RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 46 K. M. A. BARNETT our map describes as Laffan's Plain27 was then a swamp, probably with one or two navigable channels; which explains why there is in that region a Tin Hau135 temple, which is now miles from the highest point which even sampans can reach. 96 Although the first fortification was dated A.D. 958, the name, if it means what it says, indicates that this channel or mun must have had a fortification on it before. Among all the channels which are called by this name mun— all the important channels are so called - no one is going to single out one to be described as "the fort (or garrison) channel" unless it previously had a fort or garrison. However, evidence is still lacking of the nature of this previous fortification. Here a word of conjecture may be permitted. The San On Yuen Chi123 mentions that in the year ✯✯ 6 (A.D. 331) of the Tsin158 Dynasty the hsien of Po On3 was first set up, to be abolished under the Sui22 Dynasty. Since it was in the Tsin158 Dynasty that the first Buddhist temple was said to have been built, the establishment and abolition of the hsien may indicate an unsuccessful attempt at settlement during this period, say from A.D. 330 to 590. From the Nan Han99 Dynasty onwards, it was settled government policy in these parts to encourage soldiers of each garrison to take up grants of land and to settle there after completion of their military service. The land they occupied was known as tuen-tin142 and was charged land tax at a lower rate than normal. Taxation at this favourable rate continued up to the last edition of the San On Yuen Chi123. The favourable rate was the same as the special rate for monasteries. It is pretty clear from local tradition and from the location of the pieces of land which paid tax at the preferential rate that the reclamation of mangrove swamp in and around the present Yuen Long was done by these soldiers and their early descendants. The Man94 clan now settled at San Tin125 have been winning land in this fashion for 500 years on their present location, to which they moved from their first settlement at Lo Fu Hung85 about half way down what was then a creek. The latter lies between the original Tuen Mun141 fort and the present shore of Castle Peak Bay15. Just north of that location, at the foot of the small group of hills on one of which stands the present Ping Shanlit Police Station, there was a village called Nga Tsin Tsuen settled ļ ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE 53 where the terraces are constructed running down a spur from the top, whereas tin denotes valley land which is terraced from a water-course upwards and stops at the toe of the hill around which flows the highest of the irrigation channels. A study can be made in the Lam Tsuen valley and in Pat Heung of the two systems of terrace; and one is often corrected by the locals if describing che as tin, or tin as che, though both are terraced and irrigated land. Whether this truly represents a new meaning given to an old word, or whether the Chinese reference books are wrong in describing che as dry cultivation, is another of the gaps in my puzzle which I hope can be authoritatively filled. Other indicator words which appear to be non-Chinese, though I cannot identify them as Yao, are quoted in my introduction to Mr. Tregear's Gazetteer, already quoted. The commonest among them are chun, kau, lek, pok, ting, to, run, tung, wat and yuen. In a paper presented at the Jubilee Congress of Hong Kong University I suggested that wongchuk and wongmai in local place names stood for left and right respectively. Another interesting specimen is the raised valley Wat Lo Fu northeast of Silvermine Bay, which preserves the original order (attribute after noun) of words in most of the non-Han languages of south-western China. Regarding the other tribe which is described as inhabiting our hills, the Shan Lao, I have not been able to obtain any distinctive marks of identification. However one easily observed feature of our hills, about which most of the present villagers disclaim all knowledge, is the system of low walls made of graded uncut stones enclosing rectangular areas of hillside which are either not terraced or only roughly terraced, with terraces at an angle; and since those of my acquaintance who have worked and lived among the Yao people say they have seen nothing of the kind in the Yao system of cultivation, it may well be that these old stone walls are a "trade mark” of the Shan Lao people. If so, then the same people must also be responsible for a number of irrigation works, of which the two most conspicuous are the one that begins near Hau Tong and flows about half a mile, partly underground, to one of these walled enclosures about the village of Ko Tong on the west of Long Harbour; and another on the northwest coast of Lantao, part of which, owing to the tilt... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 38 JEN YU-WEN cheung Street (###) and west of the new Shing-tak Street (##). The main entrance to the estate is directly west of the junction of Shing-tak Street and Ma-tau-kok Road. These buildings are constructed on the very site of the Two Emperors' Palace Village (No. 8 in the map). 17 Ibid., p. 108. 18 Ch'en Chung-wei, Erh-Wang pen-mo. 19 See my article, "The Southern Sung Stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 5 (1965). 20 There has been a different theory, from the Ming Dynasty down to the present, that Kan-chou (A) is a small island commonly called Nau-chou (4) south of Hua-chou (#1) near Kuang-chou-wan, but I do not agree with this. See Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume, pp. 175-206, 313f., 323-301 for my lengthy discussion and argument with Jao Tsung-i, the present exponent of this theory. See also Jao, op. cit., chuan 5, pp. 51-83 and Lo Hsiang-lin, ★ R★ Hsiang-kang Ch'ien-tai-shih, Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1959, pp. 92-94. [This book has been translated into English and its title is Hong Kong and Its External Communications Before 1842]. Professor Lo's conclusion agrees with mine. Page 45 Page 46 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 94 JAMES HAYES persons exercising a similar authority in the course of the century, but I have not yet learned who they were. CHAN FU-SHING (c.1800-60) Chan Fu-shing (c.1800-60) was a Cantonese from the village of Sha Lo Wan on North Lantau. He was the eldest of three sons who were brought there by their mother at the beginning of the nineteenth century from Sai Heung not far from the District City of Nam Tau (about eighteen miles away by sea). The mother was presumably a widow. Why she came to Sha Lo Wan is not known -- perhaps a married aunt or sister lived there but when they did arrive it is more than likely that the family had no land of their own because of the circumstances of their coming and the fact that the oldest village clans claim a depth of settlement that indicates arrival in the 17th century. Family tradition has it that the boy was put to work in a grocery store in the market town of Tai O six miles away. Being able and diligent he made himself indispensable to his employer and eventually became a partner in the business. By this means he obtained the small capital that was essential for speculation. He appears to have used this money to make loans to village people either at the customary high rates of interest -- documents show that 50% per annum was common -- or in return for mortgages of land. He was also able to buy land when the opportunity offered and gradually built up an estate for himself and his descendants. It was not a large one. By the time of the British lease the Chan family, all descended from himself or his brothers, owned 19 acres in and around Sha Lo Wan. Most, if not all of this property, must have come from Chan Fu-shing. It is interesting that almost half these fields were placed in common ownership in two ancestral trusts with one or more managers. This ensured that the land would not be divided into small segments every succeeding generation, and would not be at the mercy of a spendthrift or gambler. By way of an aside, it is, in my experience, unusual -- on Lantau -- for so high a proportion of land to be preserved in this way and this prescience must have been exercised by Chan Fu-shing. The Chans' ancestral hall, used as a village school for almost a century, was also due to Fu-shing and his money. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g BOOK REVIEWS 185 the eyes of those who made history at that time. The bibliography is limited to "the principal books consulted". As a bibliography it is brief, capricious and inadequate. The following works, central to the theme of this book, were omitted from the bibliography: Arthur Waley, Yuan Mei and also The Opium War through Chinese Eyes; C. H. Philips, The East India Company 1784-1834; J. L. Cranmer-Byng, An Embassy to China (containing Macartney's journal); W. C. Hunter, Journal of Occurrences at Canton (1839) which was printed in vol. 4 of this Journal in 1964; Lo-shu Fu, A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820), 2 vols. This last book contains a wide selection of Chinese documents in translation together with ample notes and will supply future historians with some splendid source material when they come to write a full and satisfactory account of the prelude to Hong Kong. University of Toronto June, 1967 J. L. CRANMER-BYNG *** † TM & HSIN-PIEN TUI-HSIANG SZU-YEN): A 15th Century Illustrated Chinese Primer. Facsimile Reproduction with Introduction and Notes by L. Carrington Goodrich. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, pp. 56, H.K.$15. Over the past decade research undertaken by the international community of sinologists has touched on almost every aspect of China, but until now very little attention has been paid to the traditional Chinese approach in educating the young. In producing this delightful illustrated primer Professor Goodrich has therefore performed a welcoming service by giving a lead to studies in this field. The first stage in traditional Chinese education was always the study of the language based on preliminary manuals of instruction, the compilation of which was regarded as a separate field of study. MENG HSÜEH (*), the traditional Chinese name for such work — literally meaning "the study of 'preliminary enlightenment'" — was not treated as an equal branch of scholarship in China although books of this nature have existed since Han times. The aims of this type of book were: (1) to instruct students to acquire a basic vocabulary — characters and phrases; ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 22 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH Library of Peiping reported on its copy of the local history of Shao-hsing-fu, Chekiang (YLTT ch. 7963). One must also mention the excellent use made by Professor Jao Tsung-i of chüan 11,907 (preserved in Peking) in his article on "Some place-names in the South Seas in the Yung-lo ta-tien."8 Finally, because everyone is interested in Marco Polo and the authenticity of his record of travel, let us mention the discovery in chüan 19,418 of the YLTT by two Chinese scholars of the names of the three envoys from the Mongol court of Persia who were dispatched in 1290 to Kubilai in Cambaluc to convey the Lady Kukachin (Marco's Cocachin) to Tabriz to become the bride of Argon. Their names, rendered in Chinese transcription, correspond fairly closely with those preserved in Marco's account. His name and the names of his father and uncle, unfortunately, were not considered of sufficient importance to receive mention. Hopefully we may expect more enlightenment on China's past as these rare volumes are further explored. NOTES 1 For example, Leonard Aurousseau in Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient XII: 9 (1912), and both Walter Swingle and Arthur W. Hummel in Reports of the Library of Congress, 1922-23, 1935-36, 1940, etc. 2 Wang Chung-min1 has recently identified 246 of these individuals, including the three principals, in an article entitled "Yung-lo ta-tien tsuan-hsiu jen k'ao,”†^#, Wên-shih★★ 4 (June 1965), 17 ff. (Mrs. Lienche Tu Fang kindly drew this to my attention.) 3 Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient IX (1909), 828, n.3. 4 Communication to the author, dated 15th Oct., 1969, from the curator, D. Zichy. 5 I owe this to Mrs. Delano Young (née Yang Chin-yi) who received the information from a member of the staff of the Library. 6 Extracts of books were distributed under different tone groups. 7 A Study of Chiang-su and Che-chiang gazetteers of the Ming Dynasty (Canberra 1969), p. 5. 8 Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies of Southern China, South-east Asia, and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong 1967), 191-7. 9 Yang Chih-chiu and Ho Yung-chi, "Marco Polo quits China," Harvard Jo. of Asiatic Studies IX (1945), 51. See also Yule-Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo (London 1903), I, p. 32. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 170 S. F. BALFOUR or jumping with great agility from one mast to another cutting down rigging and sails, managed to defeat the rebels.25 This must have happened just after the turmoil of civil war under the last Sung Emperor. During the Ming dynasty (1368 to 1644) the problem of local disturbance was still present. The Tanka were always predatory and for the first time an attempt was made to control their anchorages. Tai O and the islands stretching southwest into the sea continued to be a centre of piracy. The famous pirate Man, who gave his name to Lo Man Shan island group known to the Portuguese as the Ladrones, arose in Tai O during the Ming dynasty. This local problem was resolved by placing garrisons along the coast. In the very first year of the Ming dynasty, as soon as Kwangtung was pacified, they began to be organised. In our region forts were built at Tai O and Fat T'ong Mun, and the foundation of Kowloon City as a small administrative centre also dates from the beginning of the Ming dynasty. It was then called Kun Fu Cheung and had little population and no fortifications; its main use was as one of the stations used to enforce the salt monopoly. More important was the military garrison at Po On which had been for generations the site of the Tung Kun commandery, under which the garrison at T'un Mun had controlled the entrance and exit of ships to the Canton estuary.* In 1386 instructions were given to the garrisons of Kwangtung as follows: "Walls and forts are to be built, waste land must be reclaimed, and cultivated land must be protected from the inroads of the Dwarf Robbers (Wo K'ou)."26 This was the name given to the Japanese and Formosan pirates who were active along the entire South China coasts, making forays inland for plunder, during the entire Ming dynasty, and who made an additional problem of coast defence. Foreign traders continued to live in Canton, the city still had its Mohammedan quarter and T'un Mun in our region remained an important anchorage and a place from which foreigners conducted their trading negotiations. These foreigners had been Indians, Persians, and Arabs until the beginning of the 16th century when 25 讀史方語 26 倭寇 * See plate 20 for the local forts. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 50 CHIU LING-YEONG and the Chinese authorities. However the State Secretary, Thomas F. Bayard, was very pleased with Tseng's friendly attitude to the United States in his article. Cf. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1887, No. 168, Bayard to Denby, May 7, 1887. * Ho Kai (Ho Ch'i) was born on 12 March, 1859, the fifth son of the Rev. Ho Jun-yang. Ho Kai obtained his Bachelor of Medicine and Master of Surgery degrees from the University of Aberdeen in Scotland, 1879, and was admitted to Lincoln's Inn on 29 April, 1879. He was called to the Bar on 25 January 1882. Ho Kai was admitted to practice as a barrister in the Supreme Court on 29 March, 1882 after he returned to Hong Kong. From 1882 onward, Ho Kai appeared to be an educationalist, reformist, revolutionary etc. Ho died in September 1914. At the time of his death he was a Member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong and had been knighted for his public services in 1912. See the account given at pp. 12-16 of T. C. Cheng's "Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Council in Hong Kong up to 1941” in JHKBRAS Vol. 9 (1969). After Ho's article was published in the China Mail on 16 February, 1887, it was translated into Chinese entitled "Shu Tseng Hsi-hou Chung-kuo sheng-shui hou-hsing lun-hou" by his friend Hu Li-yüan (1848-1916) and was published in the Hua Tsu Jih Pao on 11 May, 1887. Most of Ho Kai's writings like Hsin-cheng chen chian was written in English and was translated into Chinese by Hu. For Ho Kai, see Chiu Ling-yeong, The Life and Thought of Sir Ho Kai, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Sydney, March, 1968; Onogawa Hidemi, op. cit.; Watanabe Tetsuhiro, op. cit.; Fang Hao, "Ch'ing-mo wei-hsin cheng-lun-chia Ho Ch'i yü Hu Li-yüan”清末維新政論家何啟與胡禮垣, Hsin Shih-tai 新時代, Taipei III, 12 (1963) 20-25; Hsiang-Kang yali-shih Ho Miao-ling Na-ta-su i yüân ch'i-shih chou-nien ki nien, 1887-1967, Lo Hsiang-lin, Kuo-fu ti kao-ming kuang-ta, Taiwan, 1965, pp. 115-132, Kuo-fu chih 1a-hsüeh shih-tai, Taiwan, 1954, pp. 5-13; B. Harrison, (Ed): The First 50 Years, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1962 pp. 5-23; Llyod E. Eastman, "Political Reformism in China before the Sino-Japanese War", Journal of Asian Studies, Volume XXVII, No. 4, August 1968, pp. 695-710. André Chih: L'occident Chretien vu par les Chinois vers la fin du XIX siécle (1870-1900), presses universitaires de France, Paris, 1962, pp. 42 and 47. Hu Pin, Chung-kuo chin-tai kai-liang chu-i ssu-hsiang, Peking, 1964. pp. 82-84, pp. 173-182. Jen Chi-yü, “Ho Chi Hu Li-huan ti kai-liang chu-i ssu-hsiang” in Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih lun-wen, Shanghai, 1958, pp. 75-91. 