RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 188 NOTES AND QUERIES But luckily for them and for me, the prophet's prediction proved to be an invention of his own, and nobody was injured but his own reputation. Hong Kong, May 1969. JAMES HAYES HEMP A few years ago, I wrote about itinerant Hakka craftsmen who came regularly to some of the New Territories villages to weave locally grown hemp-flax into cloth for making clothes (see the 1968 Journal, pp. 162-165). In the course of reading and making further enquiries, more information has become available that may interest readers of my earlier note on this now relatively obscure subject. A few words of background may serve to show that the disappearance of this crop and this craft from Hong Kong in comparatively recent times signals the end of a practice that must have been followed from time immemorial in this region and elsewhere. Hemp constituted the main source of textiles in China until the introduction of cotton from the tenth or eleventh centuries A.D. According to M. Loewe's Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (London, B.T. Batsford, Ltd., 1968), the planting of hemp for the coarse raiment in which most of the population was clothed was already one of the farmer's main occupations in the Han time (202 B.C.-A.D. 200) along with another prime necessity, grain for food. Fragments of a short text on husbandry ascribed to Ts'ui Shih (c. 100-170) set out a yearly programme of activities for the farmer and his household and include instructions on the cultivation and use of hemp. Unfortunately, however, despite the use of hemp clothing by the bulk of the Han population, it is of silk fabrics that most is known today. By the late Sung period in the mid-13th century, ordinary people still wore clothes made of hempen cloth since cotton, too, was a luxury, though its use had begun to spread (see Jacques Gernet Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276 (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1962, p. 130). The description of the planting, preparation, and processing of hemp that follows is taken from pp. 205-208 of Samuel... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 188 NOTES AND QUERIES But luckily for them and for me, the prophet's prediction proved to be an invention of his own, and nobody was injured but his own reputation. Hong Kong, May 1969. JAMES HAYES HEMP A few years ago, I wrote about itinerant Hakka craftsmen who came regularly to some of the New Territories villages to weave locally grown hemp-flax into cloth for making clothes (see the 1968 Journal, pp. 162-165). In the course of reading and making further enquiries, more information has become available that may interest readers of my earlier note on this now relatively obscure subject. A few words of background may serve to show that the disappearance of this crop and this craft from Hong Kong in comparatively recent times signals the end of a practice that must have been followed from time immemorial in this region and elsewhere. Hemp constituted the main source of textiles in China until the introduction of cotton from the tenth or eleventh centuries A.D. According to M. Loewe's Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (London, B.T. Batsford, Ltd., 1968), the planting of hemp for the coarse raiment in which most of the population was clothed was already one of the farmer's main occupations in the Han time (202 B.C.-A.D. 200) along with another prime necessity, grain for food. Fragments of a short text on husbandry ascribed to Ts'ui Shih (c. 100-170) set out a yearly programme of activities for the farmer and his household and include instructions on the cultivation and use of hemp. Unfortunately, however, despite the use of hemp clothing by the bulk of the Han population, it is of silk fabrics that most is known today. By the late Sung period in the mid-13th century, ordinary people still wore clothes made of hempen cloth since cotton, too, was a luxury, though its use had begun to spread (see Jacques Gernet Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250-1276 (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1962, p. 130). The description of the planting, preparation, and processing of hemp that follows is taken from pp. 205-208 of Samuel ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 134 RICHARD J. SMITH 15 Cited in Mary Ferenczy, "Chinese Historiographers' Views on Barbarian-Chinese Relations (14-16th C.), Acta Orientalia, 21.3 (1968), 356-357. 16 See Su Ch'ing-pin, 1-2, 596-597. As might be expected, the vocabulary of submission was highly refined, and often connected with the idea of return (kuei): Some common terms included: "[to come to] adhere to China' (nei-fu); “return and submit” (kuei-fu or kuei-chiang); “return to loyalty" (kuei-chung); “turn toward [Chinese] civilization” (hsiang-hua), etc. Related terms referring to specific values included "return to sincerity" (kuei-ch'eng), "return to right behavior" (kuei-i) and “return to virtue" (kuei-te). For the use of these various expressions in the context of employing foreigners in military affairs, consult Li Te-yü, chüan 2, 8, 10-11; chüan 5, 31, 34; chüan 7, 56-57; chüan 8, 59, 60-61; chüan 13, 101-103, 104, 108-109; chüan 14, 117; chüan 19, 159-160. See also Michael Loewe, "Chinese Relations with Central Asian, 260-90," in the Bulletin of the London School of Oriental and African Studies, 32 (1969), 100. 