RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 BOOK REVIEWS 109 of Buddhist Tantrism" with a discussion of the mystic's approach to what is 'experience.' When he treats the concepts of 'reality' and 'spirituality' his reference to S. Freud's 'super-ego' for the Tibetan yid i.e. 'mind,' lacks persuasiveness, but admittedly this is not part of the main argument. Comparisons with Hegel and Kant as well as the Sanskrit sources and their interpretation could not be checked for this review. Apart from referring, among others, to Bertrand Russell and Karl Jaspers, the author seems to agree repeatedly with William S. Haas's The Destiny of the Mind. Taken as a whole, this broadly conceived study is valuable food for thought to the informed philosopher. "Three Impressions of Bamian" by Alastair Lamb is an exciting introduction to the sculptures, caves and wall paintings of this Buddhist monastic cave complex in Afghanistan. The views and pictures of three visitors to Bamian are compared: Charles Masson in 1832, Vincent Eyre in 1842 and Lamb himself in 1958. The picture section comprises altogether thirty-two plates, mostly photographs. The main features of Bamian are the Buddha colossi of 120 and 175 feet in height respectively, the "giants of Gandhara sculpture." Bamian is taken as “a gigantic demonstration of the great extent of contacts between China, India, Iran and the Mediterranean which flourished from the foundation of the Roman Empire to the period of the T'ang Dynasty." The various early domes in Bamian cave architecture are treated in some detail and described as "convincing proof of the strong Western influence in the Buddhist architecture of Afghanistan." Thaung Blackmore presents a comprehensive view of the "Founding of the City of Mandalay by King Mindon" in 1857. Though some ancient Burmese customs such as myosade, i.e. human sacrifices at the foundation of a city, were given up, the construction of Mandalay was still mainly influenced by traditional concepts, in particular by astrology. Walter Hochstadter is a very outspoken fighter for the "Real Shen Chou," as he sees him. Under the heading of "Popular Conceptions of Shen Chou's Style" he particularly criticizes Professor Osvald Sirén. Hochstadter lists seven points which are useful to establish a major painter's work, the main one being brushwork. He arrives at the conclusion that only two works ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 195 HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HEANEY, Robert S. HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Seven-oaks, Kent, England, Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., USA. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o P. O. Box 70, H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. Hồ, Mrs. Hưng Chịu HO, Teh-Kuci HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Dr. Walter HOGAN, Sir M. Kt. HOLMAN, J. P. HOLMES, Hon, D. R. HONG, Sheng-Hwa HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Eric Edward HOWARD, W. J.* HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. HOWORTH, J. F. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung Pei HUI, Miss Wai-haan CIECD Engineering Consulting Group, P.O. Box 23, Taipei, Taiwan. Room 606, Gloucester Building, H.K. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lake Side Building, 2nd Floor B, 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. 15A Vivian Court, Mt. Kellett, Peak, H.K. Commerce and Industry Dept. Fire Brigade Bldg., H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. Peninsula Court, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282, H.K. D-1, "On Lee", 2 Mount Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. P. O. Box 70. H.K. c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 207 HERRIES. Hon. M. A, R. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. HILL, D. A. HỌ, Mrs. Hung Chịu CIECD Engineering Consulting Group, P.O. Box 23, Taipei, Taiwan, HO, Teh-Kuei 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. HO, Tickon* Lake Side Building, 13th floor, "B", 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. HOCHSTADTER. Dr. Walter 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. HOGAN, Sir Michaci 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. HOLMAN, J. P. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, Hon. D. R. 15A Vivian Court, Mt. Kellett, Peak, H.K. HOLTH, Dr. Sverre c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, International Building, 10th Floor, H.K. HONG, Sheng-Hwa Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. HOTUNG, Eric Edward P. O. Box 70, H.K. HOWARD, W. L.* 10 Stanley Street, H.K. HOWE, D. H. P. O. Box 282, H.K. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. - 45 Sassoon Road, Ground floor, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. As above. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. HSIA, Tung Pei. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. HUGHES, G. M. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.*. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Building, H.K. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. HUI, Miss Wai-haan Coleg Harlech, Harlech, North Wales. Dept. of Chemistry, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 190 HOLTH, Dr. S. - HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, E. E. HOWARD, W. J.” HOWE, D. H. - · Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. 12. Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282, H.K. 45 Sassoon Road, Ground floor, H.K. As above. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. · HOWNAM-MEEK, R. $. ■ P.O. Box 70, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. - HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung-Pei HUGHES, G. M. + + HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* HUI, Miss Wai-haan HULL, Brig. G. B. G. · HUNG, Chiu-Sing HURT, Miss E. J.- HUTSON, P. Ë. INGLES, Miss J. M. IRETON, Mrs. P. H.* IU, Miss S.* . JACKSON, R. N. JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JOHNSON, G. E. JOHNSTON, J. J. - JONES, Dr. J. R.* - + ■ 4 + c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. c/o American International Assurance Co., Ltd. AIA Building, 1 Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 49, Beach Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. 4B Headland Road, H.K. Skilts Residential School, Gorcott Hill, Nr. Redditch, Worcs., England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 10, Peak Road, A11, H.K. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 2 Stafford Road, Kowloon, 65 Kwan Mun Hau Tsuen, 2nd Floor, Tsuen Wan, N.T. c/o American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road. H.K. 3, Abermer Court, May Road, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 223 HOLMES, Hon. D. R. HOLTH, Dr. S. HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, E. E. HOWARD, W. J.* HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. - HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. HOWORTH, J. F. - HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung-Pei HUGHES, G. M. - + HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* HUI, Miss Wai-haan HUNG, Chiu-sing HURT, Miss E. J. - HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. IRETON, Mrs. P. H.* IU, Miss S.* JACKSON, R. N. JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JENNER, J. P. T JOHNSON, G. E. KANN, P. R. - - - - + ← Secretariat For Home Affairs, International Building, H.K, Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282. H.K. Unknown. Unknown. c/o Midland Bank Ltd., St. Mary Street, Weymouth, Dorset, England. c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. P.O. Box No. 20027, 1 Hennessy Road Post Office, H.K. c/o American International Assurance Co., Ltd. AJA Building, 1 Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 4B Headland Road, H.K. c/o Skilts Residential School, Gorcott Hill, Nr. Redditch, Worcs., England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 10, Peak Road, A11, H.K. c/o Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. c/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 2, Stafford Road, Kowloon. c/o International Bank of Commerce, Central Building, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, B.C., Canada, 1, Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 233 HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, E. E. HOWARD, W. 1.* HOWARTH, Richard H. - HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. - HOWNAM-MEEK, R, S. HOWORTH, J. F. + HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung-Pei HUGHES, G. M. + - HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* - HUI, Miss Wai-haan HUNG, Chiu-sing HURT, Miss E. J. - HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. IRETON, Mrs. P. H.* IU, Miss S.* JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JENNER, J. P. JOHNSON, G. E. JOHNSTON, James J. JONES-PARRY, Rupert 7 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282, H.K. American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Flat 2, Coombe Apts., 15 Coombe Road, The Peak, H.K. Unknown. c/o Midland Bank Ltd., St. Mary Street, Weymouth, Dorset, England, c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. P.O. Box No. 20027, 1 Hennessy Road Post Office, H.K. c/o American International Assurance Co., Ltd. AIA Building, I Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong H.K. 48 Headland Road, H.K. c/o Skilts Residential School, Gorcott Hill, Nr. Redditch, Wores., England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. P.O. Box 362, Langley, Washington, 98260. U.S.A. c/o Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. 2, Stafford Road, Kowloon, c/o International Bank of Commerce, Central Building, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, B.C., Canada. P.O. Box 65, Marshall, Arkansas 72650. U.S.A. Longman Group (Far East) Ltd., P.O. Box 223, H.K. 3 Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 CHAN TSUEN TƯỞNG CƯ HẢI P I SHEK KI PEARL RIVER DELTA MACAU НАМ ТАЏ تي PAD-AN HSIEN ĮPRESENT. KOWLOON. AWELSHIN MAVEN T TAM SHUI TAI PANG x GHUM CHUN ISHA TAG KOK AHAS PAY Таг YUEN LONG * KAM TIN PING SHAN CASTLE PEAK TSUẸN WAN SHA TINKUNGA SAI L KOWLNOW CITY TING CHEUNG x נל SHA WAMLINE LINGAU TAU KOK SHA LÓ WANTE TRUNG CHUNG LANTAU ISLAND PUI 01 PENG CHAJ „MUT WO ISLAND ITẠI TAM TUK SHEK PIK ABERDEEN. (CHEUNG CHAU LAMMA, ISLAND AP LET CHAU BELŞ BAY до +2 110 LO MAN SHAR TAM VON SHAN (LEMA ISLANDS) MAP OF HONG KONG REGION JAMES HAYES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 158 138. K. M. A. BARNETT 141 Lantao ★ Draaijryrshaano, earlier ★ Draaixrayshaann p. 142 Lung-hu Irunqwruuv ♬ p. 157. 143 Lung Kwu Lrunqgwuur p. 157. 144 Lung Kwu Tan Lrunqgwuurthaann ### p. 157. 143 Ma mraah p. 157. 146 Majen mraarjrann App. 139, 157. 147 Man mraann p. 139 and passim. 148 Man mraan (43). 149 Man mrann p. 156. 150 Man-shu Mraannshyh p. 139. 151 Ma Shi Chau Mraarsirzhaw 152 Ming mrenq p. 138. A p. 136, and see (42), (81). 153 Mirs Bay * . The English name may be a corruption of 4% see Ma Shi Chau, supra 151, p. 136. 154 muong (47 Rem.). 155 nam (51 Rem.). 156 Nam Tau Nraammtraw ♬ A sub-dialect of Tung Kwun pp. 136, 143, 156. 157 paen, as in paendin. (66 Rem.). 159 Pak braak p. 156. 159 Pan-ku Pruunn'gwuur £& p. 138. 160 Punti buurndrei *, possibly a corruption of a Yao179 word for plainsmen, p. 138 and passim. 161 Pun Yue Phuunnjryhv * p. 136. 162 Sai Kwan Shaygwhaann, before 1911 the Belgravia of Canton, p. 136. 163 Sha Lo Tung Shaahlrohdrungy p. 157. 164 Sha Lo Wan Shaahlrohwhaann # p. 157. 165 Shan-lao Shaannloo 4 pp. 138, 139. 166 shut seoe * p. 157. 167 Southem Han p. 138. 168 Sung sung p. 139. 169 Sung Hok Pang Sung Xrokpranq *** · 170 Taipo Draaibrou by old inhabitants, Draaibou by newer ones P. 138. 171 Tai To Yan Taidhowjran #7 p. 137 and see (117). 172 tam traamm p. 156. 173 Tang Drang #p. 156. *For the script for Nos. 154, 155 and 157 above see Mary R. Haas, Thai-English_Student's Dictionary, Stanford University Press, 1954, pp. 410, 269 and 175 (both entries) respectively. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 178 SUNG HOK-PANG There is a stone tablet near the bridge with an inscription carved on it which can be roughly translated as follows: -- "My grandfather's official name is Kam(); the name for his friends to call him by is Kui Haam(&). My father's official name is Ch'ung Kwong(★★) and the name for his friends to call him by is Wai Cheuk(). My mother's surname is Wong(#). My mother bore Tsun Yuen (myself) and my younger brother Yin Yuen(£). We two brothers were unlucky, in our youth we were without a father to rely on. My mother lived alone as a widow, and had to practice economy and diligence. She gave us good instructions every day and night. Now when Tsun Yuen (myself) grew up, I married a wife named Ch'an() being ashamed to be a useless son, but fortunately I begot two sons, the eldest named Tung Ping(#) and the younger Shing Tak(). At that time there was peace at last with the bandits and in the 43rd year of Hong Hei(A) in Kap Shan() year I rebuilt my dwelling house at my original home in Shui T'au village. My younger brother and my mother did not come back to the home, but they still lived in T'aai Hong Wai, on the other side of the stream. My mother paid great attention to her baby grandsons, day and night she came to see them, and kept on coming backwards and forwards from her house, each time having to bear the difficulty of crossing the water, and obliged to hum the song of "The difficulty of crossing the water" as she passed. Therefore I have exerted myself to build this bridge for the convenience of my mother, and give it the name of Ping Mo(£#), (to convenience my mother). If anyone says that I build it to relieve many people, in the hope of obtaining happiness, I do not dare to have such an idea." (See plate 38), "Hong Hei(a) 49th year, in Kang Yan(P†) year. Winter month, lucky day, Tang Tsun Yuen erected this stone tablet." The following is a rough translation of another reference to the mother of T'sun Yuen, written by Tang Wai K'ui(✯✯). "My Tso Pei(int) (deceased grandmother), Wong, was the wife of my ancestor, Wai Cheuk(2). When she was twenty-one years of age, her husband died. She cherished her fatherless children, and maintained her purity in poverty. When the children were young she bore great fatigue to nurture them, and when they grew older she taught them in a proper way. She always kept on friendly terms with her neighbours, so that they all admired her highly. