RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 87 been almost monopolized by the government because of its suspicion of Western culture. Though Sino-American arts exchanges were exclusively handled by the non-governmental sector" in the period 1972-8, due to the absence of diplomatic relation between the two countries, the Chinese government closely supervised these activities and the non-governmental sector in China in fact existed only in name. Throughout the period between 1979 and 1981, the non-governmental sector in China was more genuinely active in Sino-American arts exchanges. This is because, while the government adopted a policy to encourage contacts with the United States, its capacity to handle the dramatically increased exchanges was not raised. Furthermore, its incapacity to finance a substantial number of exchanges with the U.S. and to finance the modernization of the arts was also an invitation for the non-governmental sector to take over some exchange programmes, as the non-governmental sector was able both to raise funds at home, and to gain financial support from individual Americans or American organizations. From the handling of the exchange events one can clearly see its increasing independence from government supervision. However, although Sino-American cultural relations were nurtured by top political leaders of both countries and were one aspect of a rapidly increasing general relationship in the first three years of diplomatic normalization, the decline in arts exchanges in 1982 did not come unexpectedly. The campaign against "bourgeois liberalization", which according to Hu Qiaomu, a party theorist and a mastermind of the campaign, was partially attributed to the inflow of Western culture13 obviously affected the policy regarding cultural relations with the United States. Furthermore, the management of some specific issues between China and the U.S. created distrust on the part of the Chinese leadership concerning the motives of the Americans and their goals regarding cultural exchanges with China. To illustrate this suspicion, let us return to the incident of the Boston Museum paintings exhibition in 1981. As we have mentioned, the thirteen abstract paintings which the Chinese officials proposed to delete did get exhibited as a concession from the Chinese side. The Chinese interpretation of the abstract paintings incident is that, as the government of a sovereign country, the Chinese leaders are entitled to decide what is best for their people. So, the refusal by the Americans to accept the decision by Chinese leaders could only be interpreted as a challenge to China's dignity and authority, and therefore could nurture distrust towards ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j NOTES 99 I Except for those documented otherwise, all the figures presented in this paper are obtained through researches in published and unpublished sources, including those from Xinhua News Agency, year books, newspapers and magazines, personal interviews and so on. 2 Records of CFEIC 3 See Samuel S. Kim, ed. China and The World: Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Mao Era (Boulder: Westview Press, 1984) for a discussion of a number of cases reflecting this. 4 John K. Fairbank, China Bound (New York: Harper and Row, 1982), p. 338 5 USIA: Its Work and Structure (USIA), p. 2 6 Ying Hua, "**Youhao, reqing, guangcai**" ("Friendly, Enthusiastic and Glorious"), Guangming ribao (Guangming Daily), 19 September 1973, p. 4 7 For further information on the definition, see Hu Qiaomu, "Dangqian sixiang zhanxian de ruogan wenti" ("Some Issues of the Current Ideological Work") in Jianchi sixiang jiben yuanze, fandui zichan jieji ziyouhua (Uphold the Four Fundamental Principles, Oppose Bourgeois Liberalization) (Beijing: Renmin Press, 1987), pp. 158-198 8 In this respect, one may think that Chinese performing artists were like athletes in that they were more competition-oriented than performance-oriented. This was especially true of opera singers and ballet dancers. While quite a few of them, some of whom had the experience of being trained by foreign artists, won international competitions, there was seldom opera or ballet staged in China. 9 Records of CPAA 10 Personal interview with Wu Fenghua, 31 March 1987 11 Records of CPAA 12 Personal interview with Zhongyan, 14 March 1988 13 Km, p. 115 14 Tang Tsou, "Political Change and Reform," in The Cultural Revolution and the Post-Mao Reforms (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), p. 223 15 Ibid., p. 224 16 Li Jian, "Gede yu Quede" ("Praise and Shame"), Hebei Wenyi (Hebei Literature and Art), June 1979 17 Hebei ribao (Hebei Daily), 7 August 1979 18 Guangming ribao (Guangming Daily), 20 July 1979 19 Merle Goldman, "Intellectual Dissent in the People's Republic of China," in Yu-ming Shaw, ed., Power and Politics in the People's Republic of China (Boulder: Westview Press, 1985), p. 294 20 Ibid. 21 Liu Binyan, for example, said: "when literature mirrors what is undesirable in life, the mirror itself is not to be blamed, instead, disagreeable things in real life should be spotted and wiped out." For more of his view, see Beijing Review, No. 52, 28 December 1979, p. 13. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 100 22 Shaw, p. 297 23 Hu Qiaomu 24 Unlike the campaign to criticize Bitter Love, this campaign was carried out in all the media and in factories. Some books in university libraries stopped circulation. In the latter stage, some rural areas began to join the campaign. In such circumstances, Zhao Ziyang, a major advocator of reforms, condemned “some misconducts" of the campaign in a largely publicized speech in May 1984 and formally terminated the campaign against "spiritual pollution 25 Rui Xingwen, "Gaige shiqi de wenhua fazhan zhanlue wenti," ("Issues on the Strategy for Cultural Development in the Time of Reform”) Hongqi (Red Flag), No 14, 1986, Pp 11-13. 26 Kim. p. 122. 27 Chou Wen-chung, "The Center for US China Arts Exchange. Purpose," U.S.-China Arts Exchange Newsletter Spring 1980, p. 1 28 Program Report 1980-1981, the Center for United States-China Arts Exchange. November 1980, p 1 29 Ibid 10 Michael H. Hunt, The Making of a Special Relationship, the United States and China to 1914 (New York Columbia University Press, 1983), p. 312 30 Mo Fei, "*'BSO' fang hua zhi xing” (“BSO's China Trip,'') Bianyicankao (Translated Reference), No. 4, 1979. pp. 57-60. 要 By "non-governmental sector" I mean societies, institutions, agencies, troupes and companies which are not directly subordinated to the government As these organizations were not privately owned, they cannot be fitted into the concept of the "private sector" as used in the United States. However, these organizations were different from government organizations 33 Hu Qiaomu, p. 159. 14 Guan Li, Renmin ribao, 13 January 1980, p & 8 Li Rong, "*Hanlıu dang bu zhu chuntian de jiaobu" ("Cold Current Cannot Stop the Steps of Spring''), Dazhong dianying (Popular Film), November 1979, p 10. 36 Tang Manchen, "A Talk on Ballet," Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, 14 April 1987 37 Robert Sherman, “A Musical Interlude in Peking.“ New York Times, 12 October 1980. P. I. 38 As quoted in **Arthut Miller's 'Salesman Travels to Beijing," U.S.-China Arts exchange Newsletter, Summer 1984, p 1 39 Shaw. p 115 Page 1 20Page 121 ================================================================================