中國近代思想史論文集 Liu Yü-sheng, Shih-tsai tang tsa-i, Peking, 1960, pp. 163-164. Immanuel C. Y. Hsü: The Rise of Modern China, New York, Oxford University Press, 1970, pp. 425 and 543. Harold Z. Schiffrin, in his book entitled Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of Chinese Revolution, University of California Press. Berkeley, 1968, also has a lengthy chapter dealing with Ho Kai's relations with Sun Yat-sen, 9 Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih ts'an-k'ao tzu-liao chien-pien, Peking, San-lien Shu-tien, 1957, pp. 174-175. 10 Cf. Chung-Fa Chan-cheng, Chung-kuo shih-hsüeh hui Comp., Shanghai 1955, Vol. I; Ah Ying (Ed); Chung-Fa chan-cheng wen hsieh chi, Chung hua Shu tien, Shanghai, 1957, pp. 3-6. Li Ting-yi, Chung-Kuo chin-tai shih, Taiwan, 1959, pp. 153-162; Liu Feihua, Chung keo Chin-tại Chiến-shih, Peking, 1954, pp. 117-125. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h NOTES AND QUERIES 197 and his three small survey ships have given their names respectively to Sulphur Channel, Starling Inlet and Plover Cove. J. R. JONES. CHINA'S EARLIEST PRINTING A NOTE LLL In Volume 7 (1967) of this Journal I published a brief note entitled "Printing, a new discovery." This told of a find in a stone stupa, standing in the courtyard of a temple called Pulguk-sa, in Korea, erected in 751, of a printed Buddhist sutra. The find was hailed by the Korean archaeologists as perhaps the oldest example of printing known, although the exact date of the printing still remains a mystery. Recently I have learned that the Chinese discovered another piece of printing as far back as 1944. (Somehow, perhaps because of the war, news of this had escaped my attention.) Known in Chinese as T'o-lo-ni ching chou (dharani sutra charm), it was unearthed in a T'ang dynasty grave site in Chengtu, Szechwan, inside the silver bracelet of a young woman. As Professor Max Loehr has written, it "is a charm printed on a single sheet showing a six-armed Bodhisattva figure in the center of concentrically laid out Sanscrit words written in Lantsa letters." This is surprising, but not unreasonable. In the last half of the Tang, Chengtu happens to have developed into perhaps the chief center of printing, and, as everyone knows, by the middle of the eighth century Chinese civilization had reached one of its heights. It was the age of Li Po and Tu Fu, Wu Tao-hsüan and Wang Wei, and Buddhism was at the summit of its influence. With the demand for reduplication in every circle - Confucian, Buddhist, and Taoist - and with all the tools and techniques at hand, the printing of a highly popular charm seems natural. So it came about that there have come to light charms, printed within a few years of each other, in Korea (751?), China (757), and Japan (764-770). Bibliography: Chung-kuo pan-k'o lü-lu, compiled by the Peking Library (Peking 1961), pl. 1, text Vol. I, p. 7; ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA 71 23 Ch'en Yu-ching, p. 19; Wang Gungwu1, 'The Nanhai Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 31, part 2, chapter 7, "The Middlemen and the Spices 618-960 (II), (Kuala Lumpur, 1958). 24 CTS, chüan 89; HTS, chüan 116. 25 TCTC, chüan 203; Wang Gungwu, pp. 75-76. The passage from TCTC follows Wang Gungwu's translation. 26 CTS, chüan 89; HTS, chüan 116. 27 Tung Hao and others, eds., Ch'üan-Tang wen♬ X (A.D. 1814 edition), chüan 291. 28 Hsiang Ta, pp. 38-39. 29 Ibid., Schafer, p. 21. 30 Wang Ch'i±1 ed., Li T'ai-po wen-chi4★ø̇ (A.D. 1758 edited), chüan 3, 'Ch'ien yu tsun-chiu hsing'☀☀f The Chinese version is as follows: 嬰獒龍門之綠桐，玉壺美酒清若空口 催舷梯往與君飲，看朱成碧顏始缸口 胡姬貌如花，當爐笑春風，笑春風， 笑春風，舞羅衣，君今不醉將安歸。 The translation here follows Schafer's. 31 Hsiang Ta, pp. 41-47. 32 Yüan-shih chang-ch'ing chiZAŁA (1929 edition), chüan 24, p. 5, 'Fa Chu'. After Schafer's translation. Schafer, p. 28. 33 Liu Mau-tsaiA†, 'Kulturelle Beziehungen zwischen den Ost Türken (Tu-Küe) und China', Central Asiatic Journal 3:3:199 (The Hague and Wiesbaden, 1957-58). The dictionary is 'T'u-chüeh yü'*A* See Schafer, p. 285, n. 175. 34 Cf. S. W. Bushell, Chinese Art, Victoria and Albert Museum Handbook (London, 1906), chapter 12; Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting (London, 1956) I, 71; Arnold Silock, Introduction to Chinese Art and History (Oxford, 1948), p. 181; Arthur Waley, An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting (London, 1923), p. 108; Jitsuzo Kuwabara, 'Zui-To-jidai ni Shina ni raiju shita seikijin ni tsuite'隋唐時代に支那に来往した番域人に就いて Naito Hakase Kanreki shukuga shukuga Shinagaku ronsoAKŁET#***$*£ (Tokyo, 1926; *ˆ†±‡ƒ), pp. 643-644; Chuang Shen#, 'Sui-Tang shih-tai Yü-tien tsu-chih chi fu-tzu hua-chia'MAARTA##, Lishih yü-yen yen-chiu-so chi-k'anAt*7*ƒƒ4N (Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology), Extra Vol. 4, part I, pp. 403-454 (Academic Sinica, Taiwan, 1960). 35 Schafer, p. 36 Chuang Shen, pp. 408-416. 37 Ibid., pp. 440-443. 38 TCTC, chüan 203, p. 6415. For Ch'in Ming-ho and Li Hsün, I am indebted to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's stimulating article 'Hsi-chu po-ssu chih Li Hsün chi ch'i Hai-yao pen-ts'ao'±Ùƒ±‡HZ‡❀$$‡ Symposium on Chinese Studies Commemorating the Golden Jubilee of the University of Hong Kong, 1911-1961. F. S. Drake, ed., (Hong Kong, 1964) II, 217-240. 39 For Ch'ung ICTH, chüan 95 see Lo Hsiang-lin's article on Li Hsün; also ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 The Hong Kong Region 113 fu. In the long entry on hills and streams, which covers three chuan (6-8), only one local feature is named: the Pui To or Castle Peak hill. There is another single entry, for Tuen Mun—the old name for the settlement at the foot of Castle Peak—in the chüan (10) dealing with customs and check points. Only one monastery, the Hai-kuang Ssu of Hsin-an city, is included in the chüan (14) dealing with Buddhist and Taoist temples: by comparison, 37 columns are given to those of Kuang-chou, Nan-hai and P’an-yu, and no doubt with good cause. Only when we come to the chüan dealing with residences (13) and tombs and graves (15) does Hsin-an attract a little more attention from the compilers. The entries in chüan 13 and 15 identify those items that most interested scholars attracted to local history and show how Hsin-an has been notable for two widely different topics. It had been one of the areas that had sheltered the last two boy emperors of the Sung in their flight and final struggles against the victorious Mongol invaders of their empire: and it was a coastal district that had forever been plagued by pirates and bandits. These entries are typical items of Chinese historiography and relevant to the scholar official view of Hsin-an. One item, in chuan 13, relates to the temporary stay of the Sung court and army in Kowloon in the winter months of 1278. A watchtower had been constructed as one of the measures taken to deal with the near-starvation conditions that afflicted the fugitive army. The tower was used as a vantage point from which to look over the encampment. Relief visits were made to any dwelling from which no kitchen smoke was seen to rise in the early morning. This is a graphic and unusual way of conveying an impression of impermanence and suffering. The second entry on the Sung is in chüan 15 which deals with noted graves and tombs. It relates to the grave of Lady Chin-fa, also in Kowloon. The brief statement is that the empress Chi-yuan lost her daughter by drowning, and that she ‘filled the body with gold' for burial at Kwun Fu Mountain.2 1KTKKCY 13/5. Two Sung 'travelling courts' are also recorded for the Hsin-an district in this section. See also Lo 1956. 2KTKKCY 15/2. Lo (1963) renders this as 'made a gilt statue', p. 67. The Government of Hong Kong established a Sung Wong Toi memorial park in Kowloon in 1960, and to mark the occasion the Chiu Clansmen's Association published a memorial volume edited by Jen Yu-wen entitled Sung Wang T'ai Chi-nien Chih which usefully brings together many old writings on this subject. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 THE HONG KONG REGION 115 Various local accounts show that many craft came from northeast Kwangtung and elsewhere for the seasonal fishing. The presence of pirate fleets, sometimes in very large numbers, was also a feature of the local scene. This activity, and the importance it gave to the local seaways is reflected by the Chinese records. The Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao gives what at first appears as a disproportionately large amount of space to the subject of coastal defence.3 The provincial gazetteer devotes many pages to maps of the coast line and the off-shore islands, and it is significant that these are included in the coastal defence section and not in that dealing with administrative boundaries.4 Another long work, the Kuang-tung T'u-shuo, which deals with the administrative geography of the province, gives maps that show the outer islands in the districts on each side of the Pearl River delta. Some of these maps showing outlying areas are blank, for all but a corner of a page, but have still been included. It also lists the garrisons and naval forces responsible for the area. In the Hong Kong region, Lantau and the islands are the subject of much of an article by Hsü Tei-shan on Hong Kong and its past, included in the compendium to the exhibition of Kwangtung Culture assembled at the University of Hong Kong in 1940.6 As is to be expected, the fall of the Sung takes up much of his attention,7 but he then considers Lantau itself. Hsü's discussion on one of its Chinese names, Tai Yue Shan, is relevant here because it 1 Orme, para 53; CR 1947, p. 10. 2 Lo-shu Fu, p. 597 has a long note on pirates in the Ladrones c. 1779-1810. 3 KTKKTY 30/1-11. See also chuan 28 on military matters. 4 KTTC, vol. 2, pp. 2394-2433, especially 2406-2410 for the islands between and outside Hong Kong and Macau, the Ladrones. Two chüan, 123-124, (pp. 2359-2442) deal with coastal defence. The district maps for the Delta are in chuan 83, Hsin-an at pp. 1454-5 and Hsiang-shan at 1464-5. The late Ming work Wu-pei Chih lists posts, garrison strengths and ships for the Central, East and West lu of Kwangtung; chüan 215/12-13, 15-16 and 17, 18 being of special relevance to Hsin-an and the adjoining area. The maps for the outlying parts of the Canton Delta are in chüan 210/9-10 and 215/6-7. For this work see Franke, p. 209. Ku Yen-wu's celebrated T'ien-hsia chün-kuo li-ping shu has eight chüan (97-104) on Kwangtung, much of which is devoted to military organisation and defence. 5 See the general map at the beginning, 1-2, and detailed maps under reference chuan 11-12/7-9. 6 KTWW, pp. 425-426, 7 ibid. He gives a clear exposition of the various problems surrounding the identification of the various places at which the last struggles of the Sung occurred. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 120 JAMES HAYES the order rescinded:1 and it was remembered centuries later by the manufacture and sale by pedlars of images of the two men, as recorded for the Yuen Long district of the New Territories at the end of the 19th century.2 Wherever it touched the lives of men the Evacuation is recorded in the histories of the districts, prefectures and provinces to which they belong. And as in the Hsin-an district, it appears that persons of other parts of the Kwangtung province erected temples to Governor Wong Lai-yam, and in some cases jointly to him and one or other of the viceroys of the time.4 I have already explained the effect of the Evacuation upon the pattern of settlement. Had there been none, it is conceivable that the number of Hakkas in the region would have been much less than the 44,375 recorded at the 1911 Hong Kong census, amounting to almost half the then rural population. However, it is also possible that the Hakka influx might have come in any case, leading to pressure on the land and to the 'wars' that occurred elsewhere in the province between the two groups. The useful summary of Hakka origins and history given by Lo Hsiang-lin in Thirty Years of Tsing Tsin Association encourages this view. Under the title K'o-chia Yuan-liu K'ao, it details Hakka migration to the south and their distribution in Kwangtung. Without the Evacuation, however, Hakka immigration into this area might not have been assisted by the government as it was after the order was rescinded.7 6 1 HNHC 7/17 lists three, styled "Wang Hsun-fu Tz'u", two of them in our region, at Sha Tau Hui and Shek Wu Hui; besides the "Chou Wang Erb-kung Shu-yuan" at Kam Tin (not listed but see Sung, HKN, VIII, Nos. 3-4:207, and Sung 1939). 2 Hayes, 1962, p. 91 and note 50. 3 See e.g. the statements included in the gazetteers for the Kuang-chou and Ch'ao-chou prefectures of Kwangtung: KCFC 80/20-29, and CCC, chüan 2 of the Ta Shih-chih/12-15. 4 Besides the Hsin-an temples already mentioned, see e.g. the eight in Shun-te county noted in the prefectural gazetteer, KCFC 67/23. 5 pp. 1-106. 6 See especially the maps opposite pp. 34 and 56. Also Lo 1965, with its records of the movements of forty lineages. 7 See HNHC 9/1, Lo, 1963 p. 104 and the reference to the rehabilitation work in Hummel, p. 777. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 132 JAMES HAYES BIBLIOGRAPHY In English Alabaster, Chaloner Grenville, The Laws of Hong Kong, 3 vols., Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers, 1913. Arlington, L. C., Through the Dragon's Eyes, Fifty Years' Experiences of a Foreigner in the Chinese Government Service, London, Constable, 1931. Baker, H. D. R., 'The Five Great Clans of the New Territories', in JHKBRAS, 5, 1965: 25-47. A Chinese Lineage Village, Sheung Shui, London, Frank Cass, 1968. Balfour, S. F., 'Hong Kong before the British being a local history before the British occupation', Shanghai, T'ien Hsia Monthly, Vols. 11-12, 1940-41; 330-352, 440-464. Reprinted in JHKBRAS, 10, 1970: 134-179. Barnett, K. M. A., 'The Peoples of the New Territories' in J. M. Braga (compiler), Hong Kong Business Symposium, Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, Ltd., 1957, pp. 261-265. 'Hong Kong before the Chinese', 'Technical Revolution in 900 AD' and 'The Riddle of the Hakka', Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 24-26th April, 1967. Collingwood, Cuthbert, Rambles of a Naturalist on the Shores and Waters of the China Sea, London, John Murray, 1868. Cooper, J. T., 'The Mapping of Hong Kong' in JHKBRAS 9, 1969: 131-140. Des Voeux, Sir G. William, My Colonial Service in British Guiana, St. Lucia, Trinidad, Fiji, Australia, Newfoundland and Hong Kong, London, John Murray, 1903, 2 vols. Eitel, E. J., (revised and enlarged by Immanuel Gottlieb Genähr), A Dictionary of the Chinese Language, 2 vols., Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1910-1911. Fox, Grace, British Admirals and Chinese Pirates 1832-1869, London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1940. Franke, Wolfgang, An Introduction to the Sources of Ming History, Kuala Lumpur, University of Malaysia Press, Singapore 1968. Fu, Lo-shu (Compiler), A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820), 2 vols., Tucson, University of Arizona Press, 1966. Giles, H. A., A Chinese English Dictionary, Second Edition, revised and Enlarged. Shanghai, Hong Kong, etc., Kelly and Walsh, 1912. Groves, R. G., 'Militia, Market and Lineage: Chinese Resistance to the Occupation of Hong Kong's New Territories in 1899', JHKBRAS, 9, 1969: 31-64. Hay, Sir John C. Dalrymple, The Suppression of Piracy in the China Sea, 1849, London, Edward Stanford, 1889. Hayes, J. W., 'Cheung Chau 1850-1898: Information from Commemorative Tablets', JHKBRAS 3, 1963: 88-99. 'The San On Map of Mgr. Volontieri' in JHKBRAS 10, 1970: 193-196. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES AND QUERIES 201 LU PAN―The God of Carpenters. President of the Celestial Ministry of Public Works. Family name Kung-shu, personal names Pan and I-chih. Born at Yen-chou Fu, Shantung, the ancient feudal kingdom of Lu, whence his name Lu-Pan, i.e. Pan of Lu. His father was Kung-shu Hsien, his mother being of the Wu family. He was born in 506 B.C. As a youth he practised and became skilled in all kinds of metal, stone and wood work. At 40 years of age he retired to live the life of a hermit on Li Shan, Mount Li, in Shantung, and was initiated into miracle-working, being able to rise into the air and ride on the clouds. In the reign of Yung Lo (A.D. 1403-25) of the Ming dynasty he received the title of Grand Master, Sustainer of the Empire. Artisans who pray to him have their requests granted immediately. C Another biography gives his name as Kung-shu Tzu, adds that he was called Pan and describes him as a clever man of Lu. Some say he was the son of Mu, duke of Lu. He carved wooden magpies which could float in the air for three days, and constructed a wooden coachman which drove an automobile, as well as engines of war for battering down the walls of cities. Still another account of his life states that Lu Pan belonged to Tung-huang Hsien, Kansu. He made a wooden kite, on which his father could fly long distances in the air. When he flew to Wu-hui, Kiangsu, the people mistook him for a devil and killed him. Angered at this, Pan constructed an Immortal in wood which, on pointing its finger in the direction of the town, caused a drought which lasted three years. When the inhabitants ascertained the cause, they sent him presents to appease him and he cut off the image's hand, whereupon copious rain fell in Wu. 44 + These differences can only be reconciled by concluding that Lu Pan and Kung-shu Tzu were two different persons, the one having lived in Shantung in the time of the Six Kingdoms (3rd cent. B.C.), and the other in Kansu after the time of the Emperor Ming-ti (A.D. 58-76) of the Han dynasty, when Buddhism was officially recognised in China. At the present day, Lu Pan is worshipped, without regard to the question whether the name belongs to one man or to two. Temples dedicated to Lu Pan are still maintained. He is especially worshipped (on the thirteenth day of the fifth and on the twenty-first day of the seventh ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 20 JOHN T. MYERS in personal expenditures. Cult members assert that he is the Tai Wong Ye of their temple. The manner of his becoming their patron deity is outlined on a scroll prominently displayed in the temple office. According to the scroll a General Lei fled south with the Southern Sung Court in the late 13th century taking with him the tablet of his illustrious ancestor Lei Man Chung Kung. After the defeat of the Sungs at Ling Ting Island near contemporary Hong Kong the general established residence in the Lo Fu Ngam region of Kowloon. Within the area now occupied by the Lok Fu Housing Estate he is reported to have constructed a shrine in honor of his illustrious ancestor. It is further reported that the residents of the region soon recognized the Tang statesman as a powerful supernatural advocate and developed a popular devotion in his honor. We know little about the fate of the shrine and its deity during the ensuing 600 years other than that it persisted as a small structure tended in later years by Hakka villagers. After the Second World War the Lo Fu region changed dramatically as it became the site for squatter huts housing migrants from China. The immediate vicinity of the shrine was staked out almost exclusively by squatters from the Chiu-chow speaking region of Kwangtung Province. To the best of our present information it was with the arrival of the Chiu-chow that the shrine and its patron deity became the focus of spirit-medium activity. Former residents of the squatter settlement indicate that they found the shrine in disrepair and untended when they established their squatter huts. A small group of the Chiu-chow migrants soon undertook its repair and began active worship of the deity. After several months one of their number, a dockyard coolie, began to act strangely. An elderly kei tung judged that he had become possessed by the shrine's patron, Tai Wong Ye, and had been chosen to serve as that deity's medium. The new kei tung soon became the central focus of religious rituals sponsored by the shrine. A new phase in the temple's existence began in 1957 when the government announced plans for the removal of the squatter area preparatory to constructing on its site the Lo Fu Housing Estate. Most of the Chiu-chow squatters were allocated quarters in the soon to be completed Kwun Tong/Tsui Ping Road Resettlement Estate. The spirit-medium and 18 male devotees of Tai Wong Ye ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d A HONG KONG SPIRIT-MEDIUM TEMPLE 21 dubbing themselves "the 19 Brothers" formulated plans for the construction of a new temple in Kwun Tong. With the assistance of leaders from the wider Hong Kong Chiu-chow community they managed to effect peaceful occupation of 4,000 square feet of Crown land immediately behind blocks 18, 19, and 20 of the new estate. The new site was dedicated in 1963 and at the same time the local cult was incorporated as a branch of the predominantly Chiu-chow syncretic cult known as "Tak Kaau The Virtuous Teaching." 10 Today, Tai Wong Ye gives evidence of being one of the most popular, if not prosperous, temples in Kwun Tong. It boasts approximately 200 ritual associates known as "tan sang," claims nearly 1,000 worshippers a month, and at the time of original field research was serviced by four spirit-mediums. Members of the temple association are virtually unanimous in attributing the cult's success to the efficacy of their "kei tung," especially the senior one who was first possessed in the Lo Fu squatter village. Below we discuss in more detail the role of "kei tung" and the personal characteristics of those who perform that role at Tai Wong Ye Temple. Tai Wong Ye Temple: The Spirit Mediums As mentioned above the mediums who serve the Kwun Tong temple are known by devotees as "kei tung." In a literal sense the term refers to a young man who does "spirit writing," i.e., the first character, "kei," means the process of spirit writing as performed in a basin filled with sand, and the second character, "tung," indicates a young man who assists in ritual activity. In combination the characters may be used in their literal sense of one who only does spirit writing or they may be used for a spirit medium. Even though mediums are able to do spirit writing, it is by no means necessary that one be a medium to perform that ritual. Henceforth in this paper we shall employ the word "kei tung" with sole reference to the type of mediums who service Tai Wong Ye Temple. To date Jordan has published the most detailed study of the Chinese "kei tung," devoting special attention to life history events relating to the initial experience of spirit possession. Like shamanistic religious specialists elsewhere, the "kei tung" insists that he has been chosen by the deity rather than vice-versa. The initial possession experience ordinarily occurs at a time of personal crisis and is manifested by behavior that the actor is unable to interpret. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 22 JOHN T. MYERS without assistance. The diagnosis of spirit possession is invariably rendered by an older kei tung. It is a common belief that those chosen by the gods to serve as their mediums are persons destined to die at a rather youthful age. Their lives are prolonged in order that they may serve the possessing deity. Confirmation of a predes-tined early death is sought by the Taiwanese in the possessed's horoscope and by the Chiu-chow in his having fairy bones shan kwat. The mere fact of spirit possession, however, is not sufficient to qualify one as a new kei tung, capable of mediating effectively between the world of man and that of the gods. To determine whether the possessing spirit is a benevolent one or an evil spectre the neophyte is initially subjected to ritual exorcisms by an older kei tung. He will also be required to demonstrate the authenticity of his possession by an ability to endure without apparent discomfort various types of bodily mutilations. At Tai Wong Ye Temple, even after he is judged authentically possessed, the neophyte is required to undergo a further period of training and observation by the senior kei tung before he is allowed to handle the petitions of worshippers during public ceremonies. The length of the "training period" is indeterminate depending in large measure on the judgment of the senior specialist. Once he is satisfied that the neophyte is ready the new "Ki Tong" is allowed to conduct unassisted public ceremonies, dispensing advice, amulets foo, and/or medicinal herbs to petitioners. During the period of intensive field research (1973-74) the Kwun Tong temple commanded the services of three "official" kei tung and one who was "in training". The undisputed hup cheung or cult leader was the medium who had experienced his initial possession in Lo Fu squatter camp. Employed now as a foreman of dockyard coolies he is likely on any given evening to be found at the temple. Subsequent to his possession by Tai Wong Ye he has been chosen by another deity, The Third Prince, to act as his medium. The second medium is a Chiu-chow in his early 30's whose father is one of the founding members of the temple, i.e., one of "The 19 Brothers". Employed as a textile worker in Kwun Tong he frequently works overtime at the factory and is therefore more often to be found at the temple on feast days than on an ordinary Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 136 RICHARD J. SMITH 46 See K. A. Wittfogel and Feng Chia-sheng, History of Chinese Society, Liao (907-1125) (Philadelphia, 1949), 8-10; also Igor de Rachewiltz, “Yeh-lü Ch'u-ts'ai (1189-1243); Buddhist Idealist and Confucian Statesman" in Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett, Confucian Personalities (Stanford, 1962). 47 Wittfogel and Feng, 9. 48 See Herbert Franke, "Sino-Western Contacts under the Mongol Empire,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 6 (1966), 52. 49 Kuwabara, 96-99. 50 See Henry Serruys, "Mongols Ennobled during the Early Ming,” HIAS, 22 (1959); also Serruys, "Landgrants to the Mongols in China: 1400-1460,” Monumenta Serica, 25 (1966), especially 394. As had been the case with other barbarians in China's past, the use of Mongol and Jurched troops in the Ming could be a liability as well as an asset. See Serruys, "Sino-Jürched Relations During the Yung-Lo Period (1403-1424),” Göttinger Asiatische Forschungen (Weisbaden, 1955); 67-68, 71. 51 See the summary discussion in Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, The Rise of Modern China (London and Toronto, 1975), 138-139; also George L. Harris, "The Mission of Matteo Ricci, S.J.: A Case Study of an Effort at Guided Culture Change in China in the Sixteenth Century,” Monumenta Serica, 25 (1966). 52 James B. Parsons, Peasant Rebellions of the Late Ming Dynasty (Tucson, 1970), 129. 53 C. R. Boxer, "Portuguese Military Expeditions in Aid of the Mings Against the Manchus, 1621-1647," T'ien-Hsia Monthly, VII (1938); S. Y. Teng and John K. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey, 1839-1923 (New York, 1970), 13; North-China Herald, January 10, 1852. Boxer, 32, offers the explanation that the expedition was undermined by Cantonese who feared that the Portuguese, if successful, would be granted extended trading rights, while the North-China Herald suggests that when the men reached Nan-ch'ang they were ordered to return because "the contemptible figure they presented completely disappointed expectation." It is probable that each of these interpretations has a measure of validity. 54 Serruys, "Were the Ming,” 136. 55 Boxer, 35. 56 Wills, Guns, Pepper and Parleys, especially chapter 2; Fu Lo-shu, A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820) (Tucson, 1966), I: 32-33, 58; Teng and Fairbank, 34. 57 The Ch'ing did, however, ally with the Russians against the Dzungars during the K'ang-hsi period and the Ch'ien-lung emperor did make good use of Western cannon (Hsi-yang p'ao) in his famous campaigns. See, for example, IWSM, TC 9: 30a-b; also Teng and Fairbank, 34; Swisher, 697. 58 See Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, "Russia's Special Position in China during the Early Ch'ing Period," Slavic Review, 13.4 (December, 1964). 59 Chinese Repository 11: 64; Swisher, 98-99. 60 See Masataka Banno, China and the West, 1858-1861 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), especially 45-53, 207-209; Swisher, 683-697. 61 See, for example, IWSM TC 22: 11b-13b; also Richard J. Smith, "Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Feng-huang-shan, 1864-1873,” Modern Asian Studies, 10.12 (1976). 62 For the use of this expression (or a variant) as late as the 1890's see WCSL 101: 9 and 129; 16. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH In the N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 209 30. Were they elders? In the situation found by the first British administrators I think we may distinguish four kinds of ‘leader', all of whom, at some time or other, might be labelled with the English word 'elder'. There were the gentry (shan sz) the titled scholars and their relatives, marked off definitely in their cultural and political status. They were of course few in number and distributed very unevenly among the villages. We come next to three groups to whom the term fu lo might be applied. There were village constables ('ti-pao') and the heads of such other official groupings as a particular magistrate might choose to recognise; these men forming the routine channel between state and people, were subject to the contempt of both and only in foreign eyes, and then only sporadically, might be seen to be such persons as merited the title of 'elder'. 31. When we turn to the next group we are in the realm of clan organisation. In the language of anthropologists, the clan was segmented. That is to say, the clan as a whole was socially and ritually a unit in respect of the main ancestral hall, but within it lesser units crystallised about more immediate ancestors in such a way that, in the most developed systems, there was a complex of lesser units nesting within greater, each unit being in principle defined in terms of an ancestral hall and its associated estate. (This is a big subject which hardly bears summary treatment; for all the qualifications which I should ideally have entered here I must refer the reader to my Lineage Organization in Southeastern China, London, 1958.) Every unit defined in the hierarchy from household at the bottom to the clan at the top was headed, in theory at least, by a man who came to his position by his seniority in generation and age. The clan-head was the oldest man in the most senior surviving generation. (He might not be the oldest man in the clan, for he might be younger than a member of a generation below him; and in such cases his generation seniority might be waived in favour of the older man). Similarly, in the primary segments (fong) into which the clan was divided, usually on the basis of descent from the several sons of the founder, the heads were the oldest men in the senior generation. And likewise in the lesser segments (also called fong). These were the elders of the clan. 32. But since they came to their position by the natural processes of biology and time, there was no safeguard against the accession ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 234 MAURICE FREEDMAN tance was put up by the Administration to geomantic objections to plans for development. Reporting on the first phase of British rule Orme wrote that fung shui objections had been made to the proposed routes of the railway and roads, 'but it is characteristic of the Chinese folk that their superstitious fears have always yielded ultimately to the needs of a progressive age.' (Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912, p. 47). But as long as the Administration wishes to honour its undertaking to respect local beliefs and customs the formula it has arrived at seems to be the most sensible that could be devised. It appears to strike the right compromise between intransigence and complete passivity. 