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS 247 LIFE MEMBERS: HAYIM, E. J., C.B.E. HECHTEL, F. O. P. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. Flat 10, Aigburth Hall, May Road, H.K. HIRSCHEL, Mrs. Beverley - c/o B.N.P., Central Building, 2nd floor, H.K. HO, Tickon HONEY, Dr. N. R. HOWARD, W. J. HUI, Miss Wai Haan HUNG, Chiu-Sing JU, Miss Sheila JONES, Dr. J. R., C.B.E., M.C., J.P. KNIGHTLY, F. J. KVAN, Rev. Erik KWAN, The Hon. C. Y., O.B.E. 50, Village Road, Ground floor, Happy Valley, H.K. c/o Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. P.O. Box 282, H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Yuet Ming Building, 17th floor, Flat B, King's Road, H.K. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. 3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 301, Valverde, May Road, H.K. Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. LACHMAN, Miss Janice K. 51-57 Gloucester Road, No. 209, H.K. LAI, T. C. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shiu Hing House, 12/F., 23-25 Nathan Rd., Kowloon. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. Highclere, 3, Middle Gap Road, H.K. LAU, Michael Wai-mai Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. LAUFER, Mr. & Mrs. E. M. c/o China Light & Power Co. Ltd., Argyle Street, Kowloon. LAWRENCE, Mrs. B. M. I. 401, Grosvenor House, 118, MacDonnell Road, H.K. LEE, J. S. LEE, Hon. R. C., O.B.E., J.P. LETHBRIDGE, H. J. LEUNG, Pak-Kui LEWTHWAITE, Mrs. M. E., M.B.E. LI, Dr. Choh-ming, K.D.E. LI, David K. P. Prince's Building, 25th floor, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., 25th floor, Prince's Building, H.K. Department of Sociology, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K. 22, Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, Shatin, N.T. D7, Grenville House, 1, Magazine Gap Rd., H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n LIFE MEMBERS: FABER, Mrs. A. FAULKNER, R. J. FAWCETT, B. C. - FRAZER, A. P. + FREMANTLE, A. - FRY, R. A. FUNG, Mrs. L. · FUNG, Sir Kenneth Ping Fan, O.B.E., J.P. - GAFF, Mrs. J. LIST OF MEMBERS - GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. ■ - GORDON, K. H. A. 241 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, Hong Kong. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. H.K. & S. Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, Hong Kong. Binnie & Partners, 1717 Star House, Kowloon. Condert Bros., Alexandra House 31/Fl., Hong Kong. Office of the Commissioner of Rating & Valuation, 1 Garden Road, Hong Kong. 17, Magazine Gap Road, Flat 5A, Hong Kong. 2705-2718, Connaught Centre, Hong Kong. Wilfred, Flat 6, 110 Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong. c/o Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., Queen's Road, C., Hong Kong. 3910 Connaught Centre, Hong Kong. GORDON, The Hon. Sir S. - c/o Sir Elly Kadoorie & Sons, St. George's Building, 24/F., Hong Kong. HARDEN, Mrs. Guy T.- HAYES, Dr. J. W., J.P. HAYIM, E. J., C.B.E. HECHTEL, F. O. P.. HO, Tickon HONEY, Dr. N. R. · - HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HOWARD, W. J. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture Von HU, Dr. Shih-Chang HUNG, Chiu-Sing HUI, Miss Wai Haan IU, Miss S.- - · 15, Shek-O, Hong Kong. G + + 7, The Albany, Albany Road, Hong Kong. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, Hong Kong. 10, Aigburth Hall, May Road, Hong Kong. 50, Village Road, G/Fl., Happy Valley, Hong Kong. Flat F20, Fairmount Gardens, 39A Conduit Road, Hong Kong. 12, Mount Nicholson Gap, Hong Kong. P. O. Box 20704, Causeway Bay Post Office, Hong Kong. Commercial Management Ltd., P. & O. Building 17/F, Des Voeux Road, C., Hong Kong. 9A, Stanley Beach Road, Hong Kong. 210 Tin Hau Temple Road, C1 15/F, Hong Kong. Yuet Ming Building, 17/F, Flat B, King's Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Matron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 197 were killed by the guerrillas. The occasion highlighted the importance of the Chamber of Commerce in Sai Kung Market. Local people could not come out to fetch water, and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam and Mr. Lok Kau Kei of the Chamber of Commerce were given permission to distribute water to the shops and the households.97 "Smuggling" The fundamental cause that gave rise to smuggling on a massive scale in Sai Kung in the years of the occupation was the rice shortage in Hong Kong. Before the War, Hong Kong imported much of its rice from South-east Asia. The outbreak of the War disrupted supply from this source, hence a shortage developed. Rice was abundant across the border in China, in Sha Yue Ch'ung on Mirs Bay and in Wai Chau. But trade was forbidden between these guerrilla-held places in China and Japanese occupied Hong Kong. The trade that developed had to be regarded as "smuggling".98 There were three kinds of people involved, and the first was the "travelling merchant" (shui haak). Not all "travelling merchants" were engaged in smuggling rice. Mr. Shing of Mang Kung Uk, who was a "travelling merchant" with little capital, bought secondhand clothes from the pawnshops in the city, and carried them on foot to Sha Tau Kok. From Sha Tau Kok, he went into China. Then he would buy fish from Yim T'in, in China, which he sold in Lung Kong, also in China. He did not travel by boat because, as he put it, “Only rich people could take the boat."99 Mr. Chan T'in Po of Yim Tin Tsai was also a "travelling merchant". He bought secondhand clothes in Sai Kung Market. He said this had to be done carefully without the notice of the Japanese. He would carry the old clothes himself to To Kwa Ping, where he would take the boat to Sha Yue Ch'ung. The boat was operated by someone from a nearby village. He would sell his goods at Sha Yue Ch'ung or Kw'ai Ch'ung, and return to Yim Tin Tsai with oil, rice, or sugar. Mr. Lau Lui Faat of Pak Kong Au was also a "travelling merchant" on this route. He said he usually boarded the boat at night, and sometimes he came back with cash.100 He ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 237 FABER, Mrs. Audrey, 10 Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, HONG KONG, LOCAL LIFE MEMBERS FAULKNER, Mr. Raymond J., 423 Holland House, Ice House Street, HONG KONG. FREMANTLE, Mr. Adam, Coudert Bros, Alexandra House, 31/F, 20 Chater Road, HONG KONG, FRY, Mr. R. A., Office of the Commissioner of Rating and Valuation, 1 Garden Road, HONG KONG. FUNG, Mrs. Leatrice, 17 Magazine Gap Road, Flat 5A, HONG KONG. FUNG, Sir Kenneth Ping-Fan, O.B.E., J.P., Fung Ping Fan & Co. Ltd., 2705-2718, Connaught Centre, HONG KONG. GAFF, Mrs. Jennifer A. Wilfred Flat 6, 110 Repulse Bay Road, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG. GILKES, Mr. D. A., J.P. The Bursar's Office, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M., c/o Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corp., Queen's Road, HONG KONG, GORDON, Mr. K. H. A., 48 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG. GORDON, The Hon. Sir S. S., c/o Sir Elly Kadoorie & Sons, St. George's Building 24/F, HONG KONG. HAYES, Dr. James, J.P. 7 The Albany, Albany Road, HONG KONG. HAYIM, Mr. E. J., C.B.E., 4th Island Road, Deep Water Bay, HONG KONG. HECHTEL, Mr. F. O. P., Flat 10 Aigburth Hall, May Road, HONG KONG HO, Mr. Tickon, 50 Village Road, G/Fl., Happy Valley, HONG KONG. HONEY, Mr. N. R., c/o Medical and Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, HONG KONG HOPKINSON, Mrs. I. 12 Mount Nicholson Gap HONG KONG HOWARD, Mr. W. J., P.O. Box 20704, Causeway Bay Post Office, HONG KONG. + HOWNAM-MEEK, Mr. R. S., 7A, Conway Mansion, 29 Conduit Road, HONG KONG. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von, 9A Stanley Beach Road, HONG KONG. HU, Dr. Shih Chang, 210 Tin Hau Temple Road, Flat C1, 15/F., HONG KONG. HUI, Miss Wai Haan, Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG + HUNG, Mr. Chiu Sung, Yuet Ming Building, 17/F, Flat B, King's Road, HONG KONG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 211 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH MEMBERSHIP LIST (As at 31st December, 1982) Patron H.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., HONORARY MEMBERS The Aide-de-Camp, Government House LAM, Mr. Yung-fai LAWRY, Mr. R.E. MACLEHOSE, Sir Murray, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O. O'HARA, Mrs. Margaret, TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie, LOCAL LIFE MEMBERS ALLEYNE, Mrs. E.L. BOARD, Mr. D.B.M. BONSALL, Mr. G.W. BUTT, Dr. N.S.G. CALCINA, Mr. P.G. CHAMBERS, Mr. J.W. CHAN, Mr. Alfred T. CHENG, Mr. Tuck CHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong, CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHUN, Miss Oy-ling COMBER, Mr. Leon CRAMER, Mr. B.L.C. CRONE, Dr. D.L. DJOU, Mr. G.G. DUNCAN, Mrs. Josephine EMERSON, Mr. Geoffrey C. EVANS, Mr. Paul J. EVANS, Mrs. P.J. FABER, Mrs. Audrey FAULKNER, Mr. Raymond J. FOK, Miss Nora FREMANTLE, Mr. Adam FRY, Mr. R.A. FUNG, Mrs. Beatrice, GAFF, Mrs. Jennifer A. GORDON, The Hon. Sir S.S. GREEN, Mrs. Judith HASE, Dr. Patrick H. HAYES, Dr. James W. HAYIM, Mr. E.J. HO, Mr. Tick-on HONEY, Dr. N.R. HOPKINSON, Mrs. I. HOWARD, Mr. William James HOWNAM-MEEK, Mrs. R.S. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HU, Dr. Shih Chang HUI, Miss Wai Haan HUNG, Mr. Chiu-sing IU, Miss Sheila KINOSHITA, Mr. James H. KVAN, Rev. Erik LAI, Mr. T.C LAU, Dr. Michael Wai-Mai LAWRENCE, Mrs. B.M.I. LEE, Mr. J.S. LEE, Dr. R.C. LETHBRIDGE, Mr. H.J. LEUNG, Mr. Pak-Kui LI, Mr. David K.P. FUNG, Sir Kenneth Ping-Fan, O.B.E., J.P. LISOWSKI, Prof. F.P. LISOWSKI, Mrs. W.Y. GILKES, Mr. David GORDON, Mr. K.H.A. LIU, Mr. D.H. LO, Mr. T.S. Page 225 Page 226 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p CONTENTS Page PRESIDENT'S REPORT viii ADDRESS BY DR. J.W. HAYES xiv ADDRESS BY REV. C.T. SMITH xvii TREASURER'S REPORT xviii LIBRARIAN'S REPORT xxi ARTICLES: Structure and Function in an Urban Organization: The Mutual Aid Committees JANET LEE SCOTT 1 Origin and Development of the Political System in the Shanghai International Settlement J.H. HAAN 31 The Strike and Riot of 1884 A Hong Kong Perspective - ELIZABETH SINN 65 The New Constitution and China's Emerging Legal System in Perspective W. ALLYN RICKETT Two Chinese Domestic Murders LETHBRIDGE 99 H.J. 118 Phonology of a Cantonese Dialect of the New Territories: Kat Hing Wai -- LAURENT SAGART 142 Saikung, The Making of the District and its Experience during World War II-DAVID FAURE 161 The Hong Kong Amateur Dramatic Club and its Predecessors - CARL T. SMITH 217 Village Education in Transition: The Case of Sheung Shui — NG LUN NGAI-HA 252 V ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IN THE SHANGHAI INTERNATIONAL SETTLEMENT J. H. HAAN* In this article I shall examine the special governmental structure which came into being in the Shanghai International Settlement,1 and which was virtually unique among colonial or semi-colonial territories. Put succinctly, the Settlement had the following characteristics: 1. It was a territory which had explicitly been set aside by the Chinese authorities (in 1845 on the basis of the 1842 Nanking Treaty) in order that foreigners might live in it and conduct their trade from it. For the rest it was surrounded by Chinese territory, different from, say, Calcutta, Bombay, Colombo or Batavia, which all lay in foreign-dominated areas, if not originally then eventually. 2. It was never the possession of any one single Western power. In this it was distinct from, e.g., Hong Kong, Singapore or Macau. In practice, this meant that no single foreign country was ever able to convert the city into a colony of that country, or to claim sovereignty over it. In the crown colonies, government was conducted by a Governor who was appointed by the home country, and he was assisted by an Executive Council, equally appointed by the authorities; furthermore, there was a Legislative Council which consisted partly of official, ex officio, members and partly of non-official * Mr. Haan is a student of the University of Amsterdam. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 32 3. J. H. HAAN members who were not elected but appointed. Even when colonial cities obtained a Municipal Council in one form or another as Hong Kong did in 1883 with the Sanitary Board, the later Urban Council, and Singapore in 1856, while it was still under the Bengal Presidency the main government rested in the hands of the Governor and the other appointed Councils. Furthermore, in these cities, if legislative measures had to be taken, approval of one foreign authority was necessary—the one in the metropolitan country. This was in sharp contrast to the administrative system which prevailed in the Settlement. There municipal government consisted of a Municipal Council which was elected from among the foreign ratepayers in accordance with a written constitution termed the Land Regulations. If important byelaws had to be made these had to be approved by both the Council and the general body of foreign ratepayers assembled in Public Meeting as well as by a majority of the foreign consuls and ministers at Peking. This whole procedure was rather unwieldy when it was necessary to answer the new problems which were posed when the population of the Settlement increased (from 15 foreigners in 1844 to 38,940 foreigners and 1,120,860 Chinese in 1935), and when industrialisation gained pace from the 1920s.* As regards the administration of justice, Shanghai equally held a special position. All foreigners belonging to countries having a treaty with China enjoyed extraterritorial rights, that is, in law cases they were tried by their own consuls according to the laws of their own country. This did not obtain in other colonies; there, strangers were prosecuted under the laws of the colony. As for the Chinese in the Settlement they were tried by a so-called Mixed Court, in which a Chinese judge and a foreign assessor sat together on the bench. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 34 J. H. HAAN principle of mutual responsibility found its way into article XII, On the other hand some articles were clearly instigated by consul Balfour, e.g. those stipulating self-government by the foreign merchants.5 The 1854 Land Regulations After some years it was deemed necessary to alter the 1845 Land Regulations. It has never been made clear why, the only contemporary comment being a note in the North China Herald that "the necessity of some thorough revision of the Land Regulations and their better adaptation to existing circumstances (has) long been very generally felt”. However, in foreign, and especially British, circles a certain resentment was felt about Chinese obstruction in the execution of some of the treaty provisions and it is not impossible that such sentiments contributed to the decision to alter the Land Regulations. At all events, in May 1853 Rutherford Alcock, the British consul, laid a draft of new Land Regulations before the American and later the French authorities. Apart from a simplification (the number of articles was reduced to 15 in the draft and 14 in the final version), it was also suggested that there be an amalgamation of the British and French concessions. This provision, however, was never acted upon and the French concession retained its independence. In contrast to the 1845 Land Regulations the Chinese authorities had had no say in the drafting of the new ones. Nevertheless a number of articles about the protection of Chinese feelings were incorporated. These had their origin, as I have shown elsewhere, in the New Park affair - a clash between Chinese and foreigners over Chinese graves during the construction of a new racecourse. Moreover, the draft contained a number of clauses which stipulated that the taotai had to agree before certain measures could be taken by the foreigners. In the discussions about this draft among the foreign authorities, chiefly the British consul Alcock and the American commissioner Marshall, however, these clauses went overboard so that the Chinese official position was weakened. The final version of these Land Regulations was discussed at a Public Meeting on July 11, 1854 and passed by the land-renters. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 36 J. H. HAAN The assertion of selfgovernment In some Western countries, especially Great Britain, the 19th century was the heyday of progress in parliamentary government. In Britain the 1832 Reform Act had substantially increased the number of voters, as well as redistributed them in favour of commerce and industry; the 1835 Municipal Corporations Act provided for the first time a uniform basis upon which local government was to be run, that is, through councils elected by ratepayers. By later acts (1865, 1884, 1918 and 1928) the parliamentary franchise was gradually widened, till the principle of taxation as a basis for voting rights disappeared. The foreigners mainly British and Americans + + 44 + · - who came to Shanghai in the very early years were self-conscious of the fact that they ought to govern themselves, without in any way being subjected to a higher authority like their compatriots in Hong Kong. Although the 1845 Land Regulations provided for this self-government through article XII (about the building of roads and other public works: "The Consul (i.e. the British consul — JH) will be requested by the various renters to urge the propriety of assembling together and publicly consulting about and contributing towards the necessary expenses incurred therein, .") and through article XX (about taxation: "the several contributors will request the Consul to appoint three upright merchants to deliberate upon and determine the amounts to be subscribed by them ."), it was nevertheless thought advisable by some residents to express very clearly that local government rested upon a consensus of the foreign merchants themselves. The motive for these strong words was the fear of interference from Hong Kong with regard to the right to vote. At a Public Meeting of May 29, 1852, a resolution was moved which in its original form read: "That this meeting consider the legal opinion of the Attorney General of Hong Kong respecting the qualifications of voters at this Meeting unnecessary, as the action of the body of landrenters is not governed by Law but by mutual agreement", but after some discussion it was passed in the following form: "That this meeting consider the action of the body of Landrenters with reference to Roads and Jetties is only governed by mutual agreement",13 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 38 J. H. HAAN Public Meetings and the voters I have already quoted some of the articles from the 1845 Land Regulations which dealt with the meetings of landrenters. These provisions were still rather crude, but in the 1854 Land Regulations they were refined in the tenth article, and in those of 1869 in articles IX, X, XV, XVIII and XIX. Moreover to the 1869 Land Regulations were added "Rules of Procedure to be observed at Meetings of Ratepayers". In article IX it was laid down that "it being expedient and necessary for the better order and good government of the Settlement that some provision should be made for the appointment of an executive Committee or Council, and for the construction of public works and keeping the same in repair the Foreign Treaty Consuls, L 1 P or a majority of them, shall, during the month of February or March in each year, and so early in the same as possible, fix the date for the election of the Executive Committee or Council and shall also during the said months give notice of a public meeting to be held within twenty-one days of such notice, to devise ways and means of raising the requisite funds for these purposes"; and article XV provided that "it shall be competent for the Foreign Consuls, collectively or singly, when it may appear to them needful, or for the electors, provided not less that twenty-five agree in writing so to do, to call a public meeting at any time, for the consideration of any matter or thing connected with the Municipality”. Most Public Meetings up to 1896 were probably held at the British Consulate, although a small number were convened elsewhere. The very first one was in Richard's Hotel on December 22, 1846; later some were held at the Shanghai Library (on April 8, 1861 and August 18, 1864). In 1896 a Town Hall was completed (a new one being opened in 1922) and from that date most meetings took place there. Most of the time the British consul was in the chair. Earlier we saw that foreign residents thought that municipal government ought to be based on mutual agreement and consensus; but, it might well be asked, whose agreement? In other words: who were allowed to participate in the elections and discussions at Public Meetings? Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 40 J. H. HAAN It was one of the first manifestations of the fact that after all the land-renters were not sovereign in taking their own decisions and that for important measures the consent of one or more consuls was necessary. For the time being the matter was allowed to rest, but the fact of tenants not having the franchise was again broached in the mid-1860s. Amidst numerous other signs of civic disobedience, a number of tenants refused to pay taxes which they themselves had not voted. Some of them were prosecuted before their respective Consular Courts with the result that in some cases the Municipal Council was proved right and sometimes wrong.23 There was a widespread feeling that tenants could no longer be barred from attending Public Meetings; this feeling was expressed at the meeting of April 15, 1865, by the chairman of the Municipal Council, Henry Dent: "Hitherto the practice has been of only land-renters voting. That this system is wrong in principle can hardly admit of doubt. Ratepayers contribute largely to the taxes and ought certainly to have a voice in matters of taxation. (...)"24 Apart from the principle involved, it was doubtless also an effort to muster support for the Municipal Council from the tenant-ratepayers. The way seemed open for a wider franchise and indeed the new Land Regulations provided for the vote by some tenants (article XIX). The basis was rather restricted, however, and during the deliberations about the Land Regulations on March 12 and 13, 1866, it became clear that many land-renters who until then had exercised sole power—wished to limit the franchise even more than had been foreseen by the Commission which had drawn up the new Constitution. The minimum rent which gave a tenant the right to vote was, therefore, eventually put at 700 taels. The only person who pleaded the cause of the tenants was the British consul, Charles Winchester, whose opinion was "that the article just read (XIX) did not by any means come up to his idea what the franchise should be. One description of right should not alone ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 42 J. H. HAAN This limited franchise might be called the first characteristic of the voting structure in Shanghai. The second was the existence of proxy voting, that is voting by people present at a Public Meeting acting as agents of and voting for persons not present. Neither in the 1845 Land Regulations nor in those of 1854 had any provision for proxy voting been made, yet even before 1854 it was widely used, so we might put the question as to when it was introduced. The first time the matter was considered at a Public Meeting was on June 14, 1851, when the problem was raised as "to whether persons holding special powers of Attorney to deal with the land of parties absent could claim a vote on their behalf at a Public Meeting in addition to their own" 27 It was then argued that "such a system... had never been adopted at Public Meetings of this nature at Shanghai" and consul Alcock was not inclined "to admit the principle on the present occasion”. However, there were apparently some difficulties of a legal nature involved and Alcock thought it wise to consult the Attorney General at Hong Kong, whose advice was negative. Earlier I have drawn attention to the fact that the merchants at Shanghai were very self-conscious as to their self-government and the resolution against the interference from Hong Kong has already been referred to. At the same Public Meeting of May 25, 1852, it was decided, by resolution no. 2, "That all holders of Land within the British limits may specially appoint an Attorney to act for them in their absence; and further that one person may act as Attorney for several renters, and be entitled to vote for each proprietor he may be duly empowered to represent".28 As from that date proxy voting became the established practice at Shanghai and it was incorporated in article XIX of the 1869 Land Regulations. There were evident dangers in this mode of voting. The already rather oligarchical procedure at a Public Meeting might be still more monopolized if a great number of votes were collected by some persons who might then be able to corner the meeting. Moreover, less scrupulous voters might be willing to sell their own vote to the highest bidder. It should be stressed ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 44 J. H. HAAN and above I have already mentioned the swamping number at the Public Meeting of March 12, 1866. One more danger which could well have appeared was the so-called plural voting system. This meant that each person was given more votes according to the acreage of land he possessed or the amount of taxes he paid. In several other foreign concessions in China, plural voting was part and parcel of the established administrative structure; as, for instance, in the British concessions at Hankow, Kiukiang, Canton, and Tientsin, as well as in the Russian and German concessions at Tientsin.31 In Shanghai, however, it was never practised, and in article XIX of the Land Regulations 1869, it was explicitly stated that no one should have more than one vote (apart from proxies). Earlier, it had already been rejected at a Public Meeting of May 25, 1852, but ten years later, an attempt was made to introduce it. At the Public Meeting of November 30, 1863, Mr. E. M. Smith moved a resolution which would have allowed plural voting.32 The text of the motion was published in the North China Herald of November 21, and the following week, a fiery letter to the editor from “Civis” appeared in the columns of the paper, in the following terms: “Just, however, as the slave-holding planters of the Cotton states of America felt the necessity of dominant power in the Federal Government, so the principal landholders in this settlement, true to the instincts of a monopolising class, are convinced that their influence to be secure must be paramount, and relying upon the specious boldness of a few and the moral apathy of the many, they propose a revision of the constitution which will place the Municipal power in the hands of a plurality of votes according to extent of Mowage or direct taxation and it was his opinion that “in the guise of much-needed reform, a coup d'état of no ordinary boldness is in contemplation.”3 Maybe this sharp opposition contributed to the defeat of Mr. Smith's proposal, for at the meeting of November 30, the motion was not even seconded and therefore could not be voted upon. With these details about voting qualifications in mind, we might well ask: how did they work out in practice; in other ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 46 J. H. HAAN lay in the Land Regulations. In those of 1845 article XX declared that "the several contributors (of taxes, etc JH) will request the Consul to appoint three upright merchants to deliberate upon and determine the amount to be subscribed by them". And the 1854 Land Regulations stipulated in article X “meeting of renters of land.. to appoint a committee of three or more persons to levy the said rates and dues ..". With 10 out of the 29 articles of the Land Regulations