RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 22 D. LINDSAY RIDE DAVID, J. Ferdinand DAVIES, Joseph DE VOGEL, Emile Willem Eugene DANIELL, Edmond Murray DENSON, Thomas A. DINNEN, John ++ DRINKER, Sandwith DUDDELL, Frederick DUDDELL, Harriet DUFF, Daniel DUNCAN, George H. DUNCAN, J. George DURANT, Euphemia DYER, Samuel ++ + J ייי ייי E. ELLIS, William tr ENDICOTT, Fidelia Bridges ENDICOTT, James Bridges ENDICOTT, Rosalie ENGLE, Isaac E. + EVANS, William Thomas Bowen F. FEARON, Elizabeth FITZGERALD, Edward FRASER, Sir William FRENCH, Maria Ball FORBES, Thomas T. FORREST, Andrew ... G. GANTT, Benjamin GILMAN, Agnes GAILLARD, Helen Baptista GANGER, Charles F. +r. GILLESPIE, Elizabeth McDougal ++ rr GOVER, Samuel +++ GRAHAM, Charles GRIFFIN, John P. H. HADDON, Elizabeth Lewis +++ Fr - HAMILTON, Lewis HARRISON, George W. HAVELOCK, William HAWKINS, Charles HICKMAN, Washington F. HIGHT, John Francis + HIGHT, Matthew James HOOKER, James +++ + J - r + ++ T 125 L 130 L 25 U 97 L LL+ 5 U + 17 U + 39 U 27 U - +++ 21 U + 138 L 14 U 48 L J -- 111 L 146 L --- 9 U 33 U 165 C 34 U 73 L J 10 U + 84 L 132 L 62 L J 26 U 56a L 123 L 32 U 77 L + J 6 U 92 L 30 U + 53 L J ++ 66 L 64 L rrr +++ 28 U TH - 72 L rrr L 103 L T rrr rtr 47 L H TH ++ FFF 51 L 18 U + 102 L 118 L + + 139 L 149 L 110 L + J TI 57 L + 137 L --- J + 20 U HOWARD, Jane L. ILBERY, Frederick ILBERY, Louisa INNES, James J. JPLAND, Christian + JPLAND, Christian Johann Friedrich JONES, Henry +4 L + 16 U 3 U ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v K. PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO KENNEDY, George KERR, Abby L. ... KEY, Peter KINSMAN, Nathaniel ++ 110 L. LARKINS, Edward G. ... LARKINS, John Henry LEACH, Benjamin Ropes LEATHLEY, John --- LEGGETT, William Henry LIVINGSTONE, Charlotte M. LJUNGSTEDT, Anders M. MACKENZIE, Donald MARKWICK, Richard MARGESSON, Henry Davies MARQUIS, William --- 223 ... T 83 L 29 U 107 L 112 L LLL J 90 L 122 L 52 L +++ ++t -- 111 L Itt 78 L 70 L - 41 L - 60 L 86 L 104 L г г г г г 164 C Lr --- J 124 L + ILL 126 L 148 L Pr 119 L 111 гг. 129 L -L 35 U Pri L 91 L MARTIN, Robert Francis McCALLY, Arthur Hamilton McCARTHY, Robert McDOUALL, James MEDHURST, MILNER, Emily MITCHELL, Oliver MONSON, Samuel H. MORGAN, William --- MORRISON, John Robert MORRISON, Mary MORRISON, Robert + + LIL ייי +++ --- J PII N. NAPIER, William John O. ORTON, Maria J. OSBORNE, Henry James OSBORNE, Thomas J. P. PATERSON, Andrew PATTLE, Thomas Charles PIEROT, Jacques LLL J-J rrr ... +++ J PLOWDEN, Catherine PLOWDEN, R. Chicheley PRESTON, Charles Hodge RABINEL, John Henry J P L - R. RAWLE, Samuel Burge LL JL REES, George REES, Maria REYNVAAN, Clazina van Valkenburg RIDDLES, Thomas William RITCHIE, John Hamilton г г г ROBARTS, James Thomas ROBERTS, Edmund ROBERTSON, Roderick Frazer J -- Irr ILL ггг J ייי ... ... 1 U 56 L 120 L 143 L 142 L 141 L rt 141a L 85 L + + 71 L 69 L 82 L +++ + 42 L 45 L I rrr 161 L 158 L 31 U 43 L JJ 134 L 127 L 109 L 106 L 63 L 61 L ILI LLL 157 L 88 L 54 L ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 26 LINDSAY RIDE UPPER TERRACE — Cont'd. No. Name Sex Row Age Date of Death Nationality 16. JPLAND, Johann Friedrich Christian M Eastern 39 5 Oct. 1857 Dan. 17. DINNEN, John M Eastern 29 20 June 1855 Amer. 18. HICKMAN, Washington F. M Eastern 32 21 June 1855 Amer. 19. WOODBERRY, Charles M Eastern 36 26 June 1854 Amer. 20. JPLAND, Christian M Eastern Adult (Ship's Captain) 5 Oct. 1857 Dan. 21. DUDDELL, Harriet F Eastern Adult 31 July 1857 Br. 22. COOPER, Mark Beale M Eastern Adult (Major) 26 July 1857 Br. 23. WILLIAMS, John P. M Eastern 31 25 July 1857 Amer. 24. SCHAEFFER, Walther M Eastern 28 1 July 1857 Ger. 25. DE VOGEL, Emile Willem Eugène M Eastern 19 11 Jan. 1857 Dut. 26. FRENCH, Maria Ball F Eastern 1/12 18 Aug. 1857 Amer. 27. DUDDELL, Frederick M Eastern 38 1 Nov. 1856 Br. 28. HADDON, Elizabeth Lewis F Eastern 28 1 Sept. 1856 Br. 29. KERR, Abby L. F Eastern 26 26 Aug. 1855 Amer. 30. GILMAN, Agnes F Eastern 11/12 8 Sept. 1889 Amer. 31. PRESTON, Charles Hodge M Eastern 2/12 6 Dec. 1857 Amer. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 30 LINDSAY RIDE LOWER TERRACE Cont'd. TITOT No. Name Sex Row Age Date of Death Nationality 76. TARBOX, Hiram M Riddles 40+ 31 May 1844 Amer. 77. GANGER, Charles M Crockett Group 50 15 Oct. 1844 Amer. 78. LEATHLEY, John M Crockett Group 28 15 Jan. 1844 Br. 79. BALLS, Sarah Anne F Crockett Group 23 23 June 1844 Br. 80. SCOTLAND, Thomas M Crockett Group 21 10 July 1844 Br. 81. SPENCER, Jane F Crockett Group 29 27 Aug. 1844 Br. 82. PATERSON, Andrew M Crockett Group 43 22 July 1842 Br. 83. KENNEDY, George M Crockett Group 40 28 Sept. 1844 Br. 84. FEARON, Elizabeth F Crockett Group 43 31 March 1838 Br. 85. ORTON, Maria J. F Crockett Group 21 23 Sept. 1839 Amer. 86. MACKENZIE, Donald M Crockett Group 49 30 Oct. 1839 Br. 87. CROCKETT, John M Crockett Group 50 25 June 1837 Br. 88. ROBERTS, Edmund M Crockett Group 50 12 June 1836 Amer. 89. CAMPBELL, Archibald S. M Crockett Group 40 3 June 1836 Amer. 90. LARKINS, Edward G. M Crockett Group 28 15 June 1839 Amer. 91. MILNER, Emily F Crockett Adult Group 29 Nov. 1843 Br. 92. GILLESPIE, Elizabeth McDougal F Crockett Group 23 6 Dec. 1837 Amer. 93. TURNER, Richard M Crockett Group 53 28 March 1839 Br. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 82 68 GJTSJC II:51, 19b. GÖRAN AUMER 69 GJTSJC VI:1259, RG 2a. 70 GJTSJC VI:1193, 風俗考 26; 1130, 風俗考 2a; 1142, 風俗考 38; 1120, 風俗考 5a; 1166, 風俗考 5a. 71 GJTSJC VI: 1259, + 2ab. For two interesting discussions on foodstuffs as part of offering rituals, and in terms of cooked and raw food, see Emily M. Ahern, The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973, pp. 167-170, and Arthur P. Wolf: Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors, pp. 131-182 in Arthur P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford, Cal.: Stanford University Press, 1974. 72 Chroniclers report this custom from Hanzhou (GJTSJC VI:1130, 1b), Jingshan (VI:1142, 3a), Zhongxiang (VI:1142, 6b), Chongyang (VI:1120, 4a), and Yingshan (VI:1166, 3b, 4a). 73 GJTSJC VI:1120, 4a. 74 A local tradition from Daye (GJTSJC VI: ... 17a) tells of a persecuted jiao dragon that turned itself into an ox island in a river; this was henceforth called Bull Island. A similar transmutation is mentioned in a legend referring to the Yuan River; see E. T. C. Werner, A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh Ltd. 1932, p. 116f. 75 In Tongshan, there was an idea of a pair of Earth Gods, She Gong and She Mu. I have no other evidence for ideas of a female counterpart in the Dongting area; GJTSJC VI:1120, 6b. 76 GJTSJC VI:1193, 2a. This may be compared to the use of a mixture of rice and red beans, sometimes contained in a pot, on other ritual occasions; see Aijmer, The Dragon Boat Festival, p. 76. 