69. I come now to the price the Administration must pay. If fung shui is detrimentally disturbed not only may compensation be demanded but a ritual remedy may be sought which often takes the form of a tun fu, a series of rites to prevent misfortune. Fung shui, as I have argued, is a kind of 'science', its principles working automatically and without the agency of anthropomorphic supernatural entities. But some fung shui, even undisturbed, give off a malign influence, a Killing Breath (shaat hei) for which the remedy cannot be sought within fung shui itself. Rites become necessary. They call upon supernatural beings (as opposed to forces) and, characteristically, require the services of men who, being 'priests' and not, so to say, scientific technicians, stand in contrast to geomancers. In reality, the contrast is imperfect, for some geomancers do apparently undertake to perform tun fu, but the 'pure' fung shui sin shaang will not meddle with such things, saying that a Deadly Breath will never emanate from a properly constructed fung shui and that the remedy for a disturbed one is the province of religious practitioners from whom he is careful to dissociate himself. Tun fu are typically performed by maam moh lo, although other kinds of ritual specialists may also be involved; there is a spirit-medium in the Tai Po area who has performed these rites. Tun fu (or tan fu, as it is called in some places; there are some linguistic and ethnographic questions I cannot discuss here) invokes a range of deities, general and local, to counteract the malignancy and ensure peace. Among these deities some will decide that the work falls within their province and take appropriate action. Tun fu by one rite imposes a special religious embargo on the action of the evil influences and by another removes the embargo when peace and security seems to have been assured. The Administration and others ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 294 NOTES AND QUERIES of the Cotton Bag Monk, Pu Tai (), an incarnation of Mi Lo Fu. Pu Tai was said to have died at that temple at the beginning of the tenth century. Another preserved body was that of a Shantung peach seller who dropped dead at the altar and was embalmed in mud and became a deity, Wu Yu Hsien (†), around whom a local cult sprang up and flourished during the fourteenth century. Yet another was the skeleton of an old and holy abbot overlaid with gold foil on Chiu Hua Shan at the Pai Sui Kung“. A preserved body in the Nan Hua Shan Monastery in northern Kwangtung was that of the Sixth Patriarch of Chinese Buddhism (A.D.). It appears to be the earliest recorded "fleshy body". The Sixth and last of the Chinese Patriarchs, Hui Neng (#), died in A.D. 712. His corpse is said to have remained incorrupt and even to exhale a sweet fragrance. His chest maintained its natural position and the skin appeared glossy and flexible. In A.D. 1236 when the Mongol troops pursued the last emperor of the Southern Sung and defeated him in Kwangtung, it is said that Mongol soldiers violated the tomb of the Patriarch and even went so far as to rip open the abdomen with a sword thrust. On seeing that the heart and liver were still in a perfect state of preservation, they were filled with fear and went no further in their sacrilege. Several replicas are to be seen in Hong Kong; a good example is on the altar of Huang Ta Hsien (黄大仙) in the San Yuan Temple (三元宫) in T'ai P'ing Shan Street, Hong Kong. (See plate 27). Incidentally, smaller images of Hui Neng, often seen in curio shops, are easily recognisable by the small dragon in his begging bowl. He is considered to be the founder of the Vegetarian Sects of Buddhism, Ch’ih Su Chiao ( vegetarian ). Another mummy, black faced, covered in lacquer and gilded, sat in a lotus position in a place of honour in the T'ien T'ai Temple south-west of Peking, wearing Buddhist robes but of Imperial yellow. He wore a vairocana five-leaf crown on his head, his face was smooth and full fleshed and his skin black with age. Many thought that he was a wooden image and legend, since disproved, claimed him to be Fu Lin, the first Manchu Emperor of China (1638-1661) better known as Shun Chih who died at the age of 30. The story probably grew from the known fact that he wished to become a monk. The mummy was refurbished annually at a minor ceremony and was a great attraction for pilgrims. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 46 W. A. REYNOLDS here, the surveillance is curiously haphazard and capricious. We could not see that we were followed on leaving; perhaps they have given up checking on foreigners". We had also been to a large reception given by General Chou En-lai on January 7th which was attended by General Marshall and, from the Kuomintang; Chen Li-fu, Feng Yu-hsiang and Dr. H. H. Kung, together with the Chungking establishment of Ambassadors, Consuls etc. The Journey There The route followed is shown in Fig. 1.* The convoy finally set out on a misty morning on January 21st intending to cross the Yangtse by the upper ferry. Disaster overtook us within four kilometres. Going down a steep slope the driver of the leading truck missed his gear change and ran off the road into a paddy field. The truck finished up on her side (Plate no. 6). With help from the base garage, she was hauled out, (Plate no. 7), the Garage Manager directing. The convoy returned to base, spent a day straightening and reloading and set forth again on January 23rd. The route went through Sui Ning, San Tai, Mien Yang over the Chien Men Kuan or Sword Gate Pass to Kwang Yuan and then over another Pass, Ch'i P'an Kuan or the Gate of Shensi, in the Mi Ts'ang Mountains to Pao Ch'eng.† North of Mienyang the 'new' motor road follows the route of the old Imperial Highway to Ch'eng-tu. Impressive “pai lo's”, fine trees and stone bridges mark the route (Plates 8 & 9). Just after Pao Ch'eng is the famous Buddhist temple Miao-T'ai Tzu, where we stopped for a visit. A place of peace and beauty to which one might dream of retiring for a while. In Pao-ch'eng the scene is very different from the Szechuan towns over the mountains to the south. This was the southern limit of the camel trains coming down from Sinkiang and Kansu, some with loads of dried Hami melon. Perhaps some of the flavour of the place is given in a quotation from a letter home: "We spent one night in Pao-ch'eng and as we came up across the bridge in the late afternoon, the long flatness of the Han-hui Ch'u valley behind us, lines of camels drinking at the river side were mirrored P.54 Plates 6-19 at rear illustrate the article. + The romanisation of place names is that used in the Times Atlas of China since this is the detailed reference most easily available to Western readers. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 66 J. T. KAMM Finally, a word on economic development. Equilibrium in the tenancy system in no way implied stagnation in the economy. We have already noted the benefits which tenants derived by extending the surface value. The clans, restricted in the amount of rent-value collected, expanded economically into two areas, regulation of trade and monopolization of tax collection. It was at the level of periodic marketing that the landlord clans "reasserted control” over the tenants' surplus; moreover, the landlords were able to extract increasingly large amounts of revenue, as taxes, while both trade and agricultural production increased. In this way, perpetual tenancy gave impetus to the rise of taxlordism, which we shall consider in the next essay. NOTES 1 Hugh Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, p 8. 2 See, for instance, the Kwang Tung Nung Yeh Kai-K’uang Tiao-ch'a-pao-kao Shu Hsuan-pien (*), Vol. I, p 185. 3 Hung ch'i represented officially recognized ownership of land. Pai ch'i (é) denoted unregistered ownership, mortgage, and the like. Tenants might possess pai ch'i, or they might not. 4 It is very difficult to give a realistic estimate of the amount of land worked by tenants in the early nineteenth century. Existing records (including Government CSO reports, sessional papers and cadastral surveys) suggest a very high degree of tenancy. A survey taken by Potter in 1960 indicates a tenancy rate of 83% in Ping Shan (); this coincides with my observations in Kam Tin. 5 Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony, p 52. 6 In the first tally of cultivated land conducted at the beginning of the Ch'ing Dynasty, 4039.567656 mow of land were liable to the payment of taxes. By 1819, this amount had shrunk to a total of 3815.94836965 mow. (Hsin-An Hsien-chih, ch'uan 8). Lockhart, in the Extension papers, writes of the land registers: "The land registers of the district, which ought to be a reliable guide, are worse than useless, as they contain not more than half of the land under cultivation." (p.48). 7 See Tung-Kuan Hsien-chih (*), ch'uan 39, for an account of the problems raised by this situation. In the early years of British administration, officers were often informed by cultivators that plots of 3rd class land (see below) were exempt from tax in certain areas. 8 Kwang-chow Fu-chih ( ), ch'uan 4:46b-47a. 9 Hsin-An Hsien-chih, ch'uan 2. 10 James Hayes, "Old British Kowloon", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol. 6, 1966, gives some data on Kowloon. The Hakka Tangs of Pat Heung apparently arrived in the neighborhood of Kam Tin during the migration years. 11 Wan Lo, “Communal Strife in Mid-19th Century Kwangtung” Papers on China from the Regional Studies Seminar, p 93. See also N.B. Dennys (ed), The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (1867), pp 20-22. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN 67 12 Lockhart lists 255 villages occupied by Hakkas, with a total population of 36,070 in the Tung Lo in 1898. Assuming a population of 250,000 for the total district in 1900, Hsin-An probably had a Hakka population of around 90,000. 13 Rawski's bibliography in Agricultural Change and the Peasant Economy of South China offers the most complete listing of works bearing on perpetual tenancy. p. 64. 14 CSO280/04 Extension. See note 4, Essay 2. 15 Hsu T'ien-tai, Fu Chien Wen Hua (福建文化), Vol. 1, No. 1, (1941), 16 Correspondence Respecting Affairs of China, March 1898-September 1900. "Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong," (Presented to both Houses of Parliament, November 1900) p. 19. 17 The Shih Chien T'ang Chia P'u (世鑑堂家譜), a collection of genealogies from Kam Tin, gives the following settlements of lineal descendants in Tung Kuan: Chuh Yuan (竹園), Yen Tien (燕田), Fu Lung (福龍), Huai Te (懷德), Shih Ching (石井), Tu Kao (土高), and Ping Hu (平湖). 18 "These clans gain their local influence, not through numbers alone, but owing to the fact that certain of their numbers have official rank, gained through competitive examinations, or obtained by purchase, which keeps them in touch with the Magistrate and even higher officials." Correspondence Respecting Affairs of China ibid., p. 20. The Shih Chien T'ang Chia P'u records that, from Cheng Hua (Ming Dynasty) to Tao Kwang (Ch'ing Dynasty)—that is, from roughly 1470-1820—fourteen Kam Tin Tangs passed the state examination. Several of these became office holders. Another indicator of gentry connections with officialdom was the construction, in Kam Tin, of a temple (祠堂) dedicated to the two officials (Chou Yu-te (周有德) and Wang Lai-jen (王來任)) who petitioned the Emperor, on behalf of the inhabitants of the coastal areas, to allow resettlement. 19 Introduction to the Nan Yang Tang Shih Tsu P'u (南陽堂世族譜), compiled by the Ping Shan Tangs. 20 Sung Hok-P'ang, in his articles on the Kam Tin Tangs in the Hong Kong Naturalist, claims to have seen references to Tang lands on Hong Kong in the Land Register (土地冊) of Tung Kuan. "One may judge that the land was owned by the Tangs before the first year of Maan Lik, AD 1525, (sic) as after that the San On District was formed” (Vol. VIII, nos. 3 and 4). 21 HKTCSMTC, "Details of Cultivated Land” (耕地詳情). 22 ibid. 23 The landlord clans were often referred to by the British as "first cultivators." See, for instance, CSO3172/1915 cited in the essay on tax-lordism. 24 Correspondence Respecting Affairs in China, ibid., p. 16. 25 Hsin-An Hsien-chih, ch'uan 8. 26 In this regard, note the high degree of correlation among the different "tax-burdens" in Table II. One is tempted to speculate that a native formula for the conversion of rent rates from tax-rates existed. 27 In the 1934 edition of the Chung-Kuo Ch'ing-chi Nien-chien (中國經濟年鑑), chapter 7 (Chinese Tenancy Systems), contains the following description of the Fen Chih Chih (分種制) system, a form of perpetual lease found in the East River counties of the Kwangchow Prefecture: "This ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n NOTES AND QUERIES 193 For the general background the reader is referred to pp. 419-433, 697-700 of Kung-chuan Hsiao's monumental study of late imperial China Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (University of Washington, Seattle, 1960). Also to Chapter X of Frederic Wakeman Jr.'s Strangers at the Gate, Social Disorder in South China 1839-1861 (University of California Press, 1966): 'Class and Clan' 109-116. It is of interest that as late as 1905 and 1908 villagers of Honam Island, Canton were fighting out their feuds on the campus of the Canton Christian College, the future Lingnan University: see Lingnan University by Charles Hodge Corbett (New York 1963) p. 40. The self-government of Chinese villages existing alongside what A. R. Colquhoun styles ‘a long common frontier' with 'centralised autocracy', i.e. the situation which allowed this kind of independent action to subsist, is interestingly handled in his China in Transformation (London, 1898): 238-288. Hong Kong, December 1977. C. MOVE OF THE SHING MUN VILLAGES* JAMES HAYES The Shing Mun villages of Shing Mun Lo Wai, Pak Shek Wo, Pei Tau To, Shek Tau Kin, Fu Yung Shan, Nam Fong To, Tai Pei Lek and Ho Pui contain about 855 Hakka Chinese, mostly named Cheng but having among them also Cheung's, Ko's, Lo's, Tang's and Tsang's. In a hollow in the hills about two miles broad by two and a half long, formed by Tai Mo Shan, Grassy Hill and Needle Hill, and sloping from Lead Mine Pass southwards to Pineapple Pass and Tsun Wan, the inhabitants of these villages own 180 acres of agricultural land, 1180 acres of forestry rights and 42 acres of pine-apples. The whole of this area will have to be evacuated, and after careful search in co-operation with the villagers, suitable sites have been found to accommodate them at Kam Tin, Wo Hop Shek, Nam Shui Po, Tsat Sing Kong, Ping Kong, Fung Yuen (Yue Kok), Shek Ku Lung, and Pan Chung, and to these it is proposed to move all the inhabitants of the Shing Mun valley above Pineapple Pass. Details of the transfer are as follows:--- * Taken from the Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers 1928. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 194 NOTES AND QUERIES FROM PERSONNEL. TO Shing Mun Lo Wai 251 Pak Shek Wo Pei Tau To Shek Tau Kin Fu Yung Shan S | Kann Tie 3H Wo Hop Shek Nam Shui Po Tsat Sing Kong Ping Kong Fung Yuen (Yue Kok) Shek Ku Lung 5 | Pan Chung 25 276 31 13 44 126 126 82 7 27 116 46 51 27 124 Nam Fong To 28 28 Tai Pei Lek Ho Pui 4 11 15 11 23 46 46 126 540 79 11 23 46 46 7 103 855 persons The greater part of the new village sites is on Crown land. It has been necessary to purchase a small area of private land included in the sites, at a total cost of $1,055.51. A further sum of $2,783.80 compensation for fruit trees unavoidably involved brings this figure to $3,839.31. Site Preparation: The cost of preparing the sites for the new villages is shown in the following table: --- Kam Tin $ 5,000.00 Tsat Sing Kong 1,300.00 Pan Chung 10,000.00 Shek Ku Lung 500.00 Ping Kong 1,000.00 Wo Hop Shek 1,700.00 Nam Shui Po 5,000.00 Fung Yuen 7,000.00 $31,500.00 This work will be done exclusively by Government, and provision has been made in the 1928 Estimates to cover the expenditure. Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 NOTES AND QUERIES 211 Ching period of the Ming Dynasty (1553). From this, we can see that, at that time, there was no fort nor guard-station at Fat Tong Mun. 4 See my article "A Short History of the Pirates of Hong Kong before 1842," published in Volume 8, No. 4, of the Kwong Tung Man Hin 早期海盜略，原載廣東文獻第八卷，第四期。. 5 Chapter 4 of the San On Yuen Chi, Ch'ia Ching edition, ★★★✰ recorded, "North Fat Tong is an isolated island, A fort is erected during the K'ang Hsi period, for the protection of the waterway against the pirates." This proves that the fort on Tung Lung Island was erected during the K'ang Hsi reign. 6 See Chapter 13 of the Kwong Tung Hoi Tu Shuet. 1889 edition ★***, and Chapter 73 of the Kwong Chow Fu Chi, 1879 edition 廣州府志。 7 Chapter 125 of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi, Tao Kuang edition £ A records, "In the 15th year of the Ch'ia Ching rule, Viceroy Chin Mun Fu ✰✰ suggested to have the Fat Tong Mun Fort abandoned, and rebuilt near the Kowloon Walled City, Viceroy Pak Ling ordered the Magistrate of the San On District 4 to carry out the suggestion. The Fat Tong Mun Fort was under the command of the officer commanding of the Tai Pang Battalion ***. The fort stood on an isolated island, two hundred li from the Tai Pang Walled City, and forty li from the Kowloon guard-station. There were no villages on the island that could assist in protecting the region. Thus the fort had to be removed to the Kowloon City Region." Chapter 14 of the Kwong Chow Fu Chi, 1879 edition АЯ, and the Genealogy of Tang's of Kam Tin, New Territories of Hong Kong, 香港新界錦田鄧氏族譜 have the same record. 