of 1869 referring to the Municipal Council, this set of Regulations were far more elaborate as to the election and functioning of the Municipal Council than their predecessors. This was mainly caused by the problems several councils had faced in the 1860s as a result of which it was decided to strengthen the powers of the executive. Article XIX laid down the qualifications for a Municipal Council member: "And no one shall be qualified to be a member of the said Council unless he shall pay an annual assessment, exclusive of licenses, of fifty taels, or shall be a householder paying on an assessed rental of one thousand two hundred taels per annum". From this it is clear that the qualification for membership of the Council was even more restrictive than that for voting (the threshold for Council membership as suggested by the Commission of 1865-66 was even higher at Taels 1800, but this was changed by the foreign ministers). This was in sharp contrast to the earlier constitutions by which it was theoretically, and even in practice, possible for non-landrenters to sit on the Municipal Council, whereas only landrenters had the vote, thereby indicating that, at that time, the qualification for membership of the Council was more liberal than that for the franchise. In the records of the Settlement's early history (until 1865) two cases have come to light in which a non-landrenter was elected as a member of the Municipal Council, but in both cases there was some opposition from part of the foreign community. At the Public Meeting of June 14 1851 three gentlemen were proposed for membership of the executive then still called the Committee of Roads and Jetties, a name it kept until 1854 — William Seton Brown, Clement D. Nye and Edward Langley,37 viz: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 48 J. H. HAAN In practice this meant that only the big commercial houses and other business interests came to be represented on the Municipal Council as virtually no private person paid enough taxes to qualify for membership: if only ten percent were qualified to vote, it may be imagined that the percentage qualified for membership of the Council was even smaller. In the period up to 1865 only one instance has been found of a Municipal Council member who did not originate from a commercial firm, namely Dr. Medhurst of the London Missionary Society, who was on the Council for 1854-55. Otherwise all members belonged to some China house, and it is remarkable that the American firm of Russell & Co. was at the top of the list, being represented seven times during the period 1849-1866, whereas the renowned British firm Jardine, Matheson & Co., very early established in Shanghai, had only one member on the Council and that as late as 1865-66. Later there would hardly be a Municipal Council without Jardines. 40 As befitted an International Settlement, the composition of the Municipal Council was mixed according to nationality. The number of members fluctuated rather wildly in the early years (2 in 1849-50; 3 in 1850-54; then it jumped to 7 for the Municipal Council of 1854-55, to be reduced to 5 the next year and to 3 as from 1856-57; it was increased again to 5 in 1862-63 and to 7 the following year). These changes and enlargements were principally caused by the numerous problems which the Settlement faced at one time or another. In the 1869 Land Regulations it was provided that the Municipal Council would consist of 9 members. In 1927, 3 Chinese members increased it to 12 and another 2 to 14 in 1930. The British and Americans were first in the field at Shanghai and throughout its history they retained their majority on the Municipal Council (until 1930 when they became on a par with other nationalities). The first non-Anglo-Saxon member was a German in the Municipal Council for 1863-64 due to the growing German commercial interests in China. The Germans retained their seat until the outbreak of the Great War in 1914. After 1915, their ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 50 J. H. HAAN function very well and in 1925 there were fresh cries for Chinese representation. This time the direct cause was the May 30th incident and as a result of numerous Chinese protests, demonstrations and strikes which took place at that time, the Municipal Council understood that the Chinese could no longer be barred from membership. In 1927, for the first time in the Settlement's history, three Chinese took their seats on the once exclusively foreign Shanghai Municipal Council and three years later their number was increased to five. All members were chosen by the Chinese Ratepayers Association, mostly from industrial and commercial circles so that the Chinese members came from the same business background as the foreign members. Thus the electoral basis for Chinese differed materially from that for foreigners, which was understandable from the foreign point of view, for direct election would have meant that eventually the Council would become Chinese dominated. Besides, it suited most Chinese guilds and other business circles which were not used to open voting procedures, but preferred to be represented on an indirect functional basis. Moreover, it should be borne in mind that in the neighbouring Chinese Greater Shanghai Municipality, established in the same year of 1927, there also was an appointed Municipal Council. The elections In contrast to most governments and municipal councils in other countries, the Shanghai Municipal Council tenure of office was for only one year. Until 1865 the Councils were elected at a Public Meeting which was held especially for that purpose, as well as to discuss the budget (first introduced in 1854) and other financial and municipal matters. In the early years the months in which these electoral meetings were held varied, some being convened in January (1856, 1857, 1859), some in February (1858, 1860), March (1849, 1855, 1862), April (1863, 1864), May (1852), June (1851), July (1854) or August (1850). The ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 52 J. H. HAAN contest if the term may be used in connection with such tame tussles as the Shanghai Municipal Council elections"45 and it was alleged that the "small and select group which dominates the affairs of the Shanghai International Settlement always regards the situation as ideal when there are only nine nominees for the nine posts on the Municipal Council because that obviates the necessity for holding an election. A public election, even when all the nominees are highly respectable as Shanghai standards go, is generally regarded as undesirable for there is always the possibility of unexpected developments because of nationalistic rivalries which exist here in an exaggerated degree”46 Municipal Bureaucracy and Social Legislation As has been made clear a certain ossification took place with regard to the political structure of the Settlement. It is interesting to consider whether this influenced the way the Settlement government coped with the increasing social and infrastructural problems which were inherent in a fast growing town which, moreover, was changing from a commercial into an industrial centre. The attitude of the foreign rulers of the Settlement remained essentially one of non interference, though efforts were sometimes made to soften the most obvious hardships. But in general an early and mid nineteenth century individualist liberal ideology prevailed. This meant that the main tasks which were considered legitimate business for the Municipal Council were: the upkeep of law and order through the police the provision of public works like roads, drainage, parks, etc. the taking of essential measures to prevent the outbreak of diseases, plagues, etc., in other words: public health. Closely related to these tasks was the rise of the several departments of the municipal administration. The municipal police originated in the early 1850s and although it cannot be said that it functioned very satisfactorily in the beginning one superintendent was even dismissed in 1860 "on charges indicating systematic fraud and extortion"47 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 54 J. H. HAAN would, if not have abolished, at least have restricted child labour. But these came to nothing as a result of apathy or hostility on the part of sections of the foreign ratepayers who had to decide about such measures.51 Some years later, in 1933, a byelaw was in fact passed which gave the Municipal Council the right to refuse licences to industrial enterprises and through this indirect way it gained some control over factory conditions. But owing to opposition from the local Chinese administration (of the Shanghai territory outside the Settlement), which was against any new and undue expansion of the functions of the Municipal Council, the new rules were applied only haphazardly. It was true that in 1932 an Industrial Section, under the Secretariat of the Municipal Council, was created, replaced by an Industrial and Social Division in 1940, and the officials of this department sometimes managed to persuade or coax factory owners into the adoption of more humane working conditions,52 but this was all on a rather ad hoc basis. In the 1920s and 1930s more and more pressure arose from the workers, sometimes organised in small trade-unions which were, however, regarded with some distrust by the Settlement authorities (just as they had been in Britain before the abolition of the combination laws in 1824), and numerous strikes, politically or economically motivated, were held. There were a number of reasons for the lack of social legislation in the Settlement, apart from the factors already mentioned. 1. As noted above, the Land Regulations only dealt with the traditional view of government functions. Any additions to the functions of the Municipal Council in the shape of byelaws ― would have to be passed by the Council, the ratepayers, the consuls, and the foreign ambassadors, as well as, in some cases, the Chinese authorities. This cumbrous process alone was in most cases enough to nip any efforts for improvement in the bud. 2. A second major factor was that the Shanghai area consisted of three independent municipalities: The International Settlement, the French Concession, and the Greater Shanghai ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 56 J. H. HAAN the fact that so many foreigners came from countries in which one form or another of representative government was part and parcel of the political structure, in Shanghai it was hard to speak of democracy apart of course from the Chinese having practically no official say in it. In the very early days there was a real form of direct democracy in the Settlement. There were few people, few enough to make this kind of democracy feasible; nearly all were land-renters and there was a widespread feeling of doing something positive when introducing representative government into part of the Chinese empire. Sometimes there were fierce clashes between the land-renters and the Municipal Council, as in 1852 when the Municipal Council even decided to resign because a Public Meeting had rejected their drainage plan, a decision which was only reversed when another Public Meeting repealed the rejection;55 or in 1854 when a large number of renters objected to the expense of police barracks and the increase in taxation, and the newly established Municipal Council was threatened in its very existence; or in 1864 when the whole budget was rejected and a new one had to be drafted.57 Discussions at these meetings were often very spirited affairs, with letters to the editor appearing in the columns of the North China Herald. Gradually, however, the meetings seem to have become "cut and dry affairs"; sometimes debate became more heated, but lethargy prevailed, as became clear when the very important proposal to restrict Child Labour came up for discussion in April 1925, when not even the quorum to make a decision binding was present. One of the defects of the system was that it was not really a representative one. There were in the 1930s over 3500 rate-payers with the right to attend Public Meetings. If every one of them had wished to make use of this right, the meeting would have been turned into a complete Babel. Any person speaking at a Public Meeting was only speaking for himself, and it was difficult to be clear as to whether he had ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 58 J. H. HAAN Seventy years later it was complained that "official business in this important municipality is conducted in secret. Members of the Municipal Council are bound not to disclose matters discussed in meetings and no reporter of a local newspaper has ever attended a meeting of the Council. The Council does issue a so-called Municipal Gazette, probably the dullest official journal in the world, which contains brief reports usually starting out "Notice is hereby given" or "I have the honour to convey etc." 100 Now it is, of course, true that in Western countries with a parliamentary government, meetings of the cabinet or other governing bodies were (and are) not open to the public. But there the rulers were responsible to representatives of the people, be it in parliament or its local equivalent. Nothing of the kind happened in Shanghai, which apart from the other structural and institutional regulations which halted democracy as understood elsewhere, made the whole administrative system come to be looked upon as oligarchic. Summary Summarizing this article we might say that the Settlement government rested on a base which became increasingly outmoded in Western countries where democracy allowed ever more people to participate in politics. Franchise according to tax paid was gradually abolished in the West, but in the International Settlement at Shanghai it remained till the last day of its existence. In the beginning, consent of all residents was claimed to be the foundation of municipal government, but as time progressed the administration degenerated into an oligarchy with or without the negative implications which the term suggests. Political interest was low and nobody really tried to change the system. Though Justice Feetham published a massive report about the situation in the Settlement and offered valuable advice in 1931, nothing was done. Only in the heyday of Chinese nationalism were some minor facelifts agreed, without altering any of the fundamentals. It was only after the return of the Settlement to China in 1943 and especially after the communist takeover in 1949 that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 59 Serious measures were taken to change the whole social and political structure of the town. NOTES Preliminary note: Although the present paper is to a great extent based on fresh research, the following works have been of considerable use as they contain material about the government of the International Settlement: Feetham, Justice Richard: "Report to the Shanghai Municipal Council" 1931-1932. Johnstone, W.C.: "The Shanghai Problem", 1937. Jones, F.C.: "Shanghai and Tientsin", 1940. Kotenev, A.M.: "Shanghai, its Mixed Court and Council", 1925. Montalto de Jesus, C.A.: "Historic Shanghai", 1909. Port, F.L. Hawks: "A short history of Shanghai", 1928. 