77 GJTSJC VI:1259, 1b. 78 GJTSJC VI:1142, 2a. 79 GJTSJC VI:1259, 1b. 80 #Ma juan 3: 8a. 風俗考 81 GJTSJC VI:1120, 4b. 82 GJTSJC VI:1142, 4b. 83 GJTSJC VI:1120, 3a. ## 4b. 84 GJTSJC VI:1166, 4b. 風俗考 85 GJTSJC VI:1193, 2a. 荆楚歲時記 Seasons in Jing and Chu. Auth. Tsung Lin 86, juan 13:4a. 87 GJTSJC VI:1130, 1b. 風俗考 88 GJTSJC VI:1120, 4b. 89 GJTSJC VI:1120, 2b. 90 Aijmer, A Structural Approach... p. 95. 91 GJTSJC VI:1142, 1b, 2b. 92 荊楚歲時記 7b. 風俗考 16, 2b. M16 93 GJTSJC VI:1142, 2a. 94 loc. cit. 95 GJTSJC VI:1166, 5b. Records of the ... Ed: MELAR‡ n.d. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 154 WEI PEH-T'I the Chinese point of view, Juan Yuan reported Barrowcliff as the guilty party in his memorial to the Emperor dated 12 December 1820. It was at this time that he wrote the secret memorial proposing strong measures to control the British, and receiving in return instructions from the Emperor to hold to a more moderate line.** Perhaps Juan Yuan only displayed the willingness to make the best of a situation in the Barrowcliff case, the kind of co-operative spirit that led the British to refer to him as a “man of singular moderation and wisdom”35 only because no opium was involved. The next major crisis over jurisdiction took place not quite a year later. By then, the new Emperor had proclaimed a policy to strengthen the law prohibiting importation of opium and exportation of silver. In October 1821, Terranova, an Italian seaman serving on an American ship, the Emily, accidentally killed a Chinese boat woman. He was sacrificed to Chinese justice in order to prevent the Canton government from investigating further into the cargo of opium that was on various foreign ships in port at that time. This is a well-known case in the West and is often cited as an example of the barbarity of Chinese justice. Terranova, who had been turned over to Chinese officials, was strangled to death as punishment for having taken a life. The incident arose when on 29 September, a boat woman, Kuo-Liang shih (surnamed Kao née Liang), who spoke "pidgin", sculled her sampan to the Emily, peddling fruit. Terranova, leaning against the railing of the ship above her, lowered her five copper cash in a basket. Not satisfied with the number of oranges and bananas he had been given by the woman, he negotiated further. Somehow, the argument became heated, ending with Terranova throwing a pottery jar at the woman, hitting her on the head, cracking her skull, causing her to fall into the water, and resulting in her death. This was a serious matter, for, in addition to murder, there were other violations. Terranova, as a foreigner, was buying goods from a Chinese directly without going through the regular channel of the hong merchants. The security merchant of the Emily was Exchin, but, as in other serious cases over jurisdiction, Puiqua, as head of the hong merchants, was also involved. Juan Yüan's investigations showed that the act of the jar striking Kuo-Liang shih on the head had been witnessed by another woman, Ch'en-Li shih, who had shouted for help. A worker for the Canton customs, Yeh Hsia, in a boat nearby, attempted a rescue, but failed. The body of the dead woman was not pulled out of the water until her husband arrived at the scene of the accident. The injury on the woman's ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT 01 SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 155 head was a cut of 1 ts'un and 4 fen in length, and 3 fen deep. The cut had gone all the way to the bone. The captain and the owner of the American ship both inspected the wound of the dead woman, and pronounced that "the woman in reality died from head injury and from drowning". The Americans agreed to submit Terranova to an investigation by Chinese officials, provided that the hearings were conducted on the American ship with Americans present. As a compromise, the "ceremony" of charging the prisoner was to be conducted on a Chinese war vessel that was to carry the Chinese official to the American ship. On 6 October, Captain Cowpland cleared all firearms from the deck of the Emily, stationed all hands at the forecastle, had Terranova without handcuffs on deck, and waited for the arrival of Chinese authorities. The Chinese officials were led by the magistrate of P'an-yù who was concurrently serving as prefect of Canton. Eight hong merchants were in attendance. The service of Dr. Morrison, who was then attached to the British factory, as a translator, was refused because Juan Yuan did not want to involve a third nation. After a lengthy debate during which Captain Cowpland argued successfully that no American prisoner was ever in irons during a trial, Terranova was "surrendered" to the Chinese with Puiqua pledging his safe return for trial on the Emily. Captain Cowpland accompanied Terranova and the hong merchants to the Chinese war vessel and back to the Emily. Testimonies of witnesses at the trial were somewhat different from the facts Juan Yüan had ascertained earlier. The Americans objected to the magistrate's allowing the presence of two children who were prompting the witness Ch'en-Li shih, and demanded that she speak in English, as her command of the language was superior to that of the translator or even Puiqua himself. When the woman's testimony deviated from what she had said before, an instrument of torture was brought aboard. The instrument was not used, although the woman insisted upon the later version of her testimony. Altogether, there were one thousand Chinese at the trial on board the Emily, and forty Americans. At the end of the session, the Chinese wanted to take Terranova with them. Captain Cowpland said: "Come and take him," but the Chinese wanted the Americans to "surrender" the prisoner officially. While the Americans prepared for armed resistance, the magistrate proceeded to put Exchin, the ship's security merchant, and the Chinese linguist, Cowqua, in chains. Together with the overwhelming number of Chinese on board and other considerations such as opium in the hold, Captain Cowpland changed his mind ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 156 WEI PEH-T'I and handed Terranova to the Chinese magistrate.36 The facts that emerged during