17 For a discussion of the circumstances under which a foreigner might gravitate to China, see Su Ch'ing-pin, 1-3 and especially 596-597; also Ch'u Tung-tsu, Han Social Structure (Seattle and London, 1972), 138-139; L. S. Yang, "Hostages in Chinese History," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 15 (1952), 512; Wang Yi-t'ung, "Slaves and Other Comparable Social Groups during the Northern Dynasties (386-618)," HJAS, 16 (1953), 295; Yu Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967); Colin Mackerras, trans., The Uighur Empire (Columbia, S.C., 1972) and the numerous works by Henry Serruys in HJAS 17 (1954) and 22 (December, 1957), Oriens Extremus 6 (1959) and 8 (1961), Monumenta Serica 25 (1966), etc. 18 See the informative discussion of Chinese stereotypes regarding barbarians in Earl Swisher, China's Management of the American Barbarians (New Haven, 1951), 43-53. 19 Cited in Yang, "Historical Notes," 28. 20 Ibid., 28-29. 21 Ibid., 31. 22 Ch'ien and Goodrich, 8. "Before the Yuan, people of the Western Regions who served as officials in China were mostly military men; very few distinguished themselves in cultural affairs." 23 See Henry Serruys, "Mongols Ennobled during the Early Ming,” HJAS, 22 (December, 1957). For the use of the term "turning toward Chinese civilization” (hsiang-hua) with reference to the submission of Chinese rebels, see IWSM, TC 12:26. 24 See, for example, Serruys, "Were the Ming against the Mongols," 136ff.; also note 43. 25 Cited in Derk Bodde, China's First Unifier: A Study of the Ch'in Dynasty as Seen in the Life of Li Ssu, 280 (?)-208 B.C. (Leiden, 1938), 14-15. For background on Yu Yü, consult Edouard Chavannes (trans.), Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien (Paris, 1895-1905), II: 40-45; also Shih chi, 5: 15b-17b; 68: 7b-8; 83: 13a-b; 87: 3a-b; 110: 4b. 26 IWSM, TC 79; 11; Ch'ing-chi wai-chiao shih-liao [Historical materials on late Ch'ing foreign relations], (Peiping, 1932; hereafter WCSL) 129: 17. 27 See Yu cited in note 17. 28 See Michael Loewe, "The Campaigns of Han Wu-ti,” in Frank A. Kierman, Jr. and John K. Fairbank, eds., Chinese Ways in Warfare (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 79 and 89; Chun-chu Chang, "Military Aspects of Han ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 45 3. GERNET, Jacques, "Petits Ecarts et Grands Ecarts", pp. 52-69, in J. P. Vernant, a.o., Divination et Rationalité, Paris: Ed. du Seuil, 1974. 4. JORDAN, David K., "Taiwanese Poe Divination; Statistical Awareness and Religious Belief", JSSR, 21 (1982), 114-118. 5. KALTENMARK, Max & NGO van XUYET, "La Divination dans la Chine Ancienne", pp. 333-356, in vol. 1 of A. Caquot & M. Leibovici, Eds., La Divination, 2 vols., Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1968. 6. KARLGREN, Bernhard, Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and Sino-Japanese. Taipei: Ch'eng-wen reprint, 1973 (original edition: Paris, 1923). 7. LENORMANT, Francois, La Divination et la Science des Présages chez les Chaldéens, (Les Sciences Occultes en Asie). Paris: Maisonneuve, 1875. 8. LOEWE, Michael & BLACKER, Carmen eds., Oracles and Divination, Boulder: Shambhala, 1981 ("China" by M. Loewe, pp. 38-62). 9. MATHEWS, R. H., Chinese-English Dictionary. Shanghai, 1931. Revised edition: 1974. 10. MIYAZAKI, Ichisada, "Le Développement de l'Idee de Divination en Chine", pp. 161-165, in Mélanges de Sinologie offerts à Monsieur Paul Demiéville (Bibliothèque de l'Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, vol. 20), Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1966. 11. NEEDHAM, Joseph, Science and Civilization in China, vol. 2, Cambridge University Press, 1956. 12. RICHARD, André, "Scapulimantia", pp. 143-165, in Boas Anniversary Volume. Anthropological Papers written in honor of Franz Boas. New York: G.E. Stechert & Co., 1906. 13. VANDERMEERSCH, Léon, "De la Tortue à l'Achillée", pp. 29-51 in J. P. VERNANT, a.o., Divination et Rationalité, Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1974. 14. NGO van XUYET, Divination, Magie et Politique dans la Chine Ancienne (Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences Religieuses, vol. 78). Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1976. + ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 144 Lattimore (1942) Ogilvie (1969) Rel. & Rit. Toynbee (1971) Wolf (1974) Wolf (1976) Wolf and Huang (1980) Yang (1945) JOHN KARL EVANS R. Lattimore, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs (Urbana, Ill., 1942) = R.M. Ogilvie, The Romans and Their Gods in the Age of Augustus (London, 1969) A.P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1974) = J.M.C. Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World (London, 1971) = A.P. Wolf, “Gods, Ghosts and Ancestors”, in A.P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1974), pp. 131-182 = A.P. Wolf, "Aspects of Ancestor Worship in Northern Taiwan", in W.H. Newell (ed.), Ancestors (The Hague and Paris, 1976), pp. 339-364 - A.P. Wolf and Chieh-shan Huang, Marriage and Adoption in China, 1845-1945 (Stanford, 1980) = M.C. Yang, A Chinese Village: Taitou, Shantung Province (New York, 1945) Translations have been provided by the author for those passages quoted from the Greek and Latin. 