part of the century. The Tangs, as we have seen, held landlord rights over all of Hong Kong Island. They similarly held over 60% of the territory in Kowloon ceded to Britain in 1860, Land in North Kowloon was lost by "fraudulent sale” in 1898 (CSO2982/1898). Other clans, besides the Tangs, apparently lost sizable tracts as “individual initiative” replaced clan solidarity throughout the period, 34 CSO150/1901. 35 CSO109/1902. 36 Nan Yang Tang Shih Tsu P'u, "Notes on Land Tax." 37 Correspondence Respecting Affairs in China, ibid., p 18. ESSAY II: TAXLORDISM The peasants and gentry of Hsin-An witnessed two concrete manifestations of the growing power of foreign countries in China during the waning years of the nineteenth century. In April 1887, the Kowloon Customs House of the Imperial Maritime Customs was established under provisions of the Anglo-Chinese Opium Agreement of September 1886. As was the case with all customs houses established during the era, supervision of the revenue stations was entrusted to a European career officer in Sir Robert Hart's service, J. McLeavy Brown. A great expansion in customs activity ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 64 LEWIS M. CHERE It is because these questions cannot be answered yet, and because they are so significant for a better understanding of the development of Chinese nationalism, and the history of the European presence on the China Coast, that this article has been written. In answering these questions I believe that scholars of Hong Kong's history will be performing a service for all scholars of Chinese History, as well as proving that events in Hong Kong really have been of much more significance than they have previously been given credit for. NOTES 1 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, 2nd ed. (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 208-9. 2 Geoffrey Robley Sayer, Hong Kong, 1862-1919: Years of Discretion ed., with additional notes by D. M. Emrys Evans (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1975). * * Endacott, p. 209. 4 James Hayes, "A Short History of Military Volunteers in Hong Kong," Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 11 (1971): 151-71. * James William Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hongkong. 2 vols. (London: T. F. Unwin, 1898), 2:376-67. + + For the problems which Britain's involvement caused her, see my forthcoming "Great Britain and the Sino-French War: The Problems of an Involved Neutral, 1883-1885", Selected Papers, The Western Conference of the Association for Asian Studies, 1980. * See the Census of Hong Kong for 3rd April, 1881, published in the Hongkong Government Gazette, 11th June 1881. There were then 91,452 men out of a total Chinese population of 150,690. • Endacott, p. 209; Parkes to Granville, no. 226 October 15, 1884, Great Britain. Public Records Office. FO 227/2715, pp. 12-15. • For more complete information on the Sino-French War see: Lloyd E. Eastman, Throne and Mandarins: China's Search for a Policy During the Sino-French Controversy, 1880-1885 (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1967); Henry McAleavy, Black Flags in Vietnam: the Story of a Chinese Intervention (New York: Macmillan, 1968), Ella S. Laffey, "Relations Between Chinese Provincial Officials and the Black Flag Army, 1883-1885," (PhD dissertation, Cornell University, 1971); or my own "The Diplomacy of the Sino-French War (1883-1885): Finding a Way Out of an Unwanted, Undeclared War," (PhD dissertation, Washington State University, 1978). 10 A translated copy of the poison proclamation is in FO 227/2714, pp. 35-7; for Chang's defense of it see FO 227/2715, pp. 10-12. 11 North China Herald, October 8, 1884, reprints an account from the Straits Times. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 158 NOTES AND QUERIES YET ANOTHER LIBRARY In his Korea, published by William Heinemann of London in 1904, Angus Hamilton has a good deal to say about John McLeavy Brown, C.M.G., LL.D., formerly Treasurer-General of that Kingdom and, when he wrote, Chief Commissioner of Customs, that is, of the Korean Customs. Hamilton writes (pp. 85-86): In his official life he represents a type of Englishman that is rapidly disappearing from our public services. His private life reflects the culture and the grace of an attractive personality. They say, in Seoul, that Mr. McLeavy Brown is more skilful as a diplomatist than as an administrator; and his brilliant conversational powers give some colour to the assertion. Upon arrival in Seoul, newcomers are apt to hear that "Brown is a walking encyclopædia." He speaks, reads and writes with equal facility French, German, Italian and Chinese. It will be remembered that he is in the service of the Korean Government, a sphere of utility and activity which demands fluency in yet another language. His library attests the breadth of his culture; it numbers some 7000 volumes, and fills the walls of the rooms and corridors of his house at Seoul from floor to ceiling. Boxes of new books arrive by every mail. When he reads them it is difficult to conjecture. At night, as one strolls from the British Legation to the Station Hotel, the lights in his study window may be seen burning brightly. He is believed to sit up with his books very often until dawn. It would be typical of this silent self-contained man if he found in the pleasures of his library the antidote to much which takes place in Seoul. McLeavy Brown appears in the contemporary Who's Who in the Far East 1906-7 published by the China Mail, Hong Kong, in June 1906, where he appears as 'ex-Head of Customs and Controller of Finance, Corea', having resigned in 1905 and gone on tour abroad in April following. He had been appointed a Student Interpreter in China in 1861 and was Acting Chinese Secretary in the British Legation at Peking 1871-72, resigning in 1872. He was later appointed a Commissioner in the Chinese Customs and appointed Commissioner-General of Customs, Corea. I am here less concerned with the man himself, despite his stature and later career which can be followed in the Dictionary of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 228 p. 10. Kani, Hiroaki, A General Survey of the Boat People in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1967, p. 22. p. 12. Leland, Charles G., Pidgin-English Sing-song, or Songs and Stories in the China-English Dialect, London, 1876, p. 4. p. 14. Lin Yutang, My Country and My People, London, 1936, p. 120. 16. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol I, pp. 253-254. p. 16. Lin Yutang, My Country, p. 121. p. 17. Percell, Victor, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, 2nd edn., London, 1965, pp. 17-18. p. 18. Staunton, Sir George T., Ta Tsing Leu Lee: Being the Fundamental Laws, and a Selection from the Supplementary Statutes, of the Penal Code of China, London, 1810, pp. 543-544. p. 22. 'Notes and Queries', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol XI, 1971, pp. 204-209. p. 22. Annual Departmental Report by the District Commissioner, New Territories for the Financial Year 1959-60, Hong Kong, 1960, p. 33. p. 24. Annual Departmental Report by the District Commissioner, New Territories for the Financial Year 1951-2, Hong Kong, 1952, pp. 5-6. p. 25. Sayer, G. R., Hong Kong 1862-1919. Years of Discretion, Hong Kong, 1975, p. 97. p. 26. Teng Ssu-yü 'Chinese influence on the Western Examination System', Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol VII, 1943, p. 305. p. 33. #AŢ✶ Shanghai, 1947, p. 1086. p. 34. Yang, C. K., Religion in Chinese Society, California, 1961, p. 155. p. 38. Backhouse, E. And Bland, J. O. P., Annals and Memoirs of the Court of Peking, London, 1914, p. 325. p. 40. Williams, S. Wells, The Middle Kingdom, New York, 1913, Vol II, P. 435. p. 41. Smith, Arthur H., Chinese Characteristics, London, 1900, pp. 234-235. p. 42. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol II, p. 451. p. 44. McAleavy, Henry, The Modern History of China, London, 1968, p. 87. p. 44. Chow, Carl, Foreign Devils in the Flowery Kingdom, London, 1941, p. 116. p. 45. Werner, B. T. C., Myths and Legends of China, London, 1922, p. 162. p. 46. De Groot, Religious System, Vol V, p. 532. p. 58. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol I, pp. 268-269. p. 58. Stevens, K. G., Chief Marshal T'ien', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol XV, 1975, p. 305, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1995 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g 32 now s 5. Cap 4 10 The late Mr. G.E. Strickland in the penultimate paragraph of his Appendix I to the Committee Report, 1953 20 (1910) 6 HKLR 12, at p. 53 per Sir Francis Piggott, C.J. "Committee Report, 1953. Marriage by Chinese Law and Customs in Hong Kong, (1958) 7 International and Comparative Law Quarterly, 437 2 Chinese Marriages in Hong Kong, Government Printer, Hong Kong, 1960 * TANG CHOY HONG vs TANG SHING MO & OTHERS. (1949) 33 HKLR 58 (concerning succession to land see below), and CHAN PUI vs CHU YAN KIT (1950) 34 HKLR 297 (concerning agricultural tenancies) * Committee Report 1953. Chap II para 11 at pp 6-7, and Annual Departmental Report District Commissioner New Territories. 1954-55, para 72 (Hereinafter such reports are referred to as Report DCNT 19) Report, DCNT, 1950-51, para 26 and 1954-55, para 72 This attitude among the Chinese was always the reaction to litigation and possibly was born of a general distaste for their ancient judicial procedure, vide R.H. Van Gulik, T'ang-Yin-Pi-Shih "Parallel Cases from under the Pear-tree". Leiden. 1956, P. 58 "Report, DCNT, 1956-57, para 106 16 Report, DCNT, 1957-58, para 98 para 43 * CHEUNG Sau Tim vs CHEUNG Yo, Lam (1948) 32 HKLR 31 "vide Committee Report, 1953. Chap III, para 31 "ibid paras 34 and 40 Lik Memorandum of 20th March 1958, addressed to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs vide McAleavy's article "Certain Aspects of Chinese Customary Law in the Light of Japanese Scholarship." BSOAS, 1955, Vol XVII Part 3. p. 535 For the customs of the land-dwelling Cantonese and Hakka I have had recourse to notes ! ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 392 Ms. Han did not practice medicine in China in the 1950s or at any other time * Ms. Leon Comber was a superintendent (not assistant superintendent) with the Malayan police, and acted as assistant commissioner On the morning of Sunday, 25 June, 1950, communist forces from North Korea crossed the border into South Korea. The next day, on 26 June, President Harry S. Truman ordered American air and naval forces to go to the assistance of South Korea, and Clement Attlee in the House of Commons expressed support for Mr. Truman's actions. On 27 June, the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution recommending that all members of the UN furnish such assistance to the Republic of Korea as may be necessary to meet the armed attack.' The Korean War had begun. The unexpected outbreak of the Korean War took all newspapers by surprise but The Times had Ian Ernest McLeavy Morrison, a member of its staff, in the Far East at that time. By August of that year he would be dead. Born in Beijing on 31 May 1913, he was the son of the famous Australian journalist, Dr. George Ernest Morrison (4 February 1862-29 May 1920) and a New Zealander Jennie Wark Robin (1889 – 20 June 1923), Dr. Morrison's former secretary who he had married in 1912. Dr. Morrison was known as "China Morrison" and was himself a correspondent for The Times during 1897-1912 and later political adviser to the Chinese Government. His brother, Alastair Gwynne Morrison was born on 24 August 1915. He ultimately joined the Diplomatic Dr. Morrison and his three sons, Ian, Colin and Alastair, 1917, (Mitchell Library) ================================================================================