the trial, different from the earlier version that the foreigners had already accepted, left Juan Yulan somewhat "puzzled".37 This later version, as reported by Morse, is as follows: The jar which is said to be the instrument that caused the death of the woman was safely delivered by the accused (Terranova) into her hand, and that she fell overboard at the distance of thirty feet and upwards from the ship Emily, that she was seen from on board of the Hero of Malown, an English ship laying near the Emily, and fell overboard while in the act of sculling her Boat, that no Jar or any such instrument was thrown at her, or caused her falling into the Water, that from the relative situation of the boat and the ship it was impossible to strike the woman on the side of the head in which the wound was inflicted, 38 The British thought that the Americans should not have yielded. The Americans had "abandoned a man serving under their flag to the sanguinary laws of this Empire without an endeavour to obtain common justice for him".39 Perhaps the eventual surrender of Terranova to the Chinese gave further credence to the Chinese version of the facts as far as Juan Yuan was concerned. Nevertheless, the underlying reason for this surrender remained the fear that unless the seaman was given up, the Chinese authorities might search the ship and discover opium. By the time Juan Yuan arrived at Canton, the Chinese had already known opium for more than a thousand years, and, for nearly a century, an official policy had been adopted prohibiting its domestic sale and use. The first opium-producing poppy was brought into China by Arab and Turkish traders some time during the seventh or eighth century, to be used as medicine.40 In the 1660s, the smoking of opium, mixed with tobacco, was introduced into the coastal provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung from Taiwan. By the eighteenth century, the Chinese had devised their own method of opium consumption, by having the smoker reclining on a couch, burning the opium extract over a lamp, and inhaling it through a pipe. The use of this definitely addictive substance became so widespread that as early as 1729 domestic sale and consumption of opium was forbidden by an imperial edict. In 1796, the Chia-ch'ing Emperor prohibited the importation and domestic cultivation of the poppy as well. Since then, all opium used in China was brought in through illicit smuggling. Whereas American ships brought ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 28.48 JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 159 The Topaze crisis, lasting from late 1821 into 1822, was the most serious confrontation between the Chinese and the British to that day, especially since the controversy involving all the significant issues of the day, including naval presence, jurisdiction over foreigners, and opium smuggling, came so close on the heels of the Terranova crisis. British trade at Canton was stopped for several months. The British factory, fearful that they would be held responsible for the misdeeds of sailors from the frigate Topaze, fled to their ships at Chuenpi on 11 February 1822. At the end of the crisis Juan Yüan made a compromise by not insisting on the surrender of the already departed criminals, but the British capitulated by abandoning the policy of using "threat of force as a means of protecting or forwarding British interests in China" at least for the time being. The Court of Directors of the East India Company "advised the First Lord of the Admiralty to stop all peace-time visits of His Majesty's ships to the China coast unless assistance was urgently requested by the Governor-General of India". An Order in Council was subsequently issued to this effect in 1823, 1 $ In December 1821, rancour from the Terranova case had hardly died down. Foreign traders realized that they could not escape completely the newly reinstituted stringent anti-opium laws even by sacrificing Terranova. The Emily, Terranova's ship, as well as three British ships, all with opium on board, were sent away from their Whampoa anchorage to Lintin, where they remained for three years without discharging or taking on cargo. During this period, two British warships, HMS Curlew and HMS Topaze, had sailed into the Pearl Estuary to "protect" these commercial vessels. Sailors had gone ashore "to fetch fresh water" from time to time. On 14 December 1821, a group of sailors from frigate Topaze came ashore. Only this time they brought along their pet goat. Unfortunately, the goat dug up potatoes, eating a number of them, and damaging the potato patch. A Chinese peasant, Huang I-ming, owner of the patch, then called upon his wife, brothers and neighbours to trample upon the sailors with sticks and stones, and in the fracas two urns of wine on the side of the hut were broken. When the sailors were driven aboard their ship, they discharged the cannon to disperse the pursuing and cursing villagers. During the skirmish among the potatoes a number of British sailors were injured, but none died. The next morning, the sailors, reinforced, went ashore again to revenge their mates. They chopped down the door of the hut of Huang I-ming, and fired a musket, killing him instantly. His son-in-law, also injured by the fusillade, died a ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 341 state and party institutions, work-place relations, family and neighbourhood. The danwei is, needless to say, an effective agent of both formal and informal social control. Henderson and Cohen caution, however, against more extreme views which impute to it unlimited scope and power. They show that there is within this generally rigid framework a surprising amount of flexibility. Unit members and clients, for example, can manoeuvre collective decisions and outside opinion to protect individual interests. Lest one should see in the danwei a radical socialist innovation that engenders behavioural response unfamiliar to the Chinese, the authors stress that in actual fact the work unit system expresses and reinforces traditional behavioural patterns. They show that hierarchical relations, paternalism, avoidance of conflict, and the use of third-party intermediaries to resolve conflict, all characteristic of traditional cultural behavioural patterns, continue to characterize almost every unit relationship. Henderson and Cohen's portrayal of the hospital danwei raises many questions of sociological interest. If, as the authors show, there is so little