2 Cf. CIL 5.1813 (Gemona), where the formula has been shortened to N.F.N.S.N.C; Lattimore (1942), 84 n. 473 plausibly suggests that the second F has been carelessly omitted. 3 The formula appears in slightly modified forms in such disparate communities as Lambaesis in Africa (CIL 8.3463 = ILS 8162), and Lactora in Aquitania (CIL 13.530 = ILS 8163). 4 Epigr. Gr. 595 – IG Rom. 1.313. Cf. Epigr. Gr. 1117 (Bologna), and IG 14.2190 (Rome), where the translation of the Latin formula is still more precise. All of these despairing epitaphs are reminiscent of the teachings of Lucretius, and will remind students of Chinese philosophy of the views on life and death espoused by Wang Ch'ung (A.D. 27 - 97?). He also scoffed at the notion of consciousness after death: "if we suppose that after death a man becomes a ghost, there would be a ghost on every road, and at every step. Should men appear as ghosts after death, then tens of thousands of ghosts ought to be seen. They would fill the halls, throng the courts, and block the streets and alleys, instead of the one or two which are occasionally met with." See A. Forke, Lun-Heng 1. Philosophical Essays of Wang Ch'ung, 2nd ed. rep. (New York, 1962), 193. It therefore follows that sacrifices are useless: "ghosts and spirits are insensible of joy and anger. People may go on sacrificing to them for ever, or completely disregard and forget them, it makes no difference." (Forke 1.524). One Greek inscription, from Astypalaea, requests that food and drink not be brought to the grave, for "corpses have no need for the things of the living:" see J. Geffcken, Griechische Epigramma (Heidelberg, 1916), no. 209. Forke discusses the similarities between Wang Ch'ung and Lucretius at length (supra, 1.13-29); readers unfamiliar with Han philosophy will profit from the brief discussion of Wang Ch'ung in M. Loewe, Chinese Ideas of Life and Death: Faith, Myth and Reason in the Han Period (202 B.C. — A.D. 220) (London, 1982), 12-14, 35-36, 68-70, and 89-90. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 148 JOHN KARL EVANS Society (London, 1952), 175. 34 Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 26-27; Cumont (1922), 3; and Toynbee (1971), 35. 35 J. Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese, 2 (New York, 1865), 401–402. 36 Ahern (1973), 146, 217-244, and 247. 37 Feuchtwang (1974), 107, points out that in the Taiwanese village that he calls Mountainstreet, an odd number of incense sticks are burnt for gods and ghosts, and an even number for the ancestral spirits. Still, deification has been possible; Wang Sung-Hsing, "Taiwanese Architecture and the Supernatural”, in Rel. & Rit., 190-191, cites the striking example of a Japanese police officer named Seijiro Morikawa, who was formally deified after death in recognition of the services which he had performed for the villagers in his district. 38 For these and additional details, see Ahern (1973), 221-228; and R.L. Janelli and D.Y. Janelli, Ancestor Worship and Korean Society (Stanford, 1982), 178. In the village of Taitou, which Yang (1945) investigated, the coffin of the deceased was usually kept at home for one to three months, although in some wealthy households this transitional period might be prolonged for as much as a year (p. 87). Here, with the exception of mock paper money, which was offered periodically, the many paper articles were transferred to the spirit world at the end of the funeral procession itself (p. 89). 39 Thus Hsiao-tung Fei, Peasant Life in China: a Field Study of Country Life in the Yangtze Valley (London, 1939) 30; Hsu (1967), 76; Jordan (1972), 32-33; Ahern (1973), 149; and Wolf (1974), 177. 40 Hsu expresses the same view in his Clan, Caste and Club (Princeton, 1963), 45-46, but here extends it from West Town to "every part of China. 41 Wolf (1974), 160; cf. inter alia, R.F. Johnston, Lion and Dragon in Northern China (New York, 1910), 286-287; Fei, Peasant Life, 78; M. Freedman, "Ancestor Worship: Two Facets of the Chinese Case", in M. Freedman (ed.), Social Organization, Essays Presented to Raymond Firth (Chicago, 1967), 92-93; and Jordan (1972), 97. 42 Wolf (1974), 164-167. 43 Ahern (1973), 199-201. 44 R.L. and D.Y. Janelli, Ancestor Worship and Korean Society, 192, and 195, argue that a wife is much more likely openly to attribute malevolent behavior to the spirit of one of her parents-in-law than her husband, who will be exceedingly reluctant to condemn the mother or father who nurtured him. They go on logically to suggest that "the lower the rate of uxorilocal marriage, the sharper the difference between men's and women's reluctance to acknowledge ancestral hostility." This may account in part for the profound disagreement between the findings of Hsu and Ahern, for as we shall see below, the rate of uxorilocal marriage in the northern Taipei basin, where Ch'i-nan is situated, has approached 15 per cent, while it was closer to 40 per cent in West Town during the period of Hsu's residence. 45 Cf. Jordan (1972), 32-34; Ahern (1973), 248; and especially Feuchtwang (1974), 117. This was no less true of the p'o in the Han period; see Loewe, Chinese Ideas of Life and Death, 26-27. 46 Hsu (1967), 75-76, and 103. i ================================================================================