RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 73 called "Umbrella of Noumenon and Unity" (hun-yüan san A) which is decorated with emeralds and precious pearls of divine power which are threaded together to form the words: "to pack up the universe." When this umbrella is opened, heaven and earth, the sun and the moon, will be covered up by darkness, and when it is rolled the world will be shaken. Mo Li-hai carries a spear and on his back there is a four-stringed guitar (p'i-p'a) which will produce the same effect as the "Blue Cloud Sword" when played on and the four strings correspond to earth, water, fire and wind. Mo Li-shou carries two whips and a bag in which is concealed a peculiar creature resembling a rat, hua hu-tiao (the striped marten). When hurled into the air this creature will assume the shape of an elephant with wings from its ribs and will devour every one. The combat between these four brothers and the heroes from the camp of King Wu can be found in Chs.39-41 of the novel. They are engaged in mortal combat with the Li brothers, Chin-cha, Mu-cha and No-cha in Ch.40. If the reader knows that Li Ching, the fabulous father of these three Li brothers is in fact derived from one of these four heavenly kings, Vaisravana, the ingenuity of the author of this novel can be appreciated, because before the publication of this novel, in many other works Vaisravana and the Chinese god Li Ching, based on the historical hero so named of the Tang dynasty, had long been amalgamated and formed a single name, P'i-sha-mên t'ien-wang Li Ching (Vaisravana or Li Ching, the Heavenly King of Vaisravana). The Chinese transliteration from the Sanskrit "Vaisravana" since the T'ang dynasty has been Pi-sha-mên (R), the last character of which, mên, though senseless in this connection, normally means "gate". Thus, in popular literature, the term P'i-sha-mên lost its original meaning and became the name of the P'i-sha Gate, and it was therefore natural enough to have a heavenly general, like Li Ching, to take charge of it, though in English this may appear peculiar. * In Yang Ching-hsien's (MRK) play T'ang San-tsang Hsi-t'ien Ch’ü-ching (EXRE), Scene 9, we read "P'i-sha-mên hsia Li Tien-wang" (TX) which means the Heavenly King Li under the P'i-sha Gate. In the prompt-book Ch'i-kuo Ch'un-ch'iu P'ing-hua ta (TH), chüan 3, we have "P'i-sha-mên To-t'a Li T'ien-wang" (*XE) or P'i-sha-mên, the Heavenly King Li who holds in his hand a pagoda. Sometimes the story-tellers thought since there was a P'i-sha mên (gate), it was wise to create a palace, called P'i-sha Kung (CE W D). In the Nan-yüeh-chi, Ch. 11, we have "P'i-sha Kung Li Ching Tien-wang" (K*XE). In a long eulogistic poem in Ch. 12 of the Feng-shen, there is a palace in heaven called K'un-sha Kung (R V E) which is obviously an erratum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 74 R The historical figure of Li Ching had long been admitted into the Taoist pantheon. He was, in the year 760, enshrined with Chiang T'ai-kung (B★A or Chiang Shang) as one of the ten famous historical generals. In the anonymous work, Li Wei-kung Pieh-chuan (A4), it is said, "When Li Ching was poor, he took a journey in the valleys and stayed in a cottage. When it was mid-night there came a woman who handed him a vase and said, 'Heaven has instructed you to pour down rain ...' and as we know in the Buddhist legends that it is Virupaksha (not Vaisravana) who is the king of the nagas, we understand that even in the T'ang dynasty the popular mind could not properly distinguish the function of these guardians of Mt. Sumeru. In an inscription on a tablet erected in the Temple of Vaisravana in Ning-hwa District (LM), Fukien, dated about 920, we read, P'i-sha-mên (Vaisravana) is a Sanskrit word which means "universal or much hearing" (to-wên SH). He dwells on the north of Mt. Sumeru, in the crystal palace, and is the chief of yakshas,10 From this narrative we see why in so many Chinese records it has become an undeniable fact that yakshas are believed to live at the bottom of the seas with the dragon-kings in marvellous crystal palaces loaded with wonderful treasures. The legends of these two heavenly kings have long been mixed in the popular mind." As Li Ching was such a famous historical hero, the Taoist priests could not forgive themselves if they failed to utilize his prestige. It is said in an anonymous work of the T'ang dynasty, Yuan Hsien Chi (E), that Li Ching was still alive in the epoch of Ta Li (766-779) and became a Taoist immortal, In addition to the book on military strategy attributed to him in the Bibliography of the Hsin T'ang-shu (MEBOXZ), the Taoist priests also ascribed to him some canonical texts dealing 12 • Hsin T'ang-shu (), Ch. 15, Li-yüeh Chih (M), 5. • Ku-chin Shuo-hai (546), Shuo-yüan Pu (R), Vol. chi (2) Also Tsung-shu Chi-ch'êng Ch'u-pien (£). 10 See Ninghwa Hsien-chih ("Annals of the Ninghwa District") of the Ming dynasty, quoted in Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng (4), Shên-1 Tien (R), chüan 54. The essay was composed by Huang T'ao () for Wang Shen-chih (E). 11 In the Ta-Tang San-tsang Ch'ü-ching Shih-hua (ERR), chüan 1, “...A" ("To-day, Vaisravana of the Indra Heaven, the Guardian of the North, will feed Buddhist priests in the Crystal Palace.") 12 Quoted in Chiu Hsiao-shuo (R), 2nd Series, Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1910. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 127 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members at 28th February, 1961. ABRAHAM, R. D. Aide-de-Camp AKERS JONES, D. Allen, H. W. ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. BAIRD, J. W. BARD, Dr. S. M. BARNETT, K. M. A. BARON, D. W. B. BARR, J. S. BASTO, G. de BARTON, T. The Hon. H. D. M. BAUER, Miss H. BEIDLER, P. BERTUCCIOLI, G. P. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. L. BLACKMORE, M. BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. BONSALL, G. W. BRAGA, J. M. BRAWN, Squadron Ldr. W. N. H. BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BRIMMELL, J. H. BROOKS, D. E. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. BUSH, R. C. BYRNE, D. J. CALLAHAN, G. W. CHAN, Dr. H. C. CHAU, The Hon. Sir Tsun-Nin CHENG, Dr. Irene CHENG, T. C. CHEUNG, Oswald 41 Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K.Government House, H.K. N. Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kln.U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. H.K.U.Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. H.K.U.P.O. Box 248, H.K. 361 The Peak, H.K.Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 604 Fu House, 7 Ice House Street, H.K.Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. U.S.L.S., U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.U.S. Embassy, Saigon, Vietnam Ministero degli Esteri, RomeFar East Mansions, Apt. 5-H, Kln. Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co., Alexandra House, H.K.Dept. of History, H.K.U. H.K.U.P.O. Box 951, H.K. Air Headquarters, H.K.86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Flat 4, 12 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. Radio Hong Kong86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Tao Fong Shan, Shatin, N.T.China Light & Power Co., Ltd., Argyle Street, Kln. Apt. 23, Kellett Grove, The Peak, H.K.Bank of Canton Building, H.K. 8 Queen's Road West, H.K.Education Dept., Fung House, 5th fl., H.K. S.C.A. Fire Brigade Building, H.K.1002 Alexandra House, H.K. Page 127 Page 127 Page 127 Page 128 Page 128 Page 128 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 129 HAINES, Miss F. 10-F Headland Road, H.K. HALLIDAY, Lt. Col, P. A. T. Headquarters Land Forces, H.K. HARRISON, Prof. B. Dept. of History, H.K.U. HAYDON, E. S. The Supreme Court, H.K. HAYE, C. Education Dept., Fung House, H.K. HAYIM, E. J. 41 Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. HELLBECK, Dr. H. German Consulate-General, 1 Duddell St., 4th fl. H.K. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. HINDMARSH, R. H. Hong Kong Club, H.K. HO Teh-Kuei 61 Fort St. 3rd fl., North Point, H.K. HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, D. R. N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. HOLMES, G. M. 9 Chater Hall, 1 Conduit Road, H.K. HOLMES, The Hon. J. C. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. HORSMAN, Miss A. M. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. HOOK, B. G. Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. HORTON, J. R. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. HOWARD-WILLIAMS, E. D. The British Council, 133 Gloucester Building, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. Leigh & Orange, P. & O. Building, H.K. HSIA Tung Pei 12 Ming Yuen Street W., 3rd fl. North Point, H.K. HUANG Sheng-Fu P.O. Box 9066, Kowloon City Post Office, Kowloon. HUGHES, G. M. American International Assurance Co. Ltd., H.K. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. HUNG, C. S. 19, Hec Wong Terrace, 1st fl., H.K. INGLES, Miss J. M. Government House Lodge, H.K. JACOBSON, H. W. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. JONES, Dr. J. R. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. KAMATH, F. M. de Mello Commission of India, Tower Court, H.K. KAY, B. Flat 4, 52 Island Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. KEOWN, W. C. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KHAN, Dr. L. A. M.O., Tai Lam Prison, N.T. KIDD, S. T. N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. 2 University Drive, H.K. KNOWLES, W. C. G. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. Tao Fong Shan, Shatin, N.T. KUNG, Mrs. T. P. 8 Sunning Road, 2nd fl., H.K. KVAN, Rev. E. St. John's College, H.K.U. KWOK Chan, The Hon. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES 97 J, FUNG Yiu Tsan, residing at No. 69 in this village, have a farm hut and a piece of waste threshing ground at Lot Nos. 94 and 95, which I hereby sell to a junior clansman FUNG Tak Yau, because I am old, have no son to support me and cannot make a living or obtain the money I need by borrowing. The price agreed upon is twenty-four silver dollars. This has been paid in full, after weighing, to me personally; the money is to be taken home for me to spend; hereafter the above-named payer will assume ownership of the farm hut and waste threshing ground, including the walls, tiles, ordure pit and boundary stones. From now on no arbitrary claims may be made, for this sale is voluntary and payment has been made in full and as agreed. This agreement is irrevocable. Should this property be found to have been acquired under suspicious circumstances, the vendor alone will be held responsible; the above payer is not liable. This written agreement is hereby prepared as proof and for retention by FUNG Tak Yau. Another, drawn up during the difficult days of the Japanese occupation in 1942 reads, This deed of sale on land is drawn up by the vendor CHAN Wan Shing. Because he has not money for purchasing provisions, he first offered to sell to his kinsfolk the nine plots of land, total area three dau chung, located at Nam Pei Tau in Shek Pik Village, bequeathed to him by his grandfather, but none of them are interested. Then, through the medium of a middleman, KWOK Lai Pai of Tai O was approached and he undertook to buy them at a current price of $165.00. Again, through the middleman, CHAN Wan Shing has received a sum of $165 for himself, and with effect from the date of this deed, the lots will become the permanent property of KWOK Lai Pai. For fear that verbal agreement may not constitute evidence, this deed is executed as a certificate to confirm the transaction. During a land court held during the Shek Pik settlement just as a case was being settled in the present possessor's favour in default of proof of the plaintiff's contention that the original document was a mortgage and not a sale (and therefore redeemable, according to custom, despite subsequent transactions) the defendant pulled out a new sheaf of papers for inspection. Among them was a white deed which proved to be the original mortgage of 1918. He thereby defeated his own case. It turned out that he had never bothered to read the papers handed over to him with the white deed of sale drawn up during the Japanese Occupation. Similarly, a sixty year old mortgage elsewhere on Lantau which was discovered in the land registers when succession was being determined, was honoured by the mortgagees, though grudgingly, the real point at issue being the amount of compensation and not the return of the land, as no figure was stated in the original entry. 12 This is recognised in the provisions of the New Territories Ordinance Cap. 97 where the registration of a so manager in the Land Office is obligatory. A change of manager can only be secured after the vacancy has been filled at a properly advertised clan meeting and notices of election, posted by the District Office, have expired without objection, Prospective sales of two land have to be reported to the Assistant Land Officer (the D.O.) and advertised by him, again without objection, before a sale is allowed. Trustees, too, are not permitted to sell land belonging to minors unless the Land Officer has given his ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 102 J. W. HAYES there are sometimes several. As a general rule they are small buildings, but the major clans have constructed large high spacious buildings with several courtyards and side rooms. Among the largest in the New Territories are the ancestral temples of branches of the TANG clan at Ping Shan and Ha Tsuen near Yuen Long. These are fine and impressive buildings but are not, unfortunately, kept in good repair. Much of the opposition to the British troops in 1898 was planned in the ancestral hall at Ha Tsuen. Beside the Ping Shan hall there is a school/library building, now used as a private residence. 53 The reason is always said to be lack of funds though I suspect a lack of leadership is also a prime factor. The clan usually waits until something is seriously wrong, by which time it is often too late; a storm completes the ruination. There seems to be some truth in this as I have found newly built ancestral halls in several villages, e.g. the CHEUNG ancestral hall at Lo Wai, Pui O which was rebuilt in 1960 on a new site, the old one having been in ruins for twenty years. 54 Clan worship at the graves still goes on, but is much more informal than in 1898. Mr. TANG Kiu-fong of Fui Sha Wai, a retired schoolmaster, previously quoted, who was born in 1894, tells me that when he was a boy the ceremony was taken very seriously. Everyone wore the long robe, elders were carried to the graves in sedan chairs, and male members of the clan were drawn up in ranks by generations and worshipped in strict seniority, under the direction of a master of ceremonies. 55 These ancestral obligations often imposed considerable inconvenience and up to several days' travel for the whole family. Mr. CHEUNG Yau of Tai Ping village, North Lamma, (b. 1883) tells me that his grandfather settled on Lamma Island from his native village of Wai Tau in the Lam Tsuen valley in the present Tai Po district. Ever since he can remember, and until old age interfered with visits a few years ago, he has gone back to his ancestral village at least three times a year, as dictated by custom. For the first twenty-five years there was no railway and his family used to go by junk to Kowloon and walk the rest of the way, children included. Others went further afield. Mr. LAM Shue Chun, Chairman of the Peng Chau Rural Committee, told me that his family went regularly to their ancestral village of Nam Leng Wai in Po On, north of the border, and were interrupted in their journeys first by the Japanese and latterly by the Communists. He has been twice since 1942 and an uncle has been visiting fairly regularly up to last year. The family travelled to Kowloon by junk, then used the railway and had a long walk from Sham Chon Market. Sometimes there was no need to go from home as contact had been lost with the ancestral village which was too far away. 56 They were full at any time. There is an interesting count of travel on the Colony's border roads and the Shum Chun ferries taken 11th and 12th December 1905 in Enclosure E to Despatch No. 59 in Correspondence relating to Kowloon-Canton Railway already quoted. The first was a market day, when the count of persons, with and without goods, roughly doubled the figures for the second, or ordinary day. On the two main ferries, for instance, the count on December 11 was with goods 1126, without goods 1379 and on the Shum Chun-Sha Tau Kok road 521 and 1302. On the day following the figures were 468 and 1124, and 158 and 550 respectively. At New Year and the two grave festivals the number must have been very much increased. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 128 CHAN, Dr. H. C. - CHAN, Hok-lam, William CHAU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin CHENG, T. C... CHEONG-LEEN, Hilton · CHEUNG, Oswald - CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph CHIU, Ling-yeong CHOA, Dr. Gerald H.- CLARK, Mrs. N. E. COHN, Dr. A. J.- COLE, Martin + CRANMER-BYNG, J. L. CUMINE, E. · - + T Bank of Canton Building, 5th floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, Shatin, New Territories, 8, Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. c/o S.C.A., Fire Brigade Building H.K. G.P.O. Box 584, 310 Yu To Sang Bldg., Hong Kong. 1002, Alexandra House, Hong Kong. 9, Village Road, 1st floor, Hong Kong. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 167, Yee Kuk Street, 3rd floor, Shumshuipo, Kowloon. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Leisham Court, 6/F., "F", Hong Kong. 16, Conduit Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong. 14, Embassy Court, Hong Kong. CUMMING, Mount Stephen e/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union DAIKO, Paul - T DAVIES, Miss Ann Carol DAVIS, Dr. S. G.- DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. - DENNYS, Miss Sylvia M. DJOU, G. G. - DONOHUE, Hon. Peter DRAKE, Mrs. F. S. DRAKE, Prof. F. S. L House. L P. O. Box 201, Hong Kong. ■ J L + DRAKEFORD, Louis Samuel DUNCANSON, J. D. - + DUNT, Percy EDWARDS, O. P. ENDACOTT, G. B. ENGEL, Dr. D. - 2, Friston, 15, Old Peak Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Geography and Geology, Hong Kong University, c/o Education Department, Battery Path, Hong Kong. c/o Economic Survey Section, 804 Man Yee Bldg., H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. 12/14 Queen's Road, Central, Hong Kong. Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. 92 Bonham Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Chinese, Hong Kong University, Hong Kong. 25, Chatham Road, 11th floor, Front, Kin. c/o Barclays Bank (D.C.O.), 1 Cockspur Street, London, S.W.1. England. P. O. Box 94, Hong Kong. c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Dept. of History, Hong Kong University, Hong Kong. 542 Alexandra House, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 130 HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha - Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. HINDMARSH, Robert Henry c/o Hong Kong Club, Hong Kong. HO, Hung-pong HO, Teh-kuei - c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., Hong Kong, 61, Fort Street, 3/F., North Point, H.K. HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, D. R., C.B.E. HORSMAN, Miss A. M. HOWORTH, J. F. HSIA, Tung-pei HUANG, Sheng-fu HUGHES, G. M. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. (Marion) HUGHES, Prof. W. Ieuan HUNG, C. S. INGLES, Miss J. M. JACKSON, R. N. JONES, J. R., C.B.E. KAY, Bernard H. KEOWN, W. C. - N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. KEYES, Michael Patton - Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. KHAN, Dr. Latif Ahmed - c/o Leigh & Orange, P. & O. Building, H.K. KIDD, S. T. - 131B Wanchai Building, 8/F, 131 Wanchai Rd.. H.K. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. KNOWLES, W. C. G. - P. O. Box 6870, Kowloon Post Office, Kln. L KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. - c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. KVAN, Rev. Erik - American International Assurance Co. Ltd. American International Building, H.K. KWOK, Hon. Chan - RBL 175, Sassoon Road, Hong Kong. KWOK, Miss Rose Y. KWOK, Walter - Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. LACEY, John A. - 19, Hee Wong Terrace, 1/F., Hong Kong. LAI, T. C. - Government House. Garden Road, H.K. St. John's College, H.K. University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Hong Kong. 7 Arbuthnot Road, Hong Kong. 39-B, Estoril Court, Hong Kong. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. No. 3, Church Bank, Richmond Road, Bowdon, Cheshire, England. 131 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 150 BOYD, J. D. I. BRAGA, J. M. - BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BRUUN, F. - A-1 9th Floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. - P. O. Box 951, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Fisheries Research Station. The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen. Radio Hong Kong, Rodney Block, G/F., Wellington Barracks, H.K. 908, Takshing House, H.K. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. - 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. BYRNE, D. J. - CALCINA, P. G. * CHAN, Dr. H. C. - CHAN, Hok-lam CHAN, Leonard + CHAU, Hon. Sir T. N. *- CHAU, Wah-ching CHENG, T. C.. CHEONG-LEEN, Hilton + c/o China Light & Power Co., Ltd. Argyle St., Kowloon. Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th Floor, H.K. Bank of Canton Building, H.K. c/o Department of History, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o Pâzer Corporation, G.P.O. 323, H.K. 8, Queen's Road, West, H.K. English Department, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. United College of H.K., Bonham Road, H.K. G.P.O. Box 584, 310 Yu To Sang Building, H.K. CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. 4 Felix Villas, Pokfulum, H.K. CHEUNG, O. CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph - CHIU, Miss B. T. CHIU, Ling-yeong CHOA, Dr. G. H. CHOW, Edward T. CLARK, Mrs. N. E. COHN, Dr. A. J. - COLE, M. 1002, Alexandra House, H.K. 9, Village Road, 1st Floor, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Department of Botany, The University, H.K. 167, Yee Kuk Street, 3rd Floor, Shumshuipo, Kowloon. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3 Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. 71, Peak Road, H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th Floor, "F", H.K. 16, Conduit Road, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 154 HSUEH, Dr. C. T. HUGHES, G. M. - HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. * HUGHES, W. I. - HUNG, C. S. INGLES, Miss J. M. INGLETON, N. J. C. JACKSON, R. N. JONES, Dr. J. R.* KELLY, Miss E. KEOWN, W. C. - KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. KNIGHTLY, F. J. H + - + Department of History, The University, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Bldg., H.K. RBL 175, Sassoon Road, H.K. Department of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. 19, Hee Wong Terrace, 1st Floor, H.K. Government House, Garden Road, H.K. Tung Hai Navigation Co., 802, Grand Building, H.K. The Registry, H.K. University. H.K. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. c/o Butterfield & Swire, (H.K.) Ltd., Union House, H.K. c/o Jardine. Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. M. O. Tai Lam Prison, N.T. N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magis- tracy, Kowloon. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. - 2, University Drive, H.K. The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn.. H.K. KNOWLES, Hon. W. C. G.* c/o Butterfield & Swire Ltd., Union House. H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* c/o Butterfield & Swire Ltd., Union House, KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. KVAN, Rev. E. * KWAN, Hon. C. Y. * KWOK, Hon. Chan * KWOK Miss Rose Y. KWOK, W. LACEY, J. A. L - - - H.K. Pink House, 8-B Shatin Heights, N.T. St. John's College, Hong Kong University. Pokfulum, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Hang Seng Bank Building, Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 7 Arbuthnot Road, H.K. 39-B Estoril Court, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r FENG CHAU 83 contributed a joss-stand table to the temple in the first year of the Tao Kwang period (1821) and a ferry from Shek Lung was one of the donors in 1878. Three local ferries are also listed on the tablet. According to local information36 two of them, each capable of taking a load of 40-50,000 catties (approximately 24-30 tons), sailed between Peng Chau and Chan Tsuen #in LANTAU Yee Pak. Tai Tei Wan Nim Shue Wan Cheung Sha Lan PENG CHÂU Hung Shui Kau Shat Wan SILVER MINE BAY (Man Kok MILAL 'NEI KWU CHAU Peng Chau and Surrounding Area the Delta, whilst the third, which was smaller with a load capacity of 10,000 catties (about 6 tons), plied at need between Peng Chau and the local ports of Hong Kong, Kowloon, Cheung Chau and Tsuen Wan. The goods carried from the Delta towns were ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 163 LECKIE, J, B. H. LEE, Harold W. LEE, J. S. LEE, Hon. R. C.* LEUNG, Kai-cheong + LI, Shi-yi LI, T. K. LI, Dr. Tsoo-yiu* LINDSAY, T. J. LINDSAY, Mrs. B. E. LIU, D. H. LIU, Dr. Tsun-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Chin-tang LO, Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, F. B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. LUM, Miss Ada* LUPTON, G. C. M. LYM, Miss R. M. - MA, Meng MCBAIN, E. B. MACCABE, Miss E. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. + + + - + P. O. Box 94, H.K. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. c/o Registration Section, Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon. 49, Village Road, Ground floor, H.K. 1C-3C Broom Road, H.K. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 26 Severn Road, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. c/o Faculty of Oriental Studies, Australian National University, Box 197, Post Office, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia. Dept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass, USA. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon. The District Officer, Taipo, N.T. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. New Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 The Dialects of Hong Kong Boat People fong 'square', kong 'harbor'. fu ‘lake', & u ‘black', fu 'to transfer'. ku ‘ancient', 59 -ui k sui 'water', kui 'sentence', hui 'sea', ui 'to love', cui ‘mouth'. lui 'long time', lui 'to come', cui 'crime', fi sui ‘tax', -ut ut 'life'. -uk muk 'wood', buk 'to cry', fuk 'wealthy', iuk 'meat', luk 'green', fè cuk ‘common', -un fun 'broad', thun 'to swallow', un 'to change', pun 'native', iun 'round', † chun 'inch'. tung ‘east', iung ‘old man', chung 'insect', hung 'to bear', #chung 'to follow', hung 'breast', iung ‘to use'. -ung sung 'to send', lung 'to farm', -o A ng 'five', m2 'not'.15 III. Conclusions At this point it is possible to make some comment on the original question, 'How does the language of the Kau Sai Boat People compare with Standard Cantonese?' Obviously the two are not the same but equally obviously KS is well within the limits of phonological diversity found within the Cantonese sub-dialects of Kwangtung and Kwangsi Province. Although the criteria are not available for making precise objective statements on the differences between closely related speech groups, in impressionistic terms KS phonology is much closer to SC than are many other subdialects of the Cantonese group. Any naive speaker of SC, that is, one with no experience outside his own subdialect, might recognize KS as a distinct accent but he would probably have no great difficulty in carrying on a conversation. On the other hand, some of the Szeyap forms might frustrate communication altogether. Unfortunately it will take a good deal of cooperation between the linguist and the psychologist before we have the techniques for making quantitative statements about cross-dialect intelligibility; my comment on this score are at best educated guesses. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 108 BOOK REVIEWS use all over the country, including Peking, are ching1 cheng4, meaning 'compete, competition' and cheng4ch'a2, 'struggle'. The character ch'a2 means 'verbose, slander'. But Goodrich's dictionary links it with tsui3 to mean 'interrupt in speaking' (page 5). This is wrong. The correct character is 1, meaning 'insert, drive into', which is also pronounced ch'a2, but written differently. Despite the great number of character entries, I have chanced to discover that a rather commonplace character t'o3 (oval, elliptical), is missing. Only the list of abbreviated characters at the end of the book gives this character and its abbreviated form, but, of course, not its meaning. Also missing is the character when pronounced k'a3 and used in the expression 1 k'a3p'ien4 to mean ‘card' or 'visiting card'. Another defect of the dictionary is that there exists some minor inconsistency in the romanization system. The circumflex accent which is seen over ‘e' in ‘ên' and ‘êng' in almost all cases such as chên, fên, hên, jên, kên, mên chêng, fêng hàng 'shen' on page 17, kêng, mêng, shêng, têng is missing in 'leng' on page 120 and 'neng' on page 143. Finally, there is a misprint on page xvii. The title at the top of the page should read "A Group Of Four Cycles A.D. 1804 - 2043" instead of "A.D. 1804 - 2064". There is a difference of 21 years. JOHN T. S. CHEN JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL STUDIES, Vol. V, Nos. 1 and 2 (1959 and 1960), Hong Kong University Press, 1965. Two articles in the Chinese language for which English summaries are given form the beginning of this volume. Ho Ke-en submits his research on the origin and geographical distribution of the Tan Tribe (Tan Chia) on pp. 1-40. A shorter article by Jao Tsung-i deals with the "Calligraphy in the Tun-huang Scrolls" and is accompanied by twenty-four plates presenting examples of calligraphy concerning varied subjects. Five studies in the English language follow on pp. 45-173. Herbert V. Guenther begins his "The Philosophical Background ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 118 NOTES AND QUERIES half of the century could be made subsequently. This is a job for an historical geographer and I suggest that the Department of Geography in the University of Hong Kong would be the proper place in which to undertake this project. Such a map should then be printed and sold through the University Press. This would be a useful tool which scholars increasingly need as they dig deeper into the history of China's relations with the West in this part of Kwangtung and as the early history of the Colony of Hong Kong is more fully studied. While on this subject of local history I would like to take up a few points concerning the article entitled "A Reconnaissance of Ma Wan and Lantao Islands in 1794" by Mr. A. Shepherd and myself and published in Volume 4 of this journal. At the time this article was written Mr. Shepherd was a Lecturer in the Geography Department of Hong Kong University and I was a member of the History Department there. On page 115, the seventh line from the bottom, we wrote that in 1821 the Kwang-tung authorities were much stricter in enforcing anti-opium regulations. It would have been truer to have said "from 1821 onwards." One of the virtues of Dr. Chang Hsin-pao's recently published book Commissioner Lin and the Opium War is that he gives ample evidence from Chinese sources to show that the Canton authorities had taken energetic and successful measures to prevent opium smuggling in the Pearl River before the arrival of Commissioner Lin in Canton in March 1839. Both Juan Yuan as Governor-General of the two Kwangs from 1817 until 1826 and later Teng T'ing-chen who was Governor-General from 1836 until 1840 took a tough line against Chinese opium smugglers within the Pearl River before Commissioner Lin arrived. I would like to add these few corrections to this article: On page 118 note 25, the name Tung Ku should read Lung Ku or Lung Kwu Chau. In note 26 for Tulse read Hulse. In note 27: the photographs are printed between pages 114-115 and were taken by me in 1963. Finally, we would like to acknowledge the help which we received in writing this article from Mr. James Hayes, Mr. Webb-Johnson and Mr. G. B. Endacott. J. L. CRANMER-BYNG ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 135 KUMMER, Dr. M. KURATA, Mrs. L. C. - KVAN, Rev. E.* - - KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* KWOK, Chan* KWOK, Walter LAI, T. C. LAM, Yung-fai LANDOLT, M. A. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAW, Chung-kam LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. - LAWRY, Mrs. B. C. LAWRY, R. E. L LECKIE, J. B. H. - LEE, Din-yi LEE, Harold W. LEE, J. S. LEE, The Hon. R. C.*. LEUNG, Kai-cheong LEUNG, Pak-kui LI, Dr. Choh-ming - LI, Shi-yi LI, T. K. Г + Goethe-Institut, German Cultural Centre, 6th floor, Caxton House, H.K. 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada. St. John's College, The University, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddel St., H.K. 20 Coombe Road, Flat B-4, H.K. Brentwood College, Cobble Hill P.O., Vancouver Island, B.C., Canada. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. Victoria Heights, 43-A Stubbs Rd., Flat 1-A, H.K. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. A9, Bowen Hill, 10 Peak Road, H.K. British Council, 1st floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Union Insurance Society of Canton, Ltd., Union House, H.K. United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K. + The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon. 49, Village Road, Ground floor, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 The Hanlin Academy 103 From 1647 onwards, probationers were required to study either the Manchu language or the Chinese Classics. The number of probationers taking the Manchu course, however, declined as time went on. In the reign of Yung-cheng, only about fifteen scholars were ordered to read the Manchu course, the rest, about forty, took the Chinese course.9 In the next reign (Ch'ien-lung), the aggregate number of probationers studying the Manchu course was about ten each year, and even this small number would sometimes be reduced, as those who took long sick leaves would change to study the Chinese course after their return.10 The qualification for taking up the Manchu course was physical rather than literary. Only the young and the good-looking with a pleasant voice were selected. Presumably, the reason for such a choice is that probationers studying the Manchu course would have more contacts with the Emperor and senior officials than the others. They were the persons likely to be selected as masters of ceremony in official ceremonies. In the pursuit of the course, the probationers would be called upon to study the "History of the Liao dynasty, the Chin dynasty, and the Yüan dynasty" (Liao Chin Yüan shih), "the Sacred Edicts of the Emperor Hung-wu, the first Emperor of the Ming dynasty" (Hung-wu pao-hsün), the "Daily Exposition of the Meaning of the Book of Great Learning" (Ta-hsüeh yen-i jih-chiang) and the "Commentaries of the Four Books" (Szu-shu chieh-i).11 12 Probationers doing research work on the Chinese texts took lessons in Chinese Classics, history and poetry. Together with those reading the Manchu language, they had to sit for a final examination after three years of study. Probationers studying the Manchu course were tested on their ability to translate from Chinese to Manchu and vice versa, whereas those reading the Chinese Classics were each ordered to compose a poem of set form or a piece of irregular verse and to write an argumentative discussion or an eight-legged essay.13 Notice that the final examination of the probationers laid emphasis on the literary skill of writing essays and poems rather than on administrative knowledge. This was because of the need to distinguish "real" from "false" talent among the candidates. Themes on administrative problems, useful though they might be in testing the practical knowledge of candidates when they were original, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 180 KURATA, Mrs. L. C. - KVAN, Rev. Erik* KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* KWOK, Chan* KWOK, Walter LAI, T. C. + LAM, Jahn Cho Han LAM, Yung-fai 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada. Dept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. L - The Library, United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 9A Bonham Road, H.K. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. B. T. J. c/o Mrs. G. W. Lanchester, 4 Fung Shui, LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. - + LAWRY, Mrs. B. C. LAWRY, R. E. LECKIE, J. B. H. LEE, Din-yi LEE, J. S.* LEE, The Hon. R. C.* - LEUNG, Kai-Cheong LEUNG, Pak-kui LEVIN, Burton LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi J 50 Plantation Road, H.K. Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland, Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. A9, Bowen Hill, 10 Peak Road, H.K. British Council, 1st floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium, United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. 19-B, Caine Road, 6th Floor, H.K. 44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 158 NOTES AND QUERIES THE CHAN FAMILY OF TSEUNG KWAN O The village of Tseung Kwan O (4) is situated in the Hang Hau sub-district of the New Territories. It stands at the head of the bay of the same name, which is the northern inlet of Junk Bay. The village is said to derive its name of "a general's bay" from its resemblance to a general's armour in a geomantic sense. The village is a small one; two rows of houses of the single room type. It is surrounded by padi fields, which in front stretch down to the sea, and behind climb up the stream valley in many terraces to the Clear Water Bay Road and the village of Tseng Lan Shue (##). Although the village is but a short distance from Kowloon as the crow flies, it was, until recently, difficult to reach and thus remained largely unaffected by urban influences. Now, however, the bay has been made the home of the Colony's ship breaking industry and both shores are being reclaimed for steel rolling mills. The village itself is compact and was perhaps originally walled. Because of this, the fact that it is situated at the mouth of the stream, and because it possesses a large area of fields, it is not surprising to find that the village is inhabited by Cantonese (or Punti) in an area where most of the other villages in the highlands are Hakka. It is also not surprising that this village was founded at an earlier date than the Hakka villages in the same district.2 The village includes a number of surnames, but the main clan is the Chan (陳). Although this clan does not now possess an official genealogy or tsuk po (族譜), having destroyed it during the Japanese occupation, they maintain records of their family for 26 generations, dating back to the Southern Sung dynasty (1127-1279), the first recorded ancestor being reputed, as is usual, to be a successful scholar and official. During the Sung, this branch moved from Kiangsi to Nam Tau, the district capital of the present Po On district. In their travels, they followed the route of many of the old Cantonese families of the New Territories area. The village itself was founded by the 16th generation at the beginning of the Ching dynasty (1644-1911), approximately the same date of foundation as the other large Cantonese villages of the Sai Kung district.4 Page 165 Page 166 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 197 KLEIN, Prof. Leonard - - Flat C, 4/F, 70 Conduit Road, H.K. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. KNIGHTLY, F. J. + KNOWLES, Miss Moira G. - Training & Examinations Unit, Electric House, 22A Ice House Street, H.K. KNOWLES, Dr. W. C. G.* - Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England, KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* As above. KOCH, Mrs. Renate B. c/o American Embassy, Djakarta, Indonesia. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. Gemeindestrasse 21, 8032 Zurich, Switzerland. KURATA, Mrs. L. C. 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada, KVAN, Rev. Erik* Dept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K KWAN, The Hon. C. Y.* Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. KWOK, Robert Chin-kung. Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. KWOK, Walter 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. LAI, T. C.* The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. LAM, Yung-fai c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. - + - LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. 4 Fung Shui, 50 Plantation Road, H.K. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland. LAU, Michael Wai-mai Fung Ping Shan Museum, The University, H.K. LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. LECKIE, J. B. H. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britainia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4. Belgium. LEE, Din-yi United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. LEE, J. S.* 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. LEE, Hon. R. C.* Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. LETHBRIDGE, H. J. c/o Dept. of Economics, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. LEUNG, Pak-kui 44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K. LEVIN, Burton c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. + + + * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d KOCH, Mrs. Renate B. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. KURATE, Mrs. L. C. KVAN, Rev. Erik* KWAN, Hon. C. Y.* KWOK, Robert Chin-kung KWOK, Walter LAI, T. C.* LAM, Yung-fai 39 Shouson Hill Road, B5, H.K. 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland, 209 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada. Dept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. 4 Fung Shui, 50 Plantation Road, H.K. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Michael Wai-mei LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. LECKIE, J. B. H. LEE, Din-yi LEE, Mrs. Dorothea LEE, J. S.* LEE, Hon. R. C.* LETHBRIDGE, H. J. LEUNG, Pak-kui LEVIN, Burton LEVY, Andre LI, Dr. Choh-ming Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland. Fung Ping Shan Museum, The University, H.K. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium. United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. c/o UTC Far East Ltd., G.P.O. Box 13044, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of Economics, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 5 Tung Shan Terrace, B2 Stubbs Road, H.K The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 191 KANN, P. R. - KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H.- KESSELRING, Dr. R. KESWICK, H. KESWICK, S. L. KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. · KINOSHITA, J. H. KJELLBERG, Carl C:son KJELLBERG, Mrs. I. - KNIGHTLY, F. J. KNOWLES, Miss M. G. - KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. - KURATA, Mrs. Mary F. KVAN, Rev. E.* KWAN, H.C., Sir Cho-yiu" KWOK, Chin-Kung KWOK, W. LAI, T. C.* LAM, Yung-fai · T - The Wall Street Journal, 1 Branksome Towers May Road, H.K. P. O. Box 16004, H.K. Unknown. German Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K, c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O, Box 70, H.K, As above. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., 3 Lombard Street, London, E.C.3, England. 1, Wing Ying Mansion, 2/F, Soare's Ave., Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. 55, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Training & Examinations Unit, Electric House, 22A Ice House Street, H.K. Wakes Colne Place, Nr, Colchester, Essex, England. 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland. 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada, Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. Extra-Mural Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 12th Floor, Star House, Kowloon. c/o Ye Olde Printeric Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. Highclere (Middle Flat), 3 Middle Gap Rd., H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 BOOK REVIEWS 211 to a local princess. Fifteen years later he hears that his mother and several members of his family are guarding the Chinese border very close to where he is. When the play starts, he is longing to see his own people again, and his wife, the princess, makes him admit the reason for his sadness to her and also his identity. She agrees to help him to get out of the barbarian camp on condition that he comes back the next day. The most dramatic moment of the play is the brief encounter between Ssu Lang and his mother and his first Chinese wife. However, he keeps his word and returns. The second play is a farce. The philosopher Chuang Tzu tests his wife. He pretends to be dead and reappears under the form of a young handsome scholar. He seduces his wife and even persuades her to break open the coffin in which her husband lies to remove his heart to make a medicine for him. However, when the wife opens the coffin, the philosopher reappears and confounds her. She commits suicide from shame. Besides the translations, the book also includes a general introduction to Chinese opera, some photographs of scenes from the two plays, detailed explanations of extracts from Ssu Lang visits his mother (the latter have been recorded on tape and are available from the publisher), a glossary of Chinese theatre terms and an index. By choosing these two plays, the author has presented nearly all the different kinds of Chinese opera characters (only the painted faces are not represented). Both plays are very well known and often played; for example here in Hong Kong, by the Chun Chau Peking Opera School in Lai Chi Kok Amusement Park. Ssu Lang visits his mother was, moreover, played two months ago in the City Hall by a group of amateurs; and famous airs from this opera are as well known to the Chinese as are the famous airs of Verdi to Italians. The background explanation is an excellent summing-up of what must be known in order to enjoy a Chinese opera; and if one wants to know more, one can read the Chinese Classical Theatre by the same author. This earlier book speaks in generalities, but here A. C. Scott gives two precise examples and shows how the principles of Chinese operas work in a given play. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 224 KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. - - KESSELRING, Dr. R. KESWICK, H. KESWICK, S. L. KEYES, M. P. - KIDD, S. T. - KINOSHITA, J. H. KJELLBERG, Carl C:son KJELLBERG, Mrs. I. KNIGHTLY, F. J. - KNOWLES, Miss M. G. - - P. O. Box 16004, H.K. Unknown. German Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., 3 Lombard Street, London, E.C.3, England. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. 55, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Training & Examinations Unit, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. - 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland. KURATA, Mrs. Mary F. KVAN, Rev. E.* G 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada. c/o Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, H.K. KWAN, Hon. Sir Cho-yiu* - Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. KWOK, Chin-kung KWOK, W. LAI, T. C* LAM, Yung-faj c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. Extra-Mural Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 12th Floor, Shui Hing House, Kowloon. c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. Highclere (Middle Flat), 3 Middle Gap Rd., H.K. LANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai, Michael c/o Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland. c/o Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 92 CARL T. SMITH when tensions developed between the western powers and the Imperial Government of China. If they had not cut themselves off entirely from their place of origin but tried to keep up their relations with clan and family, they exposed themselves and their family to the charge of playing traitor to Chinese interests. However, their financial connections with foreigners pulled them to identify with the foreign cause. They usually tried to have it both ways, walking the thin line, but in periods of crisis they were forced into accommodation with the foreigners if they were to protect their financial investments. Li Leong, one of the brothers, died in 1864, leaving his property in a family trust, which was later divided into five shares. The leadership of the clan then devolved upon Li Sing, although many other members of the family are in the Hong Kong records — so many, in fact, that it is a difficult task to establish exact relationships. But it is the name of Li Sing which appears in the various lists until his death in 1900. He was one of three trustees who held title to the Queen's Road Temple in Wanchai in 1869. The same year he was one of the organizing members of the Tung Wah Hospital. Other members of the family have continued the tradition of Li Sing as community leader down to the present day. One of the organizing directors of Tung Wah Hospital was Ng Yik Wan alias Ng Chan Yeung of the Fuk Lung opium firm. The founder of the family in Hong Kong was Ng Yü who first appears on the records in 1858 when the Fuk Lung opium shop was the successful bidder for the opium monopoly. He was secured by Loo Aqui who had held the monopoly in an earlier period. The Fuk Lung firm was made up of five members, all from the Tung Kwun District of Kwangtung. One of them was Shi Sing Kai, one of four named in a petition to Government in 1878 which resulted in the organization of the Po Leung Kuk. Ng Yü, the head of the Fuk Lung firm, died in 1870 leaving his property under the management of his son Ng Kai Kwong alias Ng Pat Shan alias Ng Po Leung who was the sole beneficiary of his father's estate. Ng Kai Kwong died in 1884 leaving three minor sons to inherit his property. Another of the founding Directors of Tung Wah was the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 234 JORDAN, Dr. David K.* KANN, P. R. - - - KELDAY-SANDERS, Alan John KELLY, Miss E. KENT, M. H. KESSELRING, Dr. R. KESWICK, H. KESWICK, S. L. KIDD, S. T. - KINOSHITA, J. H. Dept. of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, CA 92037, U.S.A. 1, Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. 403 Ridley House, 2 Upper Albert Road, H.K. P. O. Box 16004, H.K. Unknown. German Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. KINSEY, Miss Margaret J. Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. KJELLBERG, Carl C:son KJELLBERG, Mrs. I. - + KNIGHTLY, F. J. KNOWLES, Miss M. G. - + 55, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Training & Examinations Unit, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland. KURATA, Mrs. Mary F. + 313 Main Street East, Shelburne, Ontario, Canada. KVAN, Rev. E.* KWAN, Hon. Sir Cho-yiu KWOK, Chin-kung KWOK, W. LAI, T. C* c/o Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 39-B, Estoril Court, H.K. Extra-Mural Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 12th Floor, Shui Hing House, Kowloon. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h NOTES AND QUERIES 211 We shall then walk to the Cemetery, five minutes walk through the grounds. I have not been able to re-visit recently, and you must look for yourselves. Father Caminondo states that there is persistent vandalism against the crosses on the headstones. From 1875 up to now, he writes, four bishops and 94 priests have been buried here. Pokfulam Village. There is nothing attractive about the present village, which mostly consists of small single-storey stone or wooden structures erected in haphazard fashion round the single row of old village houses that constituted the original village. The village is listed in the Chinese district gazetteer of San On (1819 edition) and thus pre-dates the British occupation of Hong Kong in 1841. The Chan (1) clan of Pokfulam, which probably settled the area in the 18th century, is still there today. They are Puntis, from Po On district. The Chans owned most of the agricultural land in the area, and fished by line and stakenet from suitable points on the coast. One of their stakenets is still in use today. Many of the fields above the Hong Kong Waterfall (see below) still belong to them, and up till 1941 were used to cultivate rice. (This was prohibited after the war on Hong Kong Island and Kowloon, as part of a government campaign against malaria). We shall not enter the village which has now little of interest, but will walk to the point indicated on the sketch map* from which we can see the Red Brick Pagoda erected, according to the date on it, in 1916. Three old residents, born in 1897-1900, say that it was erected by decision of the village leaders with subscriptions from all residents. It was built to counteract the bad influences of a then new culvert constructed under the Aberdeen Road, near the point from which we shall observe. Its wide black mouth faced onto the village, and made the villagers uneasy. An epidemic in which many residents became ill, and a supernatural event in which a goddess appeared to one of the villagers in a dream, decided the issue, and the pagoda was built. It is named Ling Tap (). The image inside it is of the goddess, known as Li Ling Shin Che (4). She is said to be of local origin, but I have not yet been able to check this thoroughly. We then walk into Tai Ku Lau. This was the building occupied by Nazareth House between 1885-1891. It was a European house * Not printed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 64 CHIU LING-YEONG of tusks (ivory), hides, feathers (kingfisher) and hairs (skins) and that of fish, salt, clams and oysters can, on the one hand, meet the needs of the treasury and, on the other hand, satisfy the demands of the Chiang-hui region.27 It was due to the opening of the Ta-yü Ling Pass which enabled the Persians and Arabs to transport their goods from Canton to other centres without any difficulty. The convenience of transportation also enabled Persians and Arabs to move from one place to another; thus they were no strangers to many of the cities. In the capital, life was more colourful than in any other cities. In T'ang times, there were two great markets in Ch'ang-an, the Tung-shih (the Eastern Market) and Hsi-shih (the Western Market). The Hsi-shih was also known as Chin-shih (the Gold Market), and the Tung-shih was also known as Chün-ming-men (the Bright Spring Gate).28 The Hsi-shih was more or less treated as the foreign settlement in the capital. There you could find all kinds of bazaars situated by the side of the main road. Wineshops employed exotically beautified Western girls with blue eyes and golden hair to serve their customers with rare wines in cups of amber or agate. Sweet singing and seductive dancing were also introduced in order to increase their sales.29 These blue-eyed and golden-haired beauties confounded our versatile poets. Li Po, on more than one occasion, dedicated his works to these beauties, like: The zither plays "The Green Paulownias at Dragon Gate', The lovely wine, in its pot of jade, is as clear as the sky. As I press against the string, and brush across the studs, I'll drink with you, milord; Vermilion will seem to be grass-green when our faces begin to redden. The Western houri with features like a flower She stands by the wine-warmer, and laughs With the breath of spring, Dances in a dress of gauze! 'Will you be going somewhere, Milord, now, before you are drunk.'30 The presence of these beautiful girls was the principal cause of the intoxication of many of these poets whose work enables us to trace the activities of the foreigners in China. In the T'ang period, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r BOOK REVIEWS 175 THE BUDDHIST CONQUEST OF CHINA: THE SPREAD AND ADAPTATION OF BUDDHISM IN EARLY MEDIEVAL CHINA by E. Zürcher. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972, in two volumes (Vol. I, pp. 1-320 and 5 ink-drawing maps; vol. II, pp. 321-469, including Notes, Bibliography, Indexes, Additions and Corrections), H.K.$320.00. This book, in two volumes, is a revised edition of the original edition first printed in 1959, also in Leiden. The text is organized in the following six Chapters: 1. "Introductory remarks", 2. "Historical survey from the first to the beginning of the fourth century", 3. "Buddhism at Chien K'ang and in the South-East, ca. 320-420", 4. "The centres at Hsiang-yang, Chiang-ling and Lu-Shan, and the influence of Northern Buddhism", 5. "Anti-clericalism and Buddhist apologetic in the fourth and early fifth centuries", 6. "The conversion of the Barbarians, the early history of a Buddho-Taoist conflict". Confining his scope to the development of Buddhism during early Chinese medieval periods, Zürcher has not only contributed a great deal of detailed researches but has also demonstrated a high degree of scholarship. Despite this, there are certain aspects which have apparently escaped the author's attention. As to the first, speaking in general, any review of the history of Chinese Medieval Buddhism from a broad sense should not be limited to the rise of Buddhistic sects due to variations of religious theology. Other over-all aspects of Chinese culture, directly or indirectly influenced by the introduction of Buddhism at that time, should also be taken into account. One such point, the Buddhistic influence on Chinese language, seems to be notable. The earliest reference to this aspect was perhaps first made by Thomas Watters as early as 1889 when he presented his primary discussions in Chapters 8 and 9 of his Essays on the Chinese Language, a book published in Shanghai. Similar in nature but more authentic discussions of this theme were made by contemporary Chinese scholars, such as the well-noted article by Chen Yin-k'o “Ssu-sheng san-wen” 四聲三間 (which appeared in the Tsing-hua hsueh-pao 清華學報 Vol. IX, No. 2, pp. 275-288, 1934, Peking) and the "Indian Influence on the Study of Chinese Language" by Lo Ch'ang-pei 羅常培 (which appeared in Sino-Indian Studies, Vol. I, No. 3, pp. 117-124, 1944). The “Eastward transmission of Buddhism and its influence… ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES 171 Tang Leung Sz passed Kung Shaang degree in the 38th year of Maan Lik♬ of Ming dynasty, A.D. 1610, and held the office of Fan-to. Tang Yue Cheung took his Sau-t'soi✯✯ degree in the 2nd year of Yung Ching of Ts'ing dynasty A.D. 1724 and in the following year became a Lam Shang. In the first year of Kin-lung✯✯ A.D. 1736 he passed Kui Yan, second in the list of successful candidates, but just failed to pass the Wui Shi examination the following year. However, his name was put on the Ming T'ung Pong list and he was appointed as Hok-ching of Tak Hing Chau in Kwangtung province. Tang Yue Cheung's name in the San On Record book is among the “Heung Yin" or "village worthies," and it is said there that:— Tang Yue Cheung was a scholar of a very kind and honest nature. He was very "taan-chik”✯✯ ("to wear the heart upon the sleeve for daws to peck at") and his knowledge of learning was very wide. In all his dealings with his friends he was sincere and faithful, and as a Hok-ching he was very diligent. Once some of his students fell out with the authorities, and found themselves faced with a false accusation, but were too afraid to defend themselves. Tang, however, at once entered into the dispute, and through his clear-headedness kept his students out of trouble. In the 17th year of K'in Lung A.D. 1752 Tang was called to the capital to attend an examination, but he died there, and Fung Shing Sau (a Hon Lam graduate) wrote the epitaph "for his name lives for ever,” to be carved on his grave. Tang Man Wai was the only Tsun-sz come from the New Territories, and his name is recorded in the San On book under the column devoted to hang yee "men of high repute." He was left fatherless at an early age, and had to work with the fishermen and wood-cutters in great poverty, to earn money to support himself and his mother. But all the while he was a scholar at heart and in his spare time he read his books and people said that he could be heard continually humming his lessons on the road, as he carried wood or worked with the fishermen. His uncle Tang Chan Ng, a Lam Shang, helped him, and his success in later years was greatly due to the old man's teaching. In the 14th year of Shun Chi A.D. 1657, Ts'ing dynasty, he passed his Kui Yan degree, but later failed for Tsun Sz and so returned to Kam T'in where he passed twenty years or more, living as a hermit. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES 183 road,” now Victoria city, and So Kwun Po (7). From the fact that these references occurred in the Leung Ch'aak (##) or Register Book of Tung Kwun district, one may judge that the land was owned by the Tangs before the 1st year of Maan Lik, A.D. 1525, as after that the San On district was formed. To the East of Shui Mei village there is an ancestral Hall called Mau King T'ong (N). It was built by the descendants of Tang Chan (1) Tang Yui (*) and Tang Kuen (#) the three younger brothers of Tang Yam (3) the father of Tang Tsing Lok. When the descendants of Tang Yam completed the building of Sz Shing Tong, the descendants of the three younger brothers felt it was a disgrace that there were no ancestral halls for their respective ancestors. However they were far from being rich, so they decided to combine together and build one hall under the leadership of Tang Man Wai (4X4), who was a man of rank and a descendant of Tang Chan. On the top of the front door they carved the characters §; › §¡› ✯ ✯✯ “Chan, Yui, Kuen, the three Ancestors Hall," and on a signboard the three big characters ✯✯ Mau King Tong, were written by Ts'oi Hok Yuen (4) a scholar of San On, and hung in the hall in the 22nd year of Ka Hing, A.D. 1817, of Ts'ing dynasty. The reason why the name Mau King Tong was chosen was on account of the old story "Tin Shi King fa fook mau” ( # A#*M*) “the Judas-tree of T'in family again becomes luxuriant." The story is as follows:-- T'in Chan (₪) and his two younger brothers T'in Hing (w A) and T'in Kwong (□), natives of Chiu Shing district (#K) of Shantung, during the Hon dynasty, decided to divide their family property between them. Among other things, they owned a Tsz King (**), judas tree, and the evening before the dividing up was to take place they found to their surprise that the tree was withered. This upset T'in Chan's feelings very much, he sighed and said to his younger brothers, "The different branches of the tree come from one root; now that they have heard that they are to be divided up, they have become melancholy and look sorrowful. Now we brothers are human beings, but although we have separate bodies we all came from the same parents, so why should we divide the family property and live separately? Do we not feel ashamed in seeing the appearance of this tree?" Then the younger brothers were moved by this, and they never mentioned the idea of dividing the family property ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 198 NOTES AND QUERIES Dock Company for $150,000. In turn, the Company sold the property in 1883 to a Chinese consortium composed of three members of the Li Family and Chan Kun, with the proviso that the premises were not to be used as a dock or slip except for Chinese style ships. This was to prevent Chinese competition to their Dockyards at Hung Hom and Aberdeen. In time other industries were developed on the site: a soy factory, and a lard manufactury, and godowns were built along the Praya. The Li family of Tsat Po Heung, San Wui District, had established its interests in Hong Kong as early as 1854, and under the astute leadership of Li Sing it had become probably the wealthiest family in Hong Kong by the turn of century. Shortly before the death of Li Sing in 1900, he divided his extensive real estate holdings among his eight sons. Marine Lot 239 was included in the share of Li Po Lung (***), also known as Li Wai Tong (*). He sold out most of his interests in the property in 1921. ** In 1918 new Crown Leases were granted to Li Po Lung in lieu of the original lease of 1873. The upper part of the original lot was then set off as an Inland Lot numbered 1355. The top left-hand corner of the Lot (as seen when standing on the seafront facing the hillside) had some years previous been given to the Contractor's Guild to build the 'Lo Pan' Temple, and a path led up to it bearing the name of Li Po Lung. The hillside was terraced for building sites. The first row was known as Li Po Lung Terrace, situated between Belcher Street and the present Tai Pak Terrace. Ching Lin Terrace upon which the Temple is located was formerly known as Li Sing Kui Road and To Li Terrace was formerly Tam Woon Tong Road. 44 Li Sing Kiu, Tam Woon Tong, Look Poong Shan, Li Tsz Chung and Chung Sek Fan had purchased the site of the Temple along with other land from Li Po Lung in 1921. They, in turn, in 1923, sold the Temple site as Section E of Inland Lot 1355 for a sum of $4,222.40 to Lam Lau, Lam Sheung, Yu Cheuk, Ng Wah and Ng Tsz Mei, representatives of the Temple, though the conveyance stated they were tenants in common in equal shares rather than Trustees. 44 Due to difficulties over payment of the Crown Rent for Inland Lot 1355, the Government re-entered the lot in 1926 in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES AND QUERIES 207 Another temple, that of Yuk Hui Kung, is on Lung On Street. It was probably built in the early 1860s. It is not listed in the 1860 Rates, but is on the next extant list, that of 1865. The 1882 Rates mention that the temple was managed by the Wanchai Kaifong.* The surrounding lots from Stone Nullah Lane to Kennedy Street were bought at government land sale in 1862 by the Pang and Chan families, who developed them for Chinese family houses. Lung On Street was originally called Fourth Street, being that number south of Queen's Road East. On First Street, now King Sing Street, a hospital was opened. It was built on a lot purchased by Leung King Ham, a government school teacher, under the name Tong Tuck Tong, in 1867. With the organisation of Tung Wah Hospital, Leung King Him (sic) and Leung Shun Ng petitioned in 1872 that the hospital be merged with the new Tung Wah.* A controversy arose, and the Leungs published a pamphlet charging Wong Fung Wan and Wong Yow Ho, members of the managing committee, with embezzling funds granted by Government to the Wanchai Hospital. This resulted in a libel case. The 1872 Rate names it as the Wah Tong Hospital with Leung Shan Ng and Leung Yung Choi as the resident doctors. To the south of Queen's Road East between Monmouth Path and Wing Fung Street, the land was used as timber yards. To the east, on land now covered by Sun, Moon and Star Streets, was the first Protestant Cemetery in Hong Kong. As there was increasingly more building along Queen's Road, the situation was considered unsatisfactory and after 1845 burials were made in the newly opened Colonial Cemetery in Happy Valley. Just a bit to the east, near St. Francis Street was the Roman Catholic Cemetery. Here the Catholic Church built a hospital, a chapel, a Mission House, and day schools. Later the Canossian Sisters built a convent where they ministered to the sick, the poor, and the aged. These institutions attracted a number of poor Portuguese families and created a Chinese Roman Catholic population surrounding it. A piece of vacant land between the two cemeteries An association of local residents, usually shopkeepers, commonly found in the commercial centres and market towns of the Hong Kong area. * The Tung Wah Hospital, established in 1870, for over 100 years the leading Chinese charitable institution in Hong Kong and now more flourishing than ever. See H. J. Lethbridge ‘A Chinese Association in Hong Kong: the Tung Wah' in Contributions to Asian Studies (Leiden) Vol. I (1971): 144-158. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES AND QUERIES 211 Note the offices of the Nam-pak Hong Association on the left-hand side of Bonham Strand; the divided shops of the Chun Lung Sang porcelain business (1878) and the bamboo and rattan ware dealers further along, also the frontage of the Ping Heung Tea-house next to Ching Wah Kok. During this visit Members are advised to look around them, up as well as down, because there are all sorts of interesting little vistas to have had, often revealed by the removal of a house for redevelopment. Footnote: 1) We will not be going to the Shun Tak District Commercial Association at 67, Queen's Road, West, as hoped, because a terrible blow; the furniture and fittings have already been cleared out prior to demolition of the building. 2) The Tung Kwun District Commercial Association was founded as the Tung Yee Hop Tong in 1893 for charitable, including educational, work among persons of that district resident in Hong Kong. The present premises were purchased about 40 years ago. There is an interesting commemorative board above the window in the main hall presented by four shops in Liu Po New Market, Tung Kwun in 1912 in appreciation of flood relief work and settlement of disputes and of a defamation case by the Hong Kong Chamber. This shows that its influence extended beyond Hong Kong. 3) The Nam-pak Hong Association in Bonham Strand, though in new premises that are of no appeal, is of great interest. This powerful commercial association was established in 1868 by merchants from different parts of China together with Chinese merchants from South-east Asia. This explains the name of the association which, in Chinese, means South-North Firms' Public Office. Additional Notes for the Visit to Old Western District Carl T. Smith (a) The Development of West Point The area we are visiting today was formerly dominated by two points of land. After the British occupation of Hong Kong they became known as Possession Point and West Point. Between the two was a steep hillside with a bay at its foot. The present Ko Shing Street approximates the original beach. Dr. Eitel in his history of Hong Kong, Europe in China, pp. 123-124, gives an account of the event which gave Possession Point its name: On January 24, 1841, Commodore Bremer, having arrived at Lantao, directed Captain Belcher, in command of H.M.S. Sulphur, to proceed forthwith to Hongkong and commence its occupation. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 246 LIFE MEMBERS: ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. LIST OF MEMBERS - University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. ASOME, Mr. & Mrs. M. J. - 42, Conduit Road, Flat 7B, H.K. BELL, G. J. BOARD, D. B. M. BONSALL, G. W. - CALCINA, P. G. CARLSON, Miss R. E. CATER, Jack - CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Alfred T. CHENG, T. C. - CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHUN, Miss Oy-Ling - CLARKE, Rev. Cyril S. CRONE, Dr. D. L. - DJOU, G. G. - EMERSON, G. C. - EVANS, Mrs. P. J.- EVANS, Paul J. — FABER, Mrs. Audrey FEHL, Prof. Noah E. - FRASER, A. P. - FRY, R. A. - FUNG, Sir Kenneth Ping-fan, O.B.E., J.P. GORDON, The Hon. Sir S. GORDON, K. H. A.. HARDEN, Mrs. Guy HAYES, J. W. c/o The Royal Observatory, Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. The Library, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Commercial Investment Co. Ltd., Union House, 12F, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 8, Mount Kellet Road, The Peak, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. Coronet Court, 14th floor, “H”, North Point, H.K. United College, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. St. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, H.K. Sailors & Soldiers Home, 22, Hennessy Rd., H.K. 16A, Bellevue Court, 41, Stubbs Road, H.K. c/o American International Assurance Co. Ltd., A.L.A. Building, 17th floor, 1. Stubbs Road, H.K. 1, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 33, Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. Ray-O-Vac International Corp., 604, Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Dept. of World History, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. c/o Binnie & Partners, 1717 Star House, Salisbury Road, Kowloon. Office of the Commissioner of Rating & Valuation, 1, Garden Road, H.K. 2705-2718, Connaught Centre, H.K. c/o Sir Elly Kadoorie & Sons, St. George's Building, 24th floor, H.K. 501, Marina House, H.K. 15, Shek-O, H.K. 7, The Albany, H.K, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: BUTLER, Miss B. A... BUTT, Dr. Nancy CAMERON, Nigel + CAPLAN, Malcolm Public Services Commission, Room 573, Central Govt. Offices, H.K. 253 The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. 11-D, Venice Court, 41, Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Hongkong & Whampoa Dock Co. Ltd. Kowloon Docks, Hung Hom, Kowloon. CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. John Room 315, Hongkong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. CENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES CERNY, Miss Eva CHAN, Prof. Cheng-siang · CHAN, Sui-Jeung CHAN, Tom CHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A. CHERN, Dr. K. S. CHEUNG, O. CHIU, Mrs. Carol C. CHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong CHOA, Robert COCHRANE, Mrs. Valerie COCKELL, Miss June V. COLBOURNE, Dr. M. J. COMBER, Leon CONNOLLY, Miss Moira COTTON, P. C. CRABBE, P. I. + CRAIG, Dr. Dale A. CRAMER, B. L. CREMA, Mario + + + + University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Department of Anatomy, University of Hong Kong, Li Shu Fan Building, Sassoon Road, H.K. Geographical Research Centre, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Environment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 43, Stubbs Road, Flat B-1, 5th floor, H.K. 12, Douglas Apartments, 22, Old Peak Rd., H.K. Department of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. 703, Prince's Building, H.K. Twin Brook, Flat 11B, 43, Repulse Bay Rd., H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Banque Nationale de Paris, 2nd floor, Central Building, H.K. 3rd floor, 112, Macdonnell Road, H.K. 66, Conduit Road, Flat 6B, H.K. Dept. of Preventive & Social Medicine, University of Hong Kong, Li She Fan Building, Sassoon Road, H.K. P.O. Box 6086, Kowloon. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulam, H.K. c/o Humphreys Estate & Finance Co., P.O. Box 44, H.K. Property Dept., Local Property & Printing Co. Ltd., 34/6 Caxton House, 1 Duddell Street, H.K. Music Dept., Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 18, Fenwick Street, 7th floor, H.K. c/o Italian Consulate General, Chartered Bank Building, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY MEMBERS: HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von + 9A, Stanley Beach Road, H.K. HUMPLE, Mr. & Mrs. George D. 17, Conduit Road, Apt. 2A, H.K. HUTSON, Peter 257 HUYSMAN, Mrs, J. c/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K. HUYSMAN, J. 21, Broadwood Road, H.K. G INGLES, Miss J. M. c/o Banque Belge pour l'Etranger S.A., 81, Sai Yeung Choi Street, Mongkok Branch, Kowloon, JEN, Prof. Yu-Wen + Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. JIN, Mrs. Jane Dong-Fang 2, Stafford Road, Kowloon. JONES, G. W. E. 3, Yun Ping Road, 4th floor, H.K. Govt. Language School, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. JONES-PARRY, R. Longman Group (Far East) Ltd., P.O. Box 223, H.K. KESWICK, Simon L. - c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. KEYES, Michael P. · c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. KINGWELL, Mr. & Mrs. A. J.. Flat C/4, Cavendish Heights, 27, Perkins Road, H.K. KINOSHITA, James H. · + c/o Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K. KINSEY, Miss Margaret J. Department of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. KIRKBRIDE, K. M. G. + c/o The Building Authority, Murray Building, 8th floor, Garden Road, H.K. KIRKWOOD, Mrs. Jean K. Mackenny Court, 1st floor, 65, MacDonnell Road, H.K. KNEEBONE, Mrs. Susan Y. 50, Leighton Hill Flats, 16, Link Road, H.K. KNISELY, Mr. & Mrs. Jay G. 68, Chung Hom Kok Road, Flat A-3, H.K. KNOWLES, Miss Moira G. c/o Public Services Examination Unit, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. KWOK, Robert Chin-kung + c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. LACK, Alan J. 1, Peak Pavilions, 12, Mt. Kellet Road, The Peak, H.K. LAM, Yung-Fai - c/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6, Duddell St., H.K. LAMBE, Miss Margaret - 21F, Felix Villa, 10 Happy View Terrace, Broadwood Road, Happy Valley, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 300 NOTES AND QUERIES J. A. Prescott H. A. Rydings C. T. Smith Photographers South China Athletic Association, Photographic Group: Butt Chak-yu 畢澤宇 Hoh Wing-chan 何永燦 Jimmy Kwok 郭天志 Lai Yat-fung 賴一峰 Lau Cho-chak Tam Yee-yin 譚以仁 Tong Wai-hang Royal Asiatic Society: H.A. and J.W. Rydings H. Werle Hong Kong, 1975. H. A. RYDINGS BOAT PEOPLE'S CEREMONIES OBSERVED AT ISLAND HOUSE ON 5TH AND 31ST JANUARY, AND 16TH NOVEMBER, 1975* The following notes were provided by Mr. David Akers-Jones, Secretary for the New Territories and a member of this Society, whose residence is at Island House, Tai Po. The island Yuen Chau Tsai (AMA), connected by causeway to the main road, has long been a centre of the boat population. Ed. (I) 5th January, 1975 A motorized sampan motored slowly round Island House from the bridge to the shelter used by the small in-shore fishing boats on the other side of the Island House causeway. On board a group of six young women were pretending to pole the boat along, wearing plaited red wheel-hats. Another girl was beating a gong, creating a tremendous noise, another standing in the bow facing aft was beating a drum in a frenzied manner, and on the roof of the Plate 18 illustrates these notes. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d NOTES AND QUERIES 317 in Wai Yeung. In the original residence there was neither a garden nor peach trees inside, and it was only through Ching-san's development and renovation that more and more facilities and amenities were provided, including memorial halls, pavilions, private studies, terraces, walls, ditches, lily ponds, floating pleasure boats, winding paths planted with plums, bamboos, orchids and all sorts of flowers. Being a calligraphy collector, Cheung Ching-san kept a large collection of genuine and valuable works of famous calligraphists like Tung Chi-chiang (董其昌), Chan Pak-sa (陳伯士), Lai Er-chiu (賴爾晉) etc. In addition to these, a large number of portraits of his ancestors, as well as those of scholars and generals of different dynasties, were inscribed on pavilion walls. POSTSCRIPT Fortunately, there are more surviving works than these two accounts, from the Hong Kong Wai Chau Association's Bulletin indicate. The lintel of the main door of the Pak Tai temple in Wan Chai, Hong Kong island, is stated to be by his hand. A further search would, I think, be sure to uncover others. There is also the interesting scroll shown in Plate 25. This comes from the Hung Shing temple in Cheung Chau (長洲) and it has been taken out at the lantern festival in the first lunar month and placed in a street shrine in adjoining Tai San Street (大新街) beyond living memory. It bears Cheung Yuk-tong's name and seal and is dated. It appears to have been presented by a man called Sun Ying-suet (孫映雪) to a friend Sai-hung whose surname is unknown, on the occasion of his mother's birthday. Francis Sham has also translated this inscription—which is difficult to read and is therefore reproduced below—and has given the following rendering: 壽域南山,日升月恆。今日從天運,兆泰龜鍾, 青童白髮,松齡歲月,書田後輩,九如多祝。碧桃献瑞,北堂萱草,精神龍馬,華堂偏集,美高門第。 世熊世兄大人雅正 孫映雪書 To Sai Hung Esquire:- Great rejoicing befalls from Heaven today on your mother's birthday, as constant and regular as the Sun and the Moon, and as... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 334 BOOK REVIEWS a literary figure of the Chin Dynasty. In his biography it has been recorded that whenever he travelled alone he always tied 100 coins on top of his stick, and wherever he found a wine shop he always drank with pleasure, as much as possible. He did not care what his wife prepared for her meals.19 Juan Hsiu is stated by the same source of information as a step-son20 of Juan Chi ✯ (210-263), one of the eccentric masters of a literary circle collectively known as "the Seven Talents of the Bamboo Groves".21 Juan Hsiu's alcoholical love, therefore, might have been a reflection of the deep spiritual influence of Juan Chi. Because of this reference, it is clear that to tie 100 coins onto a stick, could certainly be interpreted as to have some private money, which can be taken one step further to mean wine money. Thus, the literary meaning of K'un-ts'an's last line, as far as the surface implication is concerned, should read as "there is no need to take wine money to own mountains". According to such an understanding, if this line is to be rendered into English, but still taking Prof. Li's same basis for using no explanation of the term "Chang-tou", then it suggests as "I would rather take money to buy wine but not to consider a piece of land.” A second but more weighty problem is, once again, one of identification. In the Drenowaltz collection there is a 12-leaved album of landscape painting by Chin Nung. This album is dated 1736, the first year of the Ch'ien-lung era, by the artist's own inscription. According to Prof. Li's study of Chin Nung's life, the artist was in Peking in that year, and had attempted to pass the Po-hsueh-hung-tz'u22 degree examination but failed. In this album each leaf contains a landscape painting completed in an extra elaborate manner. This is quite noticeable since the normal subject-matter of this artist, as Prof. Li has rightly pointed out, happens to be either Buddhist figures, horses, bamboo, or plum blossoms, all in ink. Moreover, such stylistic continuity achieved by the careful but conscious use of the brush in these landscapes seems to be extraordinarily unusual for Chin Nung. In addition, in each of these 12 leaves, the un-used space in each composition is always completely filled up by a good number of small but regular characters written in Chin Nung's peculiar Ch'i-shu script. The contents of these inscriptions on each leaf of this album have been identified by Prof. Li. However, this brings up a second type of problem of identification. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 343 in this new publication, the subject being discussed by Ch'eng Wei is only one of many aspects of Chinese painting. 44 Such as (A) in Chapter X whether Chiao Ping-chen should be regarded as an artist of the Yu-shan school, and (B) in Chapter IV, whether Mo Shih-lung's chronology is to be rendered as ca. 1540-1587. Undoubtedly the chronology which appears in Professor Li's book is far more reasonable than ca. 1567-1582, the impossible chronology suggested by C. C. Wang and Victoria Contag in their Seals of Chinese painters and collectors of the Ming and Ch'ing Periods (1966, Hong Kong), p. 134. Nevertheless, for many years Mo Shih-lung's chronology has always been a puzzle to students of Chinese art. No one so far, except Professor Li, has so explicitly pointed out the years of birth and death of this artist. For example, in Nan-ching po-mu-yüan tsang-hua-chi, Chinese paintings in the collection of the Nanking Museum (1966, Peking), Vol. I, p. 3, the editor was able only to find Mo Shih-lung's death was in 1587. In Professor Li's book, this artist's year of death agrees with what the Nanking specialists have found. About Mo's year of birth, Vol. I, p. 106 states, "he must have been born around 1540, though the precise date is not known", so it seems that 1540-1587 is a tentative calculation. However, students of Chinese art would feel grateful if Professor Li could give his original information and state that on what ground this chronology is obtained. THE SANDALWOOD MOUNTAINS; READINGS AND STORIES OF THE EARLY CHINESE IN HAWAII: compiled and edited by Tin-Yuke Char, pp. xv, 359. Honolulu, University Press of Hawaii 1975. “Yum sai see yuen.” “When drinking water, think of the source." This ancient Chinese proverb came to mind as I read Mr. Char's compilation, The Sandalwood Mountains. This is a monumental book—a monument to the Chinese who came to Hawaii in the early 1800s to start the first sugar plantations there and who later came in the tens of thousands in the latter third of the 19th century. Many of these early Chinese laborers were brought to Hawaii indentured for three to five years at a cost of $5 to $7 a month, including pay and support. Many of them later left to start their own rice plantations and other agricultural pursuits. Others left to go into retailing and service industries. Many lived to see their children and grandchildren become teachers, professional people, political leaders and thoroughly integrated into Hawaii's multi-racial life. The book is also a monument to the compiler, Tin-Yuke Char, who has brought to his task an unusual background including studying and teaching in Hawaii, China and the mainland United ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946 45 Kuomintang controlled areas*. It was therefore natural that the Unit be asked to take this load to Yenan, and I was picked as the Convoy leader. Preparations were made in December 1945, and when the National Military Council finally granted the permit, the convoy was able to leave Chungking for Yenan on Monday, 21st January 1946. The group consisted of the writer, Yu Chin-lung (Henry), another Unit member, two employed drivers (Fong Ah-fu and Lao Lü), a mechanic, and a trainee (Chow Ming-cheng and Hu Jo-han), with three Dodge trucks built to Canadian WD specifications and a trailer. The convoy was self-sufficient in spares and fuel and returned to Chungking on March 9, 1946. Prospect of the Journey As far as the operational aspect of the trip was concerned, there was little to worry about. We had new trucks, running on real petrol and a good supply of spares. After three or four years of nursing increasingly aged vehicles, running on charcoal gas, alcohol, and tung oil petrol, over the mountains of West China, we felt some competence in these things. The political aspects were, however, another matter altogether. The Kuomintang command in Sian was known to be somewhat independent of Chungking, and while Chungking might be forced to give us a permit, would there be a message to Sian to disregard it? Or officials be instructed to be very particular about our papers? And having delivered our load, would we be allowed back? And if we failed, or an 'incident' occurred, what would be the repercussion on future deliveries of materials and relief supplies and the political negotiations? We were sure of one thing: a warm welcome when we reached Yenan. In Chungking on 27th December, members of the Unit (Brandon Cadbury, Chris Barber, Henry Yu, Wong Hsiao-hsin, and the writer) had been entertained to dinner by Tung Pi-wu, Teng Ying-chow (Mrs. Chou En-lai), Miss Kung Pan, Colonel Wang Ping-nan, and Colonel Chien. Quoting from a letter home of 29th December: "They were very interested in what we could tell them about the FAU, what we did, and why we did it. They live a curious sort of existence with spies all round them but, like many things * Some account of this is given in W. A. Reynolds "Operation and Maintenance of a Road Transport System in West China 1942-46" in the 1976 Journal of this Society (vol. 16). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 46 W. A. REYNOLDS here, the surveillance is curiously haphazard and capricious. We could not see that we were followed on leaving; perhaps they have given up checking on foreigners". We had also been to a large reception given by General Chou En-lai on January 7th which was attended by General Marshall and, from the Kuomintang; Chen Li-fu, Feng Yu-hsiang and Dr. H. H. Kung, together with the Chungking establishment of Ambassadors, Consuls etc. The Journey There The route followed is shown in Fig. 1.* The convoy finally set out on a misty morning on January 21st intending to cross the Yangtse by the upper ferry. Disaster overtook us within four kilometres. Going down a steep slope the driver of the leading truck missed his gear change and ran off the road into a paddy field. The truck finished up on her side (Plate no. 6). With help from the base garage, she was hauled out, (Plate no. 7), the Garage Manager directing. The convoy returned to base, spent a day straightening and reloading and set forth again on January 23rd. The route went through Sui Ning, San Tai, Mien Yang over the Chien Men Kuan or Sword Gate Pass to Kwang Yuan and then over another Pass, Ch'i P'an Kuan or the Gate of Shensi, in the Mi Ts'ang Mountains to Pao Ch'eng.† North of Mienyang the 'new' motor road follows the route of the old Imperial Highway to Ch'eng-tu. Impressive “pai lo's”, fine trees and stone bridges mark the route (Plates 8 & 9). Just after Pao Ch'eng is the famous Buddhist temple Miao-T'ai Tzu, where we stopped for a visit. A place of peace and beauty to which one might dream of retiring for a while. In Pao-ch'eng the scene is very different from the Szechuan towns over the mountains to the south. This was the southern limit of the camel trains coming down from Sinkiang and Kansu, some with loads of dried Hami melon. Perhaps some of the flavour of the place is given in a quotation from a letter home: "We spent one night in Pao-ch'eng and as we came up across the bridge in the late afternoon, the long flatness of the Han-hui Ch'u valley behind us, lines of camels drinking at the river side were mirrored P.54 Plates 6-19 at rear illustrate the article. + The romanisation of place names is that used in the Times Atlas of China since this is the detailed reference most easily available to Western readers. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 48 W. A. REYNOLDS empty, and then reloading on the other side. Then we were told of a ford a mile or so upstream. After making preparations (removal of fan belts and a smear of grease over the distributor head and HT lead), we started across, piloted on a zig-zag path along the shoals by a local man. We made it, although the water was up to the cab floor. After the border, the road deteriorated further. It was usable for trucks in dry weather and possible for mule carts and baggage animals at other times. Since the 18th Group Army had no motor transport (apart from a few aged trucks in Yenan), this did not matter. But we had some further delays, as Plate no. 12 shows, where a small culvert collapsed near Lo-ch'uan. Naturally, we were a centre of interest, and Illustration 9 shows children watching us at our first stop across the border. Although this part of Shensi is traditionally poor, we saw no one in rags, and the children, adults, and troops also seemed to have adequate clothing against the bitter cold. Progress was slow because of care needed in negotiating the road (Plate no. 14). The very cold weather, about minus 15°C at night, also gave trouble. Since there was no glycol anti-freeze, we added alcohol to the radiators when we stopped for the night and then covered them with cloth after starting. It was necessary to hand crank the engines and warm the carburettor with the blowlamp to be sure of a start without exhausting the battery. We finally arrived at Yenan on February 13th. A reception committee awaited us, and one of the resident propaganda teams gave us a display with dance and mime. One of these involved a donkey which would not go. This had a political moral, but the details have been forgotten. Next day, we took the trucks to the Medical Service Headquarters: a row of cave houses, and Plate no. 16 shows the two leading medical cadres, Yu Chin-lung and the writer beside a truck -- mission accomplished. At the time of our visit, there were few buildings in the town of Yenan itself. Most had been destroyed by Japanese bomb attacks. It appeared that everyone lived and many worked in the caves dug into the loess hillsides. This is a traditional method in the area, and they are very comfortable, warm in winter and cool in summer. At the present day, construction of free-standing buildings in the area follows the same principles, forming an artificial cave. Since ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 50 W. A. REYNOLDS Liu-Chi. The group we met were lively and interesting, many having been expelled from universities under Kuomintang control. Another evening we were invited to see a film at the American Army Observer Section which was established there under Colonel David Barrett in July 1944. There was also an invitation to mid-day meal with Marshal Chu Te. My memory is that there was not much conversation as Yu Chin-lung found him taciturn, my Chinese was inadequate, and the others were tongue-tied in the presence of the famous soldier. On leaving Yenan we were each presented with a warm woollen blanket of local manufacture (I still have mine) and I was given a painting, which I had uncautiously admired, by the Bureau chief of the Medical Service. I was also presented with a made-to-measure Army uniform complete with cap and badge. Medical Work in the Border Region The day after unloading we were taken to see the hospital named after Doctor Norman Bethune. Plate no. 17 shows the operating theatre. One of the famous 'three constantly read articles' of Chairman Mao Tse-tung is a eulogy of Bethune, delivered on December 21st 1939 soon after his death. At the Bethune Memorial Hospital we were shown how supply difficulties had been overcome, including steel dental picks forged from railway line. We asked about medical supplies from the USSR since 1941 and were told that there had been some, perhaps five, plane loads (say 15 to 20 tons). The supplies we had brought included a portable X-ray with a petrol-driven generator. The problems of civilian and military medical work in the Border Region are fully described by Margaret Stanley in a current series of articles in Eastern Horizon*. She was a member of the Friends Service Unit (the successor organization in China to the Friends Ambulance Unit) Medical Team 19 which went to work in the area in 1947. She revisited Yenan in 1972 and writes not only of her memories of the medical work but also the contrast between then and now. * Vol. XVI No. 3, March 1977 & No. 4 April 1977 onwards. There is also a good picture of what life in the Shensi countryside was like to be gained from the accounts given in Gunnar Myrdal's book Report from a Chinese Village. Penguin. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n The Return Journey A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946 51 A 'political' question arose about our return trip. The 18th Group Army had, as previously mentioned, a Chungking office and extra staff were needed for this. Would we be willing to transport 40 passengers in our otherwise empty trucks from Yenan to Chungking? The questions the request raised are obvious: being a pacifist organization we did not, on principle, carry troops or military supplies. What complication would this raise with the KMT Government in Chungking? Or the Hsi-an Command? I asked if a message could be transmitted to FAU Headquarters in Chungking putting the problem and asking for instructions. Meanwhile the Unit Headquarters in Chungking had received the same request from the 18th Group Army Office there and they had asked for a message to be transmitted to me, telling me of the request and saying in effect 'Use your own judgement'. In the event neither message was received. Yu Chin-lung and I used our own judgement and we set out on February 22nd with our 40 unarmed passengers under Major Chiang and including two young women comrades. There was some alarm and excitement when we reached the 'border'. The outpost sentries waved us on, but did not inform their colleagues in the main guard house that we were coming. No doubt someone then shouted that there was a motorised attack by the 8th Route Army; there was a smart turnout of machine guns, rifles, etc. into defensive postures and magazines were slapped into place. We stopped the trucks and Yu Chin-lung and I walked down the road endeavouring to preserve a becoming Quaker calm and hoping no one was enthusiastic about target practice. It seemed a long 50 yards. Documents were produced for ourselves and Major Chiang produced his, and after tea and apologies on both sides we went on. As we came down out of the hills to the Yellow River plain the weather broke and snow swirled down. If this had come a day earlier it would have been most difficult since the road was so rocky and full of pot holes that a snow covering would have led to accidents. If we had maintained a low profile coming up, we positively crouched on the way back after crossing the border. I slipped into Hsi-an on my own and called at the Methodist Mission for any letters. Meanwhile Yu Chin-lung had got the trucks loaded on the train and we set off for Pao-chi through the night. Two young ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 54 Tien-Shui Hui-Hsien W. A. REYNOLDS NINGSIA KANSU Yung-Ping YEN-AN Kan-Cho -Chu Slo-Pa Kien Rateni (?) -Cheng Cheng-Ku Han-Chang Digi-Hsiang (?) ? SHENSI Nan-Hsing turng (?) WEI HO Hsing-Ping PAO-CIT Hung-Hua-Pu HSIA Fang Kuang-Shih-Pu HONAN Lo-Chuan Hiao-Ho-Kou Huang-Ling I-Chun SHANSI River Kuang-Tiao Chien-La (?) Tru-Tung (?) Hien-Yang Te-Yang Sun-Tai Wan-Yuan Lo-Heh-Pa Shuang-Po-Chang SZECHWAN Ta-Haien Rs In-Tu (?) CHENG-TU Sui Ning den-Yang (?) La- Tung-an Izu-Yang (?) Peng-Ch Chu-Hsien CHANG CETAM (?) -Nan-Char (?) Ta-Chu -Ch: eng/An 1in-Shui (?) Chung ́ung- Lo Jung-Shi Hei-Chiark P1-Shi (?) hg-Chuan (?) "Lung-Chiang KWEI CHOW HUPEH HIUNAN (?) Szechuan & Shensi Main Road System 1946. Scale: 1:3,000,000. Figure Map of Szechuan & Shensi showing routes. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 240 LIFE MEMBERS: ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. ASOME, Mrs. M. J. BELL, Gordon J. BOARD, D. B. M. BONSALL, G. W. BUTT, Dr. Nancy CALCINA, P. G. CARLSON, Miss R. E. CATER, Jack CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Alfred T. CHENG, T. C. CHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong CHOA, Dr. Gerald CHUN, Miss Oy-Ling CLARK, Rev. Cyril S. COMBER, Leon COSBY, I. P. S. G. CRAMER, B. L. C. CRONE, Dr. D. L. DJOU, G. G. EMERSON, G. C. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVANS, Paul J. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. A-9 Bellevue Court, Stubbs Road, Hong Kong. The Royal Observatory, Nathan Road, Kowloon. Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Ave., Hong Kong. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, Hong Kong. Commercial Investment Co. Ltd., Hong Kong. Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Ave., Hong Kong. 8, Mount Kellet Road, The Peak, Hong Kong. Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, Hong Kong. Coronet Court, 14th floor "H", North Point, Hong Kong. United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. St. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, Hong Kong. Sailors' & Soldiers' Home, 22 Hennessy Road, Hong Kong. K.P.O. Box 6086, Kowloon. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation, Queen's Road Central, Hong Kong. IA Verbena Road G/F, Yau Yat Chuen, Kowloon. 