separation between the private and the public, what can guard against the intrusion of one set of values from one institutional sphere into another? How will this influence the tasks of modernising medicine? What will happen to the professional authority of the physician if there is the parallel authority of party cadres in the hospital administration? How does the community nature of the danwei affect the nature and extent of job satisfaction among its members? How does it affect the family? What can possibly happen to the power structure of a complex organization if the lower participants' involvement is at once ‘moral' (oriented by party ideology), ‘utilitarian' (oriented by economic rewards), and ‘alienative' (when neither entry nor exit is at one's will)? Can 'back-door' endeavours be ended if work relations are so inextricably bound up with party authority, family and neighbour relations? At the micro level, one wonders how, in the middle of complex role structures, the individual may cope with role strain, conflicts of roles, and the difficulty of staging role performances. The book's answers to some of these questions are revealing and instructive. For example, the authors show that party membership provides administrators with an extra source of control ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 128 'JOHN KARL EVANS descends to the underworld, where a series of terrible punishments depicted on the scrolls that Taoist priests bring to funerals awaits the person adjudged guilty of such serious crimes as murder, theft, and unfilial behavior; a second takes up permanent residence in the ancestral tablet, and a third at the grave.35 In her recent field work in the Taiwanese village of Ch'i-nan, Emily Ahern discovered much the same thing, which reminds us that, at least in Taiwan and the New Territories, the ancient beliefs persist even in the face of rapid industrialization and contact with the outside world." Unlike the Romans, the Chinese rarely deify the spirits of their deceased; nevertheless, the latter demand and receive the same attention as their Roman counterparts. The details of the funerary ceremony vary, of course, from one locality to the next, but what occurs in Ch'i-nan may be taken as representative, particularly with regard to the vision of the afterlife that supports the entire ritual. Here, as elsewhere, the living initially intercede for the dead on the evening of the funeral itself, at an elaborate Taoist ceremony called the kung-te. In the course of this ritual, the earth god t'u-ti-kung is bribed to assist the deceased across the treacherous bridge leading to the underworld, and the drama closes with the burning of a great pile of mock paper money, which the soul needs to purchase food and protection. Seven days later, a prolonged transition period begins with the first in a series of seven offerings, spaced at weekly intervals. These consist in part of food, but also include paper replicas of an imposing array of luxuries and necessities, ranging from a house, car, and servants to televisions, an electric rice pot, and lawn furniture. Somewhere during these 49 days, at the moment which a professional geomancer deems most propitious, the new spirit is formally installed in this otherworldly domain. The transition period comes to a formal conclusion when the paper house and the other amenities are finally consigned to the flames and thereby transferred to the underworld.38 The sole purpose of this elaborate ceremonial is to ensure the comfort and well-being of the deceased, and it is obvious that this takes a purely materialistic form. It naturally follows, therefore, that additional offerings of paper money and food will ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 129 be required on a regular basis, and that the soul will suffer impoverishment and starvation if these are not forthcoming." In theory, at least, both the decedent's immediate descendants and the generations still to come will acknowledge a continuing obligation in this regard, and faithfully see to his needs; in reality, of course, the living are not always so mindful of their duties. We have already noted that anyone in Roman society who failed to perform the necessary sacrifices to the dead might feel their wrath, and that even today such is also the case among the LoDagaa and Nāyars. Are Chinese spirits similarly capable of defending their interests? 40 Here we enter an area of deep but insightful disagreement. In his book Under the Ancestors' Shadow, which is based upon field studies in a Yunnan community that he calls "West Town", F.L.K. Hsu claims that "to living descendants their own ancestral spirits are always benevolent, never malicious" (p. 210). The data that Hsu has marshalled in support of this position are impressive, and there is a consensus among scholars today that in Chinese society at large one normally expects the ancestors to be protective and supportive of their own lineage members. At the same time, however, scholars also generally concede that the ancestors are thought to punish their kinsmen if legitimately provoked. Arthur Wolf speaks for this majority when he remarks that "neglect of worship is the most common reason given for misfortunes attributed to the agency of the ancestors." 41 The fifteen case-histories that Wolf collected in the Taiwanese town of San-hsia, however, hardly warrant so bland a verdict. In one instance, a family is sentenced to perpetual poverty; in a second, a son is driven to banditry; and there are three examples of vindictive ancestors held directly responsible for deaths in the family. These reactions at times border on the capricious, and this is precisely how Emily Ahern characterizes ancestral behaviour in Ch'i-nan. She relates the story of an elderly man, who for years had been in terrible pain because of a bad back. The affliction was attributed to a particular ancestor, and numerous attempts to palliate his anger had all failed. Ahern's informant told her that the "ancestor just has a bad heart. That's why the man has that trouble with his back. The ancestor is causing it out of meanness." Thus, there is ample evidence to suggest that in *+43 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 147 22 Anthropologists tend to use the terms "ancestor worship" and "cult of the dead" interchangeably, but as Yang (1945) has pointed out, the former is inappropriate in the Chinese context "because the Chinese do not worship their ancestors in the way that gods are worshipped" (p. 90). The term "cult of the dead" seems more accurate, for both Roman and Chinese practices satisfy Emile Durkheim's definition of a cult as "a system of diverse rites, festivals and ceremonies which all have this characteristic, that they reappear periodically." See The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, trans. J.W. Swain (New York, 1915), 80. 