8 See Note 6, Chapter 8 of Professor LO Hsiang-lin's Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, Chinese edition, 1959 -AS- 一八四二年以前之香港及其對外交通，羅香林著. FIRST RECORD OF THE PELOBATID FROG LEPTOBRACHIUM PELODYTOIDES BOULENGER IN HONG KONG It is indeed gratifying to find-in an area as small and zoologically well studied as Hong Kong-any amphibian not previously known to be part of our fauna. Not only does the discovery of Leptobrachium pelodytoides add another species, but represents a genus new to the known fauna of Hong Kong. The first specimens found here, and subsequently identified, are nine tadpoles collected by Dr. Frank F. Reitinger and Mr. Jerry K. S. Lee at an altitude of about 853 metres on Tai Mo Shan in the New Territories on 30 November and 7 December 1974. However, it was not until two adult frogs were found by Mr. Phillip J. Bishop ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 26 KEITH G. STEVENS typhoon and rebuilt some two centuries later on the site of the present Tian Hou temple in Joss House Bay,27 There have been several apparent brief bursts of temple building in Hong Kong since the arrival of the British. One was in the early days of Hong Kong in the 1840's; another spurt during the period of growing prosperity in the 1870/1880's; another during the era of the plague (the 1890's); and another in the 1950's during the massive influx of refugees. Many temples were renovated during the latter days of the Qing dynasty, and by the Hong Kong government's Chinese Temples Committee since the second world war,28 Temples are expensive buildings and are built mainly in times of economic affluence. Although many temples are receiving less and less attention from keepers and grass grows high in temple yards, others are expanding and have been refurbished at great cost. One should not be misled into believing a temple to be old by its condition, as the climate ages buildings very rapidly on the coast of China. The dilapidated state of some dozen or so traditional temples gives the impression of centuries of neglect, whereas most were working temples up to a decade or two ago. Others looking almost new are, in reality, traditional temples which have been rebuilt or refurbished with the assistance of large government subsidies. However, many modern renovations have changed the original character both of the altars and of the temples themselves. The Hong Kong Government has been meticulous in providing assistance whenever it has needed to encroach upon temple property. One site in Lo Fu Hang between Castle Peak and Yuen Long where a government department authorised a quarry to be opened and in the process ordered the removal of three ramshackle huts termed "temples", one large and two small concrete and tile edifices were built nearby to rehouse the gods. Chaozhou immigrants who settled in Hong Kong during the fifties and sixties quickly discovered that their shanty dwellings on hillsides, considered illegal by the Hong Kong Government, were torn down by officials. They also quickly discovered that British officials, fearing to tread on religious susceptibilities, were more lenient towards religious structures. The Chaozhou immigrants therefore built for themselves small, rough temples of corrugated iron and wood and, as an annex, a small living area, and more often ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS 33 14 Because of the exorbitant rents for such accommodation, temples in shop houses and flats in Hong Kong are few and far between. In Singapore and Malaysia, temples in shop houses are very common indeed, though they are becoming less so as the years pass and rents in urban areas rapidly rise. 15 Occasionally such a temple may be a converted private house, as in the many examples in Lo Wai village, Tsuen Wan, but more often it is a purpose-built but inexpensive hut. 18 Temples containing images of the Buddhist deities Di Zang Wang, Milofu, and Guan Yin are not necessarily specifically Buddhist, as all three of these deities nowadays are also extremely popular deities in folk religion temples. 17 Mahayana is Northern Buddhism and Theravada or Hinayana is Southern Buddhism. 18 "Illegal" is a Hong Kong term for buildings which have been built on Crown Land often by squatters without Government land control or planning permission, but which have been permitted to remain standing under sufferance. In practice, they are temporary structures put up without permission, occasionally ramshackle though more often they are well-built timber, weather-board, and corrugated iron buildings, clean and well-proportioned. (Illustration 17). Some have stood for such a length of time as to have been gradually converted to concrete and brick. All are labelled on the side in rough daubs of paint with the bureaucratic abbreviations and digits prefixed by "TEM" (= temporary) affixed by squatter control staff of the Housing Department. 19 Demons are well known to Chinese to be unable to go around corners and must travel in straight lines, hence these inner doors to prevent the demons from entering the temple. The inner doors originally were opened exclusively for influential people. 20 See also James Hayes' information at JHKBRAS 6 (1966): 129-130. 21 In overseas Chinese areas, this kind of large street shrine is still very common and, in Singapore alone, some four to five hundred exist in all kinds of nooks and crannies. For a Hong Kong example, see JHKBRAS 14 (1974): 203. 22 Chu is one of the 28 Constellations (= xiu). ** See pp. 111-113 of the Hong Kong Government's publication Rural Architecture in Hong Kong (1979) for this pagoda. 24 In Imperial times, such masts were always to be seen outside the local magistrate's yamen. 25 Chinese bells have no internal tongue clapper, being tolled by an external blow with a wooden mallet. 26 For the Evacuation of the Coast, see Lo Hsiang-lin and others, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842 (Hong Kong, 1963) Chapter VI. 27 For background, see Jen Yu-wen's article "The Southern Sung stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang" in JHKBRAS 5 (1965): 65-68. 28 Government action is through the Chinese Temples Committee, serviced by the Trust Funds Section of the Home Affairs Department. 29 Temples according to this Ordinance include Miao (廟), Si (寺), Buddhist and Daoist monasteries, Guan (觀) and Dao Yuan (道院), and nunneries An (庵). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 NOTES AND QUERIES LOCAL REACTIONS TO THE DISTURBANCE OF 'FUNG SHUI ON TSINGYI ISLAND, HONG KONG, MARCH 1978 — DECEMBER 1980* 155 The Chung Mei and Lo Uk villagers moved to their new houses in April/May 1979. Preparations were then made for a start to the engineering works and excavations in the sensitive hill area. We then discovered that the opposition to interference with this area came also from the four old villages located round the lagoon. These face directly (in some cases indirectly) on to the fung shui hill. They had requested and been granted payments for periodic tun fu (**) ceremonies at the same time as the villages of Chung Mei and Lo Uk. Also, in connection with their temporary removal to public housing pending completion of their new resite villages in three to four years' time, a temporary resiting for ancestral halls for all these villages had been agreed and was being effected. Notwithstanding these considerations, village objections continued to be received. It was becoming clear that though work might start on excavations, it was likely to cause incidents and to lead to interference with the contractors and further delay: in turn incurring claims from the companies engaged in the work. We were virtually back in the same situation that had led to the 1974 decision to resite Chung Mei and Lo Uk. Thus, when it was learned that the new public housing blocks into which the villagers were to be temporarily cleared would not be available for another year owing to heavy commitments to house large numbers of people from ongoing clearances for major public works in other parts of the Town and District, we decided to face facts. It was agreed to leave the Four Villages on their old sites until mid-1980 when new public housing blocks would be available, and not to start excavations till then. Fortunately this decision was also made necessary on other grounds. Owing to financial stringency, tightened controls and the need to continue financing for engineering and building works already in progress, it was not possible to commence the Tsing Yi contracts scheduled for 1979-80. However, all the necessary arrangements were made, including the detailed planning for the villagers' *This is a sequel to the note at pp. 213-216 of the 1979 issue of the Journal. It details the difficulties faced by the District Office Tsuen Wan in arranging for development works to proceed smoothly. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 177 Translation from op. cit., vol. 3, p. 1. # The school was set up in 1870 and was originally named the Diocesan School and Orphanage for Boys and known in its short form as the Diocesan Home. The orphanage was closed in 1896, but the school has continued as the Diocesan Boys' School. Its early history is given in W.T. Featherstone, The Diocesan Boys' School and Orphanage, Hong Kong, 1869 to 1919 (Hong Kong, 1930).* The Central School was set up by the Hong Kong Government in 1862 as a result of a proposal from the famous sinologue James Legge. It was the first government school put directly under the supervision of a government officer recruited from Britain. The school was meant to be a model school for the promotion of teaching of English and Western learning. For its history, see Gevenneth Stokes, Queen's College, 1862–1962 (Hong Kong, 1962). 7 The article was written in 1937, when the early school register was still in the possession of Queen's College. The Yellow Dragon, vol. 37, p. 94. It is still not clear when Sun entered the college. It is generally known that Sun was transferred to Hong Kong in early 1887, but the college was not opened until October of the same year. It is possible that Sun had been transferred to work at the Alice Memorial Hospital as a student before the college was officially opened. For Sun's student life in the college, see Lo Hsiang-lin, Kuo-fu chih ta-hsüeh shih-tai (Chungking, 1945). 10 A brief survey of the significant role of the Central School in this respect is given in Ng Lun Ngai-ha, “Role of Hong Kong Educated Chinese in the Shaping of Modern China”, paper presented to the 8th IAHA Conference, 1980. 11 “For more information on these and other early Hong Kong newspapers, see Ng Lun Ngai-ha, “A Survey of Source Materials in Hong Kong Related to Late Ch'ing China”, Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i, 4, (December 1979), 145–146, appendix A. 12 The China coast newspapers are valuable sources for the study of modern Chinese history. For a brief survey of these materials, see Frank H. H. King and P. Clarke (eds.), A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911 (Camb. Mass., 1965). 13 It was said that Sun might have contributed articles to the local newspapers and also to the Wan-kuo kung-pao, of which Cheng Kuan-ying was a patron. See Sun Chung-shan nien-p'u (Peking, 1980), p. 24 and Lo Hsiang-lin, "Kuo-fu yü Ho Chi chüeh-shih ti kuan-hsi", Kuo-fu ti kao-ming kuang-ta (Taipei, 1965), p. 129. 14 The Hao T'ou yueh-k'an 14 and 15 (1947), a magazine published by a secondary school in Chung-shan county, noted that it was first published in the Macao Daily in 1892. Its full text can now be found in Sun Chung-shan Shih Jiao chuan chi (Kuang tung wen shih tzu-liao, Canton, 1891), pp. 271–273. 16 For a brief comparative study of the two letters, see Huang-yen, “Chi-shao Sun Chung-shan 'chih Cheng Tsao-ju shu'”, Li-shih yen-chiu (1980:6), pp. 184–189. 10 For a short description of Ho's life and career in Hong Kong, see Wu Hsing-lin, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 1936), II, pp. 1–2. Ho's contributions to the reform movements in China have been studied in a number of works. The more recent ones are Chiu Ling-yeong, The Life and Thought of Sir Kai Ho Kai (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Sydney, 1968) and Tsai Jung-fang, “Comprador Ideologists in Modern China: Ho Kai and Hu ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 5 relationship of these groups to bureaucratic institutions in terms of the neighborhood associations' autonomy, effectiveness, and satisfaction" (Jones, Ho, Chau, Lam, and Mok 1978: i). Other studies will no doubt appear in the future, using the Mutual Aid Committees as a base for the investigation of still other problems. There are perhaps many reasons for this scholarly popularity, but a major characteristic of Mutual Aid Committees, one that makes it possible for them to serve as a starting point for so many studies is their flexibility. This characteristic has already been alluded to, in the sense of "the lack of barriers to committee membership and participation" (Scott 1980:213). However, the flexibility of the committees can also be seen through an examination of their basic structure and function. It is this structure, its variations, and the functions performed that form the subject of this paper. The following discussion (with the exception of certain data gathered during the previous research period of 1976-1978) is based on research conducted at Lok Fu Estate, Kowloon. The Research Area Lok Fu Estate Lok Fu Estate is one of six subdivisions making up the Lok Fu Area Committee Area. In its turn, this Area is coterminous with one of the twelve District Board Constituencies established for the Wong Tai Sin District. The Area is bounded by Junction Road, Tung Tau Chuen Road, and Fung Mo Street. By the end of 1982, the total population of Lok Fu Estate was approximately 20,000, out of a total of 31,000 for the entire Area and 524,000 for the entire Wong Tai Sin District (Wong Tai Sin District Report 1982:271). The first blocks of Lok Fu Estate itself were under construction by 1955, at what was then called Lo Fu Ngam (虎崗) (Tiger Hill). However, residents felt that such a name was inauspicious and so it was later changed to Lok Fu (樂富) (Happy and Wealthy). By the end of 1956, the twenty-three blocks of the Lok Fu Resettlement Estate had been completed, twelve blocks of the Mark I type and eleven of the Mark II style (Wong Tai Sin District Report 1982:271-272). At present, many of these blocks have been converted. For example, the individual units in Blocks #6-9 and #11 have been ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 119 duties each year; but old residents have supplied information on this point. A Heung Shan (Chung Shan) man who was a tai chik lei (Chairman) for the Sau Hing Fong, in the 11th to the 20th years of the Chinese Republic (1922-1931) and knew of past practice, has said that in his time there were within the Fong one tai, aided by three fu chik lei (Vice-chairman) and some 8-10 ordinary chik lei (managers). Together, when it came to their Fong's turn to arrange for the temple rituals, these men would make all the arrangements for celebrating all three major religious occasions on the island on behalf of the whole community. The body of chik lei came together because of their interest and willingness to contribute, and to spend their time and effort on the work. The selection of the four senior chik lei was done in the Hung Shing temple, by casting the divining blocks (kau pui) before the altar. This was described locally as man Hung Shing or as man pui; that is 'asking Hung Shing god' or 'asking the divining blocks'.18 In another of these bodies, the Fuk Hing Fong of San On residents, an old member (born in 1897; and interviewed in 1966) confirmed the mutual coming together by the body of chik lei with a view to selecting a leader, but in this Fong they met in the shop of one of its leading members. The leaders were not chosen by using the divining blocks in the temple, but were selected by the leading shopkeepers and manufacturers of the Fong from among themselves, on the basis of their business success, good reputation and interest in the work of securing a continuance of blessings through the faithful performance of religious observances in each lunar year. Whichever method was adopted—and it may have varied from time to time—the selection of persons as senior chik lei was celebrated by the preparation and presentation of an ornamental tablet described as a (*). This was a red painted wooden board, draped with a red cloth and surmounted by golden flowers or tassels. Black characters on the board gave the name, post and date of the senior chik lei. When the board was ready, it was borne along the street in procession accompanied by Taoist priests or nam mo lo and musicians and fixed ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 274 P.H. HASE, J.W. HAYES AND K.C. IU around Lantau Peak. Because of its properties, it has traditionally been collected by local villagers to make "tea". Normally, the fresh or dried leaves are boiled in water, and sugar added if necessary. Apart from local consumption, the leaves are dried for sale in the herbalists' shops at Tai O. Over the years, the plant has been established as a local product of Lantau Island. Hawkers doing business in front of the Po Lin Monastery on Ngong Ping Plateau are also "cashing in" on the trade by bottling the drink for sale to visitors. Because of the thirst-quenching properties and good "cooling effect", the drinks are particularly welcomed by hikers. However, most of the dried leaves for sale there nowadays are in fact imported from Ting Wu and Lo Fu Mountains (#LI, #) in Guangdong Province. The price ranges from $5 to $12 per packet according to weight. The popularity of the drink seems to be declining in recent years, particularly among young people who prefer ready-made soft drinks. This change has in fact helped to conserve the declining population of this plant species on Lantau Peak. NOTES My (PHH) thanks to Mr. K.C. Ho, Assistant Curator, the Flagstaff House Museum of Tea Ware for his assistance in preparing this Note, and to Mr. M. Cheung of the Visual Aids Section of the Hong Kong Museum of Art for taking the photographs. Tea trees used for the production of "Hill Tea" in Mau Tso Ngam and elsewhere in the New Territories are plants of Camellia sinensis in common with tea bushes used elsewhere in China in the commercial production of tea. See Plate 33. (Note by K.C. Iu). Plate 34. Plate 35. 