1 The International Settlement at Shanghai was formed in 1863 by the amalgamation of the original British Settlement (formed in 1845, but later increased in area) with the so-called American Settlement in the Hongkew area which had grown up without formal establishment in the 1850s, and early 1860s, and which had been formally recognised by the Chinese earlier in 1863. The French Settlement (formed in 1849) always remained separate from the International Settlement. Outside the area of the foreign settlements lay the old Chinese city and suburbs: these remained under Chinese rule, and became subject to the Greater Shanghai Municipality when that was set up by the Chinese authorities in 1927. * Cf also Treaty of the Bogue, article VII, "ground and houses, the rent of which is to be fairly and equitably arranged for, shall be set apart by the local officers in communication with the Consul." 3 Population figures for intermediate years are, 1,666 foreigners and 75,047 Chinese in 1870, and 6,774 foreigners and 345,276 Chinese in 1900. Of the 13,536 foreigners resident in 1910, 4,465 were British, 940 Americans and 3,361 Japanese. Of the 38,940 foreigners resident in 1935 no fewer than 20,242 were Japanese, as against 6,596 British and 2,015 Americans. + * Text of the 1845 Land Regulations (LR) is in Shanghai Almanac 1853. It is not too fanciful to suppose that persons willing to move to as remote a place as Shanghai in the 1840s were likely to be particularly strongly imbued with the contemporary belief in individualism, with its consequent hatred of despotism and paternalism; this almost certainly assisted in the speedy breakdown of the 1845 Land Regulations to something far more individualistic in tone. • North China Herald (NCH) 30.7.1853. * J.H. Haan: "De opkomst van de International Settlement te Shanghai 1845-1865. Een historisch — politicologische analyse" ("The rise of the International Settlement at Shanghai. A historical-political analysis"), unpublished manuscript University of Amsterdam, 1977; chapter II. Cited as Haan "Shanghai". Cf NCH 22.7.1854; text of draft LR in NCH 30.7.1853, 27.8.1853; final version in 8.7.1854. NCH 22.4.1865. 10 NCH 17.3.1866. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 60 J. H. HAAN 11 NCH 17.3.1866, 24.3.1866. 12 Final LR 1869 in e.g. Feetham, I, p. 68-83. 1* NOH 29.5.1852, 5.6.1852. ** NCH 13.4.1861. 16 NCH 29.6.1861, 18 10 NCH 5.4.1862; cf also NCH 5.12.1863 and 25.6.1864. 17 In Hertslet: "Treaties between Great Britain and China and Foreign Powers", 1908, Volume II, p. 686-687. 19 Cf. NCH 13.4.1861. 10 Cf R. Bendix: "The extension of citizenship to the lower classes" in R. Bendix (Ed.): “State and Society", 1973, p. 251; also Guido de Ruggiero: "The history of European Liberalism", 1967 (Repr). 20 NCH 11.11.1854. 21 Ibid. ** NCH 9.12.1854. ** Cf. NCH 23.12.1865, 30.12.1865; Kotenev, p. 18-19. * NCH 22.4.1865. * NCH 17.3.1866; for the discussion about this affair cf. also Haan "Shanghai" p. 95-100. 24 NCH 17.3.1866. * NCH 5.7.1851. 28 NCH 29.3.1852. **NCH 22.6.1861. 30 NCH 27.8.1864, * Cf. J.H. Haan: "De buitenlandse concessies en settlements in the 19e en 20e eeuwse China" ("Foreign concessions and settlements in 19th and 20th century China"); unpublished manuscript, University of Amsterdam, 1972, Volume I, p. 47. ** NCH 5.12.1863. 34 NCH 28.11.1863. ** NOH 24.3.1863. * Shanghai Almanac 1855. 56 Johnstone, p. 56. 27 NCH 5.7.1851. 宫 ** NCH 29.6.1861. 30 NCH 5.4.1862. * For a detailed account of membership of the MC 1849-1866 see Haan, "Shanghai", appendix II, reprinted as the appendix to this article. 41 Cf Johnstone, p. 243-247. * For this and the following scheme of Feetham, Volume I, p. 112-130; Johnstone p. 227-242. ** NCH 22.4.1865. ** Cf NCH 10.3.1866. 45 People's Tribune (Shanghai), 16.3.1935, p. 358. ** China Weekly Review 24.3.1934, p 119. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 62 J. H. HAAN APPENDIX MUNICIPAL COUNCIL MEMBERSHIP 1849-1865 Note: Dates after the term of office refer to the Public Meeting at which the Municipal Council was elected. Members Firm Nationality Russell & Co. Rathbones American British 1851 (June) MacVicar & Co. J. M. Smith & Co. Wetmore & Co. American British American 1849 (March) — 1850 (August) (10.3.1849) John N. Alsop Griswold Thomas Moncreiff 1850 (August) (2.8.1850) Hector C. R. MacDuff J. Mackrill Smith Oliver Everett Roberts 1851 (June) — 1852 (May) (14.6.1851) Edward Langley Clement D. Nye William Seton Brown Oriental Bank Bull, Nye & Co. Rathbones British American British 1852 (May) — 1853 (July) (25.5.1852) William Hogg Edward Cunningham (Chairman) Russell & Co. American Lindsay & Co. Blenkin, Rawson & Co. British British William Kay 1853 (July) — 1854 (July) (21.7.1853) William Shephard Wetmore Wetmore & Co. American Shaw, Bland & Co. British? (Chairman) John Hammond Winch J. Caldecott Smith 1854 (July) — 1855 (March) (11.7.1854) William Seton Brown (Chairman) x David O. King (Treasurer) x Edward Cunningham Charles A. Fearon William Kay Dr. Walter Henry Medhurst x John Skinner Dent, Beale & Co. Birley, Worthington & Co. King & Co. Russell & Co. Aug. Heard & Co. Blenkin, Rawson & Co. London Missionary Society Gibb, Livingston & Co. British British ? American American British British British Note: In March 1855 only those members marked "x" were still in office, plus: H.C.R. MacDuff, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 64 1862 (April) -- 1863 (April) › (31.3.1862) Henry Turner (Chairman) x J. H. HAAN Agra & United Service Bank British James Cock (Treasurer) x Watson & Co. British Andrew Brand Smith, Kennedy & Co. British Henry Sturgis Grew Russell & Co. American Alexander Michie x Lindsay & Co. British Note: In April 1863 only those members marked "x" were still in office (A. Brand had died). 1863 (April)- 1864 (April) (4.4.1863) Henry William Dent (Chairman) James Cock (Treasurer) Robert Brand David Reid J. Kearney Rodgers August Wieters George Fairley Heard 1864 (April) — 1865 (April) (16.4.1864) Henry William Dent (Chairman) x Robert Crawfurd Antrobus x James Cock Frank Blackwell Forbes x Rudolph Heinssen x Julius Kahn G. W. Talbot Dent & Co. British Lindsay & Co. British Watson & Co. British Russell & Co. American Siemssen & Co. German Reid & Co. (per 1.1.1864) British ? German Aug. Heard & Co. American Harkort & Co. ? Dent & Co. British Reiss & Co. British ? ? Note: In April 1865 only those members marked "x" were still in office, 1865 (April) — 1866 (March) William Keswick (Chairman) J. C. Coutts Thomas Hanbury James Hogg Nichol Latimer Clement D. Nye W. Probst Jardine, Matheson & Co. British ? ? ? ? Bower, Hanbury & Co. British Hogg Brothers British N. Latimer & Co. British Bull, Nye & Co (?). ? German Note: N. Latimer died during his term of office. As from April 1865 a different mode of electing a Municipal Council was followed (cf. main text). Source: North China Herald 1850-1866. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT viii HON. TREASURER'S REPORT xvi HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT ARTICLES: Temple Oracles in a Chinese City - Julian Pas 1 Notes on the History of Tsuen Wan - David Faure 46 Hong Kong Island Before 1841 - James Hayes 105 State Regulation of Prostitution in Hong Kong, 1857 to 1941 - R.J. Miners 143 The Pearl River Estuary Oyster Industry in and around Deep Bay - R.A. Bowler, D.S.C. Yang and A.J.E. Smith 162 The Structure and Operation of Kei Wais (鄉 僻 ) — Y.H. Cheung, K.Y. Tai, S.W. Tsao and L.B. Thrower 182 The Shanghai Municipal Council, 1850-1865 - J.H. Haan 207 The Chinese "Yue Lan” Ghost Festival in Japan: A Kobe Case Study, Aug. 31 - Sept. 4, 1982 — Choi Chi-cheung 230 NOTES AND QUERIES: Traditional Tea Growing in the New Territories - P.H. Hase, J.W. Hayes and K.C. Iu 264 Cheung Ah-lum, a Biographical Note - Choi Chi-cheung 282 Julian Tenison Woods in Hong Kong - Roderick O'Brien S.J. 288 Lime-making on Tsing Yi - Wong Tak-yan 295 Wai Cheung (k), a Kind of Rural Leader in the 19th Century Hong Kong Region - James Hayes 307 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 207 THE SHANGHAI MUNICIPAL COUNCIL, 1850-1865: SOME BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Introductory remarks J.H. HAAN In a former article* I gave an analysis of the administrative structure that developed in the International Settlement of Shanghai during the nineteenth century. Appended to that article was a list of Municipal Council members for the period 1850-1865. Here I intend to give some biographical details about those members, not only with regard to their commercial positions, but still more to show in which other organisations they were active. This may serve as an indication of the social ambitions of the Council members. From the data I have been able to assemble it will appear that in this respect some were far more active than others, but that most in some way or another devoted themselves to public tasks other than the purely political one for which they had been chosen by the landrenters. The organisations, committees, etc., in which they participated may broadly be divided into two categories: those that were of a political nature and those that were of a more social nature. 1. Political Committees As from 1862 a number of committees were appointed by Public Meetings of Landrenters, mostly in order to devise methods to improve the effectiveness of Municipal Council rule. * JHKBRAS, Vol. 22 (1982) p. 31 “Origin and Development of the Political System in the Shanghai International Settlement” ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 208 J.H. HAAN These were the following: I. II. A Committee (the Defence Committee) "to consider any propositions laid before them for the defence, draining, lighting and general improvement of the Settlement", appointed on January 3, 1862. A Committee (the Assessment Committee) "to assess the value of foreign property in concert with the Municipal Council", appointed September 8, 1862. III. A subcommittee of members from the Defence Committee and the Assessment Committee "to consider the modifications (of the Land Regulations which had been proposed by the foreign consuls — JH) and to report upon them to the community", appointed September 8, 1862. IV. A Committee "to confer with the Treaty Consuls, and recast the Land Regulations in some such form as may meet the support of the foreign and Chinese authorities", appointed March 31, 1863. V. The "Hongque Provisional Committee of Roads and Sanitary matters", appointed May 29, 1863 (Hongque, or Hongkew, was what was briefly called the American Settlement until it was merged with the British Settlement in 1863). VI. The "Hongque Provisional Committee of Ways and Means", appointed May 29, 1863. VII. The "Hongque Committee of Assessment", appointed September 21, 1863. VIII. A Committee to study the possibilities of a Charter of Incorporation; appointed June 29, 1864. IX. A Committee "to consider the method of government best adapted to the requirements of the community and that the interests of all classes be taken into consideration", appointed... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 210 e. Recreation Ground J.H. HAAN Originated in 1860 when the ground inside the second racecourse was bought with the purpose of making it a Recreation Ground for other sports. f. Shanghai Library Established in 1849; the existing premises were found to be inadequate and in 1852 it was decided at a meeting of library-members that it was "desirable to erect a Building for an Exchange and Reading Room", to which end a committee was appointed. All plans came to nothing however and the Shanghai Library had at one time, during the 1860s, to rent space at the Shanghai Club. Affairs of the Library were managed by a committee that was annually elected. g. Shanghai Volunteer Corps The S.V.C. came into being during the Taiping troubles in 1853; at first it was a more or less private organisation until in 1870 control was handed over to the Municipal Council. h. Society for the Relief of Distressed Foreigners of All Nationalities Founded on June 6, 1865, in order to provide a temporary solution for the problem of foreigners who had come to China as mercenaries to fight the Taipings and who became unemployed after the ending of that rebellion. Biographical Notes ANTROBUS, Robert Crawfurd 1864-1865 Partner in Lindsay & Co. from May 20, 1852. Member Recreation Ground Committee;2 trustee British Episcopal Church 1863(?);3 trustee Chinese Hospital 1865;4 commanding officer of the Shanghai Volunteer Corps.5 Member Commit- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 212 J.H. HAAN CRYDER, William Wetmore 1858-1859, 1859-1860 Junior partner in Wetmore & Co.;23 from May 25, 1857 partner in Wetmore, Williams & Co.24 CUNNINGHAM, Edward 1852-1853, 1854-1855 Born 1823, died 1889. Mercantile assistant Russell & Co. 1845-1849; partner 1850-1857, 1861-1863 and 1867-1877;25 part of 1849 and in 1850 he stayed in Canton,26 United States Consul 1851-1854; Consul for Sweden and Norway 1853-1864.27 Member Recreation Ground Committee 1861;28 trustee British Episcopal Church 1863;29 member of the NCBRAS, as resident until 1870,30 as non-resident until 1877,31 Member Committees I, III, IV, VI and VII. Apart from his political functions, Cunningham's philanthropic attitude was praised from several sides. Cordier called him "one of the most public-spirited men Shanghai has ever known"32 and S.W. Williams dedicated the fifth edition of his "Commercial Guide" to "Edward Cunningham Esq. of Shanghai (...) as a mark of respect for his character as a philanthropist and merchant (...)". At the time of his return to the United States he took with him a large bell which is now in the possession of the Museum of the American China Trade, Milton.33 Later a street was named after him (Cunningham Road). Portraits. Author.34 315 DENT, Henry 1863-1864, 1864-1865 Partner in Dent & Co. from July 1, 1860.36 Consul for Portugal 1863-1865.37 Member of the Commission Provisoire that ran the French Concession 1865-1866.38 Trustee British Episcopal Church 1863, treasurer Recreation Fund 1863-1865;40 trustee Chinese Hospital 1865.41 Treasurer NCBRAS 1864,42 Member Committees IV and IX. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 214 J.H. HAAN GRAY, Hubert Marshall Murray 1869-1860 69 .68 As early as 1846 he resided in Shanghai, worked for Dirom, Gray & Co. Authorized to sign for Smith, Kennedy & Co. March 30, 1858,7 partner November 18, 1858;this interest ceased December 31, 1860.72 GREW, Henry Sturgis 1862-1863 Partner in Russell & Co. from January 1, 1860.7 During the absence of F.B. Forbes he acted as vice-consul for Sweden and Norway 1865.8 GRISWOLD, John N. Alsop 1849-1850 Came to China in 1843,9 first in Canton,10 from 1848 in Shanghai11 Partner in Russell & Co. from 1848 till December 31, 1854.7 United States Consul 1848-1851. HAMILTON, Rowland 1860-1861 Partner in Smith, Kennedy & Co. from November 18, 18587 till December 31, 1860.00 Member of the Shanghai Volunteer Corps.31 HANBURY, Sir Thomas 1865-1866 Born 1832, died 1907.82 In 1853 he founded the firm Hanbury & Co., as from 1856 Crampton, Hanbury & Co.; this partnership was dissolved in September 1857,83 after which he established a new one, Bower, Hanbury & Co. Made a considerable fortune through the sale of land in Hongkew. He was also a landowner in the French Concession where he tried to initiate the local "Halles", but in this he was unsuccessful (1864-1865). 85 Member of the Commission Provisoire of the French Concession 1865-1866.86 Member of Committees II, III, IV, V, VII and IX. Corresponding secretary of the NCBRAS 1864.87 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 216 J.H. HAAN INCE, Henry Alexander 1855-1856 At first lived in Hong Kong, 1850. 107 Partner in Dent, Beale & Co. from July 1, 1854;108 interest ceased June 30, 1858. KAHN, Julius 1864-1865 111 Authorized to sign for Reiss & Co. (a British firm) from October 10, 1859;110 partner May 1, 1860 till April 30, 1865.1 He donated the vases that adorned the entrance of the Shanghai Club. KAY, William 1852-1853, 1854-1855 Partner in Fox, Rawson & Co. in Canton;112 since 1846 in Shanghai as partner of Blackin, Rawson & Co.'113 Member of the Committee to study the erection of a new building for the Shanghai Library 1852.114 KESWICK, William 1865-1866 Possibly was first a resident of Yokohama.115 Partner in Jardine, Matheson & Co. since July 1, 1862.116 Consul for Denmark 1863-?.117 Trustee British Episcopal Church 1866;118 member of the management committee of the Society for Relief of Distressed Foreigners of All Nationalities 1865.'119 Unofficial member of the Legislative Council in Hong Kong 1867-1872, 1875-1886.120 Member of the NCBRAS.121 Member of Committee IX. KING, David O. 1854-1855 Before 1850 he lived in Canton.122 At first partner in J.M. Smith & Co.; later Smith, King & Co.'123 and King & Co.'124 Vice-Consul for Prussia 1853-1854.125 1856-1858 he resided in Bangkok.'126 Author127 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 218 Shanghai in late 1843. J.H. HAAN Apart from general missionary duties he was mainly active as a printer and in this capacity he issued numerous tracts in several Oriental languages. Up to 1854 he was a vocal critic of the Committee of Roads and Jetties (the forerunner of the Municipal Council), especially with respect to the taxes it levied. A number of times he refused to pay them, among other reasons because he thought not enough was done to lay out a proper road to the L.M.S. compound. Trustee of the Shantung Road Cemetery. Portrait.1 Author of many works in English, Chinese and Malay. 146 144 143 Medhurst Road was named after him and his son, W.H. Medhurst Jr., British Consul. MICHIE, Alexander 1862-1863 Born 1833, died 1901.147 Arrived in Shanghai about 1854 in the employment of Lindsay & Co.;148 partner from January 1, 1861;149 later partner in Chapman, King & Co.;11 was also employed by Jardine, Matheson & Co.151 1886-1891 publisher and editor of the Chinese Times in Tien-tsin.152 150 Vice-president of the NCBRAS 1870,153 Member Committee III. 1873.154 Author among other works of a biography of Rutherford Alcock.155 MONCREIFF, Thomas 1849-1850 Arrival in Shanghai 1846;156 partner in Rathbones, Worthington & Co., from June 1, 1853 Moncreiff, Grove & Co.158 Trustee British Episcopal Church 1856 and subsequent years. Vice-president Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society 1857.159 Member Committee IV. Died in 1863(?).160 NYE, Clement Drew 1851-1852, 1855-1856, 1865-1866 Born 1821, died 1867. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 220 J.H. HAAN Member Committee Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society 1858.179 ROBERTS, Oliver Everett 1850-1851 181 Resident of Shanghai since 1850, before that of Canton.180 Partnership in Wetmore & Co., temporarily suspended to be renewed April 30, 1854.182 Member Committee Shanghai Library 1852;183 member Committee to study the erection of a new building for the Shanghai Library 1852.184 RODGERS, J. Kearney (or Kearny) 1863-1864 He is mentioned as “secretary” at the time of the issue of shares in the Shanghai Tug and Lighter Company, 1864.185 SKINNER, John 1854-1855 186 Resident of Canton from 1840, 1848 in Shanghai, then again in Canton. 187 Partner in Gibb, Livingston & Co. interest in which ceased December 26, 1856.188 SMITH, J. Caldecott 1853-1854 Lived in China from 1843, as early as 1844 in Shanghai. Employed by Dent, Beale & Co.190 189 He was involved in the escape of taotai Wu from the Shanghai native city when it was occupied by rebels in September 1853.191 SMITH, J. Mackrill 1850-1851 193 192 Employed by Bell & Co. at Canton from 1840;193 Shanghai 1848 as J.M. Smith & Co., from December 20, 1851 as Smith, King & Co. 194 He also sold "superior pale sherry, port and Madeira"195 and was a broker,196 Partnership ceased December 31, 1853.197 After the death of Henry Shearman, 1856, he was, as his executor, publisher and editor of the North China Herald for one month.198 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 222 J.H. HAAN TYERS, Richard R. 1860-1861 Employed by King & Co., 1855,217 Trustee Chinese Hospital 1865.218 Member Committee VI and VII. VACHER, William Herbert 1855-1856 219 220 Lived from 1844 in Canton,221 later Shanghai where he was authorized to sign for Gilman, Bowman & Co. from August 9, 1851;222 interest ceased July 2, 1860.223 Member Committee to study the erection of a new building for the Shanghai Library, 1852.224 Member Committee II. WETMORE, William Shephard 1853-1854, 1855-1856, 1861-1862 225 Partner in Wetmore & Co., from September 1, 1852,226 as from May 29, 1857 Wetmore, Williams & Co. Member of the NCBRAS till 1882.227 He still lived in Shanghai in 1890 as partner in Frazar & Co.228 Author. 229 WHITLOW, James 1860-1861 Authorized to sign for Holliday, Wise & Co. from March 13, 1856;230 partner January 1, 1863.231 WIETERS, August 1863-1864 232 Authorized to sign for the German firm of Harkort & Co. from November 23, 1861.233 Source Notes Abbreviations: BS: Bibliotheca Sinica (by Henri Cordier) CK: Chinese Repository JNCBRAS: Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society NCDHL: North China Desk Hong List ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 224 J.H. HAAN 32 13 Letter of Cordier in JNCBRAS, Vol. XXXV (1902), p. xi. Arts of Asia (Hong Kong), May-June 1976, p. 65 (illustration) and p. 72. 14 Portraits in "Boston and the China Trade” (1970), no. 23; and Liu, o.c., between pp. 78 and 79. 35 36 Liu, o.c. p. 179, n. 9; BS. IV 2520. Adv. NCH 11.8.1860. 37 NCH 21.11.1863, 31.12.1864, 8.7.1865. 38 Maybon & Fredet: "Histoire de la Concession française de Changhai” (1929), p. 318, 445. NCH 13.6.1863. 39 40 BS III, 2274. 41 NCH 4.2.1865. 42 43 JNCBRAS, Vol. I (1865); Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xiii. CR Jan. 1837, 44 CR Jan. 1847. 45 CR Jan. 1845 (in Macau). 46 See e.g. NCH 3.8.1850; SA 1853-1856. 41 NCH 16.8.1856; cf. also S.C. Lockwood: “Aug. Heard & Co. 1858-1862” (1971), p. 19. 41 Griffin, o.c., p. 306-307, n. 6; S. Couling: "Encyclopedia Sinica" (1917), p. 187; "Guide to the microfilm edition of the Forbes Papers" (1969), p. 15, 18. Adv. NCH 3.1.1863. 50 NCH 24.9.1864. 51 Maybon & Fredet, o.c., p. 445-446. 52 BS III, 2274. 53 JNCBRAS, Vol. X (1876), Vol. XVII (1882), p. x. 34 JNCBRAS, Vol. VII (1873), p. i. 55 JNCBRAS, Vol. VIII (1874), p. i; Vol. IX (1875), p. i. 56 JNCBRAS, Vol. V (1869), p. v-vii, 57 Ibid. p. ix-x. 58 Portrait in "Boston and the China Trade", no. 24; Liu, o.c., between pp. 78 and 79. 59 Couling, o.c., p. 187; Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xviii; BS I, 480; “Guide to microfilm edition of the Forbes Papers", p. 18. 60 Adv. NCH 14.4.1855. 61 SA 1856. 62 NCH 9.1.1858. 63 G.B. Endacott: "Government and People in Hong Kong 1841-1962" (1964), p. 251. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 226 J.H. HAAN 100 CR Jan. 1848. 101 102 100 NCH 3.8.1850; see also G. Lanning: "The History of Shanghai" (1921), p. 467. Adv, NCH 6.11.1858. SA 1853-1856; NCH 8.4.1854. 104 NCH 25.9.1852. 105 NCH 23.4.1853, 29.4.1854, 31.3.1855. 106 Adv. NCH 19.11.1859. 107 CR Jan, 1851. 108 Adv. NCH 8.7.1854. 109 Adv. NCH 3.7.1858. 110 Adv. NCH 19.11.1859; for Reiss & Co. cf. Lanning, o.c., p. 466. J|| Adv. NCH 5.5.1860 and 12.8.1865. J12 CR Jan. 1845. 113 CR Jan. 1847. 114 NCH 25.9.1852. 115 116 In NCH 2.3.1861 a W. Keswick is mentioned. Adv. NCH 15.7.1862. 117 NCH 19.12.1863. NCH 20.1.1866. 119 NCH 10.6.1865. (20 Endacott, o.c., p. 251. [2] Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xvii, 122 CR Jan. 1847 and subsequent years; CR Jan, 1851; in Shanghai, Cf, also NCH 3.8.1850 (Shanghai). 123 SA 1854. 124 SA 1855. 125 SA 1854, 1855; NCH 8.4.1854. 126 Griffin, o.c., p. 369. 127 Ibid., p. 481. 128 NCH 3.8.1850; SA 1853, 1854. 129 Adv. NCH 23.3.1864. 13:0 NCH 5.8.1865; cf. also Liu. o.c., p. 33. 131 See F.H.H. King & P. Clarke: “A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers 1822-1911" (1965), p. 77, 122-133. 132 E.S. Elliston: "Shantung Road Cemetery 1846-1868” (ab. 1947), p. 21. 133 NCH 3.8.1850. 134 Adv. NCH 13.10.1855. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 135 NCH 31.3.1855. 136 137 CR Jan. 1848, Jan. 1849, Jan. 1850. Adv. NCH 1.4.1854. 134 Adv. NCH 11.8.1855. 119 Adv. NCH 17.5.1862. 140 227 NCH 31.3.1855, 14.3.1857. 141 Polt, o.c., fac. p. 81. 1414 "Dictionary of National Biography” (1900), Vol. XIII, p. 202-203; A. Wylie: "Memorials of Protestant Missionaries” (1867), p. 25ff; NCH 11.4.1857; Couling, o.c., p. 344. 143 See: J.H. Haan: “De opkomst van de Internationale Settlement te Shanghai 1845-1865" (The Rise of the International Settlement at Shanghai) Unpublished manuscript, University of Amsterdam, 1977, p. 167-169. 144 NCH 13.9.1851; SA 1855. 145 146 J.C. Harris: “Couriers of Christ" (1931), fac. p. 112. Wylie, o.c., p. 25ff; BS I, 74; III 1596-1597. Obituary by Henri Cordier in T'oung Pao, Vol. III (1902), p. 338. 147 148 SA 1855, 1856. 149 Adv. NCH 19.1.1861. 150 China Directory 1874. 151 See: Edward LeFevour "Western Enterprise in Late Ch'ing China" (1970), passim. 152 King & Clarke, o.c., p. 98; see also p. 137 (year of death should be 1902 instead of 1891). 153 JNCBRAS, Vol. VI (1871), p. ix. 154 JNCBRAS, Vol. VIII (1874), p. i. 155 BS III, 2365; IV, 2557. 156 CR Jan. 1847. 157 Adv. NCH 27.8.1853. 158 NCH 12.4.1856, 14.3.1857, 9.1.1858, 15.1.1859. Replaced by Whittal (NCH 13.6.1863). 159 NCH 26.9.1857; Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xii. 160 Death reported in Report 1863 Trustees Trinity Church (NCH 10.12.1864). 161 CR Jan. 1842, 1843, 1848 (Macau), 1847 (Canton), 1848 (ibid), 1849 (ibid), 1850 (ibid). 162 Elliston. o.c., p. 25. SA 1854, 1855, 1856; adv. NCH 3.1.1857. 163 164 CR Jan. 1851. 165 Notification in NCH 17.8.1861. 166 NCH 10.6.1865. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 228 J.H. HAAN 107 BS III, 2274. 160 JNCBRAS, Vol. VI (1871), p. xv. 169 NCH 5.12.1864; see also Elliston, p. 26. 170 Adv. NCH 26.5.1855, 15.1.1859. 171 NCH 9.1.1858. 172 NCH 23.1.1858; already elected 24.9.1857 but on Oct. 16 he refused this post (Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xii; NCH 26.9.1857). 173 Pott, o.c., fac. p. 81 (here he is wrongly called Rankin). 174 175 Adv. NCH 31.1.1863. 176 JNCBRAS, Vol. XIII (1879), p. v. 177 BS III, 2274. 178 SA 1862. 179 NCH 23.1.1858. 180 CR Jan. 1847 till Jan. 1850. 181 NCH 3.8.1850; SA 1853. 182 Adv. NCH 13.5.1854. 183 NCH 31.1.1852. 184 NCH 25.9.1852. 185 Adv. NCH 2.4.1864. 186 CR Jan. 1841. 187 CR Jan. 1848 (Shanghai), Jan. 1850, Jan. 1851 (Canton). Adv. NCH 24.1.1857. 188 189 CR Jan. 1847. 190 NCH 3.8.1850; SA 1853, 1854. 191 NCH 10.9.1853. 192 193 194 CR Jan. 1841; King & Clarke, o.c., p. 153. CR Jan. 1849. Adv. NCH 10.1.1852. 195 Adv. NCH 19.4.1851. 196 Adv. NCH 31.5.1862. 197 Adv. NCH 7.1.1854. 198 King & Clarke, o.c., p. 77, 153. 199 200 NCH 24.4.1852. China Directory 1874, Hong Kong p. A38. 201 JNCBRAS, Vol. I (1865), p. 146. 202 NCH 2.4.1864. 203 Adv. NCH 24.4.1858. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 281 It might often have been the case that they predated the land people of the neighbouring villages. Theirs was not a symbiotic relationship. Even when they lived together in the same locality, they kept apart; the villagers in their houses and the boat people on their little family boats just offshore in the same or an adjoining bay. Despite some interaction, the two communities were separate and individual, contributing nothing vital to the other nor sharing anything important. It was in such circumstances that my friend's family had probably lived at Causeway Bay for generations before the establishment of British Hong Kong, fishing the local waters and living in some proximity to the land people of the two nearest local villages of So Kon Po and Wong Nai Chung. The number of indigenous boat people in the Causeway Bay anchorage was apparently not large. In her own words, "When I was young, not very many of the boats in the anchorage were native to the area." These families gained their livelihood, then as in 1970, by fishing not far from home going most frequently over to Junk Bay and by ferrying people to and from the cargo boats and cutters using the anchorage. Some took out guests for a quiet dinner on the water, an entertainment for which this area became quite famous. Taking people out in this way was described as sung-yan t'au-long. Others used their boats for marine hawking, going among the other craft with daily necessities in those days before refrigeration made their services largely redundant. In the last years of the nineteenth century, as in 1970, their local marketing area was the Tang Lung Chau market. This was the name of that locality, and not of the little island off shore which the British named Kellett Island. It later became the Royal Hong Kong Yacht Club, joined by a causeway to the shore at Tang Lung Chau. To the boat people, the old lady said, Kellett Island was simply known as “Chau Chai" or "the little island”. The local boat people's main market village was Shau Kei Wan, with which she seemed very familiar. She particularly mentioned the songs of the boat people there, of the kind known as haam-shui. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 83 after he died. The wife of a worthy man, Ts'ai Haai (M) was ill, and all hope of her recovery was given up. As the doctors appeared no good, Tsai Haai asked the priests to come and pray for her. They could not help. Then one of them said, “Why not ask Pooi To to come?" When Pooi To arrived, he wandered into the room, looked at the woman and said quietly, "Easy". Then he muttered to himself for a while and gradually the woman was cured. Tsai Haai after that insisted on Pooi To staying with him in his house, and treated him with the greatest of respect. In the ninth month of the third year of Yuen Ka (元嘉) A.D. 426 of Sung dynasty, Pooi To went off to a lake in the East called Ch’ek Shaan Woo (赤山湖) where he became ill, and died. Tsai Haai took his corpse and buried it in a hill called Fook Chau Shaan (U) "upside down boat hill", which is somewhere to the north-east of Nanking. Two years later, one day in the third month, Tsai Haai was in his house with his family, when to his surprise the door opened and Pooi To walked in. He talked pleasantly for a short while, when there was a knock at the door and a priest appeared. He beckoned to Pooi To who followed him, but before he left Pooi To told the family that he had to go to Kaau Kwong (交廣) (now Kwangtung, Kwangsi and Annam) and would never come back to them. He then threw his cup into the sea and he and the priest sailed away in it, to the Monastery of Tuen Moon Shaan (Castle Peak), where as has been already said, he became Abbot. Pooi To is reputed also to have lived for a while in another hill nearby called Ling To Shaan (靈渡山) “miracle across the Sea Hill", and there is still a monastery there bearing the name of Ling To Tsz (靈渡寺). Nothing further is known about Pooi To and there are no stories about him after he came to Castle Peak, but it is supposed that the monastery there was carried on by Buddhist monks for many years after his death. There is nothing recorded to give any indication of how long the monastery continued to exist, but it must have fallen into disuse by the reign of To Kwong (道光) 1821-1850 of Ts`ing (清) dynasty because the Taoists built a monastery then on the site of the old one, and called ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 188 Let everyone bear in mind that nothing is to be rejected - a pamphlet, a newspaper, nay a handbill, which to the ordinary reader is no more than a valueless scrap of paper, may become, in the hands of the searcher, the means of an important discovery." Until his departure from China in 1876, Cordier worked hard to build up the society's collection. He arranged exchanges of publications with other societies around the world and he regularly canvassed local foreign residents and members for donations. He was able to get, at no cost to the society, the British Parliamentary papers concerning China, Customs Service reports and other governmental publications, and a full run of the Shanghai Evening Courier. But in spite of his obvious successes, his last annual report revealed some frustration: During the last five years, the Society has endeavoured to enlist public sympathy and patronage to a greater extent, pointing out the wants of the Library in its annual reports; but the various appeals made have not fully realized the looked-for result. Unremitting attention and care have been bestowed upon the Library of the Asiatic Society; but the time thus spent, if not responded to on the part of the community, by a show of interest in its only literary and scientific institution, is uphill work, and naturally becomes disheartening. That the Library meets a real want is proved by the great increase in the number of works consulted or lent out, as shown by the register kept for the purpose." However, when looking back thirty years later, Cordier spoke of "the pleasant feelings I have in my heart in speaking of these days of yore", and he acknowledged that his work with the society's library laid the groundwork for his career as a sinologist.2 Cordier was replaced by a German named Joseph Haas, who seemed to have been more concerned with keeping books than acquiring them. His annual reports were filled with items such as: : ¦ ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 189 A great many books are missing; a circumstance which has been duly recorded by the Council, and against the occurrence of which such measures have been taken as will prevent in future any further similar loss.13 Apparently Haas' efforts to tighten up went too far because his successor, F. Hirth reported in 1879 that "the Library is too sparingly used by the members of the Society”, and even that was "somewhat disorderly, not to say, unconscientious". He went on to state that an honorary librarian could not be expected to oversee the operation at all public hours, nor during those times when the Chinese servants were cleaning it. He proposed that the Shanghai Library, which was leasing space in the society's building, take over its operation and run it as a non-circulating reference collection. The society would continue to seek donations and exchanges, and its members would continue to have borrowing privileges. In 1881 this transfer took place and this arrangement continued for the next two decades until the Shanghai Library became a true public library and moved to other facilities. 15 These were slow years in the development of the library, and the annual reports complained of few donations and included such statements as “it is remarkable and no less a matter of regret, that our excellent library is so little used”. In 1887 the society issued its first catalogue of Chinese language publications, a two-page list of sets which totalled 1,497 volumes. In 1894 a third edition of the printed catalogue of Western language books was issued, which showed 1,324 titles, up only about thirty percent in a quarter of a century. 17 By the beginning of the twentieth century the library was embarking on its second growth cycle. There were now exchanges with "about 60 learned societies and journals”, from such diverse places as Hong Kong, Holland, Portugal and French Indo-China, as well as the United States, Great Britain, and Germany. There was an assistant librarian, a Miss Backet, who was compiling indexes of articles on Asia appearing in European journals. 19 Another recataloguing of the collection took place in 1907, this time according to the Dewey Decimal System, "upon the recommendation... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT HON. TREASURER'S REPORT HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT ARTICLES: Dan Waters LIBRARIES 138 1937. vii AR In the Steps of Lu Pan: Reminiscences of Building in Hong Kong K.J.P. Lowe Hong Kong, 26 January 1841: Hoisting the Flag Revisited Keith Stevens The Jade Emperor and his Family, Yu Huang Ta Ti Keith Stevens - Fukienese Wang Yeh (Ong Ya [Hokkien]) P.H. Munro-Faure The Kiukiang Incident of 1927 A.D. Blackburn Hong Kong, December 1941 July 1942 Chan Ka-yan Joss Stick Manufacturing: A Study of a Traditional Industry in Hong Kong P.H. Hase Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz, An Old Buddhist Nunnery in the New Territories and its Place in Local Society J.H. Haan Thalia and Terpsichore on The Yangtze, Survey of Foreign Theatre and Music in Shanghai 1850-1865 Fred Dagenais John Fryer's Early Years in China: I. Diary of His Voyage to Hong Kong Chan Wing-hoi The Dangs of Kam Tin and Their Jiu Festival xxi xxiii 8 18 34 61 77 94 121 158 252 302 NOTES AND QUERIES: E. Sinn Notes on the Robert Hart Papers at the University of Hong Kong Library 376 P.H. Hase A Song from Sha Tau Kok on the 1911 Revolution 382 P.H. Hase The Mutual Defence Alliance (Yeuk) of the New Territories 384 P.H. Hase - More on The Man the Emperor Decapitated 388 Issei Tanaka The White Tiger 389 Keith Stevens - British Chinese Labour Corps Labourers Buried in England 390 Anthony Siu Kwok-kin The History of Hong Kong: From A Village to A City 391 Anthony Siu Kwok-kin Historical Records Anthony Siu Kwok-kin BOOK REVIEWS Tai Yu Shan from Chinese 394 A Tung Lo Wan 399 400 V ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 158 THALIA AND TERPSICHORE ON THE YANGTZE A SURVEY OF FOREIGN THEATRE AND MUSIC IN SHANGHAI 1850-1865 J. H. HAAN "Thanks for the merry laugh that cheered our hearts For loud applause that bade us top our parts. For mirth, that taking all things for the best Made even a blunder seem a clever jest'."* Thus an epilogue to an evening of theatrical entertainment in 1852 that was given for the foreign community of Shanghai, and it sums up nicely the attitude with which generally speaking the efforts of the local amateurs were greeted. What happened on the stage in this outpost of Western civilisation may not have been very exciting or very daring but still it seems interesting enough to go into in more detail than has been done before now.2 1. Some notes on foreign life in Shanghai Until the first Anglo-Chinese War of 1839-1842, foreigners were severely limited in China. In fact only one port, Canton, was open for external trade and merchants had to reside part of the year in the so-called foreign factories. After the war several treaties were concluded with Western nations (England, France, United States) in which the right of foreigners to settle themselves in a number of cities on the China Coast was granted. Among these cities was Shanghai, and it was not long before a predominantly British community came into being. A Foreign Settlement was delimited, Land Regulations (a kind of constitution) were issued in 1845 and 1854, a Municipal Council of foreign merchants was formed as early as 1846,3 houses in colonial style were built, roads and a race course laid out, a drainage scheme begun and a home-like church erected. To the south of the Settlement the French had their own Concession, while to the north an American settlement gradually developed. Problems abounded, sometimes caused by the obstructions of foreign residents; Ordinary reference notes are indicated thus: (1); notes in which additional information is supplied thus: (1x). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h # BIBLIOGRAPHY 245 1. Archives: "London Missionary Society": Incoming Letters, Central China. 2. Newspapers and Periodicals: **Boletim do Governo de Macao**, Macao, 1855-1865. "China Mail", Hong Kong, 1845-1860. "North China Herald", Shanghai, 1850-1867. "Puck, or the Shanghai Charivari", Shanghai, 1871-1873. *Shanghai Commercial Record*, Shanghai, 1865. 3. Books and Articles: Adams, W. Davenport: "A Dictionary of the Drama. A Guide to the Plays, Playwrights, Players and Playhouses of the United Kingdom and America from the earliest times to the present", Vol. I (A-G) (no more published). Philadelphia, 1904. Appleton, William W.: "Madame Vestris and the London Stage", New York - London, 1974. Barr, Pat: "The Deer Cry Pavillion. A Story of Westerners in Japan 1868-1905", London, 1968. Black, J.R.: "Young Japan. Yokohama and Yedo. A Narrative of the Settlement and the city from the signing of the treaties in 1858 to the close of the year 1879", Tokyo-London, 1968 (reprint of 1880-1881 edition). Boase, Frederic: "Modern English Biography", London, 1965 (reprint of the 1891-1921 edition). Booth, Michael (Ed): "English Plays of the 19th century", Volumes I and IV, Oxford, 1969-1973. British Museum General Catalogue of Books. Brown, T. Allston: "A History of the New York Stage from the first performance in 1732 to 1901, 3 vols.; New York 1964 (reprint of 1903 ed.). Buckley, C.B.: "An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore 1819-1867, Singapore, 1902. Carse, A.: "The Life of Jullien", Cambridge, 1951. Chesterfield, Lord: "Advice to his son on Men & Manners in which the principles of politeness and the art of acquiring a knowledge of the world are laid down in an easy and familiar manner", Chiswick, 1826. Conolly, L.W. and J.P. Wearing: "English Drama and Theatre 1800-1900. A Guide to information sources", Detroit, 1978. Cordier, Henri: "Bibliotheca Sinica", second edition; 5 vols.; Paris 1904ff. Davis, Jim (Ed.): "Plays of H.J. Byron", Cambridge, 1984. 