23 Pet. Sat. 71. 24 Cf., inter alia, ILS 7814, 8077, 8079, 8081, 8240, 8246, and 8341; on the concept of the domus aeterna, see further the discussions of Cumont (1922), 48; and Lattimore (1942), 165–167. 25 Cf., inter alia, ILS 7583, 8426, and 9143. The abbreviation $.T.T.L is more frequent: ILS 1555, 1659, 2514, 2654, 4960, 6801, 7594, 7595, 7749, 7766, 7802, 8100, 8131, 8421, and 8445. On this and similar formulae that presuppose a belief in sensation after death, see again Lattimore (1942), 65-74. 26 CIL 6.2357 = Buecheler, Carm. Epigr. 838 = ILS 8204. On this phenomenon, see again Cumont (1922), 58; and Lattimore (1942), 118-123, and 230-237. 27 These nine days, called the denicales, began and ended with funeral banquets at the gravesite, the silicernium and cena novemdialis respectively. With the latter, the deceased took his or her place among the maiores, or ancestors. For more detailed discussion of these rituals, see de-Marchi (1896), 1.192-199; Toynbee (1971), 50-51; and D.P. Harmon, "The Family Festivals of Rome", in H. Temporini and W. Haase (eds.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, 1.16.2 (Berlin, 1978), 1602-1603. 28 Cf. Bömer (1943), 48; and Toynbee (1971), 35. > 29 There is a considerable literature on this point; cf., inter alia, Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 17-22; Cumont (1922), 3, 50; Lattimore (1942), 126-135; and Toynbee (1971), 37. As H. J. Rose, Ancient Greek Religion (London, 1948), 29-30; and R. Garland, The Greek Way of Death (Ithaca, N.Y., 1985), 104-120, have emphasized, the classical Greek cult of the dead was similarly structured. = 30 One should also note CIL 12.5102 Buecheler, Carm. Epigr. 188 – ILS 8154, from Narbo in southern France: "I drink without cease at this my tomb, the more eagerly because it is here that I must sleep and dwell." 31 See R.E.M. Wheeler, “A Roman Pipe-burial from Caerleon, Monmouthshire”, AntJ, 9 (1929), 1-7; and H. Laver, "Roman Leaden Coffins Discovered at Colchester", Trans. of the Essex Archaeological Society, n.s. 3 (1889), 273-277; cf. G.C. Boon, "Mensa Dolenda — a Caerleon Discovery of 1774", Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, 25 (1973), 346-358. More generally, cf. again Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 21-23; Cumont (1922), 50; and Toynbee (1971), 37, 51. 32 See Festus, v. culina; and, inter alia, CIL 1,1059, 5.7459 = ILS 8342. These amenities are also discussed by Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 22-23; Cumont (1922), 53-57; and Toynbee (1971), 51. 33 See Goody (1962), 393-394, and 401; and E.K. Gough, “Cults of the Dead among the Nayars", Jour. Amer. Folk., 71 (1958), 449-450; cf. A.R. Radcliffe-Brown, "Religion and Society", in his Structure and Function in Primitive ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 in much broader terms, a crisis about France itself and not only its intellectuals, it is an ideological dilemma about the validity of our privileged position in the world of today. And at both levels, China is still part of our intellectual horizon. How should intellectuals stand in relation to politics? Should they be involved? The prevailing trend in today's France is almost total rejection of the intellectuel engagé figure, of the politically committed intellectual in the tradition of Voltaire and Hugo, of Emile Zola, Romain Rolland and Jean-Paul Sartre. Here China has certainly played an indirect yet influential role; for the simplistic excesses of the pro-Maoist rhetoric of yesterday and the bitter, almost overnight realisation that the Maoist mirage was just a mirage, greatly contributed to the discredit of the intellectuel engagé. Ironically enough, the same ex-radicals who are presently disavowing their Maoist past have not altogether given up their incorrigible tendency to look abroad for an ideal society. The New Philosophers have turned far away from China to a completely new direction, namely the United States and Reaganism. This is the New Libertarian Right, campaigning in France for economic deregulation and military solidarity with Washington. Another critical question for present-day French intellectuals deals with their own position in society at large. With the present-day tendency towards elitist professionalisation of academics, doctors, architects and engineers, the ‘barefoot doctor' of the Maoist era appears more and more remote. But did the barefoot doctor just represent a Utopian dream, a Rousseauistic image? Interestingly enough, in many developing countries of Asia and Africa, people who probably never read a line of Mao Zedong in their lives commonly refer to ‘barefoot architects', more familiar with local building materials than with reinforced concrete, and more concerned with the needs of the ordinary people than with the tastes of high-ranking business executives in their luxury hotels. More generally, the relevance of the Western model of development for most African, Asian, South American and also Pacific countries is vigorously debated today among French and other Western intellectuals, and this brings us back to China. How to balance heavily centralised technologies, "white elephants' such as ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 109 MCKENZIE, Herbert 29.1.1876 MCMULLEN, Jacob 28.7.1937 George Houghton MCPHERSON, Alex 28.7.1905 MCPHERSON, Buddy 19.9.1938 Aeneas Cameron MCPHERSON, Peter 13.11.1935 MADISON, Geoffrey 22.11.1936 MAHONEY, Cyril 9.2.1845 MALCOLM, Alexander 24.5.1932 James Cook MANIHAN, Alfred 17.7.1938 MANN, Ludwig 28.3.1892 MANRIQUE, Alonso 17.3.1908 MARCUSSON, Paul Not known Lallace MARTIN, J (infant child of) MASON, John Robert MATHEWS, Abraham Peter Everhard MESKE, Karl 1.5.1903 MARTIN, Paul Curt 19.7.1904 Not known MASON, John Jr 11.11.1924 29.8.1903 MENHORN, Max 30.12.1906 5.3.1915 MEYER, Ernesto 5.1903 MEYERBREI, Jean 17.8.1915 MILAS, Leonides 30.6.1962 MITCHELL, James 29.1.1922 MITCHELL, Mary 2.3.1921 MOREHOUSE, Harry W 19.1.1886 MORRIS, Heten 27.5.1944 MOREHOUSE, Oscar F 9.11.1885 MORRISON, Raymond 5.6.1958 Margaret Arthur MUELLER, Heinrich 18.10.1913 MULLEN, G H 27.11.1936 