5 Plate 36. 6 Plate 37. 7 Plate 38. & This method of preparing green tea is similar to that used in many other parts of China, and involves three steps, viz (a) pan firing, (b) rolling, and (c) roasting. The main purpose of pan firing is to inactivate the enzymes inside the tea leaves (these enzymes must remain active if fermented, rather than green tea, is being made). Rolling releases the tea juices which are considered to be the essence of the tea. The constituents of the juices will stick to the surface of the tea leaves after the final roasting process. Roasting aims to stabilise the process, by baking the leaves to dryness to facilitate storage (Note by K.C. Ho). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 229 sought out by a reporter of the Hongkong Telegraph for an interview on the housing to be built on the land of the Fuk Tin Co in Cheungshawan. This was not the first plan to develop the area. In 1864, an enterprising member of the Tang family arranged with certain other clan members to develop their holdings along the foreshore. The documents relating to the proposal state: "The lessors' intentions are to invite people to settle thereon, and erect boatbuilding sheds, houses and shops thereon, in order to open up the place for trade, so that some income may be derived therefrom by them to turn it to account." The owners did not have the capital to develop the area so as to attract those who had been dislocated by events in China or by the clearance from the Tsimshatsui area of Kowloon after British occupation. The owners of the land were happy to make terms with one who was ready "to superintend the work as first founder of the place." The income from the family houses, boatbuilding sheds, rope works and the use of the shore for breaming junks was to be managed by the lessee. The kaifong of the place was to be allowed a certain part of the income for hiring watchmen and meeting other public expenses. The balance was to be divided into two equal shares, one for the descendants of the ancestor Tang Shek-cho, the other for the developer, Tang Fu-kowk, alias Tang Chi-nam. The agreement concluded with the pious hope that after the making of the lease "may the inhabitants be in prosperity and make good profit! May the source of the wealth be multiplied!" In 1876, Tang Fu-kowk, the promoter, acquired title to improvements members of the clan had made at Laichikok. These consisted of a flour mill with two water dams, an improved stream called Tit Lo Hang (Blacksmith's creek) and a vegetable plantation. At the time of the interview with Ho A-mei in 1895 there was a severe shortage of Chinese housing in Hongkong. Even before the plague of 1894 struck it had been in short supply. To control ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 279 dated this year may be found at the Tam Kung Temple that is now located at Blue Pool Road. The other temple, in Shaukiwan, was built in 1905. There was once also a Tam Kung Temple in Tokwawan in Kowloon, but it was demolished to make way for a road, which has been named Tam Kung Road in remembrance of the temple. ANTHONY K.K. SIU NOTES See Hui-chou fu-chih 1881 edition, ch. 44. ibid. ch. 12. THE CANNON IN THE KOWLOON WALLED CITY Two old muzzle-loading cannon, each about twelve feet long, can be found in front of No. 2, Lung Chun Road in the Kowloon Walled City. See Plates 24-25, The inscriptions on both cannon are legible. They were cast in the same year under the same supervision. The inscriptions read as follows:- In the mid-spring month of the 7th year of reign of Chia-ch’ing (1802) 嘉慶七年仲春月 + L Wu, Acting Governor of Kwangtung WM, Chueh-lo-chi, Assistant High Chancellor, and Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi2, Sun, Commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung (Marine) Forces ORIENT Zhang (?), Commissioner of Salt Transport of Kwangtung and Kwangsi supervised the manufacture of this 4000 catties cannon #4 TAG. The other cannon bears the same inscription but weighs 5000 catties. During that time, the coastal area was infested by pirates. Viceroy Chueh-lo-chi ordered the casting of cannon for the fortification of the coast of Kwangtung. These two cannon must be ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 370 ji-wai-deui K jou jou-se 做社 juk-jeung Jung Gaai 中街 Jyu-Jai #ff jyu-lou 主腦 Kam Hing Wai MAB Kam Tin B Man Kam To Man-Cheung Man-Wai Mau-Ging Tong Ming 明 Ming-Hok Ming-Lyun Miu Gok Yun 妙覺園 mou-geui-yan #^ Kam Tin Shi mou-leuk-le-wai Kangxi 康熙 Kat Hing Wai 吉慶圍 Kei-Fong Kei-Wa ✩✩ kiu-fu 轎伕 Kwun Yam Shan 觀音山 Kyun-Hin # laam-sang laat Lai Ga Dei Lai 黎 Lai-Gaan Tong Lam Choi 林財 Lam Pui *** Lam Ngau-Jai *4# Lam Yi-Hing Tong # Lam-Mau ** lat 甩 Lau 劉 Lei-Ging Tong Lei-Wik Leung Leung Gwan-Daat Leung Tung 梁同 lo-gu ga 4 Loi-Fu * Loi-Sing Tong *** Lok-Sin Luk Gwok 六國 Lung Yeuk Tau ✯✯✯ luo-tian mu畝 Mui Jai Yun 梅仔圜 Mung Yeung 蒙養 Naam Tau 南頭 Naam Bin Teng # Naam Bin 南便 Naam-Kai Naam-Teng E Nam Pin Wai Ng Sing-Chi f** Ng 伍 Nga-Chyun R Ngau-Wong [Wui] () paang 棚 Pat Heung 八鄉 Ping Shan 坪山 ping-on 平安 Pou-Am Pui-Hing Pun-Gu qimen dunjia 奇門遁甲 Qing 淸 Sa Bui Leng 沙貝嶺 Sa Jeng 沙井 Sai Pin Wai 西邊圍 sai-man ME San Tin 新田 San Sin Fu 神仙府 San Wai 新圍 San-Fung san-teng ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 392 in the Tang Dynasty were found in Chung Hom Wan, Sha Wan 沙灣 and Aplichau 鴨脷洲 + 5 Hong Kong Island in the Ming Dynasty In the Ming Dynasty, because of the production of incense wood in the area, the economic condition of the people became better. More people came to live on the island. During the Wan Li Reign, there were at least seven villages, namely: Hong Kong, Tit Hang 鐵坑, Chung Hom 春坎, Chik Chu 赤柱, Tai Tam 大潭, Shau Kei Wan, and Wong Nei Chung. The north coast was still sparsely populated. At the end of the Ming Dynasty, the island was frequently attacked by pirates. Though naval vessels from the Nam Tau Chai to Long Pak Kau patrolled along the coast from Tai Pang 混白滘, piracy was still very active. Hong Kong Island in the early Ch'ing Dynasty During the early Ch'ing Dynasty, the Coastal Evacuation was carried out. People on the island fled inland. The villages were abandoned. In the 8th year of the K'ang Hsi Reign (1669), the Edict of the Coastal Evacuation was revoked. People returned from inland and rebuilt their villages. In the early years of the Yung Cheng Reign, the seven villages, i.e. Hong Kong, Tit Hang, Chung Hom, Chik Chu, Tai Tam, Shau Kei Wan and Wong Nei Chung, were rebuilt. Because of the danger of piracy, the government built forts and set up military posts along the coast. Nam Tau and Tai Pang were the two main military bases near Hong Kong Island. However, no military post was established on the island at that time. In the years of the Chia Ching Reign, two villages, Pok Fu Lam and Soo Kon Poo, were newly established. The Hung Heung Lo Naval post, which was under the control of the Tai Pang Battalion, was established too. Hong Kong at the beginning of its Colonization 12 In the 20th year of the Tao Kuang Reign (1840), the Opium War between the British and the Ch'ing government broke out and the Ch'ing ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 395 "Tai Hai Shan, which lies in the sea of Tung Kwun, consists of thirty-six chui. People depend on fishing and salt panning". However, Chapter 1 of Tai Ming Yi Tung Ming Shing Chi, which was published in the Ming Dynasty, records, Tai Hai Shan, which lies in the sea to the south of Tung Kwun, is surrounded by thirty-six chui. Its territory has a circumference of about three hundred li. From these, we know that, in olden days, Tai Hai Shan was a name representing thirty-six chui. A "chui" is a word which may mean 'island' or 'native village'. Also, we know that it was a large territory with a circumference of about three hundred li. However, today, we treat Tai Yu Shan as only one large island. The island was dwelt in by primitive settlers from very early days. Previously, archaeological finds of stone and bronze tools at Man Kok Tsui on the east coast and at Shek Pik on the south are plentiful. These give significance to primitive native dwellings on the island. At the end of the East Tsin 東晉, Sun Yun 孫恩 and Lo Tsun 盧循 revolted in the lower course of the Yangtze-kiang and in Fukien Province. In 408, Lau Yu of the East Tsin suppressed the revolt successfully. Lo Tsun's followers scattered and lived on Tai Yu Shan afterwards. They were known as Lo Yu 盧餘. In the Sung Dynasty, Tai Yu Shan was famous for salt panning. During the North Sung, the salt panning on the island was under the administration of the Hai Nam Ch'eung (Chaak). About 1160, the island and its surroundings were under the control of the aborigines with Chu Yau as their leader. Later, when Chu Yau and his men surrendered, the robust men and youths were dragooned to serve in the Sung navy, the old and the infirm were spared. In 1197, Sung officials captured salt smugglers on Tai Yu Shan. The natives under Man Tang rose in open revolt. The governor of Kwangchow Fu sent troops to the island. The revolt was quickly suppressed and all the houses in the villages were razed to the ground. Afterwards, a permanent garrison of three hundred strong was stationed there to control future uprisings. During the Yuan Dynasty, hundreds of people from other lands came to the island and set up their homes there. They lived on farming and fishing. During the Ming Dynasty, the coastal area of Kwangtung Province Page 420 Page 421 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 397 the Yuen Ka Walled Village E, Mui Wo, Shek Pik, Tong Fuk 塘福,Shek Mun Kap 石門甲,Shui Hau 水口, Shek Lau Hang 石榴坑, Ngau Au 牛凹, Sha Lo Wan, Shek Tau Po石頭莆,Yi O 二澳 and Yau Ku Long. Also, Hakka villages were found at Tai Ho, Pak Mong, Wang Long and Ling Pei Walled Village at Tung Chung." The population on the island increased, and they depended on fishing and farming. Nowadays, Mui Wo, Pui O, Shui Hau, Tai O and Tung Chung have developed into towns; Shek Pik Village has been removed, and a reservoir built on that site. However, many villages founded in the Ching Dynasty still remain with little development. NOTES ANTHONY SIU KWOK-KIN 1 The inscription of the 42nd year of Chien Lung (1777) on the stone tablet in the Hau Wong Temple of Tung Chung bears the name "Tai Hai Shan". 1 See Chapter 19 of Kwong Yu Kei, Ming edition. 1 1 See Chapter 2 of Yuet Man Chuen See Kei Leuk, 1684 edition. See Chapter 7 of Lin Tien-wai and the writer's Essays on the History of Hong Kong Prior to British Colonisation, Commercial Press, 1984. It is now known as Lantau Island, and in some newly published maps of Hong Kong, it is also known as Tai Ho Island. + See S. G. Davis and May Tregear's Man Kok Tsui, Archaeological Site 30, Lantau Island, Hong Kong, Hong Kong Univ. Press 1961; and “An Archaeological Site at Shek Pik”, Journal Monograph I, Hong Kong Archaeological Society 1975. 7 See Chapter 29 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi 8 See Chapter 1 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi, 1464 edition. 非 See Tsang Yat Man's "Hai Nam Chaak, an old Salt Pan on Lantau Island" 大嶼山鹽田學, No. 284, Cosmorama Pictorial, Hong Kong. 9 As Note 8. See Tsang Yat Man's "A Textual Research on the Ins and Outs of the Rebellion of the Natives of Tai Hsi Shan – Now Tai Yu Shan of Hong Kong - in the third year of Ching Yuan of Emperor Ning Tsung of South Sung Dynasty" 南宋寧宗慶元三年, Chu Hai Journal No. 11, October, 1980. 12 See Chapter 67 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1558 edition. 13 See Tai Hai Shan 大箂山 in Ng Loi 吳榮's Nam Hoi Ku Chik Kei 南海古鏞記, Chapter 61-1 of Su Fu, Shun Chih edition. 14 See Chapter 12 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1697 edition. + 15 As Note 4. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 74 5 Ta-ch'in ching-chiao is translated by Legge (The Nestorion Monument of Hsi-An-Fu, Oxford, 1888) as the 'lustrious Religion of Ta-tsin; by Saeki (The Nestorian Monument in China, 1916, and The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China, 1951) as the 'Ta-ch'in Luminous Religion', and by Moule (Christians in China Before The Year 1550. London, 1930) as the 'Brilliant Teaching of Ta-ch'in'. Moule's translation seems to me to be the best, though none of the three translations for ching brings out its full resonance. + 4 Ta-ch'in ching-chiao liu-hsing Chung-kuo pri K★*KAT¶M. See Plate 1. The Manicheans, who also originated in Persia, used in China the term 'the shining teaching", ming-chiao W, for their religion. The Hsü-ting Mi-shih-he ching FDM. P. Y Saeki (The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China) calls this work the Jesus-Messiah-Sutra. I have departed from Saeki's bizarre terminology here and elsewhere, but his names are given in notes where I have done so. 7 The xhen lun Saeki's Discourse on the Oneness of the Ruler of the Universe, is actually a compilation of three short essays, the F-r'ien lun or Essay on the One Heaven (Saeki's Discourse on the One Heaven); the Yu, or Parable; and the Shih-tsun-pu-shih fun 1942 fibili, or Essay on the Charity of the Creator (Sacki's Lord of the Universe's Discourse on Alms-Giving). H リ The Chih-hsüan-an-lo ching &£, Sacki's Sutra on Mysterious Rest and Joy. The Ta-ch'in ching-chiao Ta-shing-t'ung-chen-kuei-fa tsan K**HARIANZA, Saeki's Ta-ch'in Luminous Religion Hymn in Adoration of the Transfiguration of Our Lord. THE The Ta-ch'in ching-chiao San-wei-meng-to tsan ★*** ***, Saeki's Ta-ch'in Luminous Religion Morwa Hymn in Adoration of the Holy Trinity. J The Ta-ch'in ching-chiao Hstian-yuan-chih-pen ching ****, Sacki's Ta-ch in Luminous Religion Sutra on the Origin of Origins. נו The Tsun ching ** For example, in lists of metropolitan provinces. Amrus gives a list for 1343 in which Beth Sinaye, the old province of China created by the Nestorian patriarch Seliba-zekha around 720, is listed together with the contemporary province of Cathay and Ong (China and the country of the Ongut tribe). 14 The pronunciation of the characters ching ## 'scripture", and ching it. "brilliant”, differs only in tone. 1.5 Le Quien's Oriens Christianus (Paris, 1740), an invaluable prosopography of the eastern churches, contains the names of nearly a thousand Nestorian bishops, but no other bishop or metropolitan named Adam is recorded. The New Catalogue of the Teaching of Shakya in the Cheng-yuan period, composed by a monk of Ch'ang-an's famous Hsi-ming (Buddhist) monastery. 17 The Tien-pao-tsang ching KMR. E The To-hui-sheng-wang ching ZLI WEER. The A-wan-chi-li-yung ching EHFIYR. The Nestorian monastery at Tun-huang was apparently named after the nearby prefectural city of Sha-chou. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 269 was more proper. In the document translated below, the first view tends to be assumed; it is worth bearing in mind that there was a different way to view the question of rights to toll. “A VILLAGE WAR IN SHAM CHUN When we travel in either direction between Hong Kong and Lilong, our route usually passes the market of Sham Chun, or, to be more precise, the two markets and cluster of villages which bear this name. This area lies about three hours walk to the south-west of Lilong. It also lies several hours walk from the mouth of a stream which flows into the Pearl River. This stream is not really fully navigable. At the ebb-tide the passenger boats at Sham Chun lie on the mud for a certain time: with the flood-tide, however, they can make their way down to the vast body of water of the main river. In the same way they return back up the stream to Sham Chun. Because of this, Sham Chun is one of the most significant ports in the district of San On. Every three days many boats leave here for Hong Kong. Similarly, there are regular ferry connections with Canton, Fu Mun, and Nam Tau. This lively traffic brings considerable prosperity to the inhabitants of Sham Chun. A major factor in this prosperity is the "Transit Toll". This is a sort of toll taken on goods leaving the port. It is levied on all goods as they are brought to the ships. Particularly important in this respect are the pineapples and pears which, in the harvest season, are carried in hundreds of loads each week from the warehouse area near Sham Chun, where there are rows of godowns, to be shipped out to Hong Kong, Canton, and elsewhere. The right to levy this "Transit Toll” on goods originally belonged, not to the main village of Sham Chun, but to the village of Lo Wu, about half-an-hour's walk away, and to the Yuen clan of that village. The land on which the landing place stands is owned by that clan, who also own ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 62 Yun nan tong zhi gao 雲南通志稿 選平樂府重建聖廟碑記 Xuan Ping lo fu chong jian sheng miao bei ji Ta xin shuo 塔性說 San jia shi bu yi 三家詩補遺 Wen xuan lou shu cang shu ji 文選樓書藏書記 Ba zhuan yin guan ke zhu ji 八轉吟館刻記 Bu bi tu shi 布幣圖識 A4 Ruan shi Chi gu zhai Han tong yin te 阮氏積古齋漢銅印得 Wen xuan lou cang bei 文選樓藏碑 Ruan wen da gong zhi shi hou jia shu 阮文達公致仕後家書 Han shi jing can zi 漢石經藏碑 Lang huan xian guan shi Ruan wen da gong zhi shi hou jia shu 阮文達公致仕後家書 Lun yu lun ren lun 論語論仁論 Meng zi lun ren lun NOTES Arthur F Wright, "Values, Roles, and Personalities” in Confucian Personalities, edited by Arthur F Wright and Denis Twitchett (Stanford 1962), 11 Ibid., 4 See Appendix 1 chronology of Ruan Yuan's government appointments and Appendix 2. Ruan Yuan's major works and compilations 4 Lyn Struve, "The Hsu Brothers and Semi-official Patronage of Scholars in the K'ang-hsi Period", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42-231-266 (1982). R Kent Guy, The Emperor's Four Treasuries. Scholars and the State in the Late Ch'ien-lung Era, Harvard, 1987 Guy has inscribed "We await Ruan Yuan" on the front piece of my copy of his work Struve, 231 The three Xu Brothers were Xu Qian xue (1631-1694), Xue Bing yi (1633-1711), and Xu Yuan wen (1634-1691) Other officials who were patrons of scholars included Ye Fang ai (1629-1682), Song De yi (1622-1687), and Yu Guo zhu (d ca 1688), Struve, 232-239 7 Guy, 52 Guy had neglected to include the group Ruan Yuan had organized at the Gu Jing Jing she in Hangzhou earlier. A number of scholars from this group had followed Ruan throughout his official life from the late 1790s to the late 1830s for over 40 years I have opted to keep the Wade-Giles transliteration of the Guy original 8 Wang Jun-yi, “Kang Qian sheng shi yu Qian Jia xue pai — jian lun Qian Jia xue pai di liu pai ji chi ping jia" 清代乾嘉學派的流派及其評價 Qing shu yen jiu 4 342-366 (Beijing, 1986). Unless otherwise indicated, all translations into English in this paper are made by me 9 Qian Mu, Zhong guo jin san bai nian xue shu shi [A history of Chinese learning during the past 300 years], (Taipei edition, 1976), 478 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 214 BANDITS IN THE SIU LEK YUEN YEUK P. H. HASE The operation and functioning of the New Territories Yeuk (Village Mutual Defence Alliance) is a particularly fascinating subject, since the Yeuk seem to have been the dominant political feature of the eastern New Territories area in the nineteenth century. For this reason, I felt it might be of interest to provide a translation here of a note received from the village headman of Tsap Wai Kon village, Mr Tsim Fo-sang (?) on an incident in the Siu Lek Yuen area, probably from the mid or late nineteenth century, as he remembers being told it by the elders of his village in his youth. The note illustrates a number of interesting points about the Yeuk. The incident is likely to be factual, since the heroes of the incident were Tsap Wai Kon men, and so the incident is likely to have been frequently spoken about there. At that time there were bandits in the area. Most of these bandits came from Kiangsi. They came in bands of ten or twenty or more. Some were extremely skilled in martial arts, but, in addition to their strength, they had weapons and weighted chains (?). Wherever they went they caused great sorrow to the residents. They forced the residents to give them food or money, and so forth. Of these bandit incursions, the worst was at Siu Lek Yuen. The Siu Lek Yuen Yeuk was formed by uniting together many villages, such as Tsap Wai Kon, Kin Tsui, Ngau Pei Sha, Siu Lek Yuen, Nam Shan, Shek Kwu Lung, Tai Lam Liu, Wong Nai Tau, Fa Sam Hang, Tai Che, Kwun Yam Shan, Mau Tso Ngam, Fu Yung Pit, Lo Shue Tin, and other villages. Since they had to oppose the vexations and attacks of the bandits, the villagers of the Yeuk agreed to meet once a year in a meeting called the 'Everyone Together' meeting (?). This arrangement was instituted solely because of the bandits. At the meeting everyone brought food piled up on wooden dishes. The dishes from every village were taken to a matshed, where everyone sat ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1993 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302 190 No. Name of Shop Address Village Source Comments No. Name of Shop Address Name of Owner Village of Owner Source Comments 30* 剛 WTS LK ABCD 31 M SLH LK C Restaurants 32 奇香 WTS HL 33 LS 34 WTS ن نار 35* + Silversmiths Tailor etc # L$ TMK CD 36* 析 A 37% 狗 LS 53 WTS YT LH 00 C dealt in opium as well dealt in opium as well Leashop and noodles coffee shop, cold drinks dogmeat and other noodles Bavel missionaries, 1882 *C20 a ring" fine cloth, jewellery tarlor, cloth, largest shop in the market 38 新盛 39 40 Cobbler Pa 43 US C * 歴 LS TL C Rattan FU 4| 明 FI WTS AH Carpenters 42* A WTS LH 43* lal #I US->TYK LH 도도로 DO C C basket baskets and sieves ABC C 44* 四 SLH STK را C Boatbuilder 45-50 - LS China C Blacksmiths $1* WTS WH BC Gambling House 52 TH 腑 WTS YT C Paper Offerings 53 114 三 記 WTS ני C ** 54 55 ..t 外 * It C SNT C 00 Leller Writer 56 * # 1 Man Mo WH C Temple 57 Barber 58* 50 60 61 62 63 64 65 RH 보 WTS C Doctor 66 |廣限颅上吞际 $ HAJDING US ΥΤ ABC WTS YSO BC WTS BC LS NC BC WTS SC BC YT C ACD 17 AC YT C · also ropemaker and allied trades Lockhart's report, 899.DO, 1937 "5 or 6" blacksmiths in A row 2 Storey Gambling house, Po Tau, Tsz Fa and Pai Kau Owner executed about 1935 ) Probably one of these ) shops was the one ) operated by the Market ) Headman, 1 ) of the Luk Heung leader of teain of Nam Mo Lo (Taoist Priests) Basel missionaries, 1853 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g 144 See Henry Lethbridge, Hong Kong Stability and Change (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1978), p 200 144 With an Additional Note by Professor Lo Hsiang-lin, JHKBRAS 7 (1967), pp 152-7 See the introduction to Ray Huang's 1587, A Year of No Significance (New York, Columbia University, 1988) "Fu", meaning wealth, is a felicitous rendering of "Goodrich" He is mentioned in Robin Hutcheon's SCMP, The First Eighty Years (Hong Kong, SCMP, 1983) A photo showing him at ARP drill is at p 84 12 See JHKBRAS 29 (1989), pp xvii-xx 11 Ibid 14 Samuel Couling, Encyclopaedia Sinica (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1917), p 378 14 Ibid 16 I was to be constructed in three separate stages Work had begun on the main contracts in 1981 and 1982, with completion forecast in 1984 and 1985, at an estimated cost (end 1982 figure) with all ancillary related contracts of HKD16 millions Information provided by the Engineering Development Department, HKG 17 Same The likely cost at 1980 figures had been estimated at HKD7.3 billions 18 See JHKBRAS 23 (1983), p. 129. One was dedicated to the famous Kwan Tai, the God of War, and the other to Yo Fei, a celebrated general and statesman of the Sung dynasty 19 The 1872 Hong Kong Blue Book listed 72 stone quarries at Shaukeiwan See JHKBRAS 10 (1970), p 186 20 See P Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaties 1898-1997, China, Great Britain and Hong Kong's New Territories (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1980), especially chapters 7 and 10, and Elizabeth Sinn, "Kowloon Walled City: Its Origin and Early History", in JHKBRAS 27 (1987), pp 30-45 21 See Jackie Pullinger, Crack in the Wall, Life and Death in Kowloon Walled City (London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1989) 22 for a progress report on the clearance project, see e.g. SCMP, 24 September 1987 23 Mr Lu Hau-Luen 24 Only two are listed in the annual reports printed in the 1988 and 1989 Journals, but three were made, as noted in Vol 28 (1988), p ix ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1996 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641 83 Tin Wan HKI 67 [[| 60.4* Ma Kong HKI 7 7 100** Chung Hom Kok HKI 10 10 100% = Lan Nai Wan HKI 4 4 100** To Tei Wan HKI 53 54 98 [*1 Tar Tam Tuk HKI 52 76 68 4*! Tong Po HKI 17 18 94.4*** Deep Water Bay HKI 8 8 100 A Kung Nam HKI 161 269 59.9 Shaukerwan НKІ 4317 5908 73.1** Fu Tson Fat HKI 361 585 61.7* Ma Shan Ha HKI 458 742 61.7* Sai Wan Ho HKI 650 876 74.2** Tsai Tsz Mui ΗΚΙ 193 297 64.9** Ma Tau Kok k 145 212 68.4* San Shan k 117 180 65.0** To Kwa Wan k 766 1072 71.5 Shek Shan k 178 277 64.3** Hok Yuen k 789 1272 62.0* Tai Wan k 61 97 62.9* Lo Lung Hang k 178 204 87.3* Wong Nai Yue k 168 250 67.2** Fo Pang k 126 180 70.0** Tai Shek Kwu k 47 70 65.7** Ho Man Tin k 272 470 Fuk Tsuen Heung k 610 861 57.9 70.8** Sz Wo Tong k 258 451 57.2 Wau Chau Tsan k 85 130 65.4** Ap Liu 270 391 69.0** Tin Liu Tsuen SSP 253 337 75.1*1 Chu Liu ssp 84 142 59.2 Cheung Sha Wan SSP 496. 653 76.0** Sheung Chu Liu SND 35 54 64.8** Lai Chi Kok ssp 144 173 83.24* Sai Kok ssp 309 508 60.8* Kowloon Tong SSP 113 185 61.1* Muk Kung Hom NSD 42 62 67.7** Shek Kip Mei SSD 50 72 69.4** Sham Shui Po $52 1028 1577 65.24* + Villages with severe excess of males (more than 60%) ** Villager With extreme excess of males (more than 64%) Fully developed parts of Hong Kong Inland and Kowloon excluded ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1996 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641 125 HH The volume entitled the Genealogy of the Chens of She Shan contains two or three separate genealogies of Chen surname from which I cannot trace common descent. It seems that some pages were missing in the copy in the Hong Kong University collection. The name pujao, if indeed an ordination name, does not follow the usual long or fa format. It is probably an ordination name from another, more well-known "folk" religion, Luozu Jiao, which have ordination names in a format of Pa followed by another character, according to an account in a Qing work of anecdotal literature quoted by Fu Yilin's article "Qing Qrankong kupan Cilaoguançaizong Qislu Kao" – first published in 1942 and included in his Fu Yin Zash wusht man Wengao Xiamen Daxue Chubanshe, 1989. The pantheon and practice of Laiozu Jio is not related to the tradition that is the subject of this article. * According to Lo, op cit, p. 216 n 21. So Lo Pun was a member of an alliance including Lai Chi Wo, a multi-surname village. With one exception, which is not So Lo Pun, all member villages were lineage extensions related to Lai Chi Wo. I know of some Huang people in Lai Chi Wo, but do not know their genealogical relationship with So Lo Pun or whether they celebrated the Fengchao in the past. The genealogy contains a spirit tablet related to Lu Shan and the Three Ladies, a passage of invocation, and two talismans. It is unlikely that the genealogy belonged to a wang specialist, whose repertoire will take up many volumes, not just a few pages in a genealogy as in this case. *I fail to date any of the generations. Some dates are given in the genealogy using Dynastic year names which cannot be found in reference books for year names. I have not checked as thoroughly some of the year names and title of emperors in the prefaces. Copied during an interview with the ritual specialist by Lee Lar-mu, then of the Oral History Project of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. For part of the memorial, I have a tape recording of the priest's recitation demonstration during the same meeting for comparison. 12. The Xu's genealogy of Shek Pik, Lantau Island in the British Library collection of genealogies from the New Territories contains a list of offerings for grave worship which begins with one raw pig and one cow. Rubie S. Watson, in her Inequality Among Brothers, Cambridge University Press 1985, p. 43 mentioned the division of raw pork after the ancestral hall ritual at Ha Tsuen but does not say if the four pigs purchased for the occasion were first offered to the ancestors as offerings. 41 Huhur Xinwen Yi hun Xu Zhi, Beijing Zhonghua 1986, p. 181. "For the note see Luo, op cit, p. 230. For his picture of the Hakka as "farmer-scholars" see ibid, pp. 16-18. **Luo Op Cit, p. 255-263. * The description is in vol. 2. In the table of contents, the author has inserted xiang ("incense") between Ahuan and Huo. The rite has some interesting features. It uses a long piece of red cloth stretched from the "lower" end near the entrance of the hall to the "upper" end of the ancestral incense burner, and the ashes were carried over the "bridge" thus formed to the incense burner. That additional ancestors are incorporated into the ancestral hall in the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1996 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641 231 THE HAN LIN ACADEMY AND A CHINESE DEITY KEITH STEVENS The Chinese Imperial Academy, Han Lin Yuan E, known to foreigners as the College of Literature or the Academy of the Forest of Pencils, was founded ca. 8th century AD and at any one time contained about five hundred of the most brilliant scholars of the Empire selected from the highest graduates at the national triennial examinations. Martin in his Lore of Cathay explained that those selected were in practice Chin-shih graduates who could pass a further examination called tien-shihPC, the palace examination. Their role was the advancement of learning generally, and included compiling dynastic histories, drafting and drawing up decrees, composing prayers for ceremonial occasions, drawing up patents for nobility and proposing posthumous titles for deceased emperors. They were, ex-officio, Imperial counsellors. The Academy also contained the Great Encyclopaedia of the Yung Lo emperor. The Han Lin Academy formerly stood on the site which, in 1900 after the Boxer rebellion, became part of the extended British Legation. It had consisted of some twenty to twenty-five separate halls and was utterly destroyed in June 1900 by the Kansu Muslim soldiers of the Chinese provincial military force accompanying the Boxers, and commanded by General Tung Fu-hsiang1, in their attempt to burn down the besieged British Legation during the Boxer troubles. They only failed because the wind suddenly veered, saving the legation whilst the Academy was burnt to the ground. Admission to the body was the highest literary honour obtainable by a Chinese scholar. Much has been written about the academic aspirations of individual Chinese down the ages and here we shall simply note the three degrees qualified at state examinations during dynastic times. They were the hsiu-ts'aiA, the county level examination which foreigners equate to the bachelor's degree, the chu-jenA, the provincial degree equated to the master's degree, and finally the chin-shih, the advanced scholar, at the national level triennial examinations, equated to the PhD. The one who passed out top of all in a year was known as chuang-yuan, the First Scholar of the Empire. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1997 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579 76 1 right, government officials and village representatives have powers to grant or block the application In this essay, my study of the Pang villagers in Hong Kong's Fanling shows how their building rights have been re-defined to have their applications granted Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities Reflection on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (Revised Edition), London: Verso 1991 It is called small house in government's terms under the 1972 Small House Policy See Hugh Baker, A Chinese Lineage Village, p. 154, Stanford: Stanford University Press 1968, Allen Chun, Land is to Live: A Study of the Tsu in a Hakka Chinese Village, New Territories, Hong Kong (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Chicago 1985), pp. 249-250, H. Nelson, "The Chinese Descent System and the Occupancy Level of Village Houses", p. 117, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 9 (1969) pp. 113-121, James Watson, Emigration and the Chinese Lineage: The Mans in Hong Kong and London, p. 160, Berkeley: University of California Press 1975, and Rubie Watson, Inequality among Brothers: Class and Kinship in South China, pp. 106-110, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1985 The data presented in this essay was collected during my fieldwork in Fanling Wai from the end of 1993 to early 1995 4 T # Pang Beng Fu (Ed.), Bao An Xing Fen Ling Xiang Peng Shi Zu Pu (The Genealogy of Surname of the Pang in Bao An Province), 1989 Ibid, p. 59. At the end of the summer of 1950, approximately 700,000 Chinese arrived at Hong Kong as a result of the political unrest in China in 1949 Szczepanik estimates that the population of Hong Kong in 1954 was about two millions But there was yet another influx of an estimated 140,000 immigrants from China during 1955-56 See Edward Szczepanik, The Economic Growth of Hong Kong, pp. 25-27 London: Oxford University Press 1958 As Jones reveals, by 1981, more than one quarter of Hong Kong's near five million population are living in the new towns such as Tsuen Wan, Shatin and Tuen Mun See Catherine Jones, Promoting Prosperity: The Hong Kong Way of Social Policy, p. 242 Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press 1990 See Catherine Jones, op cit, Fong, Peter, K.W., "Housing for Millions: The Challenge Ahead", in Joseph Y.S. Cheng and Sonny S.H. Lo (Eds), From Colony to SAR: The Hong Kong's Challenge Ahead Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press 1996 10 There are two lineage-based religious activities held in Fanling Wai They are Hong chao rite and Da jiao festival Hong chao rite is held annually by the Pangs in the name of the Fanling Pang lineage to placate deities in exchange for their protection of villagers' well-being (see Au Tat-yan and Cheung Sui-wai, "The Hung Chin Ceremony in Fanling" [Chinese], in South China Studies Vol. 1 (1994) pp. 24-39). Da jiao festival basically fulfills the same function of the Hong chao rite, but is held at ten-year intervals Through this elaborated and expensive five-day-four-night exorcising rite, the Pangs believe that their ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1999 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x 'double happiness', to sprigs of foo paak (hibiscus), a homonym also meaning 'wealth' or 'riches'. By comparison in the West, in rural England, a horseshoe is sometimes displayed at the entrance of a cottage to bring luck. 3 The Pat Heung Valley covers an area of just over 50 square kilometres. * The Kowloon-Canton Railway Corporation later reimbursed the Hong Kong Government. 5 Because of the rising and falling naam moh sound of their chanting. Lo means 'fellow'. f These are normally in threes. One is offered up for heaven, one for earth and one for mankind. 7 The number of urban Chinese who have never partaken of a basin meal frequently surprises the Author. *To make them more attractive and presentable for the gods. The Author has been informed that tun fu ceremonies do take place outside Hong Kong although he has never observed them or seen anything about them in writing. Although there has been a religious revival in China in recent years, he has never observed any tun fu pots on the Mainland although that does not mean they do not exist. A fellow researcher has told him that they may be seen in Xiamen. 10 By comparison, at Pat Heung there were five pots with one talisman in each. At the Sha Tin ceremony there was one pot with five talismans and the same at Kam Tin and Tai Wo. At Ma Wan there were two pots with three talismans in each. The same applies to feng shui where different schools exist. Again, masters have their own ideas. One who the Author accompanied on assignments in urban Hong Kong believes in placing crystal in homes to absorb impure influences. A similar custom is also found in the West. 12 For which the Hong Kong Government is said to have paid $40,000. 13 It was made illegal to let off firecrackers in 1967 (the year of prolonged riots). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1999 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x Transliteration 芙的 Foo paak 風水 Fung shui 107 金花 Kam fa 利是 Lei shi 時嘸佬 Naam moh lo 暖符 Nuen fu 祠堂 Shaat hei Tsz tong 鹽符 Tun fu 通勝 Tung sing ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 261 Chinese Christian Cemetery Pokfulam 1882 Kaulung Cemetery Ma Tau Wai 1885 Later renamed Ma Tau Wai Cemetery, removal of graves ordered 1925. Shaukiwan Cemetery Chai Wan 1885 Sheko Cemetery Shek O 1885 Closed 1926. Stanley Cemetery Stanley 1885 Removal of graves ordered 1933. Aberdeen Cemetery Hindu Cemetery Aberdeen 1885 Happy Valley First graves: 1888 Mount Davis Chinese Cemetery Mount Davis 1891 Removal of all graves and urns ordered 1949. Caroline Hill Cemetery *Chiu Yuen Cemetery Caroline Hill 1891 Pokfulam Earliest graves: 1892. Plague Cemetery Town 1901 Plague Cemetery Cheung Sha Wan 1901 Hindu Cemetery King's Park 1900 Indian Cemetery Ho Man Tin Closed 1927. Details not known. Sai Yu Shek Cemetery Lo Fu Ngam 1903 Renamed New Kowloon Sai Yu Shek (Christian) Cemetery Po Kong Po Cemetery Lo Fu Ngam Po Kong *Chinese Christian Cemetery (New Kowloon Cemetery No.1) Sham Shui Po Cemetery Kowloon City 1904 Cemetery No.4 1930. Details not known. Closed in 1903. Details not known. Sham Shui Po 1904 Kowloon Tong Cemetery Tai Hang Tung Christian Chinese Cemetery, Kowloon Tong Tai Hang Tung Kai Lung Wan Cemetery Pokfulam 1907 Tseung Loong Tin Removal of graves ordered 1923. In existence 1920. Removal of graves and urns ordered 1949. Early history not known. Removal of graves and urns ordered 1950. Early history not known. A plot of land had been in use as cemetery prior to 1907. Kai Lung Wan East Cemetery Fukienese Cemetery Cha Kwo Ling 1907 Pokfulam 1907 Removal of all urns was ordered 1949. Lo Fu Ngam 1912 Adjacent to Sai Yu Shek ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 75 Now mounted as scrolls, they remain as prized mementos of a very friendly and happy occasion, and of our long friendship, reminding us also of the artist himself, a burly, genial and talented elderly man. Attendance books It was the time-honoured practice to ask all persons attending an inauguration ceremony to sign their names on the orange-red leaves of a specially prepared book. Besides containing the attendees' signatures, such books usually had a preamble listing the name and date of the occasion, with other information. Externally, their covers were often decorated with silk brocade, with stick-on labels brushed in black Chinese ink, bearing the name and rank of the recipient. The preambles of the better examples usually contained fine calligraphy. Towards the end of the ceremony, this book would be presented to the officiating guest (usually an official) by one of the host organization's principal office bearers. However decorative, these books were very likely to be soon discarded by most recipients. However, I have managed to keep at least one, put away carefully because it had been written by a well-known and respected Hong Kong educator, who in his early years had obtained the first degree by examination bestowed under the (Chinese) Empire. The occasion was the inauguration of a new term of office-bearers of the Hang Hau Rural Committee in 1962. The photograph taken at this gathering (Plate 17) hardly needs a caption. The photographer has captured the rapt attention and pride on the faces of the onlookers clustered round old Mr. Lo Sheung-fu — the scholar mentioned above — as he was signing his name in the attendance book soon after arrival: in fact, the self-same one that he had prepared for the Committee, at its request. Subscription books Though not part of the proceedings at an event, another kind of book in use by the traditional associations and village heads also required assistance from an expert. In the days before the District Administration had a large public works vote, self-help had been needed to finance all kinds of local projects, and it had been customary (as well as necessary) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 79 Final comment Whilst my aim here has been to note the formal nature of these proceedings and to explain some of the arrangements made behind the scenes, it is also essential to mention how this time-honoured framework of ceremonial and protocol coexisted with the equally pronounced informality and relaxed behaviour of those present. This was especially the case in the long-settled villages of the New Territories. Rural Chinese, generally the most courteous and assured of men in their social relationships, through long practice had acquired the precious gift of being able to combine these qualities at formal gatherings and in their daily lives. Like the lion, unicorn and pei yau dancers, this element relieves the tedium which such occasions otherwise create for those concerned: for, in truth, both participants and audiences can go through all the motions almost without thought, so deeply is the procedure engrained in the sub-conscious by countless repetition. But this in itself is part of the culture. It would truly be fascinating to be able to trace opening ceremonies back in time! Glossary (Cantonese) Chan Min-yue ... fa pai 花牌 Lo Sheung-fu (Lo Tsz-tsun) (£7£) pai lau 牌樓 pei yuu 貔貅 ta chiu/ching chiu kin chiu/chau yan kin chiu EMBLEM 打醮/清醮建醮酬恩建醮 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 80 Appendix: A Failed Scholar By the late 1950s, degree men like Mr. Lo Sheung-fu were few, but it was still possible, by enquiry in the villages, to seek out some old men who, in the language of an earlier day, were failed scholars. By great good fortune, when District Officer, South, I was able to visit one of their number in Ho Chung, one of the larger villages of the Sai Kung area. Born in 1876, old Mr. Chan Min-yue was already 86 years old. His house was still older, and its interior, blackened with soot, had like its owner seen better days. The dwelling was one of several within a large courtyard, approached from the outer village street by an entrance gate, and situated within his own clan's section of the village. Bent and shuffling in his gait, Mr. Chan was rather deaf. He could not see very well, and his voice quavered, but he responded well to my enquiries and his memory was still good. His education had been long and ultimately expensive: first, at little cost, in his own village school for seven years, then in Canton for another six or seven at a considerable annual outlay to his father. One hundred silver dollars was the figure mentioned, though this was probably an approximation intended to convey the sense of expense. Board and lodging had been required, as well as tuition fees. All in all, he had taken the prescribed examinations leading to the first degree five or six times, but always without success. His father had become reluctant to spend even more money, and the young man had to return to the village. He then went into business with a herbal and Chinese medicine firm in a market town, which (he told me) provided him with a pension when he retired. Unlike many other failed scholars, Mr. Chan had never taught school, but his proficiency in writing scrolls and couplets had been recognized and utilized in the village and neighbourhood. He carried on with his calligraphy until old age and increasing debility obliged him to stop. Men of this type were accustomed to meeting together for literary pursuits. They composed poetry and discussed its merits, held literary competitions, and wrote scrolls and couplets, replicating at the local level the more prestigious gatherings of senior officials, gentry and literati of the kind to be found in all the district and prefectural cities of China, and in the provincial capitals, like Canton. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 Plate 17. Mr. Lo Sheung-fu (with Madam Lo) signing his own attendance book at the inauguration of a new term, Hang Hau Rural Committee, circa 1958-60. 95 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2003 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390 24 as seated, holding a long-stemmed lotus flower with a small temple perched on the blossom, and has a third eye in the centre of his forehead. Wei Tuo Pusa is represented by a golden statue in which he poses wearing armor and holding a drawn sword. Wei Tuo is the protector of all Buddhist temples. On the other side of the Tian Wang Dian is the third courtyard, on the far side of which is the Hall of the Great Hero (Da Xiong Bao Dian). This hall's origins date to an 1878-1879 reconstruction, when it was rebuilt to replace an earlier structure destroyed during the Taiping rebels' attacks on Shanghai in 1860-1862. The hall was closed for a massive reconstruction and renovation in November 2002, but had been reopened by January 2004. The interior is now nothing less than spectacular. Three large Buddhas (San Fo) are placed in the centre. Sakyamuni Buddha stands in the centre, flanked on the left by the bodhisattva Samantabhadra (Pu Xian) seated on an elephant, and on the right by the bodhisattva Manjusri (Wen Shu) seated on a blue lion. Overhead the hall's ceiling is pierced by a massive wooden dome that spirals upward, looking much like the wooden domes (Zao Jing) often found over traditional Peking Opera stages (Xiju Wutai). Behind the San Fo facing out the rear exit is a large Guanyin statue in front of a floor-to-ceiling landscaped rockery covered with smaller figurines depicting the Buddhist heaven and hell. Along the side walls stand 36 quite expressive human statues of the Buddhist saints, 18 on each side of the hall. This is an unusual number, which seems to include 16 Arhats (Luohan) and 20 Devas (Zhu Tian), and an assortment that includes such non-Buddhist figures from Chinese tradition as Confucius (Kong Fu Zi), the War God (Guan Di), the God of Literature (Wen Chang), and the Kitchen God; Hindu gods such as Brahma, Indra, and Yama (Yen Lo); as well as Buddhist deities such as the Four Heavenly Kings (Si Tian Wang) and the bodhisattva Wei Tuo as well. The hall also houses one of Longhua's three bronze bells, this one dating from 1586. On the other side of the Da Xiong Bao Dian is a fourth courtyard. On the far side of this fourth courtyard is the Hall of the Three Gods (San Sheng Dian). This hall is dominated by enormous floor-to-ceiling golden statues of three Buddhas (San Fo) who appear side by side in an unusual standing position with golden flames rising up behind them. In the centre is Amitabha Buddha (O Mi Tuo Fo), to your left is the bodhisattva Da Shi Zhi, and on your right is the bodhisattva Guan Shi Yin. Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2003 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390 51 There is a good selection in Views of the Pearl River Delta, cited above. 19 In a major exhibition of China Trade paintings brought to Sydney's Maritime Museum in 1998, of the 22 oil and other colour paintings of Canton, no fewer than 19 were by Chinese artists. And of 7 such paintings of Whampoa and the Bocca Tigris, 4 were also by Chinese artists. 20 Morse, International Relations, Period of Conflict, op.cit. p.70. 21 Hayes, James, with Garrett, Richard and Valery (1992-3). The Honam Temple (Haichuang Dzi) Revisited, at pp.137-143 of Hong Kong Library Association Journal, No. 16. Honam became a site for additional trading houses under an Agreement signed on 6 April 1847, after Sir John Davis had sent an expedition up the Pearl River and captured the Forts at Bocca Tigris. "The territory of Honam", it was stated, "is a place for trade, the renting of warehouses or of ground for building houses is therefore fully conceded. This will be managed properly by the Consul and the local authorities in accordance with the provisions of the [1842] Treaty. Hertslet's China Treaties, Third Revised Edition 1908, Vol.1 [of 2] p.17. 22 Preface to Dyer Ball, J.(1911). The Chinese at Home, The Man of Tong and his Land. London, The Religious Tract Society. "Tong' is the Cantonese romanization of "Tang'. 23 In MacNair, Harley Farnsworth (1923). Modern Chinese History, Selected Readings. Shanghai, Commercial Press, at p.145. 24 Fu, Lo-Shu (Compiler etc., 1966). A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820). University of Arizona Press, 2 vols., at Vol. I, p.368. 25 Chinese text at No.37 in Vol. 1 of the three volume set of Hong Kong's Historical Inscriptions published by the Hong Kong Urban Council in 1986. 26 Davis, Sketches of China, op.cit., p.261. 27 Burford's Panorama, Leicester Square (1838) Description of a View of Canton, The River Tigress, and the Surrounding Country, London, pp.11, 15. 28 Views of the Pearl River, op.cit., pp.176-7. ================================================================================