'Dictionary of National Biography". Dyce, C.M.: "Personal Reminiscences of Thirty Years' Residence in the Model Settlement. Shanghai 1870-1900", London, 1906. Engle, Gary D.: "This Grotesque Essence. Plays from the American Minstrel Stage". Baton Rouge, 1978. Fétis, F.J.: "Biographic Universelle de Musiciens", Paris, 1864; Supplement by Arthur Pougin, 1880. Fitzgerald, Percy: "Principles of Comedy and Dramatic Effect", London, 1870. "The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians", London, 1980. Haan, J.H.: "Origin and Development of the Political System in the Shanghai International Settlement" in: "Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of Royal Asiatic Society", Vol. 22 (1982), p. 31-64. Haan, J.H.: "The Shanghai Library: A history of the first foreign library in Shanghai" in: "Journal of the Hong Kong Library Association", 1987. Hartnoll, Phyllis: "The Concise Oxford Companion to the Theatre", London, 1972. Howard, Diana: "London Theatres and Music Halls, 1850-1950", London, 1970. Page 270 Page 271 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h Doolittle J. Social Life of the Chinese 2 Vols: New York: (1865). 4 NCH 27.12.1851. 5 NCH 3.5.1851, 6 NCH 21.1.1860. 7 NCH 1.4.1865. H See: J.H. Haan. "History of the Shanghai Library". NCH 19.2.1859. NCH 26.1.1859, NCH 4.6.1859. 12 NCH 13.2.1858. NCH 18.2.1860. 14 NCH 25.4.1857. 15 NCH 2.5.1857. 16 Performance 21.4.1851; NCH 26.4.1851. NCH 19.11.1864. IB SCR 5.5.1865, 19 NCH 18.4.1863. 20 SCR 22.2.1865. 21 NCH 12.3.1859. 22 NCH 17.11.1866. 23 NCH 8.12.1866. 24 247 1 Cordier, Vol. III, col. 2233; according to Wright, p. 390, the author was Byron, but this is incorrect. 25 Kounim, p. 202-203. 16 4 This one can deduce from a reference to the past three seasons" (1849-1850, 1850-1851, 1851-1852) in NCH 27.11.1852. 17 NCH 13.12.1851. 28 NCH 11.2.1860, 18.2.1860. 29 NCH 11.12.1852. 10 NCH 16.1.1858. 31 NCH 20.5.1865; 27.5.1865. 12 NCH 18.6.1864 30 NCH 25.6.1864, 14 NCH 23.4.1864, 35 NCH 14.2.1863. 36 NCH 9.7.1859. 37 NCH 10.10.1857. 18 NCH 2.10.1858. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h TABLE 1.2 Partial Genealogical Chart of the First Branch of the Dang Lineage of Kam Tin Yam Generation 16 Ching-Lok (Ching Lok Tong) Wan-Guk Wan-Gaan San-Fung Saan-Chyun So-Hin Naam-Kai Wan-Yu (Loi Shing Tong) Gwong-Yu 17 Sam-Chyun Ging-Chyun Fong Hei-Ye Gwai-Gok Lei-Yun Yun-Fan Sing-Ngok Poo-Am 19 20 21 12 Lam-Mau Jeung-Luk Fuk-Chai 23 (Gwok Yia Jou) Gwok-Yin Yu-Chung Yu-Man Yu-Ji 24 Lok-Sin Chiu-Yip Chiu-Yung Gwan-Leung Gwan-Haak Si-Daan 25 ↓ ↓ ↓ ↓ 26 Ying-Yun 27 307 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 308 TABLE 1.3 Partial Genealogical Chart of the Second, Third, and Fourth Branches of the Dang Lineage of Kam Tin Yeul Gyun (Mau Ging Tong) (See Table 1.1) Ting-Jing Naam-Kai (adopted from First Branch) Siu-Geui Chung Chung-You Jak-Sa Kei-Fong Gia-Tin 0—0—0- Generation 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 Gam-Lei Sung Gok Gaai Yur (Geui Haam) ↓ Man-Wai (Chyun-Am) Ng-Sang O (Lei (Gwong Yu Tong) Ging↓ Tong) Jaap-Fan Naap-Am (Ji Ga Tong) Kyun-Hin Chung-Shaan Ming-Lyun Yu-Glai (Ming Hok) ↓ Ting-Sani (Chi-Naam) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 316 G. Gwok-Yin jou A segment of the Ching Lok Tong worth mentioning is the Gwok-Yin jou, which has a small ancestral hall in Wing Lung Wai. It has ancestral tablets for Lam-Mau (one of the great grandsons of Fong in the 20th generation), two of his sons, neither of whom had had any descendants, and Gwok-Yin his third son (with a title of mou-leuk-ke-wai), and Lam-Mau's grandsons Chiu-Yip, Chiu-Yung, Gwan-Leung (also with a title of mou-leuk-ke-wai) and Gwan-Haak. Dang Ying-Yun, a grandson of Gwan-Leung, is represented by a horizontal inscribed board to congratulate his mou-geui-yan degree award in 1789. In all likelihood, the titles of Gwok-Yin and Gwan-Leung were conferred in consideration of the imperial degree of this descendant of theirs. 13 Sung (1974:173-174) provides some information about Dang Ying-Yun. He wrote the calligraphy for many inscriptions, including those for the repair of the Jau and Wong Temple in 1824 and the rebuilding of the Ling-Wan Monastery in 1821. His involvement in public affairs was not limited to calligraphy. Sung recorded the oral tradition that he was instrumental in the construction of a fortress in the present Kowloon City and a county school in its capital town. H. Ji-Ga Tong 14 According to his descendants and other informants, Ji-Ga Tong prospered after the marriage of Dang Kyun-Hin (1755-1822), its founder. He was a member of the Fourth Branch, the descendants of Gyun, and was originally poor. He had worked when he was young for a Gwok-Yin jou person known as Haan sau-choi who had a peanut oil factory. His wife was a servant girl of the sau-choi's. The family prospered afterwards. The good fortune was partly attributed to the wife. The family was very large and wealthy. According to oral tradition recorded by Sung (1974:175-176), Dang Kyun-Hin "had four sons and twenty-four grandsons and the number of his family and servants together are said to have totalled two hundred.” He built a hall called Sou-Lau Yun, better known to local villages as Ji-Ga Tong, which term is also used for the lineage segment consisting of his descendants. Chung-Shaan, one of his sons, built a hall called Cheung-Cheun Yun which had two side rooms, one for a school and one for martial arts. When he died, a banquet was held in Ji-Ga Tong for seven days. The guests included some people from Yuen Long and Pat Heung. The youngest of Kyun-Hin's sons, Yu- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h deui-lyun dim-dang Wif ding-hau T`LI Dongguan 東莞 dong-ji Dung Ping Guk 東本局 faan Fa-Gung Fa-Mou (EAEN fa-paai TEMP Fau-Ng ởH Fong 兒 fong fong-jeung Fu Qing (47 fu 伏 Fu-Hip gwan-ma 郡馬 Gwok-Yin Gwong-Yu K Gwong-Yu Tong Gwun-Yam #E Gyun 銷 Ha Tsuen 厦村 Ha Che 下崟 haang 坑 ha-fu F Hak-Sa ha-yan FA Hei-Ye 起野 heui-lok Heung heung Fui-Sing !! Fung Yuk-Daan MƒU!! Gaai-Yut gaam-sang Gai-Jau # heung-on Ho fil hoi-dang EH hou 號 Hung-Fan Taam gam-taap Gam-Tin Gaozong h Gau Ga Chyun **† hung-jeuk FL Hung-Ji 孔子 Hung-Ji 洪贄 Hung-Sing # Hung-Yi 洪儀 geui-yan git-jing #7 Git-Sau gu l Guangdong MAC Guangzong 光宗 guk 榖 gung-chou Y gung-sang Gwaan-Dai BNR Gwai-Ting gwai-waan (?) Gwai-Wong E gwan 棍 Gwan-Haak 7K Gwan-Leung R jaap-fo 雜貨 Jai Baak-Fu Jan 鈞 Jan-Ting Jau M Jau-Man B jau-tung 州同 Jeung Hoi Jeung 張 Jeung-Luk A jeun-si 進士 Jiangxi 江西 Ji-Ga Tong #18 2 Jik-Gin jiu BE Page 369 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 EDITOR'S NOTE The Author of the article "Thalia and Terpsichore on the Yangtze. A Survey of Foreign Theatre and Music in Shanghai 1850-1865” (Vol. 29, pages 158-251), Dr. J.H. Haan, has drawn to the Hon. Editor's attention a number of typographic and other errors in the Article as noted below. Page 174 line 9 176, 30 181, 28-29 182. footnote 191, 22-23 192, 34 192, 44 192, 50 198, 37 198, 41 199, 5 205, 28 208, 7-9 212, 26 212, 36-41 214, 38 to read "(see: Calendar. 13.2.1963, 73.1863, 26.3.1863)** delete brackets "To such a humble mansion should resort So by your usual bounty pray be led And build a lasting structure in its stead." onit “Allardyce Nicoll: A History of English Drama. I also found useful: W.G. Adams A Dictionary of the Drama **L.L.D. and A.S.S. "they have spared neither trouble **(1737)** French since 1817)** **1814-1894** "composed expressly **H. Lille" 16.2.1859 (Wedn) T. MORTON: "Sink or Swim T. Comedy (2 Acts).... **TR62** amit "considering the slender means and appliances at command. We specially observed the costumes of the male characters as being tasteful, rich............. 216, 37 omit "*p.22" 221. 25 add **(Thurs)** 222, 28 omit brackets 227, 46-228, 3 omit 228, 7 **J. Kenney** 233, 46 235, 19 235, 27 235, 29 235,40 236, 45 239, 31 239, 36 **10.1.1865** "^2.6.1859. 8.10.1859, 23.3.1865 **28.3.1860**" **26.1.1852. 27.1.1852. 18.2.1857** footnote to read 139. *^5.5.1858. 10.5.60" 27.5.1824" **14.12.1865** xxi ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 240, 16 240, 35 241, 2 242, 19 "21.2.1863" Add "26.11.1864" "H.J. Byron" "see p. 176" for "Church Road" read "Church Street" for "Star House" read "Astor House" Add "Trussler, Simon (ed): 'Burlesque Plays of the 18th Century' London, 1969" "MacLellan" 244 246, 38 246, n2 247, n3 248, n56 251, n128 delete delete and replace with "see, e.g. J.H. Haan, 'Origin'" **28.12.1861** **27.2.1864** + 251, nl47 For those of these mistakes which are his responsibility, the Hon. Editor herewith apologises. xxii P. H. HASE ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1993 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302 194 14 The oldest surviving dated object is the bell, of 1922 (D Faure, A Ng B Luk, F. M. Xianggang Beiming Huabian, Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, Urban Council, Hong Kong, Vol 3, p 733) The temple, however, appears in the Block Crown Lease (1905), and the local villagers believe it is old 15 The Sam Heung villagers have recently elected a tablet at the resited replacement temple, stating that the temple was first built in the Chia Ch'ing reign (1796-1820), and that the Ta Tsiu was instituted as soon as the temple was built While the grounds for these statements are not given, they are reasonable, and probably correct, although a date late in the reign is likely 16 D Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op cit. p 107 17 A copy of this genealogy is in the collection of New Territories historical documents at United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong I am indebted to Dr D Faure for drawing my attention to this reference Our information on mid-nineteenth century Sha Tau Kok comes primarily from documents of the Basel Mission, which had a Mission Station in the town 1849-1854, and whose missionaries regularly visited it in the late nineteenth century The missionaries rented four houses from a local village elder, near the western end of Upper Street, backing onto the wall The missionaries drew a map of the town in 1853, plans of typical shop units in 1849 and 1853, and wrote a long description of the town and district in 1853 – Map 2 is a re-drawing of the missionaries' map of 1853, corrected by measurements taken from the 1924 aerial photograph of the town (13 November 1924 original in the Department of Geography, University of Hong Kong) The written description of 1853 is Basel Mission archive, doc Al-2, Nr 44, “Half-Yearly Report of the missionary Rev P Winnes, from 1st January to 1st July 1853", printed in translation in P H. Hase. "Sha Tau Kok in 1853”, in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 30, 1990, pp 281-297 See PH Hase, "The Alliance of Ten", op cit, for redrawings of the plans of mid-nineteenth century shop units, and also for a drawing of a cross-section of such a shop unit I am indebted to Rev Carl Smith for drawing my attention to the importance of the Basel Mission documents to the history of Sha Tau Kok, and for allowing me to use his transcripts and notes I would also like to thank Mrs W Haas, and the staff of the Basel Mission archive in the preparation of this article 19 The Tung Wo Kuk was so named in direct emulation of the older Punti Council in Sham Chun, which was also known as "The Council for Peace in the East", PA, Tung Ping Kuk - the choice of the name Tung Wo Kuk must be seen, in these circumstances, as a marked sign of local pride and self-confidence 20 See n 11 21 The villagers believe that the name Sha Tau Kok is taken from a poem by a Ch'ing official who passed by and was so impressed by the beauty of the sun rising above the sand-dunes that he wrote a poem on it ADV AEAA. "The sun rises from the sand-dunes the moon hangs where land and ocean meet" I have heard this story from a Sheung Wo Hang elder, and see also Shatoulaode quwer xuanguanbu (Sha... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1996 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641 144 to enter: another was knocked down: and after one or two had smelt the powder, and tasted some small shot, they all took to their heels and ran. They afterwards found the wounded man, and instead of giving him up, they extracted the ball, and he is now recovered and gone to another place: although some of the people say he is dead. They have not the least fear, although a stronger attack is rumoured. They are brave, noble men, who sacrifice all for Christ. They have done great good, but keep it quiet. A man whom they admit to baptism must be well known to be a changed character. Consequently their Christian professors are an armament1a to them. Their discipline is strict, yet salutary. They win the respect of the Chinese, even those who will not embrace Christianity. When I contrast the noble boldness of their character with that of those around me - and above all with my own, I see vast room for improvement. And here my story has found an end. NOTES * From the John Fryer Papers The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley "1862" added to the manuscript in pencil Fryer made similar notes in pencil on other manuscripts in this collection many years later when transcriptions were made by typewriter. Miss W Haas Archive Assistant at the Evangelical Missionary Society in Basel, Switzerland, has determined that the date must be 1863, because a letter by Philip Winnes dated February 5, 1863, mentions a visit by Rudolf Lechler "with four Englishmen". In addition, E.J. Eitel (b. 1838) arrived in Hong Kong on October 24, 1862. Thus this excursion began on January 28, 1863, after Fryer (b. 1839) had been in Hong Kong almost 18 months. Eitel and Fryer were thus about the same age. See note 11. Rudolf Lechler (1824-1908) was a Basel Mission pioneer, he spent 52 years (1847-99) in China and worked in Kwangtung with Hakkas. The Rev. John James Irwin was Colonial Chaplain at Hong Kong during 1855-67. Thomas Stringer, M.A. (Oxford), worked for the Church Missionary Society. 1 As of this writing, Captain Drummond has not been identified. ? Perhaps it was good only to eat. 7 "Nets" in the sense of "Catches". Perhaps a pun on his name. "That is, Buddhist. ================================================================================