MUNRO, John 1.2.1941 MURRAY, Samuel 12.10.1924 NELLE, John Edw. 29.7.1914 NEUMARK, Walter 2.9.1922 Fritz NEWCOMBE, Mahalla 19.7.1919 NEWTON, A Cochrance 28.4.1942 NICHOLSON, Charles 24.2.1912 NORDMANN, Maria 24.5.1875 Stewart Schwab de NUSSBAUM, Gottlieb 17.1.1900 NYSSENS, George 12.4.1893 OAKEY, Francis 17.11.1880 OGILVIE, John 2.11.1882 OLSEN + Not known OPPEL, Gustav 11.11.1875 OSWALD, James 27.11.1865 OTT, Theodor 26.3.1886 PACKSCHICK, Otto 13.2.1915 PALOMO, Emilio 6.8.1964 PANTELL, H 17.6.1916 PATRICK, David Jean 24.3.1896 PAUKERT, Karl 20.6.1914 PEACOCK, Charles 31.1.1945 Samuel PERRY, Robert 8.1898 PETERSEN, Johnny 30.10.1915 PETTY OFFICER from USS "Richmond” 24.12.1879 PEACET, Emile 8.10.1877 PIDERIT, Karl 16.6.1922 PIERCE, Joseph 19.2.1879 PINFORD, Frederick S 6.1951 PITCHER, Samuel C 31.1.1895 PLAZA, Dominga 30.6.1963 PLITTS, W 3.9.1882 PLUMB, William W 21.7.1902 POLLARD, Reginald Lucas 25.7.1889 POLLARD, Thomas 9.8.1889 POLLITZ, Fernando Sydney 7.1902 POND, Oriana 11.7.1869 PORTE, J Marius 14.1.1866 PRALL, Joseph Apsley 10.4.1905 PREHN, Heinrich Otto Friedr. Ludwig 24.12.1878 PRESTON, SC 14.3.1932 PRESTONJEE, J 25.11.1959 PRING, Reginald D 15.11.1938 PURKISS, Garnett Gladstone 8.12.1966 RAE, Alexander 16.9.1884 RALPH, John 18.9.1908 RALSTONE, Robert 10.2.1945 RASCH, Mrs Herta 9.2.1945 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 111 TYNDALL, Francis 8.5.1921 TYRE, Aaron Margaret 12.6.1944 Pickard TYRE, Alexander Bain 4.4.1932 TYRE, Eliza Ann 6.3.1952 USSHER, Fidela 16.1.1958 USSHER, George T 7.9.1937 VICK, Dorlores Ward 25.11.1919 VIEGELMANN, Edgar 14.11.1959 VIEGELMANN, Pauline 21.1.1942 VOIGHT, Julius G 17.4.1888 WAFFERT, MJ Not known WALFORD, Guy 14.1.1945 WALKER, Edward 2.8.1898 WATANABE, K Not known Henry Rawson WATT, Michael 21.9.1910 WEILL, Meyer 6.10.1915 WATT, Thomas Melville 11.3.1965 WEINICKE, Gottlieb 2.9.1905 WEISS, J G Not known WERDER, Wilhelm 20.5.1937 WHITE, John 18.4.1902 WILLEKE, Rudolf 13.5.1902 WILLIAMS, T Ellis 12.9.1942 WILKENS, Edward WILLIAMSON, John 20.12.1920 WILLIAMS, Margaret 13.11.1935 1.7.1939 WILLIAMSON, 26.11.1945 WILSON, Arthur 3.11.1900 Luyendyk Mary Blackwell Theodor WILSON, Hugh Mackay WOLFLISBERG, Heidi WOLLERMANN, WRANGLES, Jane WUSINOWSKI, Christine YOUNGS, Edward 13.8.1937 WINN, Emily 14.7.? 23.11.1936 WOLLANDER, William 10.5.1909 19.5.1898 WOODFINE, Robert Not known 21.1.1865 WRIGHT, Robert 3.2.1944 28.11.1891 YOUNGE, Rudolf 15.9.1914 3.9.1882 + ZIMMERMANN, Herman August 24.3.1968 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 367 The villagers had already gathered at the festival site when I arrived at half past nine in the morning. The red slips of paper etc., were carried by the people responsible on a tray, and, in some cases, a "pavilion", back to where they had been fetched from. In all cases, I believe, the person who carried the divinities was preceded by one of his companions who beat a gong. In some cases the procession included the "Keep quiet!" and "Keep clear!" banners. I witnessed the case of the Hung-Fan Taam gods. On their arrival the villagers set up the temporary spirit tablets of the divinities at the site, and made offerings of tea, sweets, yun-bou and paper clothing to them. Then they burnt the spirit tablets as well as the paper offerings. Ahern, Emily Martin Brim, John A. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1981 Chinese Rituals and Politics, Cambridge University Press, 1974 "Village alliance temples in Hong Kong", in Wolf (1974: 93-104). Cheng, Sui Kwan Faure, David n.d. "Yuanlang Xinx", unpublished manuscript. 1984 "The Tangs of Kam Tin - A hypothesis on the rise of a gentry family", in Faure et. al (1984). Faure, David et. al (eds.) 1984 From Village to City: Studies in the Traditional Roots Hayes, James W. Kamm, John of Hong Kong Society, Centre of Asian Studies. University of Hong Kong. 1983 The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. 1977 "Field notes on the social history and fungshui of Kam Tin”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JHKBRAS) xvii, pp. 202-216. Law, Suk-Ching and Lam Siu-Fung 1985 **Jintian Dengshi shixi bogian shi'', in Renleixie Zhou Tekan, pp. 2-14. The Anthropology Society, Chinese University of Hong Kong. 1984 "Village education in the New Territories region under the Ch'ing", in Faure et. al. (1984). 1983 New Peace County: A Chinese Gazetteer of the Hong Kong Region. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, Ng Lun, Alice Ngai Ha Ng, Peter Y.L.. Ofuchi, Ninji 1983 Chugokujin no Shukyo Girei, Tokyo, Saso, Michael R. Schipper, K.W. 1972 Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal, Washington. 1974 "The written memorial in Taoist Ceremonies", in Wolf (1974:309-324). Siu, Augustus K.K. and Anthony K.K. Siu, Anthony K.K. 1982 Studies on Chinese Genealogies and the History of the Hong Kong Region, Hong Kong: Hin Chiu Institute. 1982 "Zupu zhong suojian zhí shishi shili”, in Siu and Siu (1982), pp. 21-29. 1984 **The Hong Kong Region before and after the Coastal Evacuation in the Early Ch'ing Dynasty', in Faure ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j the reliance on native place ties by Shaoxing natives away from home. Susan Naquin and Evelyn Rawski, in their history of eighteenth-century China, observe that "native place was the principle most often invoked as grounds for affiliation and assistance by men who left their homes to work in an alien environment.” The most extensive analysis of native place ties in an urban environment is William Rowe's detailed study of the central China treaty port city Hankow (Hankou). Although concluding that "the prevailing mood of the city was cosmopolitan," he nevertheless emphasizes the persistence of localism in urban development. Rowe describes the importance of hometown bonds in securing jobs, financial help in time of need, and defence in daily street brawls. Commercial cliques, worker recruitment, and leisure activities were often organized around native place ties. More interestingly, Rowe's study has demonstrated a process of different ethnic groups establishing themselves in the newly developed city. The most distinctive one was a rivalry between Cantonese and Ningbo with Shaoxing people, the two prominent ethnic groups in Hankou. Cantonese used the advent of Western trade to advance their position in native commercial circles while the Ning-Shao natives had become the most powerful force in the native banking and lower Yangzi River trade, but they were second to their Cantonese