17, Broadwood Road, Hong Kong. American International Assurance Co. Ltd., No. 1, Stubbs Road, Hong Kong. 1, Lower Albert Road, Hong Kong. 33, Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, Hong Kong. Ray-o-Vac International Corporation, 405, Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road, C., Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 182 DAVID FAURE was uncommon, though, for women to go to school, and the only schools the boat-people went to were the "winter schools" that operated only in the winter months.56 Pupils who did well in the village schools could enter Sung Chen School in Sai Kung Market, but better off families preferred to send their children to Nam T'au, or even Canton. Graduates of Sung Chen could try to enter the Government schools in Kowloon, or the Tai Po Teachers Training School. A minority went on to the Roman Catholic school in T'am Shui, and it was possible to go from there to Roman Catholic schools in Canton.57 Schools were locally organized, but from 1913, the Hong Kong Government gave a selected few a subsidy. By 1922, seventeen schools were subsidized in Sai Kung. From the wide selection of people who graduated from the Sung Chen School, it is clear that the contribution of the Roman Catholic Church to the education of the pre-war Sai Kung population was notable. Medical facilities At Sai Kung Market, traditional doctors and herbal medicines were available, and some western medicines too, from the Government Medical Officer who came here regularly. In 1934, a Government dispensary was established, where a midwife was permanently stationed. Nonetheless, for most illnesses, villagers relied on treatments that were available closer to home. Some villagers had studied traditional medical texts and could offer treatments. "Old ladies" who served as midwives could readily be found. Medicinal herbs were gathered from the hillsides as alternatives or supplements to what could be bought in the market. Religious cures were not infrequently resorted to.58 Written literature Most villages had written lineage genealogies, handbooks for various purposes (medicine, etiquette, village regulations, fung shui, fortune telling, worship), written land deeds, account books both in connection with ancestral land and of individual household expenses, and occasionally books of songs to be sung on various occasions. Novels were uncommon, but the more literate read printed texts of the Cantonese songs known as the naam yam. Many villagers would not have been sufficiently literate to understand all of these texts, but in almost all villages ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 185 they were knocking on every door in the village to force villagers to act as their porters. Mr. Chung had little choice but to obey. For the next week, he and quite a few of his fellow villagers were taken away from the village. He remembered having to march up Fei Ngo Shan, down to Ma Yau Tong, and then to Lei Yu Mun, until he successfully escaped.66 It was probably on December 11 that Mr. Chau T'in Shang in Sai Kung Market saw the Japanese cavalry pass. The Japanese did not enter the market. There was no disturbance or fighting. The police had been withdrawn before the Japanese arrived, and people just stayed indoors.67 Quite a few villagers from Sai Kung and nearby villages were in the city when the War broke out. Mr. Wan Ts'eung of Tai Po Tsai was living in Kowloon City at the time. He must have learnt of the beginning of the War when he saw Kai Tak Airport bombed. But he recalled that one morning, he was in the street, and was shocked by machine-gun fire behind him. He hid behind some stone pillars, and then saw Fifth Columnists, known as the "victory fellows" (shing lei yau) who proclaimed that they were members of the Asia Prosperity Institution (Hing A Kei Kwan). Mr. Cheung Wing of Wo Mei was in Shaukiwan when he heard of the outbreak of war. He immediately went with several people back to the village, and feared all the way that they might be spotted and shot at by the Japanese. He arrived in the village before the Japanese came down from Keng Hing Shek. Mr. Tse Koon K'au of Tan Ka Wan spent the night of December 7 in the Nathan Hotel in Kowloon. This hotel was frequented by New Territories villagers when they went into the city. The next morning, he heard the aeroplanes and the bombs, and went out to ask what the matter was. When he saw that people in Shamshuipo were wounded, he realized that it was not a practice exercise, and started immediately to return to Sai Kung. A Mr. Chan Shing of Tai Po had a petrol station on Waterloo Road, and Mr. Chan drove Mr. Tse and five other people towards Sha Tin. They were stopped at a roadblock and were not allowed to drive into the New Territories. He left the car, with some difficulty bypassed the roadblock, spent some time with a friend in Chap Wai Kon (Sha Tin), and spent the night at Wu Kai Sha. He arrived in Sai Kung the next day, before the Japanese appeared ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 208 NOTES AND QUERIES The westermost cannon has an inscription showing that it was cast in the 1st moon of the 10th year of the reign of Chia Ching (1805), weighing 1,200 catties (嘉慶十年正月造,重一千二百斤). Again, this cannon and some others were probably cast for the defence of the region against pirates.4 The cannon which lies next to it had been severely weathered, and the inscription is illegible. Two cannons on the east wall bear the same inscriptions. These read as follows:-- Cannon: weight 2,000 catties. Yik: General of Border Pacification, by Imperial Appointment (欽命靖逆將軍奕(山)). Choi: Minister of Constant Support. Kay: Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent, and Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi (太子少保廣東總督都堂祁(墳)). Leung: Assistant Minister of Defence, and Governor of Kwangtung (兵部侍郎廣東巡撫部院(寶常)). Lau: Acting Prefect of Fat Shan Prefecture. Cheong: Reserve Magistrate of Hoi Fung District, supervised its manufacture (海豐縣丞即補縣昌、監造). In the 10th moon of the 21st year of the reign of Tao Kwang (1841) (道光二十一年十月吉日). Cast by Cannon Artisans Li, Chan, and Fok. During that time, British influence in this area was strong. Viceroy Lin Tse-hsü ordered the casting of cannons from Fat Shan for the fortification of the coast of Kwangtung. These two cannons must be two of those that Viceroy Lin had ordered to be cast, and they were placed in this region for defence purposes. The cannon which lies next to these two is again illegible, because of severe weathering. These six cannons were selected from elsewhere, some perhaps from the Kai Yik Kok Fort, others from the Shek Se Fort, and were mounted there. Though they were not cast at the same time, they had the same purpose: they were used to defend the region against pirates and foreign invasions. They are now preserved at Tung Chung and help to commemorate these events. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 192 DAVID FAURE Madam Wan of Ha Yeung (near Hang Hau), for instance, carried firewood into Kowloon, leaving Ha Yeung at 2.00 in the morning. But the Japanese came and "cut their firewood", and then took her husband away to work for them. She had some rice, and could purchase in addition to what she had her ration of 6.4 taels of rice per day at Ngau Chi Wan. For fear that she might be robbed, she kept her rice in a pit in front of her house. Girls were afraid of being raped when the Japanese came. They darkened their faces with soot and hid under straw. The Japanese sometimes found them nonetheless.85 Mr. Uen Chan Wan of Ta Ho Tun gave us a description that we heard time and again in our interviews: "Every day I carried firewood into Kowloon with my wife. Life was hard. At the time, oil was 8 cents a catty, eggs 12 for 10 cents, kerosene 3.5 cents a catty, sugar 5 cents a catty. We split bamboo lengthwise into two halves, dried it and sold it for fuel. Then the Japanese wanted labourers to build the road, and asked the village heads to find a person from each family. In principle, a day's work was paid four taels of rice. There was not enough to eat, even when we added what we ourselves grew. We had to eat cassava flour, leaves, and even bark."86 Or, from Mr. Wong Ts'ing of Nam Shan Village, "During the War, every household had a ration ticket that entitled it to buy four taels of rice a day. At first you had to go to Kowloon to buy your ration rice; but later it was possible to buy it in Sai Kung. That was more rice than you would now eat, but there was no meat at the time. Many people had swollen feet. It was a very bad time. My father ate bamboo shoots and finally died with swollen feet."87 Mr. Chan Uet Shing of Chiu Hang and his wife worked as porters, and described their experience, "I was beaten by the Japanese. And there were many bandits who came down from the mainland. There was the rice ration, but you had to buy the rice at Ngau Chi Wan." ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 210 NOTES AND QUERIES Despite its rapid development in Southern Kiangsi, during the period 1904-1911 the religion was subject to occasional harassment from the prefectural authorities and the local Boxers (more or less similar in nature to the Boxers in North China). The latter even attempted to burn one of the churches of the Chun Hung Kau. In 1912 a law protecting freedom of religion was introduced. Therefore, despite the general unrest in the provinces, there was no longer any real threat to the propagation of the religion. In 1925, a new church was added to the original main church in Wong Yue Shan in Kiangsi. Outside Kiangsi, the religion also spread to central and south China. After the death of Liu, it began to spread into Fukien and Kwangtung and other provinces. The number of the churches of the religion founded in China from 1862 to 1937 is as follows:- Kiangsi Fukien Honan Szechwan Kiangsu Kwangtung Hupeh Hunan Kansu Anhwei Taiwan Shensi Hopeh 85 7 3 22 8 6 1 5 1 3 1 28 23 20 Total: 205 Propagation Overseas Hong Kong A follower of the religion, Chu Sau-kui (***) went to Hing Ning (A) in Kwangtung to preach in 1901 at the orders of Lai Yan-cheung. As there were many natives of Hing Ning who were operating business undertakings in Hong Kong, Chu was invited to preach there. He came to Hong Kong in 1904 to preach. A native of Hing Ning residing in Hong Kong, Yeung Sin-sam (#☀) founded a Ming Tak Tong (*) at 1160, Canton Road, Kowloon. Tsui Tao-shun (##) of Wai Yeung (✯∞) founded the Sing Kwong Tong (†) in Shaukiwan in 1936. Yim Tao-wan (LLT), also of Wai Yeung, founded the Chun Ning Tong (†*) in Des Voeux Road West in 1938. In 1947, a Leung Yi-ku (第二站) of Nan Hoi founded the Kwong Ming Tong (光明堂) in ... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 NOTES AND QUERIES 211 Queen's Road West. These are the 4 churches founded by Chu's disciples, the largest of which is the Ming Tak Tong. However, the most famous Chun Hung Kau church in Hong Kong is the Fuk Poon Yuen Tong (...) in Tai Nan Street founded by Lee Ting-ho (*) of Ng Wah. There are other Fuk Poon Yuen churches in Hong Kong, one in Hennessy Road, Wanchai founded by Tang Choi (*) of Chiu Ning (##), another in North Point founded by Cheung Hin-ying (Mik), another one in Kam Tin. Southeast Asia The religion's preaching work in S.E. Asia started in the early 19th century. The number of Chun Hung Kau churches in S.E. Asia is as follows:- (a) Singapore and (c) Sumatra Federation (d) Kalimantan 2 of Malaysia about 260 (e) Sarawak 6 (b) Thailand 10 (f) North Borneo 1 Regulations of the Chun Hung Kau The most important item in the "Regulations of the Chun Hung Kau" is the "Ten Commandments” These are:- (a) Do not indulge in lustful desires (b) Do not steal (c) Do not gamble (d) Do not be extravagant (e) Do not be proud (f) Do not smoke opium (g) Do not tell lies (h) Do not believe in idols (i) Do not believe in fung-shui (j) Do not forget the good others have done to you, and do not violate moral obligations. Doctrines At the very beginning Liu announced the "Five Belongings" and "Four Tests”. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 4 NOTES AND QUERIES Work of the Association in its early years 217 Soon after the port of Hong Kong was opened [again] in the last year of the reign of Hsien Feng in the Ch'ing dynasty (1860-61), there used to be a Nam Pak Hong Street (later renamed Bonham Strand West). At this favourable location our predecessors set up firms dealing in native products from south and north China. The following firms were among those then established one after another: the Kwong Mau Tai Hong and the Woo Kee Hong of Mr. Chiu Yue-tin, a celebrity of Kwangtung origin, the Hau Fung Hong of Mr. Lo Chor-san, the Hop Hing Hong of Mr. Lau Lo-tak, the Siu Fung Hong of Messrs. Fung Ping-shan and Kwong Tsz-ming, the Kwan Mau Hong (in Wing Lok Street West) of Mr. Li Sau-hin, the Wah On Hong of Mr. Chan Yue-fan, the Yue Wo Loong of Mr. Chan Sik-nin, the Yuen Fat Hong of Messrs. Ko Mun-wah and Chan Chun-chuen, celebrities of Chiu Chau origin, the Yuen Sing Fat Hong, the Kam Yue Fung Hong and the Kam Sing Lee Hong of Mr. Choi Si-kit, the Yue Tak Sing Hong and the Kwong Tak Fat Hong of Mr. Chan Tin-san, the Kin Tye Lung of Messrs. Chan Wun-wing and Chan Tsz-tan, the Ng Yuen Hing Hong of Mr. Ng Lei-hing, a celebrity of Fukien origin, the Chui Tak Loong Hong of Messrs. Wu Ting-sam and Wong Ting-ming, the Hau Tak Hong of Mr. Kwok Yim-sing and his brother(s), the Yi Tai Hong and the Lee Yuen Cheung Hong of a business group of Shantung origin. With the exception of Messrs. Chan Yue-fan, Chan Sik-nin and Kwok Yin-sing, all the aforesaid gentlemen have now deceased. In 1868, with the concerted initiative and efforts of the said Messrs. Chiu Yue-tin, Chan Chun-chuen, Fung Ping-shan, Choi Kit-si, Chan Tin-sau and Wu Ting-sam, the Nam Pak Hong Association was founded in Bonham Strand West near its junctions with Wing Lok Street and Queen's Road. Then the objectives of the Association were to promote members' welfare and market prosperity, to assist the police in the maintenance of law and order in the neighbourhood and to formulate plans for the prevention of fires and alleviation of disasters. On the first floor of the Association building was the office, where regulations and business rules of the Association were decided, Directors and Managers of the Association mutually elected, and monthly meetings held. For the first term, the Chairman of the Board of Directors was Mr. Chiu Yue-tin and the Manager was Mr. Lau Lo-tak. The latter mana- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 236 LOCAL LIFE MEMBERS ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. The Registry, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. ASOME, Mrs. Josephine Kingly Court, Flat B-G, 5-11 South Bay Close. Repulse Bay, HONG KONG BELL, Mr Gordon, c/o The Royal Observatory, Nathan Road, KOWLOON, BOARD, Mr. D. B. M., c/o The Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, HONG KONG. BONSALL, Mr. Geoffrey W. Hong Kong University Press, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG, BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, HONG KONG CALCINA, Mr. P. G., Commercial Investment Co. Ltd., Lane Crawford House, HONG KONG CARLSON, Miss R E., c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, HONG KONG. CATER, Sir Jack, Victoria House, Barker Road, HONG KONG. CHAMBERS, Mr. J. W., c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG. CHAN, Mr. Alfred T., Coronet Court, 14th Floor H, North Point, HONG KONG. CHENG, Mr. T, C., Flat B4, Camelot Height, 66 Kennedy Road, HONG KONG, CHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong, c/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG, CHOA, Dr. Gerald H., c/o Chinese University of H.K., Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES. CHUN, Miss Oy-Ling, St. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, HONG KONG. COMBER, Mr. Leon, K.P.O. Box 96086, KOWLOON. COSBY, Mr. Ivan P. S. G., c/o Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corp., 1 Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG. CRAMER, Mr. B. L. C., 1A Verbena Road, G/Fl., Yau Yat Chuen, KOWLOON. CRONE, Dr. D. L., The Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club, 2 Sports Road, HONG KONG. DJOU, Mr. G. G., c/o American International Assurance Co. Ltd., American International Building, 1 Stubbs Road, HONG KONG. EMERSON, Mr. Geoffrey C., 1 Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG, EVANS, Mr. Paul J., Ray-O-Vac International Corp. 405 Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG. EVANS, Mrs. P. J., 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, HONG KONG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 242 ORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS BRIGGS, The Hon. Sir Geoffrey, Q.C., Courts of Justice, HONG KONG. BROMFIELD, Mr. Antony Clifford, King Fung Villa, 224/225, 104 Miles, Castle Peak Road, Tsuen Wan, NEW TERRITORIES BROUWER, Mrs. R.P., A3 Repulse Bay Mansions, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG BROWN, Mr. Edward de R., Flat 2IB, 19 Braemar Hill Road, North Point, HONG KONG. BROWN, Dr. H.O., School of Education, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. BURNS, Dr. John P., Dept. of Political Science, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. BUTLER, Miss B.A., Public Services Commission, Room 573, Central Government Offices, 5/F, HONG KONG. CAMERON, Mr. Nigel, 1ID Venice Court, 41D Conduit Road, HONG KONG. CAMPBELL, Mr. M.C., Oxford University Press, 5/F News Building, 633 King's Road, HONG KONG. CANTERS, Mr. Rene, c/o The Belgian Bank, P.O. Box 27, HONG KONG. CARDENZANA, Mr. John, Hill & Knowlton Asia Ltd., 1401 World Trade Centre, H.K., P.O Box 5389, HONG KONG. CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. John, Room 315, Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank Bldg., HONG KONG. CATT, Miss Pauline, Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. CAVAYE, Mr. Peter K., 8 Aigburth Hall, 9 May Road, HONG KONG. CENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES, The Director, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. CHAN, Mrs. Amy, H.K. Tourist Association, Connaught Centre, 35/F, HONG KONG. CHAN, Mr. Sui-Jeung, U.S.D. Kowloon H.Q., 148 Sai Yee Street, KOWLOON. CHAN, Mrs. Teresa, H.K. Tourist Association, Connaught Centre, 35/F, HONG KONG CHANWAI, Dr. D.J.L., 203 D'Aguilar Place, 7 D'Aguilar Street, HONG KONG. CHAPMAN, Mr. V.F.D., c/o Wong Tai Sin Police Station, KOWLOON. CHEN, Mr. S.H., 79 King's Road, 4/F, HONG KONG. CHESTERMAN, Miss Merlyn, 24D Peak Road, 1/F, Cheung Chau, HONG KONG. CHEUNG, Mr. Oswald, 703 Prince's Building, HONG KONG. CHIAO, Dr. Chien, Residence No. 8, Flat 1A, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES CHILVERS, Mrs. Anna E.S., 3 Mount Nicholson Road, 1/F, HONG KONG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 204 DAVID FAURE hsü 12 (1886). In the Kau Sai Hung Shing Temple, the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 15 (1889), and the altar Kuang-hsü 20 (1894); and in the Hang Hau T'in Hau Temple (besides the 1840 bell), the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 1 (1875), a tablet Kuang-hsü 2 (1876), an altar is of the same year, a wooden board of Kuang-hsü 4 (1878), a shrine of Kuang-hsü 10 (1884), a pair of stone lions of Kuang-hsü 13 (1887), and a pair of incense burners of Kuang-hsü 20 (1894). The bell and the incense burner at the Tin Ha Wan T'in Hau Temple are both undated, but Mr. Ip Ch'un, who lived nearby, told us that the temple was already in disrepair over fifty years ago. Historical inscriptions found in Sai Kung and elsewhere in Hong Kong and the New Territories have been transcribed as a special project and may be found in David Faure, Alice Ng, and Bernard Luk, "A collection of historical inscriptions in Hong Kong". The report is available in the Institute of Chinese Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, and will, it is hoped, be published shortly. 7 Mr. Hoh Taai of Ko Tong, aged over 60, knew of the whereabouts of a charcoal burner, but never saw it in operation (Int. 10.6.81). Lime kilns were reported in Wong Yi Chau, Wong Keng Tei, Tai Mong Tsai Tso Wo Hang, Tai Wan, Kiu Tsui, Sha Ha, Pak Sha Wan, Che Keng Tuk, Ta Ho Tun, Tai Tan, and Yau Yu Wan (Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Tang Kei Faat 25.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Wong Ping Lin 29.6.81, Madam Liu 20.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81, Mrs. Hoh née Lei 28.6.81, Mr. Chung 23.7.81, and Madam Lam Yau Ch'un 19.8.81.) The Liu family at Kiu Tsui built the ancestral hall that can be seen today on the main road into Sai Kung Market. For an impression of the long history of lime making in Sai Kung, it should be noted that Madam Lo Koon Mooi was 85 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 87 in 1981, and it was their fathers who were engaged in the lime business. Mr. Yau continued working the kilns until his early 40's. Brick kilns were reported in Chek Keng and Pak Tam Chung (Ints. Mr. Chiu Sz 7.5.81 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81). The lime industry, of course, also provided income for fishermen who collected coral for the kilns. See "Return of the approximate number of fishermen employed in taking coral and shell from the sea adjoining the New Territory", in Hong Kong Legislative Council, Sessional Papers, 1901, p. 685. "The best indication of the growing importance of the trade in pigs is a set of account books that belonged to Mr. Yung Sz Ch'iu of Pak Sha O, a photocopy of which is held by the Oral History Project. See also ints. Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 and Mr. Hoh King 5.6.81. • There are many instances of seamen recruited by recruitment firms (haang shuen koon); see, eg. Mr. Chiu Sz (Int. 7.5.81). Remittance from abroad was sent back to the village through import-export houses (kam shan tsong), see Mr. Yau T'aai Hong (Int. 11.8.81). 10 Mr. Cheung T'o's grandfather was a cook on Hong Kong Island, and his father was employed on the Kowloon-Canton Railway. Mr. Cheung, of Ho Chung, was c. 70 in 1981 (Int. 15.6.81). Mr. Tsang Yau of Tai Mong Tsai (age unknown, but who married before World War II) worked in a shop started by his father in Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island (Int. 23.6.81). 11 Ints. Mr. Cheng Chung Ting 21.5.81, Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81, Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81; Bernard Williams, "Visit to Ho Chung and Sheung Yeung villages in the Sai Kung area”, in Marjorie Topley, ed. Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, Hong Kong, 1965, pp. 46-47, and "The Chan family of Tseung Kwan O", JHKBRAS 7 (1967), pp. 158-160. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 209 22.7.81, Mr. Yau Taai Hin 23.7.81, 8.81, Mr. Lau 24.7.81, Mrs. Yau née Lau 13.8.81, and Hong Kong Government Administrative Report, 1934 p. M101. 5. For the work of the village teacher, see ints. Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, and Mr. Cheng Yung 23.6.81. For naam yam in village, see Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 22.5.81, and Mr. Sung Kw'an 22.6.81. 60 Mr. Chau T'in Shang's father, for instance, owned one of the shipyards in Sai Kung Market, but his mother and his sister-in-law farmed (see int. 3.6.81), and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam entered his father's herbalist's store at eighteen, married at nineteen, and continued to work in the market while his wife farmed in the village at Man Yi Wan (see int. 8.5.81). For shortage of rice see Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Lok Shaang 21.5.81, Mr. Sung 22.6, Mrs. Lau 1.7.81. In the 1920's and 1930's, each load of firewood carried into Kowloon sold for 25 to 40 cents, pigs were sold in Sai Kung at approximately 18 dollars per picul, which was the weight of one pig, and rice for 3 to 4 dollars per picul. It was possible for a family to carry firewood into Kowloon quite a few times every month for about five months per year, and to sell two to three pigs. The cash income would have been 50 to 80 dollars per year, enough to buy 15 to 20 piculs of rice, enough for about five adults for the year. In addition, daily wages were 30 cents, and there was employment in the limekilns and in construction. Money was not short for daily necessities, but for weddings, in which the present to the bride's family alone would have been 200 to 300 dollars, many families would have had to resort to borrowing. See ints. Madam Laai Hung Tai 8.5.81, Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, Mr. Chan Tin Po 12.5.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, Mrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81, Mr. Kong Hei 21.6.81, Mrs. Cheung 24.6.81, Mr. Lau Hing Lung 16.6.81, Mr. Lei 29.6.81, Mr. K'uet Po Shing 2.7.81, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 22.5.81, Mr. Lok Foh Kau 20.6.81, Mrs. Tse 21.6.81, Mr. Tsang 25.6.81. For a descriptive account of village production, see Mr. Cheng Ip 4.5.81. 01 Ints. Mr. Yau Taam Shang 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81, Mr. Hoh Taai 10.6.81, Mr. Cheung T'o 15.6.81, Mr. Hoh Shang 20.6.81, Madam Wan née Lau 21.6.81. 02 Int. Mr. Sung 22.6.81. 03 Yield on good land was 3 piculs of grain per harvest, i.e. 6 piculs per year. In addition to this, there were several piculs of sweet potatoes. On poorer land, e.g. near Mang Kung Uk, it could be as low as 1 to 2 piculs per harvest. Rent was half the produce of grain, and somewhat less if the land was rented from the ancestral trust. See ints. Mr. Sung 22.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mrs. Tse née Lau 24.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81. 04 Madam Yau 10.7.81, and cf. Mrs. Tse 22.6.81. 05 65 Int. Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80. 00 ibid. 07 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80. 08 Mr. Wan Ts'eung 31.11.80, Mr. Cheung Wing 81, Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81. 60 6 Mr. Tse Ming 15.1.81, Mr. Yau Kei 8.7.81, Mr. Shing 20.7.81, Mr. Leung Chiu Man 25.7.81. 70 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Cheng Ip 14.5.81, Mrs. Tsui née Lei 20.5.81, Mr. Hoh King 5.6.81. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 140 NOTES AND QUERIES The Walled City had an area of about 70 mou. It had a length of about 130 yards and its breadth was about 240 yards. The walls were about 20 feet high and five to ten feet thick. There were four main gates. The gateways were about ten feet high and eight feet wide, and they could be shut with iron gates. The main entrance was the South Gate PT. Outside the main gate, there was the Lung Chun River. A stone bridge called the Lung Chun Bridge crossed the river. Soldiers could land at a pier and march directly into the Walled City. The Walled City's garrison was 150 soldiers under one fu-cheung or brigadier. In addition, fifteen soldiers and one ngai-wai-tsin-tsung or sub-lieutenant guarded the Kowloon Coastal Guard Station 九龍海口汎 whilst the Kowloon Fort 九龍砲台 was guarded by one tsin-tsung or lieutenant with 75 men. The number of men remained the same until the early Kuang Hsü Reign. Then in the 24th year of the Kuang Hsü Reign (1898), the New Territories was leased to the British. The Walled City at first remained under the rule of the Ch'ing Government. However in 1899 the garrisons in that area were evacuated, and the Walled City was abandoned. Nowadays, nothing of the Walled City remains, except two old cannons of the Chia Ch'ing Period and the old yamen which can still be found in Lung Chun Road inside the old Kowloon Walled City. Hong Kong, November 1980 ANTHONY K. K. SIU NOTES 1 Chapter 8 of the San On Yuen Chi, K'ang Hsi edition states, "During the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi Reign (1667), the Kowloon watch-post, guarded by thirty men, was established. Then, in the 21st year of the K'ang Hsi Reign (1682), the Kowloon watch-post was turned into the Kowloon guard-station and the number of guards was reduced to ten only.” 2 See Chapter 11 of the San On Yuen Chi, Chia Ch'ing edition 新安縣志卷十一 3 Chapter 125 of Kwangtung Tung Chi, Tao Kuang edition records, “In the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing Reign ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 144 NOTES AND QUERIES Tai Lam Chung Sub-district:- Tai Lam Chung, So Kun Fat, Tai Lam, Tsing Fai Tong, Un Tan and Tin Po Tsai 田箭仔、 Lung Ku Tan Sub-district:- Nim Wan, Tai Shui Hang 大水坑, Pak Long 北朗, Ha Nam Long 下南朗, Sheung Nam Long 上南朗 and Tuk Mi Chung 篤尾涌. 18 At present, Tuen Mun consists of thirty-two villages; namely: Chi Tin Tsuen, Ching Chuen Wai † (mainly surnamed To 陶), Ching Shan Keuk 青山脚, Ching Shan Tsuen 青山村, Chung Uk Tsuen (mainly surnamed Chung), Fu Ti Tsuen 虎地村, Fu Hang Tsuen 福亨村, Ho Tin Tsuen 河田村, Ki Lun Wai 麒麟圍 (mainly surnamed Chan 陳), Kwong Shan Tsuen 礦山村, Lam Tei 藍地 (mainly surnamed To 陶 and Kwan 關), Lam Tei San Tsuen (mainly surnamed To), Leung Tin Tsuen 良田村 (mainly surnamed Ho 何), Lung Ku Taan 龍鼓灘 (mainly surnamed Lau), Nai Wai (mainly surnamed To 陶), Nim Wan 稔灣, Po Tong Ha 寶塘下 (mainly surnamed Tsui 徐), Sam Shing Hui 三聖墟, San Hing Tsuen 新慶村 (mainly surnamed Siu 蕭), San Hui 新墟, San Wai Chei 新圍仔, Shun Fung Wai »§ £, ♬ (mainly surnamed Cheung 張 and Leung 梁), Siu Hang Tsuen 小坑村 (mainly surnamed Tse 謝), So Kwun Wat 掃管笏 (mainly surnamed Lee 李), Tai Lam Chung (mainly surnamed Wu 吳 and Wong 黃), Tin Fu Chai (mainly surnamed To and Choi), To Yuen Wai (mainly surnamed Lee 李), Tseng Tau Tsuen 井頭村, Tuen Chi Wai 屯子圍 (mainly surnamed To 陶), Wo Ping San Tsuen 和平新村, Yeung Siu Hang 楊小坑 and Luen On San Tsuen 聯安新村. Tuen Mun has now been developed into a large new satellite town. A major road, the Tuen Mun Highway, has been built, joining it with Tsuen Wan, and a light rail system within the town area will be developed in the near future. NOTES 1 The name 'Tuen Mun' appeared first in Chapter 43 of the New History of T'ang. 2 Tuen Mun Shan was also known as 'Pui To Shan'. Nowadays, it is also called 'Castle Peak'. The Bay was also known as Tuen Mun O. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 68 1968).   HUBERT SEIWART Cf. Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China. (Cambridge, Mass. Cf. Y. Raguin, "Buddhismus auf Taiwan", in Buddhismus der Gegenwart, ed. by H. Dumoulin (Freiburg 1970) pp 113 – 116. a "Taoism' (by A. K. Seidel), in The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Macropaedia, p 1042. For example, the Taoist Association of the Republic of China is run mostly by laymen who try to get rid of many of the more "vulgar" practices of religious Taoism and to restore the intellectual tradition of former times. These efforts seem not to be supported by many of the Taoist priests, possibly since they make their living by performing these practices. 10   See for example G. G. H. Dunstheimer, “Religion et magie dans le mouvement des Boxeurs”, in T’oung Pao, 47 (1959) pp 323 - 367; G. Miles, "Vegetarian Sects", in The Chinese Recorder, 33 (1902) pp 110; D. H. Porter, "Secret Sects in Shantung", in The Chinese Recorder, 17 (1886) pp 1 – 10, 64 – 73; M. Topley, "Chinese Religion and Rural Cohesion in the Nineteenth Century", in JHKBRAS 8 (1968), pp 9 - 43. 11 Cf. Wing-tsit Chan, Religioses Leben im heutigen China, (München, 1955) pp 109-156. T'ai-pei-shih 12 Such a healing-cult is treated by Wang Chih-ming Chi-lung-lu ti i-ko min-su i-sheng he t'a-ti hsin-t'u-men (unpublished B.A. thesis, National Taiwan University, Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, 1971) 13 An example of this is the Sheng-hsien-t’ang community in Taichung. The publications of the revelations of the mediums of this temple are distributed and read everywhere in Taiwan. 14 Some sects (e.g. Li-chiao), however, are copying Buddhist or Taoist ceremonies and dress so that it is difficult to decide whether the performers are priests or laymen. 16 Some of the "new religions” are treated in Hsiao Ching-fen, “The current situation of new religions in Taiwan", Theology and the Church, 10:2 – 3 (Tainan, 1971) pp 1 -- 28; 10 I-kuan is actually derived from a passage in the Confucian Analects (IV, 15). 17 The popular name is Ya-tan chiao. Other names are Tien Tao chiao, K'ung-tzu chiao, Ta Tao chiao, Lao-mu chiao 4. Cf. Tung Fang-yüan, Tai-wan min-chien tsung-chiao hsin-yang (Taipei 1976) p 123. 18 Tung, op. cit., p 123f. According to Su Ming-tung, T'ien-tao kai-lun (Kaohsiung, 1979) p 197, there are more than 300,000 followers of I-kuan Tao in Taiwan today. Li Shih-yü, Hsien-tsai Hua-pei mi-mi-tsung-chiao (Chengtu, 1948, repr. Taipei, 1975) p 32. 20 It seems certain, however, that the I-kuan Tao has followers outside Taiwan, esp. in Hong Kong, Japan and Singapore. In contrast to Taiwan, in these places the sect is not forbidden by the government and can operate openly (cf. Su Ming-tung, op. cit., p 198f). For the propaganda of the Communist government ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 161 Meanwhile, the Tao-kuang Emperor felt keenly British challenges to traditional Chinese foreign policy. Juan Yüan was summoned to Peking. One topic of their discussions was Sino-British relations at Canton. But these discussions must be interpreted in the light of another pressing development. Page 162 In 1821, the Tao-kuang Emperor, newly on the throne, adopted a policy that was closer to Juan Yüan's point of view. A more stringent anti-opium policy was enforced at Canton, leading to closer monitoring of activities and movements of foreigners in port. The following year, a new situation developed in the northwest, giving further evidence that the British were challenging the Canton system by trying to open new trading frontiers in China. The combination of these factors led to toughened measures to control Westerners in Canton. That year, Wu-lung-a, assistant military governor for administration (ts'an-chan ta-ch'en) in Kashgar, reported to the Emperor the presence of two British traders near Yarkand in western Sinkiang. These traders had entered the Chinese Empire from Kashmir and Tibet, and had travelled by camel across the Sinkiang desert, but had sent the camels back when they were no longer suitable for the terrain. These traders and the remainder of their caravan had been prevented by the local chieftain of Yarkand, Akim Beg Mohamet, from buying horses, blankets and other provisions. Wu-lung-a, whose responsibilities included Yarkand, had ascertained that these traders were indeed British, and had indeed come from Kashmir. He enclosed with the memorial a letter from a British official in India which gave in considerable detail the route taken by the two traders from Kashmir to Sinkiang, as well as their intention to travel through the Chinese Northwest to Bukhara, north of Afghanistan, hence their need for horses. This letter to the Akim Beg identified the writer and the traders, then continued: These traders and their retinue would like to go to Bukhara, taking any road that was safe for them, ... It is their understanding that the road through Yarkand is good and safe. They also heard that his Imperial Majesty is kind and fair to strangers, therefore, they have come to discuss with me the possibility of taking this road. They have asked me to certify their need to purchase horses, blankets and stockings. As it is the British practice for the chief in each city to write a letter to the chief of the next city on the traveller's route on behalf of the traveller, I am writing this letter to the Akim Beg of Yarkand. Wu-lung-a, maintaining the traditional Ch'ing policy that the only Page 163 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 306 NOTES AND QUERIES Chung Hau, and two fortresses, seven guard-houses, and an ammunition store at the foot of the Shek Sz Shan EXL. However, whether this record gives the date of construction of the Tung Chung Fort (also known as the Tung Chung Walled City) has never been clear. A recent discovery has helped to clarify the position. Above the main gate of the Tung Chung Fort, two big Chinese characters, Kung Sun, are carved and have long been visible. Recently, it was found, under careful examination, that six lines of tiny Chinese characters can be seen to the right of these two big characters. They are badly weathered, and only the following characters can be seen clearly. These read as follows:- 1st line.... the 12th year of the Tao Kuang reign 2nd line.... (the characters cannot be identified) MARM 3rd line... Tung Chung of the Two Kuangs (Kwangtung and Kwangsi) 4th line.... *O**IN* Charm-cheong (?), Naval Commander 5th line.... 6th line.... money and built Shau-pe (?) Ho Chun-lung Chapter 7 of the Heung Shan Yuen Chi, Kuang Hsü edition ** recorded, "In the 11th year of the Tao Kuang reign (1831), a Shau-pe from the Chin Shan Camp S was transferred to Tai Yu Shan. He was appointed to be the Shau-pe of the newly established Right Camp (Wing) of the Tai Pang Battalion "From this, we know that the Right Camp of the Tai Pang Battalion was established in the 11th year of the Tao Kuang reign with its headquarters at Tung Chung on Lantau Island. The construction of the headquarters, the Tung Chung Fort, was completed a year later, in the 12th year of the Tao Kuang reign, as revealed by the characters in the 1st line. The last line gives the name of the Shau-pe, Ho Chun-lung, Commander of the Right Camp of the Tai Pang Battalion stationed at the Tung Chung Fort. Chapter 11 of Heung Shan Yuen Chi, Kuang Hsü edition stated, "Ho Chun-lung, native of Yellow Flag ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 127 practices dating back to the complainants childhood and before suggests that the Tanka were using the Tai Tam Tuk anchorage from at least the very beginning of the nineteenth century. I turn now to the important question of how far back was Hong Kong occupied? This is practically an impossible question to answer for lack of sufficient information. As in many other places, like Tsuen Wan and north-west Kowloon, the present old, local, formerly tenant families appear mainly to have come into the area after the Great Evacuation of the Coast ordered by the Kanghsi emperor, 1662-69, and many of them not until the eighteenth century or even after. Yet it is an interesting fact that the maps in a later 16th century geographical work on Kwangtung, the Yueh ta-chi(A) contain names that are familiar to us today, on Hong Kong island as well as on the other islands and mainland of the Hong Kong region. Thus we find Chek Chu (Stanley), Tai Tam, Wong Nei Chung, Tit Hang, Chun Hoi and Shau Kei Wan, as well as Hong Kong itself, implying surely, that these places were settled at that time or were at least resorted to periodically. Also, the Tang correspondence from the 1840s quoted above specifically refers to recultivation of their land in various places in the late seventeenth century — though not necessarily by the former tenant farmers after revocation of the edict of 1662 referred to above. We also learn that the Tang land on Hong Kong island was entered in the Tung Kwun district land registry, suggesting that the registration might well be earlier than 1573, at which date the San On district was carved out of Tung Kwun and established as a separate county. 71 The island was certainly well-established in settled communities long before 1841. The temples alone give proof of that. To this day, two existing temples at Stanley, and two at Aberdeen (one at the former village and one on an islet now joined by reclamation to Ap Lei Chau) and the Tin Hau Temple at Tin Hau Temple Road, Causeway Bay (formerly called Hung Heung Lo or "Crimson Incense Burner") contain items that go back to the eighteenth or very early nineteenth century. There were others now demolished or resited that probably predated 1841. Details are given in the Table below. 72 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 282 CHEUNG AH-LUM, A BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE CHOI CHI-CHEUNG On February 2, 1857, Cheung Ah-lum, proprietor of the Esing Bakery, was charged with administering poison in bread with intent to murder on January 15 that year. The charge, defended by Dr. Bridge, who was Acting Colonial Secretary, was found unproven. However, Ah-lum was "re-arrested as a suspicious character and detained in gaol until July 31, 1857". He was released "on condition of his not resorting to the Colony for five years". This Cheung Ah-lum was a member of the Cheung lineage of Heung Shan County (Hsiang Shan) (= now Chungshan). The Clan Record of this lineage was published in 1934, and contains a lengthy biography written by an old colleague, Chen Chao-ch'ang, in 1904, four years after Ah-lum's death. Since this biography gives a very different view of Ah-lum to that more frequently found, it is felt that a translation of this biography might be of interest, and it is, therefore, given below. “An Account of Ancestor Wu-sheng of the Chang (Cheung) Clan, granted the Honour of a High Official Title” "His death name was Pei-lin, his style was Han-hung, and his assumed name was Wu-sheng. He was a native of Ya-kang of Heung Shan. His great-grandfather was Chiao-chin, his grandfather was Huan-pi, and his father was Wei-kang. He had two younger brothers, the first was Yu-hung, and the second was Tsan-hung. He was the eldest of the three sons of his father. From his youth, he was eager to excel. He could read the books his father gave him, and he had an excellent memory. However, because of poverty, he had to give up studying and followed Yung-yin, a man of the same surname whom he called uncle, to do business in Macao at the age of 13. From there, he learnt the ways of doing business with the foreigners. Knowing that Hong Kong was a newly opened port and that there were chances to develop business there, he decided to go to work in Hong Kong when he was 18. He became chief comprador of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 279 dated this year may be found at the Tam Kung Temple that is now located at Blue Pool Road. The other temple, in Shaukiwan, was built in 1905. There was once also a Tam Kung Temple in Tokwawan in Kowloon, but it was demolished to make way for a road, which has been named Tam Kung Road in remembrance of the temple. ANTHONY K.K. SIU NOTES See Hui-chou fu-chih 1881 edition, ch. 44. ibid. ch. 12. THE CANNON IN THE KOWLOON WALLED CITY Two old muzzle-loading cannon, each about twelve feet long, can be found in front of No. 2, Lung Chun Road in the Kowloon Walled City. See Plates 24-25, The inscriptions on both cannon are legible. They were cast in the same year under the same supervision. The inscriptions read as follows:- In the mid-spring month of the 7th year of reign of Chia-ch’ing (1802) 嘉慶七年仲春月 + L Wu, Acting Governor of Kwangtung WM, Chueh-lo-chi, Assistant High Chancellor, and Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi2, Sun, Commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung (Marine) Forces ORIENT Zhang (?), Commissioner of Salt Transport of Kwangtung and Kwangsi supervised the manufacture of this 4000 catties cannon #4 TAG. The other cannon bears the same inscription but weighs 5000 catties. During that time, the coastal area was infested by pirates. Viceroy Chueh-lo-chi ordered the casting of cannon for the fortification of the coast of Kwangtung. These two cannon must be ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 Plate 24. One of the two large cannon cast in 1802 lying in the lane outside the Old People's Centre, 2 Lung Chun Road, Kowloon Walled City. (Courtesy Anthony K.K. Siu) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 94 A SENTIMENTAL JOURNEY INTO THE PAST OF THE CHAN AND JONG FAMILIES* VIOLET MEBIG CHAN LEW Introduction I have tried several times to get started on tracing my roots but have found several factors hindering my progress. Although I have gathered together quite a bit of material, I have been somewhat frustrated by my inability to read and write Chinese fluently or to find help with it. Also, ages given are often confusing because some are reckoned according to the lunar calendar and some according to the Gregorian system. On one occasion I wrote, "On this the 16th day of October, 1973, I am on a United Airlines plane with my husband, John, bound for Honolulu, which is 'home' to me. It seems that as long as one's parent is alive and is living in the same locality where one grew up, that place remains 'home'. It is the place where one has friendships bonded as far back as memory carries one. The older one becomes, the more one looks backward and recalls with pleasure incidents that have enriched one's life. I have been toying with the idea of putting down in English an account of the migration of my grandparents to Hawaii and the assimilation of the family members into the Western culture. Already, within three generations extending over a span of about one hundred * Editor's note: Violet Mebig Chan Lew was born in 1906. At the age of 71, she decided to investigate the history of her family, the Chan and Jong clans, which had emigrated to Hawaii from Hsiang-shan county in Kwangtung. Consulting public documents, genealogical records, personal correspondence, her diary and interviewing as many people as she could, Violet Lew spent ten years gathering material for this endeavour. A retired teacher and social worker, Mrs. Lew now lives in Boston and Honolulu with her husband, John. The Journal discovered this manuscript in 1986, and persuaded Mrs. Lew to allow it to be published. Mrs. Lew writes in her correspondence with the Journal: "I wish to acknowledge the help of Dr. Wing Tsit Chan and my cousin, Toby Chen, in the translation of several sections of the Chan genealogy; the help of Pyun Kyau Minn with the organization of the project; and especially that of Betty Liu in getting this project published. I am also grateful to those who have contributed what they remembered of past events or enlightened me in the translation of Chinese characters." Mrs. Lew dedicates this article to her parents, Ping Yip and Jong Hung Chan. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 101 some of the Au's in Honolulu, such as to Evelyn Lee Ho's mother, who was born an Au. First Uncle thought I resembled Grandmother in looks. She had six children, three sons and three daughters: Daughter Yim Chan Shee Son Ping Wing Wi Son Chung Chi BC née Chan Yung Kam hao Shing Mi BBC née Chan Yung Yick Ping I William Daughter Leong Chan Shee Daughter Auyoung Chan Shee Son Ping Yip 炳業 Grandfather, from hearsay and from a photograph taken in his 60s, was a sophisticated, handsome and bewhiskered gentleman. He had a literary degree which was purchased, no doubt to enhance his status. He evidently enjoyed the lighter side of life, and even in his old age, he would sing Chinese operas while accompanying himself on a moon harp, an instrument he left to us but which we failed to appreciate. Whether he gave Grandmother cause for worry or not, she became mentally ill after the birth of Father. She would voice concern that Grandfather would take in a concubine and would express fear of losing her children. She died on 23 November 1880, when Father was barely two years old. Grandfather remarried and by his second wife surnamed Leong had his seventh offspring, a son, Ping Lim. She was from Lung Ait Tau Village (龍隘頭村), and was born on 13 October 1860. Grandfather followed First Uncle to California, then sent for Second Uncle to join them. Grandfather then went to Hawaii and sent for his second wife and Ping Lim, but left Father in the village with the wife of First Uncle. When Father was 14, he accompanied his oldest sister, Yim Chan Shee, to Hawaii. The two families settled in a small Chinese community located on Prison road, across the road from the former site of Oahu Prison, overlooking Honolulu Harbour and the Oahu Railway Station, and easily accessible to Chinatown. Grandfather and a group of friends started a Chinese grocery business at 79 N. King Street on the Maikai side between Manunakea and Smith Streets, named Wing On Tai (永安泰). On its Waikiki side was a similar store managed by Yee Mun Wai, father of Dr. Lester Yee; on the Ewa side was Yuen Chong Mil¦ owned by Lee Lit, father of Dr. Robert Lee, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 128 great anxiety whenever Grandmother stepped gingerly into the deep water at its source to gather watercress. I believe this spring still supplies water to the Kaneohe area today. Hook Sung Wai was reached from Kamahameha Highway via a narrow unpaved road, but at one point passed by a wide stream, where many rocks and large boulders could be seen in the clear water and which became a terrifying dangerous torrent of rushing water during heavy rainstorms. As there was no bridge over the stream, Uncle found it both difficult and worrisome when he had to drive his horse-drawn buggy across it in bad weather. The children, who walked to Benjamin Parker School, somehow managed to get to and from school safely, regardless of the weather. It must have been before the family went into farming that Grandmother found a husband for Chun Moy. He was a middle-aged Hakka farmer surnamed Heu, who took her to Wailuku, Maui, and then to a farm in Kula. After his death and after raising a large family, Chun Moy got in touch with her relatives, a Chang family running dry goods business on Nuuanu Avenue, between King and Hotel Streets. I remember her vaguely as a plain woman, with a worn outlook that clearly reflected her hard life. She died in her sleep on her last visit with these relatives. My generation came to know her children as a result of a meeting at their home between my cousin, Helen, and Robert Zane, whom she married. Two of Chun Moy's sons were Heu Fook and Heu Sam Fat, both now deceased. The latter was eager to learn something about his mother's background, wondering how she had come to Hawaii. He was told that Chun Moy had been adopted by my grandmother. Some of Chun Moy's grandchildren have done well, and are active politically in Hawaii. Grandmother thought it would be mutually beneficial to advance money to bring her two nephews, Chang Lum Gin and Chang Lum Tim, from China to help on the farm. Following this, she welcomed into the household a 16-year-old girl, Wong Fung, said to be a native of Shanghai and brought to this country by Chun Kwai Ha, a neighbour who was taking his family back to China. It was an acceptable cultural practice in those days to bring a young maid into a household and marry her to a member of the family at a later date. Grandmother had intended Wong Fung to be the bride for Lum Gin, but + ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 129 when she became very ill, she married the girl to Uncle, thinking that she could be a companion for Mother, who at that time was 14. Aunt Jong's version was that Lum Gin had wanted to marry my Mother, but Grandmother would not consent to it. Regardless of the reason, her two nephews became angry and left without repaying their indenture and the family relationship was severed. Lum Gin later married and settled in Hecia where he had a small country store, but the strain continued. In 1901, Uncle married Wong Fung. On 16 March 1903, my Mother, then not quite 16 years old, was married to my Father. Farm life was rough. The adults had to work hard and diligently, but rice farming did not prove profitable. There seemed to be constant worries if it was not the unpredictable weather, it was the depressed price of rice. To add to the family's problems, Grandmother's illness became more serious. A herbalist tried unsuccessfully to 'burst' a growth in her abdomen which he had diagnosed as a 'turtle'. There was much bleeding and intense pain. She probably was suffering from cancer. It was during her terminal days that I fell off the porch of the farm house onto broken glass, and sustained a cut on the top of my head, a scar I bear to this day. Grandmother died on 5 December 1907. Although I was only two at that time, one incident during the wake stands out in my memory, Mother and Aunt sitting on the floor in front of the bier, joss sticks smoking and flickering candles burning, as Uncle poured wine into tiny cups and ordered us four girls to empty the cups and kowtow before the coffin. Because we giggled during the ceremony, Uncle gave each of us a hard rap on the head with his knuckle. Grandmother was buried on the farm. Her remains were exhumed about 10 years later, stored temporarily at our Broad Road home until they were taken to China by Cousin Gum Chin for final burial. It was not until my paternal Grandfather Chan, who was a partner in the Iwilei Rice Mill, offered to mill the grain and sell the rice in California at a better price, that Grandfather Jong was able to realize a profit. With savings of about 1,000 dollars, he returned to Shekki in 1909 when he was 55 years old. I remember being with Mother to see him off at the pier, which was located opposite the Oahu Railroad Depot not far from our Iwilei home, and observing tears in her eyes as we stood beside the s. s. Manchuria. The next year Grandfather married a widow with a young daughter, who was later to become the wife of Pong Fai, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 182 a year at Tulane University, came for a visit with his family, as did my mother from home. From New England came Effie Huchmore and Beverly King. A word about Effie. I had met her while we were both staying at the Franklin Square House near the Boston City Hospital when I was studying at Simmons College and she, at Boston University. We became fast friends. She had me as her guest in her home in North Woodstock, New Hampshire, where she lived with her parents and maternal grandmother, and showed me the beautiful scenic spots of the White Mountains. This visit gave me an insight into the activities and character of a typical New England town and the enjoyment of the simple unpretentious hospitality of an old Yankee family. A rare experience indeed! Before I left New York the summer of 1948, I was a bridesmaid to Betty Lee upon her marriage to Paul Gee on June 7, 1948. She was formerly a teacher of religion at True Light and its principal during the Second World War. I had also promised to return to marry John Shue Fong Lew, a widower with two younger daughters in Canton. I had met him casually in Boston in 1947 through a mutual friend, Grace Chin, and had become better acquainted with him when he came to see me in New York, often accompanied by his good friend, Lew Orne. We were both mature and ready to settle down by this time, and fortunately felt drawn to each other. On the way back to Honolulu, I stopped over in Chicago where Mother had taken Edmund to join his mother and where she was waiting for me to