counterparts in foreign trade. More recently, in addition to the above studies, as shown in Emily Honig's study of Subei people in Shanghai, there are many more factors determining ethnic identities than race, religion and nationality. Origins of Cantonese Emigration in the Nineteenth Century Historically, South China was the recipient of successive waves of migration from the north, which is more hilly and hence conducive to the isolation of one social group from another. In Guangdong province, the Chinese inhabitants categorized themselves as Punti (Bendi, locals) which included the Cantonese and the people of Teochiu; Hakka (Hejia, guests); Hoklo or Tanka (Danjia, boat people). By the end of the eighteenth century, the rate of delta land reclamation could not match the rate of increase in population in South China. Growth of population caused massive emigration both domestically and overseas. The rapid growth of population, unaccompanied by improvements in agricultural technology, meant that it was increasingly difficult for peasants in this area to depend on the soil alone for a decent livelihood. To support ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 30 enterprises," but also challenged their foreign counterparts by planning, organising, and managing most of the modern Chinese enterprises. As Thomas Rawski has pointed out, Western firms in Chinese treaty-ports such as Shanghai were ineffectual on their own; they had to rely on Chinese compradors to conduct business with their Chinese associates. Cantonese compradors were in such a position that they could dominate the main business in Shanghai during the nineteenth century where they had fully shown their special entrepreneur genius." Notes Assessment of recent studies of Chinese ethnic groups is mainly quoted from Emily Honig (1992) pp. 6-7 2 As Yen-p'ing Hao mentioned most of the Cantonese compradors came from the coastal prefectures of Guangdong province as Zhongshan, Nanhai and Panyu See Hao (1970a). p. 13 1 For sample of letter of recommendation for comprador used in the 1870s, see Appendix + HKRS#144-245 Wong Kong (August 1867) 4 Hao has explained why Western firms in Japan employed Chinese instead of Japanese compradors. See Hao (1970a), pp. 51-9 6 The first three British firms opened were Dent & Co. (first established Canton, 1832), and Gibb, Livingston & Co. (1836 in Canton) 7 Wei came from the Zhongshan prefecture, his father was a comprador to two American merchants Benjamin Chew Wilcocks and Oliver H. Gorden. He followed a missionary and moved from Canton to Hong Kong. In 1852 he entered Bowra & Co. as a comprador and five years later when the Chartered Mercantile Bank of India, London and China established a branch in Hong Kong he joined the Bank as its first comprador. See Smith (1985), pp. 62-9 and Wei A Kwong's will, HKRS#144-368: Wei A Kwong (October 1866), Wei Yuk's brother Wei Long Shan went to Shanghai to learn business in 1871. He returned to Hong Kong after twelve years and then became comprador to the Eastern Extension and Great Northern Telegraph Co. from 1882 to 1902. He was also assistant comprador at the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank from 1885 to 1895. In the absence of sufficient sources, it is difficult to assess Wei's wealth accumulated during his comprador's years. The Ho family, beginning with Ho Tung, was called a comprador family. Ho introduced his two brothers Ho Fuk and Ho Kom Tong as assistant compradors to Jardine who later succeeded him; his adopted son Ho Sai Wing was the Hong Kong Bank's comprador through thirty-four years from 1912 to 1964. Ho Sai Wing's brothers: Ho Sai Iu was comprador of the Mercantile Bank of India, Ho Sai Kwong of David Sassoon & Co.; Ho Sai Leung of Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ho Sai Ki of Arnhold & Co. Ho Sai Wa, son of Ho Kom Tong was an assistant comprador in Mercantile Bank. See Group Archives of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, Comprador Files. Ho Sai Wing. Ho Fuk (Ho Fook)'s son was said to have assisted him in Jardine's work. 10 This company was said to have close business relations with Shanghai's Ting Tai firm. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 36 Kong, Capital Communications Lid Ho, Ping-ti 1966a. Zhongguo huiguan shilun (On the history of Landsmannschaften in China). Taibei, Shihuo Chubanshe. 1966b. The Geographical Distribution of Hui-kuan (Landsmannschaften) in Central Upper Yangtze Provinces. In Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 5/2 120-52 Honig, Emily. 1992. Creating Chinese Ethnicity Subet People in Shanghai 1850-1980. New Haven and London, Yale University Press. Hunter, William C 1882 'Fan Kwae' at Canton Before Treaty Days, 1825-1844, London Kegan Paul, Trench & Co King, Frank H. H. 1983. edited. Eastern Banking Essays in the History of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation London, Athlone Press Keswick, Maggie 1982. The Thistle and the Jade: A Celebration of 150 Years of Jardine, Matherson & Company London, Octopus. Lai, Chi-kong. 1992 The Qing State and Merchant Enterprise: the China Merchants' Company, 1872-1902. In Jane K. Leonard (edited) 139-56. Lee, Pui Tak. 1990 Kindai Chugoku ni okeru kōsho Kigyō no rekishi teki tenkai Kanyahyōkōshi wo jirei toshite (The historical Origins of Commercial and Industrial Enterprises in China, the Case of Han-yeh-p'ing Coal & Iron Company Limited, 1896-1991) M Litt. Thesis. University of Tokyo. Leonard, Jane K 1992. edited; To Achieve Wealth and Security, the Qing Imperial State and the Economy, 1644-1911. Ithaca, East Asia Program, Cornell University Leung, Yuensang 1982 Regional Rivalry in Mid-nineteenth Century Shanghai. Cantonese vs Ningpo Men. In Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i: 4/8; 29-50. 