accompany her home. As soon as I had fulfilled my commitment, I left Honolulu in October 1950 for Chicago, where John and I were married from Helen's home on 4 November 1950, in a simple ceremony at a local church rectory. After living in an apartment near Harvard Square for a few months, we bought a duplex on 12 Littell Road, Brookline, in order to be near John's business, "The Ming Restaurant”, at 1022 Beacon Street. By 1952, the business had deteriorated so much that it was not feasible to continue it and we turned it over to S. Y. Lew, one of the partners who wanted it. In the meantime we sent for our daughters, Gar Shuey and Gar Ling, and they arrived in Boston in August 1951 by way of Europe. Both attended Lawrence School and Brookline High School, working as waitresses during the summer in our seasonal restaurant in Bar Harbor, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 133 "Friends part reluctantly at the pavilion of separation, by the ancient road, there they think of the parting of their ways, shelter against the rain, protection from the dust, a need for man, day after day". "On the mountain the birds greet the spring, while the monastery proclaims the dawn to all, the scent of incense on the breeze, the sound of the bell, a need for me, year after year. This couplet has a double meaning, referring, in the first line, not only to the nunnery as a place for proclaiming the ancient way of the Buddha, a shelter from the impermanence and contamination of this world represented by rain and dust, but also to the nunnery's secular duty of sheltering men from physical rain and dust as they pass along the physical road in front of it. In the second line, the poem not only refers to worship in the nunnery at dawn on a spring morning, but to the nunnery's duties to bring enlightenment to all the people. The History of the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz The bell of the nunnery is dated Chien Lung 54 (1789), and this is almost certainly the date of first foundation. The inscription on the bell makes it clear that it was donated by villagers from the various nearby villages," and it remains the unanimous belief of the local villagers that the nunnery was founded by the joint action of their ancestors. The history of the nunnery is soon told. The original buildings became decrepit and were demolished and rebuilt in full in 1868.2 Local villagers believe that the nunnery was originally built a little further up the side of the mountain, and was only moved down to stand immediately adjacent to the road it served in 1868. The reputation of the nunnery was at its highest in the late nineteenth century. Lee Pui-yuen (李沛源), of Sheung Wo Hang, a famous local teacher, had a great affection for the place, writing the couplet for the main door mentioned above. According to a fellow-villager, "when aged he retired" to Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz, and lived there until his death." In 1887, Lee Cheung-chun (李章駿), one of his pupils from Sheung Wo Hang, went to try his luck in the Sau Tsoi (秀才) examinations in Canton. After leaving his village, he spent the first night at the nunnery, to say farewell to his old teacher, and to pray for divine assistance. He ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 134 14 not only succeeded, but passed out the highest of his year. Subsequently, all Hakka youths from the area trying for the imperial examinations took to spending the first night away from home in the nunnery, in the hope of emulating Lee Cheung-chun's success, and its fame grew in consequence. The roof was rebuilt in 1890, according to an inscription on the carved eaves-board, at the expense of a Loi Tung villager. During the twentieth century, the nunnery became steadily less significant. The rebuilding of the Ng Tung Monastery to the north-east of Sha Tau Kok in 1906-1907 diverted some of the devout to this larger and more splendid place. The opening of the Fanling Sha Tau Kok railway in 1916, and, far more significantly, of the Fanling Sha Tau Kok road (completed in 1928), took traffic off the old Sha Tau Kok to Sham Tsun road. By the 1920s, the nunnery had become of only local significance. In 1920 a hill fire caught the nunnery, and burnt part of its roof off and destroyed many of its fittings. The abbess was able to secure donations, mostly from the villages of the Ta Kwu Ling area, and from the Sha Tau Kok area, to allow for a full repair, but the effort further impoverished the nunnery, at a time when its income from passers-by was already dropping, and reduced its wider significance even more. The abbess responsible for the repairs after the fire died in 1931. The local villagers appointed a replacement to care for the place, after a short time during which the nunnery seems to have been vacant, and the new abbess found a second nun to assist her. Both were elderly. These two old nuns both died during the Japanese Occupation. The abbess was the last to die, in 1944, leaving the nunnery once again vacant. Owing primarily to its remote location, it was not much harmed. In 1949, the monk Kuk Shan Kit (竹山傑), or LTR, originally of Shek Ki and of the Hau (侯) surname, the thirteenth abbot of the Po Tsik (寶積) Monastery at Lo Fau Shan (羅浮山), fleeing from the Communists, came to Hong Kong with about a dozen disciples, and settled into the vacant building, repairing what damage the War had caused, and restarting the daily prayers.16 This change of the buildings from a nunnery to a house of monks does not seem to have troubled the local villagers, who seem to have ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 137 Cheung (張) lineage of Wong Pui Ling. The area, however, was fertile, rich, and, by the later eighteenth century, becoming relatively densely populated. Growth of stronger and less politically quiescent inter-village groupings could be expected, and the clearest evidence of this comes from the nunnery. The nunnery was founded by the villages of the Ping Yuen Hap Heung on the one hand, and Loi Tung and Man Uk Pin on the other. Loi Tung was a tight lineage alliance of three large villages of the Punti Tang clan (Loi Tung Lo Wai, San Wai, and Tai Tong Wu), and Man Uk Pin was a single, large Hakka village, predominantly of the Chung clan. The nunnery lay in six shares: Ping Che, Ping Yeung, Wo Keng Shan, Loi Tung, Tai Tong Wu, and Man Uk Pin. Of these, the Wo Keng Shan and Tai Tong Wu shares were probably there to reflect the greater size and strength of the Chan and Tang lineages within the grouping. In practice, however, the nunnery was controlled by the four clans of the Mans, Chans, Tangs, and Chungs, and normally probably had one Manager drawn from each lineage.” This group of eight villages, most of them large and wealthy, clearly represents a new generation of inter-village grouping in the Ta Kwu Ling area. The importance of the road through the Miu Keng pass has been discussed above. The position of the nunnery on the road was not only of value to travellers seeking shelter, it was also of major strategic and political significance. The road was the only passage through the hills, and could not be by-passed. Whoever controlled this pass controlled much of the Sha Tau Kok to Sham Tsun road. The foundation of the nunnery was the result of the grouping together of a few villages which were clearly seeking to capitalise on their strategic location, and thus to increase their local political leverage and district significance. The political significance of the foundation should not be downplayed. The religious impetus behind the foundation should not, of course, be ignored, but the strategic significance of the grouping is too strong to be overlooked. The nunnery-founding group of villages seems to be, in fact, an early example of a Yeuk (約) mutual defence and support inter-village alliance. The villages which had founded the nunnery seem to have worshipped there together at the Yu Lan Festival in the summer, when vegetarian food was served to the elders and faithful in front of the nunnery. It is likely that the Ping Yuen Hap Heung people used their alliance with the groups east of the pass to strengthen their position as against ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 152 Mun, founded by Pooi To. This is, however, perhaps unlikely. The note of 1089 on the history of Pooi To and his monastery (Hsin An County Gazetteers, loc.cit.) is sufficiently comprehensive that it is unlikely that it would have failed to notice if Pooi To had founded two monasteries in the immediate vicinity of Tuen Mun, but it refers to only one, and clearly identifies Pooi To's Kwangtung area of interest with this one monastery. I am indebted to the students of Ng Yuk Secondary School who presented a study of the Ling To monastery to the Hong Kong Institute for the Promotion of Chinese Culture for the Institute's 1990 Historical and Cultural Investigation Award for much of my information on the Ling To monastery. 4 See Sung Hok-p'ang, "Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Kam Tin (B)", in The Hong Kong Naturalist, June 1936, reprinted in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 13, 1973, p. 127-129. The nunnery bell is dated Kang Hsi 40 (1701), and this is probably the date of foundation. The bell speaks of a desire to achieve success for the Tang lineage in the imperial examination. 9 See Plan, and Plates 20 and 21. See Location Map. A two-day survey was conducted on December 11th and 12th, 1904, which showed that 1823 persons used the road on the 11th (a market day at Sham Tsun), and 708 on the 12th (a non-market day). The market day at Sha Tau Kok would have been the 10th. The survey was taken “on the road”, and very probably at the nunnery. These figures suggest a monthly total of up to 43,000 travellers: even if this is substantially discounted (the report suggests that travellers carrying rice after the second rice harvest, and fish, made the road very busy at that time) about 25,000 a month would seem a reasonable figure, or 300,000 a year. The Governor gave a more conservative statement of the yearly total, at 250,000, or about 20,000 a month. Of the 2531 travellers surveyed on the two days, 679, or 27%, (29% on the market day, 22% on the non-market day) were "carrying goods". Assuming that these carriers were carrying the standard cookie distance load of 100 lbs, then they were carrying 67,900 lbs, or 30 tons, implying perhaps 400 tons a month, or 4,800 tons a year. The survey for this road gave figures entirely in line with those shown by the surveys conducted at the same time on the other roads along the line of the railway. See file C.O.882, despatch No. 59, from Sir Matthew Nathan to Mr. Lyttelton, received February 13th, 1905, Public Record Office, London, (copy in P.R.O. Hong Kong). A second survey, conducted outside the nunnery, on 26th and 29th December, 1910 (both market days at Sham Tsun) showed 319 and 203 people "carrying goods" on those days. Assuming that the percentages of people carrying goods (those not carrying goods were not surveyed) was, as in 1904, 29%, then total passengers on those days would have been 1100 and 700, suggesting a monthly total of about 23,000, and a yearly total of just under 300,000. See file C.O.129/376, despatch no. 165 (page 582), from Sir Frederick Lugard to Rt. Hon. Lewis Harcourt, 28th April, 1911, (copy in P.R.O. Hong Kong). A monthly total of between 20,000 and 25,000 people passing the nunnery, therefore, seems very reasonable. ... The inscription is at Vol. 3, p. 679 of David Faure, Bernard H.K. Luk, and Alice N.H. Ng Lun, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, Urban Council of Hong Kong, 1986. The bell was donated to stand for ever before the altar of the Lord Buddha in the nunnery at Cheung Shan by "the mass of the devout people from all the villages". 各鄉衆信弟子慶具鳴鐘一口，敬酹長山廟佛生爺爺案前永遠供奉、福有攸歸。The nunnery is mentioned in the Hsin An County Gazetteer of 1819, as the "Cheung Chun nunnery, at the Loi Tung Pass", at ch'uan 18, page 149 of the Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 13 153 PP. 12 The inscription recording the rebuilding is at Faure, Luk and Ng, op. cit. Vol. I, 128-129, but it is unreadable through weathering, except for the heading and date. (4). Loe An-lim (羅安廉) (42), Qianren Wenxian (千人文献), ÑÍAL. [Collected Writings of Men of Past Ages], unpublished manuscript collection, Vol. 2, ff. 75a. (Copy in library of Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Kowloon Central Library, Hong Kong). Lee An-lim was a villager of Sheung Wo Hang. (3) Lee An-lim, Qianren Wenxian, op. cit. ff 73-78. + As honour board recording the donors to the 1920 repair has recently been found. It lists the donors by village. Every village in Ta Kwu Ling donated (except Ping Che, Chuk Yuen, Nga Yiu Ha, very probably included with their lineage brethren in Tong Fong, Law Fong, Ping Yeung), as did the villages close to the road both in the Sha Tau Kok area (Shan Tsui, Yim Tso Ha, Yim Tin, Wo Hang, Nam Chung, Luk Keng, Wu Shek Kok and Sha Tau Kok Market) and in the Sham Tsun area (Sham Tsun Market, Lo Wu, and Wong Pui Ling). Shek Wu Hui from further away also donated. See Win Wen Wei Pao (SCHEW) of 17 September, 1991. U¿÷ 16 Detail from the tablets commemorating the departed leaders of the monastery, and from information given by the recently deceased resident nun. The tablet of Kuk Shan Kit reads: 羅浮山寶積古寺監裤正宗第上三代主持上谷下山潔老和尚莲座. The tablet Kuk Shan Kit placed to commemorate his deceased predecessors names the "ordained monks" HIBA · MAZA + J # and Ki£*, all of whom were dead by the date of erection + 1 of the tablet, and ✯, at that date still alive, as well as predecessors as rulers of this monastery" ALLKILMINER and "those monks who founded this monastery", A WILDFORIKA BAIMM- L 17 See P.H. Hase, “Notes on Rice Farming in Shatin', in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 21, 1981, pp. 196-206; D. Faure, The Rural Economy of Pre-Liberation China: Trade Increase and Peasant Livelihood in Jiangsu and Guangdong, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1989, pp. 46-57 and 212; and Hong Kong Annual Report: Report by District Commissioner, New Territories for Year Ending 31st March, 1950, Noronha and Co., Hong Kong, 1950, p. 5. TH The Ho clan of Tsung Yuen Ha descends from Ho Chan, the Earl of Tung Kuan in the early Ming, and the Ho family history (CBMGKR — a manuscript volume in the University of Cambridge Library) suggests this area was in Ho Chan's hands before the end of the Ming. It was certainly in Ho family control before 1393 when Ho Chan's family were proscribed. The Tang family has occupied the Lung Yeuk Tau villages, Loi Tung and Tai Tong Wu since the fourteenth century at the latest. A Tang clan also occupies Au Ha (PUF Aoxia) and Wang Kong Ha (Huanggangxia). I have not been able to discover if these two villagers are genealogically connected with the Loi Tung and Lung Yeuk Tau clan, although this is unlikely. The Man family has occupied Ping Che for **18 generations", according to village elders, i.e. probably from the fourteenth century. The same family occupies Tong Fong, Heung Yuen Wai, and Lin Tong, Liantang), and a branch of it was resident at Man Uk Pin (**Man Family Houses") before the present residents, the Chung (鍾) clan moved there in the early eighteenth century. The To clan has been resident at Chau Tin village for **500 years". Local villagers consider that the Lei family has been resident at Lei Uk for as long as the To and Man clans have been at Chau Tin and Ping Che. All these clans are Punti, although sections of the Man clan at Tong Fong, and those at Heung Yuen Wai and Lin Tong, now speak Hakka. Shan Kai Wat (Lam surname, 林), Fung Wong Wu (Yip surname, 葉), and Law Fong (Law surname, 羅), are all included in the list of villages in existence in 1661 included in the 1688 Hsin An County Gazetteer, along with Au Ha, Tsung Yuen Ha, Ping Che (Ping Yuen 平遠), and perhaps Ping Yeung (坪洋) (Gazetteer, Ch. 3, f 12-13). Other Punti clans in the Ta Kwu Ling area (Wong, 黃, Chan, 陳, and Law, 羅, at Kan Tau Wai, and Hau, 侯) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 155 27 As noted above, 20,000 people a month used the Miu Keng pass. Probably as many again used the road from Ping Che to Kan Tau Wai, or started their journey within Ta Kwu Leng. 40,000 users of the ferry a month is a likely figure. Probably 25% of them carried goods. This represents more than $50 a month income, or about $600 a year. Even depreciating heavily for the salary of boatmen and costs of maintenance, $400 a year clear profit seems likely. The date of this war was probably in the 1860s, as Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., p. 104, shows. 29 For the arrangement of the Yeuk, see map. The information in this section comes from Mr. Chan Yau-tsoi and Mr. Chan Wa-chun of Ping Yeung, Mr. Man Kam-muk of Ping Che, Mr. Yeung Choi of Fụng Wong Wu, Mr. Man Lei-wa of Tong Fong, and Mr. Hau Foh-tai of Law Fong, all very knowledgeable elders. I met them as a group, and include here only what they were unanimous in agreeing was the case. I would like to express my particular thanks to them for the several hours of discussion they had with me. As to Sai Ling Ha, this village, although it lay within the Ta Kwu Ling hills, supported Wong Pui Ling in the fighting, I was told. It had no part in the Luk Yeuk. However, when the Communists took over, most of the inhabitants of Sai Ling Ha crossed into Hong Kong, and set up homes in Ping Che. They were then allowed to become part of the Luk Yeuk, as part of Ping Che Yeuk. The account of the Luk Yeuk given here differs in detail from that given in Faure, op. cit., pp. 103-104. +1 - 30 The deaths are recorded in the "Heroes Shrine" () in the Tin Hau Temple at Ping Che, which was the community temple of the Ta Kwu Ling area. 23 names of the **Heroes who died in protecting the villages, who knew how to perform the duties of filial piety", or the "Heroes who defended the Yeuk" as they are named in two inscriptions *澳四總鎮源樂友例段英雄履考之神位 and "MX") are recorded. Of these, 3 (all surnamed Chan) came from the Ping Yeung Yeuk, 4 (3 surnamed Tang and 1 surnamed Chau) from the Lin Tong Yeuk, 4 (1 surnamed Chau and 3 surnamed Lei) from the Lei Uk Yeuk, 4(2 surnamed Yiu and 2 surnamed Hau) from the Law Fong Yeuk, 2 (both surnamed Yip) from the Lo Shue Ling Yeuk and 4 (2 surnamed Wong and 2 surnamed Man) from the Ping Che Yeuk. One Law died he came either from Law Fong (Law Fong Yeuk) or Kan Tau Wai (Ping Che Yeuk). A Lau Ah-ngau (劉亞牛) also died -- he could have been from Wo Keng Shan (Ping Yeung Yeuk), where there was a tiny clan of Laus, or could possibly have been a servant, as his name suggests his name is entered last on the tablet. 23 deaths suggests very bloody fighting. It is unlikely that the population of the whole of Ta Kwu Ling in 1860 was higher than 1750 (representing an average village population of about 80, or perhaps 12 households), and the adult males could not have been more than a quarter of that (440). The young men of fighting age were probably no more than about 200. 23 out of 200 is about 11.5% deaths of those involved, which is a very high percentage. The population of the Ta Kwu Ling villages within the New Territories totalled 1441 in the 1911 Census (Sessional Papers, 1911, no. 17, Noronha & Lo, Hong Kong, 1911, "Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911”, Table XIX p. 103 (32)). + - Loi Tung, with its lineage brethren of Lung Yeuk Tau, and the small villages between them, formed the Sze Yeuk (四約, “Alliance of Four''), which was, to a large degree, designed to ensure that the ancient enmity of the Tangs of Lung Yeuk Tau and Loi Tung with the Pangs of Fan Ling was tilted in favour of the Tangs. The Pangs supported the Luk Yeuk in its fight with the Cheungs this almost certainly means that the Sze Yeuk supported the Cheungs, as did Sheung Shui, the other ancient enemy of the Pangs. Man Uk Pin was a Yeuk of the Sha Tau Kok Shap Yeuk, as well as forming a part of the Sze Yeuk. The Shap Yeuk were dubious about the activities of the Luk Yeuk. Free travel between Sha Tau Kok and Sham Tsun was vital to the Shap Yeuk. With the Cheung Shan Kwụ Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 156 Tsz people controlling the pass and the Cheungs controlling the river crossing; no one group had total control of the road; but if the Luk Yeuk controlled both the pass and the bridge, then the Shap Yeuk's interests could well have been at risk. Lin Ma Hang of the Shap Yeuk actually fought alongside Wong Pui Ling; the rest of the Shap Yeuk was probably friendly to the Cheungs, or at least neutral in the dispute. The Sze Yeuk were allied with the Tangs in their opposition to the establishment of the Tai Po New Market by the Tsat Yeuk; as is to be expected, Fanling and the Luk Yeuk supported the Tsat Yeuk. 32 33 It is unclear if the inscription still survives or not. They were Man Fuk-ting (Tong Fong, Chairman); Lei Yi-wa (Lei Uk); Chan Kwok-cheung (Ping Yeung); Tang King-shiu (Au Ha or Wang Kong Ha); Law King-fan (Law Fong); To Kan-yeung (Tin). 14 Between 1911 and 1924 Chan Ping-kei (Chau ...) and Chan Tai [or Ting]-cheung ... (+ [Chinese characters unknown]) were managers, and as such appear on the Land Memorials. 35 It was put up by Lin Tong and Wang Kong Ha villages, in "The Shing Ping She Shrine of Righteousness".ĦTH, Faure, Historical Inscriptions, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 850. 36 37 Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 104-105. Chau Tin village owned a small temple, or San Teng (神廳), as did Kan Tau Wai and Law Fong. Kan Tau Wai in addition owned a small house as a meeting place for its elders. None of these communal facilities had any income-producing land attached to them, except for the Law Fong and Kan Tau Wai temples, which owned 0.05 and 0.12 acres respectively. The Ping Yuen temple manager was registered only for the single temple building, but not for any income-producing land, although the temple did buy a piece of land (0.72 acres) from a Ping Che villager in 1906. See DD82, houselot CT20; lot 759; DD78, lot 1158; DD82, houselot KTW13; houselots PC1-3; Memorial 2744. Memorials 24058 (20 April 1913), 27471 (4 June 1914), 45919 (7 December 1920); see also Memorial 17779 (17 October 1911) for the succession of the She to a house at Tong Fong. 19 For the Po Tak Old Alliance, see Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 128-140. 40 41 See R.G. Groves, "The Origins of Two Market Towns'', loc.cit. For the Tung Ping Kuk and the Tung Wo Kuk, see Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 128-140. 42 (唔出嫁嘅女) 43 44 Sung Hok-p'ang, Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Kam Tin, op. cit. It should be noted that these nunneries are often called Tsz (寺) in ordinary speech and documents. This character strictly means "monastery", but, in this area, this does not necessarily imply that the religious living there were men. Thus the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz is almost always so called, as in the document printed in the Appendix. The use of the more correct character Am (庵, 'nunnery') is almost entirely limited to Ch'ing official documents (especially the County Gazetteer) and, sometimes, on bells. 45 46 loc.cit. See Faure, Luk and Ng, Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 669. It is called Miu (廟, "temple") in Hsin An County Gazetteer, 1922, ch'uan 4 and 7, pages 49-50 and 82 of the Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979, and in the 1688 Gazetteer. 47 Ling To is called Tsz (寺) in the Hsin An County Gazetteer, 1819, at ch'uan 18 and 21, pages 148 and 174 of the Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979, and, given the care with which... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 In the matter of the forcible stoppage of work, and the repeated closure of a worksite, a joint presentation of further evidence. We cordially request Your Benevolence to send an official to investigate and clarify the position to avoid the situation of a public bridge being destroyed. There is a river at Kim Hau (1) which lies between Sham Chun, and Sha Tau Kok and Tai Pang () and so on, and which is on a most important road for anyone travelling from east or west. Everyday thousands of people pass there. The Cheung () clan, living over three li away at Wong Pui Ling (Bai) came in violence and took it for their own, establishing a ferry across the river there for their profit. All this happened years ago. Everyone coming there, at any time of day, must use the ferry. Bridal parties and funerals have to pay particularly heavy sums. Every Winter the river dries up, and the flow of water reduces, and then people have to wade across with obvious difficulty. Sometimes wooden hand-rails are put up beside the crossing, but these are frequently destroyed, and people are reviled and struck there. Every kind of perverse and unprincipled behaviour can be seen, too frequently to record. These many years we the gentry and others have donated cash, and rice to sell at low rates. This is because, when they cannot run the ferry profitably they force the coolies to go into the water to cross; several dozen sacks of rice have been lost here as a result, and we the gentry and others cannot bear to see their suffering. We have been thinking of building a bridge for many years. Last year Cheung Tsan-tai and Lei Chung-chong (*44) both wealthy men, and others, twice gathered material for construction, but it was deliberately entirely destroyed on both occasions. The people really feared we would have to go back to the original position. --- Page 259 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 264 at Law Fong (this bridge is shown on the 1905 War Department map of the area). The villagers of Ta Kwu Ling built their temple at Kim Hau between the two branches of the river. But they were clearly unable to cross the second river. Control of the crossing of this second river, the Sha Wan River, remained with the Cheungs. This was land close to Wong Pui Ling, in the heartland of the Cheungs' territory. It would seem that the Cheungs' ultimate line of defence was the Sha Wan River, and that the Ta Kwu Ling people, despite the heavy loss of life on their side, were unable to breach this. The outcome of the 1860 war was, therefore, a compromise, with one branch of the river bridged, but one left with a ferry, and with the Cheung political power destroyed in the one area, but not the other. It is, however, clear from the petition that the Ta Kwu Ling people had not accepted this compromise outcome, but were eager to reopen the question, to complete the freeing of their road to market from Cheung control. For how many years the Ta Kwu Ling elders collected cash for their project is unclear, but it is likely that a decade or more was spent. Probably, the cost of the 1860 war made it imperative for the Ta Kwu Ling villagers to recoup their finances for at least a generation before they were able to contemplate a **second round**. It is interesting to see just how uncompromising the two sides were in this 1921-1922 dispute, and how determined the Ta Kwu Ling people were to eradicate this last Cheung stronghold on their road to market. It is equally interesting to see with what contempt the Ta Kwu Ling villagers treated the County Magistrate and his order: as soon as it was issued they treated it as "stupid and muddled", ignored it, and continued as though it had not been issued. What is more, they were willing, with their talk of a "fighting with guns" and consequences "that cannot bear being thought about" at least to hint that, if the Provincial Governor failed to give them what they wanted, they would go to war. The Sha Tau Kok villagers had not supported the Ta Kwu Ling villagers in 1860, but the road from Sha Tau Kok to Sham Chun was vital to the Sha Tau Kok people, and, clearly, by 1921 they had come round to accepting that nothing but the removal of all Cheung controls would do. The first petition makes it clear that the Sha Tau Kok ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 265 Kok and Ta Kwu Ling people had established a trust to collect cash and construct this bridge: Chan Sheung-yan (of Luk Keng in the Sha Tau Kok area), and Lei Tsok-san (of Lei Uk in the Ta Kwu Ling area) were the two Chief Managers of this trust, representing the totality of the people of the two areas. P.H. HASE I NOTES "Cheang Shan Kwa Tsz. An Old Buddhist Nunnery in the New Territories, and its Place in Local Society”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 29, 1989, pp 121-158. The documents are contained in a recently recovered genealogy of the Chan clan of Luk Keng. I understand that a copy of this genealogy will be placed on record in the collection of Hong Kong historical documents held at the Chinese University of Hong Kong in due course. I am indebted to Mr. Chan Wing-hoi for drawing my attention to these documents. II I am indebted to Mr. P.L. Lau for assistance in the translation of this document. The Sha Wan River, unlike the main branch of the Sham Chun River, which flows in a deep and well-defined channel, was a shallow and ill-defined stream, which meandered through a broad valley which it often flooded. This river has now been dammed off to form the Shen Zhen Reservoir. See the paper at n. 1 for details of the loss of life in this War. A VILLAGE WAR IN SHAM CHUN The Rev. Carl Smith has drawn attention to the great wealth of material available in the Basel Mission Archive on the history of the Hakka people of Kwangtung Province. When looking through his notes and summaries of important documents I saw a summary of an important document on an inter-village war in Sham Chun (深圳). Through the courtesy of the Mission Archive, a photostat of the document was received, translated, and is published below. Sham Chun lies at the centre of a broad and fertile valley, drained by the Sham Chun River. This river has four main tributaries: the stream which drains the Ta Kwu Ling valley (this stream is considered as the headstream of the main river), the Sha Wan River, which joins the first stream at Kim Hau (or) at the entrance to Ta Kwu Ling, the Sheung Yue (or Beas) River which drains the Sheung Shui/Lung Yeuk Tau area and which enters the main river ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 266 about a mile below the Sha Wan River, and finally the Ching Shui River which drains the northern part of the valley from Po Kat (Buji) down, and which enters about half-a-mile below the Sheung Yue River. The main river is navigable for small skiffs as far as Kim Hau, but for junks only as far as the confluence of the main river and the Ching Shui River. However, the river at the mouth of the Ching Shui River is not navigable for junks at low tide. Furthermore, the navigable part of the river is not wide enough for a junk to turn around in easily when under sail. The Ching Shui River, at the junction with the main river, splits into two branches, with a low, marshy island between them and the main river.* Junks could come up the main river, enter the Ching Shui River, pass behind the marshy island, and back into the main river via the second branch of the stream, thus turning round without cutting across the channel, using a "one-way" system. The landing place used by the cargo junks and ferry boats, therefore, was the channel of the Ching Shui River behind the island. Junks would come up the river with the tide, and would load and unload while at rest on the mud at low tide, and would cast off and go down the river with the next high tide. Three significant roads pass through the valley, crossing at Sham Chun: the Yuen Long to Wai Chow (Huichou), Nam Tau (Nantou) to Sha Tau Kok, and Po Kat to Kowloon roads. In the Ming, this valley had a number of markets, of which Sham Chun was only one. There was another at Kim Hau, and others to the west, including one at Lung Tsun Hui (Longjinxu), which was part of the Fuk Tin (Futian) village cluster. By the nineteenth century, however, all these other markets had either become extinct, or else survived only in a very small way as satellites of Sham Chun. Sham Chun had developed until it had become a very large market, with probably 500 and more shops. The market was ringed by large villages of rich clans—the Cheungs at Wong Pui Ling (Huangbeiling) about a mile to the east, the Tsois at Tsoi Uk Wai (Caiwuwei) about half a mile to the south-west, the Wongs at Fuk Tin about a mile to the south-west, the Yuens at Lo Wu (Lohu) about half a mile to the south and the Hos at Sun Kong (Sungang) about half a mile to the north. These rich and ancient clans were almost perennially in dispute, as they jostled for power and position in the district. * See Map. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 In the Ming, it may have been the Wongs of Fuk Tin who dominated the area, with their market at Lung Tsun Hui. It was at Chek Mei (赤尾, Chimei) within this village cluster that the sub-Magistracy for the area was established in 1370. By the nineteenth century, however, the dominant position in the district had been secured by the Cheungs. Sham Chun was essentially their market, built on their land, in that part of the district most closely controlled by them. The market stood, as a result, at an economically less than ideal site. It was built away from the Sham Chun River and the landing place, about half a mile down the Ching Shui River, at a point navigable even by the smallest skiffs only at the highest tides. Goods exported from the market had to be carried by coolies the half mile to the landing place at the junction of the rivers before being loaded onto the boats. Politically, however, the site was ideal for the Cheungs. The landing place, however, was within the area of dominance of the Yuens. The landing place was built on their land, in the centre of their village area. District politics throughout most of the nineteenth century centred on attempts by the Cheungs to bring the landing place within their area of control, and by the Yuens to preserve their independence. The other clans of the district tended to be brought into the conflict as allies of one side or the other. The document translated below suggests that conflicts over control of the landing place broke out in 1836, 1856, and 1875. Control of the landing place brought with it, effectively, the right to collect the tolls charged for the movement of people and goods there. There were two theories on the collection of toll. The one was that toll was the right of the people who owned the land behind the landing site: they had had to give up land to build a road to service the landing stage, and the toll was the compensatory payment for the loss of income from the land thus rendered useless for agriculture. The other was that the landing place was outside the area privately owned: it lay on the riverbank muds, and was "Government Waste". Toll was the right of the Government to levy or grant away, and the adjacent owners of agricultural land had no rights over it. Travellers had the right to pass freely along the field-bunds as elsewhere. The Yuens, as the owners of the adjacent land, naturally tended to consider the first view was the correct one: the District Magistrate, and usually the Cheungs, tended to believe the second. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 64 September 1885 March June ca 1885 1886 January ca 1886 ca 1886 1887 1889/1890 1889 23 January 1890 Lived in the Chang-fa Chen, an hotel in Shanghai His first child, Pin Mesny, also known as Hu-sheng, born in Shanghai Departed Shanghai aboard the Yangtze for Canton and appointed for service in both Arsenals [claimed that during the years 1884/1887 whilst living in Canton, he suffered from boils, eczema and prickly heat] Many of Mesny's notes lost in Chungking during the destruction of the CIM missionary premises. Mesny had left them for safe keeping with the Rev G Nicoll Office Bearer of the Keystone Royal Arch Chapter of Masons in Shanghai Promoted to the brevet rank of Lieutenant-General [ennobled for three generations: previously claimed to have been bestowed in 1879] In charge of the China Branch of the New York Life Office, in Shanghai Representative of the Lartigue Railway Construction Company in Shanghai Intention to publish a monthly magazine in Shanghai to be called Yüleh Pao together with Chiang Chao-ling (friend and sworn brother). to be the organ of the Reform Party Made two journeys through Anhui and northern Kiangsu in connection with famine relief Journey through Anhui, around Lake Chao from Wu-hu to Lu-chou Fu, returning 5 February 1889 Visited Wu-chang to warn Chang Chih-tung that he was erecting the Iron and Steel Works in Wu-chang in an unsuitable place 1891 7 September Typhoon destroyed the Olympia Skating Rink, his property in Lloyd 1892 January 1894 May 1895 September 1896 Mar/Sep 1898 May/June December 1899 Mar/Oct Road, Shanghai, ruining him financially. Mesny involved in the Mason case Invited to organise a naval brigade for service on the Hsiang and Han rivers Stormy interview with Li Hung-chang in Tientsin Visited Peking and had breakfast with Manchu Prince Su Claims to have volunteered for service in Manchuria [Sino-Japanese War] En route to Manchura: Visited Liu K'un-1, Generalissimo of Chinese Forces [afloat and ashore] at his headquarters at Shan-hai-kuan Mesny refused permission to visit camps of Wu Ta-cheng and Wei Kuang-tao at or near to T'ien-chuang-tai Liu advised Mesny to return to Tientsin. His second and only other child, his daughter, Marie Wan-er, born in Shanghai Began the publication of his Chinese Miscellany Volume 1 in Shanghai Publication of Volume 2 of his Chinese Miscellany Legally married to Lady Han, mother of Hu-sheng [or Pin] and Marie Wan-er Trip by chartered boat to Hangchou Visited Nanking Publication of Volume 3 of his Chinese Miscellany ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g YET MORE ON THE MAN THE EMPEROR DECAPITATED WONG WING-HO 179 I was interested to read, in Volumes 28 and 29 of the Journal, material on folk-tales from the New Territories relating to Ho Chan, the late Yuan Guangdong Warlord, and early Ming Minister of the Left, collected by Dr. D. Faure, Dr. J.W. Hayes and Dr. P.H. Hase. In 1991, while working as a Research Assistant in the Chinese University of Hong Kong, I collected a further folk-tale of a similar character, very similar, in fact, to the ones collected by Dr. D. Faure at Kat O and by Dr. J.W. Hayes at Kei Ling Ha. Because of the interest of these folk-tales, this version is printed here. Translation of Notes of an Interview with Mr. Yeung Fuk-sham (楊福杉) of Ha Ling Pei Village, Tung Chung, Lantau, 5th July, 1991. Fuk-sham is of the Yeung surname, of Ngau Hom Village in Tung Chung. She is now 65 years of age. At age 24, she married Lei Fuk-hei (李福喜), of Ha Ling Pei Village. Fuk-sham said that her husband's grandmother frequently told her this tale. The Ho family was originally very wealthy. When the old city was built (the fort at Tung Chung), the imperial court called on Ho, the Minister of the Left, to provide the funds. However, Ho was unwilling to provide them - if he had been willing, the old city would have been big enough to take in the sites of Upper and Lower Ling Pei Villages. It is because Ho, the Minister of the Left, was unwilling to provide the funds that the old city is its present size. It is also because of this that the Fung Shui and gravesites of the Hos lost their effectiveness, though the influence of the city. If the site of the city had been able to include Upper and Lower Ling Pei Villages, then the Fung Shui of the Hos would still be extremely good. Because the city is small, when the cannon fired, the explosive power was very great, and the ancestral tablets of Minister Ho were toppled over by the blast. Ho, the Minister of the Left, was executed by beheading at the orders of the Emperor. The Minister was accustomed to go each morning to Court, and to return home every evening. However, his mother was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1995 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g 172 Station and shortly after midnight was ambushed at Chung Yuen Ha on the Border Road between Ta Kwu Ling and Lin Ma Hang. The attackers, a gang of more than ten men, fired on the officers and one police constable was killed instantly, while another was slightly wounded. The culprits escaped, taking with them the dead constable's service revolver. The same gang struck again fifteen days later on the night of May 17 with an attack on Nga Yiu Post, near Ta Kwu Ling, where four constables were on duty. In those days the Post was only a brick structure of two rooms without any form of perimeter fence or facilities of any kind. Two constables left the post to visit a local teahouse, situated about 100 yards away, but out of sight of the post. A third constable decided to take a bath at a nearby matshed structure, leaving the fourth constable on guard duty outside the post. Whilst away from the Post the three constables heard the sound of shots being fired. Three men were seen running from the Post carrying weapons and the body of the constable who had been left on duty was found outside the Post where he had been shot twice in the back. The two constables in the teahouse were prevented from taking action by two armed men in what was obviously a well-planned operation. The gang escaped in the direction of the Shum Chun River, and took with them a Sten gun and two rifles, and the dead constable's revolver. Three days later, acting on information provided by New Territories officers, a large body of Chinese troops mounted an attack on the gang's hideout in a village four miles north of Shum Chun. In the encounter, three of the gang were killed and five were captured. Seized in the raid were all the weapons stolen from the Post, including the revolver taken from the constable killed in the previous ambush on the Border Road. It was as a direct result of the Nga Yiu incident that the then Commissioner of Police, Mr. Duncan Macintosh, decided to improve the design of border posts and the conditions of officers deployed at such outposts. On the hilltops lining the Border, a string of strongposts was erected which gave a view across the Border at strategic spots. The imposing concrete structures with their distinctive appearance and outline against the skyline were dubbed the "MacIntosh Cathedrals". The posts, of which seven in all were built up to 1953, provided police ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1995 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g 173 with a strong visible presence along the colony's first line of defence. A very comprehensive description of the new observation posts was given in an article by Sub-Inspector M.E. Davis* which appeared in the HK Police Magazine in December 1953: "The land frontier of the Colony of Hong Kong extends from Mirs Bay in the East, to Deep Bay in the West, following for the most part the tortuous course of the Shum Chun river. The country is intensely varied. The arable plain at Sha Tau Kok soon gives place to rugged mountains and deep gorges, which gradually fall away until the extensive marshy tracts near Mai Po are reached. Along the border for 16 miles of the length runs the frontier fence. It is, without any overstatement, difficult territory. The frontier area forms part of the New Territories Division of the Hong Kong Police Force, and is commanded by Mr. N.B. Fraser, M.B.E., Senior Superintendent of Police. One of the most important of the several methods of border control in effect in this area is the operation of a chain of Observation Posts There are seven of these posts in the chain, covering the whole of the land frontier. Each is within sight of one or more of its neighbouring posts. All are accessible from the frontier road, or by means of jeep track from the roads. Most are located on prominent hill features which gives them an excellent field of observation. The elevation of the highest is over 700' above sea level. The frontier is divided into three sections, each with its complement of observation posts, which are controlled by a parent station in each section. From East to West the stations are Sha Tau Kok, Ta Ku Ling and Lok Ma Chau. The first has only one post, Pak Kung Au, under its control. Ta Ku Ling, the central and largest area has four, Kong Shan, Pak Fa Shan, Nga Yiu and Nam Hang. On the Western flank Ma Cho Lung and Pak Hok Chau posts are controlled by Lok Ma Chau The posts are all almost identical in construction. Centrally there is a round, two storied, tower, and jutting from its sides are two long, one storied arms. The plan of the whole is roughly in the shape of a chevron. The upper storey of the tower is the Control Room, equipped * Deceased-Editor ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1997 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579 50 in pairs on Min [Fukienese] community altars as offerings to the Jade Emperor, whose birthday is celebrated the following day and who had persuaded Yang to call off the pursuit. An image categorically identified as the Seventh Son, Yang Yen-ssu has only been observed in one temple, in Medan in Sumatra, where it stands alone on a separate side altar simply marked, Yang Ch'i Yeh. He is portrayed as a black-bearded general, standing dressed in long yellow robes and holding a long staff but without any unique features. In a temple near Taichung where he is depicted together with the rest of his brothers he is inexplicably portrayed with a ferocious, decorated face and a bird's beak mouth. His black skin is decorated with a white [opera-style] face pattern, whilst the beak with a red edging is under a human nose. His eyes are staring, round and bulging, and he is holding an unsheathed sword at the ready. All in all, an extraordinary image which, whilst accepted and labelled as the Seventh Son by the temple staff, is completely out of character. Finally, in Seremban in central Malaysia, the temple keeper of a small rural temple pointed out a small standing figure of a soldier in armour at the rear of a crowded secondary altar. The image has no unique characteristic and could be any soldier/deity. The temple keeper identified him as Yang Sung-pao, a T'ang general who had been the protector of a Sung emperor. In Seremban he was also known as the Venerable Golden Lion, Chin-shih Ta-jen, as well as the Great General, Ta Chiang-chün. The Eighth Son, Yang Pa Yeh, has only been noted on two altars in northern China despite the two Yang Family Daughters being numbered Eight and Nine, Yang Pa Chie and Yang Chiu Mei. These two daughters were involved in several battles fighting alongside the Sixth Son. Post Script Chinese characters carved into a roadside rock beside the modern main road from the Fen River plain in northern Shansi to Inner Mongolia proclaimed that the nearby old temple had been dedicated to Wu Lang, the Fifth Son of the Yang. This was confirmed by a local peasant. The temple was in a col between two mountains, itself several thousand ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 181 may be unremarkable, in Mao's China not all that long ago folk religion was taboo, and even in today's China that they offer such displays of the old deities without blatant propaganda is surprising. NOTES 1 The Feng-shen Yen-i is usually attributed to Hsü Chung-lin who lived during the first half of the 16th century. 2 The mythological gods of the Creation and pre-history are different from the “human” deities, the latter being canonised since the 11th century BC [and, indeed, up to the present day] 3 Confusion between the new dynasty, the Chou and the last ruler of the Shang, Chou Hsin was so general that it became the convention for a while to romanise the name of the last ruler of the Shang as Tsou rather than Chou. Duke Fa of the Shang vassal state of Chou, the later King Wu [Wu Wang], the first emperor of the Chou dynasty Filial piety prohibited a son from bearing a higher title than that borne by his father. Should he acquire the throne it was necessary that the title should first be conferred on his father, dead or alive. We therefore hear of names like Wen Wang [the Emperor Wen] and Chou Kung, awarded to his father and brother respectively, these being the titles 6 A mural portraying Duke Chou is one of the panels, together with others depicting Christ, Confucius, Lao Tzu and Mohammed, around the inside of the dome above the main hall of the cult centre temple of the I-kuan Tao at Nan Hua near Tainan. 7 The only image of Pai Chien noted in today's temples is in Havelock Road in Singapore where he is one of the 24 Heavenly Generals. * The seven, who not long after this became Immortals, free from the cycle of rebirth and death, were: Li Ching The Three Princes, Chin Cha, Mu Cha and Na Cha Yang Chien Wei Hu ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1999 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x the whole area remained a Restricted District, and closed to civilian settlement. The earliest civilian settlement in the area that we know of dates from the middle-late twelfth century. The Lam clan settled in this period at Po Kong, and, as will be discussed further below, the Chan clan settled in the Nga Tsin Wai area at about the same date. The foundation date of Ma Tau Wai is probably middle-late twelfth century as well. It is noticeable that the Salt Intendancy moved at precisely this period (1163) to Tip Fuk, in the still unsettled Mirs Bay area: it is likely that a decision to allow civil settlement around Kowloon City was coupled with a decision to keep the Restricted District in place around the Mirs Bay salt-fields, and to move the Salt Intendant's yamen into this still secure part of its old district. The most significant event in the early history of the area was the visit to Kowloon City of the Sung boy-Emperor Ching and his brother Ping (himself Emperor from the Third Moon, 1278) in 1277. The boy-Emperor and his remnant Court were being pushed down to the south by the Mongol troops, and, from the 2nd Moon in 1277 until the final destruction of their forces and the death of the Emperor Ping in the 2nd Moon, 1279, they were unable to leave the area around the mouth of the Pearl River, which was all they were able to control. During this period they stayed at Kowloon for five months (4th to 9th Moons, 1277). It is likely that the Imperial family stayed in the Salt Intendant's yamen, but a wooden "Travelling Palace" was also built for the Court. This may well have been built at the site of the later village of Yi Wong Tin, E, "Palace of the Two Kings" - this name is clearly rather suggestive (this village stood under today's Tam Kung Road, near Mok Cheung Street). Yi Wong Tin village stood just below the Sacred Hill, which was crowned by the Sung Wong Toi Rock, which has commemorated the boy-Emperor's stay here since the Ming dynasty at least. The presence of the Sung remnant Court for this period must have had major implications for the residents of the area, although it is difficult now to discover details. Many villages in the area (including Nga Tsin Wai) claim to have been founded by remnants of the Sung Court left behind when the Court moved away in late 1277, but in many cases (including Nga Tsin Wai) it can be shown that this is unlikely. One nineteenth century clan of Ma Tau Wai, indeed, the Chius, claimed ================================================================================