1986. The Shanghai-Tientsin Connection. Li Hung-chang's Political Control over Shanghai during the Late Ch'ing Period In Chinese Studies 4/1 315-31 1990 The Shanghai Taotai: Linkage Man in a Changing Society, 1843-90 Singapore. National Singapore University Press Liu, Kwang-ching 1979 Credit Facilities in China's Early Industrialization The Background and Implications of Hsu Jun's Bankruptcy in 1883. In Modern Chinese Economic History 499-509, Edited by Chiming Hou Taibei, Institute of Economics, Academia Sinica 1982 A Chinese Entrepreneur In Maggie Keswick (edited) 103-30. — 1990. Jinshi Shixuang yu Xincheng Qiye (The new thoughts and modern enterprises) Taibei, Lianjing Chuban Shiye Gongsi Mann, Susan Jones 1972. Finance in Ningpo the 'Ch'ien Chuang', 1750-1880 In W E. Willmott (edited) 47-78 1974 The Ningpo Pang and Financial Power at Shanghai In Mark Elvin & G. William Skinner (edited) 73-96 — 1976. Merchant Investment, Commercialization, and Social Change in the Ningpo Area In Reform in Nineteenth-Century China 41-8. Edited by Paul A, Cohen Cambridge and Massachusetts, Harvard University Press. McElderry, Andrea Lee 1992 Guarantors and Guarantees in Qing Government-Bussiness Relations In Jane K. Leonard (edited) 119-38 1993 Guarantors in China's Treaty Ports the Evolution of Employee Bonding Unpublished paper presented at the 34th International Congress on Asian and North African Studies, Hong Kong Mei, June 1979 Socioeconomic Origins of Emigration Guangdong to California, 1850-1882 In Explorations in Economic History 7/4 451-73 Qing Xu Yuzhi xiansheng ruḥ zixu nianpu (Chronological autobiography of Xu Run) Reprinted in 1981 Quan, Hansheng 1972 Zhongguo Jingjishi luncong (Collected essays on Chinese economic ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g 39 Emile Ernest William Vogel had previously been an assistant in the large American firm of Russell and Co. After Mr. Hagedorn and Mr. Vogel dissolved their partnership, Vogel continued in business as Vogel and Co, until he left Hong Kong in 1881/82. E and J Meyer, Meyer and Co, Garrels, Börner and Co, Meyer, Alabor and Co, Meverink and Co, Rodatz and Co The firm of E. and J. Meyer was in operation by the year 1863. The 1866 Hong Kong Directory names the partners as Heinrich Constantine Meyer, Wilhelm Daniel Johannes Meyer (absent) and Otto Benecke. One of the assistants was G.C.F. Rodatz, who later went into business as Rodatz and Company. The same year the firm executed a deed of assignment of its assets to Frederick August Julius Menke and Albert Eduard Deetjen (GG 1 Dec. 1866). Heinrich Constantine Eduard Meyer later appears in 1891 as a partner in the firm of Meyer and Company. At about the same time as the firm of E and J. Meyer closed, the firm of Bahlmann and Company had financial reversals. It was dissolved. The liquidators were A. Letham and Adolph Meyer (DP 25 Aug. 1866). Adolph Emil Meyer is on the Hong Kong jury lists in 1865 as a clerk of (E. and J.) Meyer and Co., in 1866 as a merchant in Bahlmann and Co., in 1867 as an independent broker, from 1868 to 1871 as a merchant, and then successively with Meyer, Alabor and Co. and Meyer and Co. He died in March, 1884 at Hamburg, aged thirty-nine. His obituary states he was a partner in Messrs. Meyer and Co, Hong Kong (DP 9 May 1884). Johannes Alabor and Adolph E. Meyer entered into a partnership about the year 1873. In 1872, J. Alabor is listed as an assistant to A.E. Meyer, and from 1869 to that year he was an assistant in Schellhass and Company. The partnership between Meyer and Alabor, as Meyer, Alabor and Co., was dissolved in 1876 (DP 1 May 1876). Shortly after, Mr. Alabor opened an office in his own name (DP 1 July 1876) until the year 1880, when there must have been financial reversals, for he then became an assistant in the firm of Lammert and Co. He died in Hong Kong in May 1891, leaving a small estate of $1,500 (GG, H.K. Probate Calendar, 1891). The interest of Adolph Meyer was acquired after his death by Heinrich Constantine Eduard Meyer, of Hamburg and London. Johann Heinrich Garrels, who had become a partner about 1884, retained his interest in the firm. Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g 'Local Reactions to the Disturbance of "Fung Shui" on Tsingyi Island, Hong Kong, March 1978-December 1980', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 20, 1980 'Movement of Villages on Lantau Island for Fung Shui Reasons', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 3, 1963. 'Removal of Village for Fung Shui Reasons, Another Example from Lantau Island, Hong Kong', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 9, 1969 Ip Hing Fong, Emily, Feng Shui and the Walled Villages of Hong Kong, A Geographical Consideration, Hong Kong University M.Phil thesis, 1995 Kamm, John Thomas, 'The Fung-Shui of Kam Tin', The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 17, 1977 Lin Yutang, My Country and My People, Heinemann Ltd, 1936 Lip, Evelyn, Chinese Geomancy, A Layman's Guide to Feng Shui, Times Books International, Singapore, 1983 'Feng Shui for Business', ditto, 1989 'Feng Shui for the Home', ditto, 1985 Lo, Raymond, Feng Shui and Destiny, Tynton Press, England, 1992 Lung, David, Chinese Traditional Vernacular Architecture, Regional Council Hong Kong, 1991 'Fung Shui, an Intrinsic Way to Environmental Design with Illustrations of Kat Hing Wai in the New Territories of Hong Kong', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 20, 1980 Markert, Christopher, I Ching the No. 1 Success Formula, Aquarian Press, 1986 Mattock, Katherine and Jill Cheshire, The Story of Government House, Studio Publications, 1994 Miller, Hamish and Paul Broadhurst, The Sun and the Serpent, Pendragon Press, 1989 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g | 198 - Foreign Devils in the Flowery Kingdom, New York Harper, 1940 Cumine, Eric, Lunghua Cartoons, Cartoons of Camp Life A Souvenir for all Internees of Japanese During Occupation of Shanghai (privately printed in Hong Kong by the author, 1973) Cummins, J S, ed, The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete 1618-1686, Cambridge Hakluyt Society, 1962 Dabbs, Jack A, History of the Discovery and Exploration of Chinese Turkestan, The Hague Mouton, 1963 Daly, Emily Lucy, An Irishwoman in China, London Lane 1915 Darwent, Charles Ewart, Shanghai A Handbook for Travellers and Residents, 2nd edition, Shanghai Kelly and Walsh, 1920 (Taipei Reprint Ch'eng-wen Publishing) David, Armand, Abbé David's Diary Being an Account of the , translated and edited by Helen M Fox, Cambridge (Mass) Harvard University Press, 1949 (531/C6/949d) Davis, Sir John Francis, Sketches of China, partly during an inland journey of four months, between Peking, Nanking and Canton, London, Knight 1841 — The Chinese A General Description of China and Its Inhabitants, London Knight, 1844 Davies, Major H R, Yunnan, the link Between India and the Yangtze, Cambridge The University Press, 1909 (Taipei Reprint Ch'eng-wen Publishing) Day, Clarence Burton, Hangchow University, a Brief History, New York United Board for Christian Colleges in China, 1955 Dayer, Robert Albert, Bankers and Diplomats in China 1919-1925, the Anglo-American Relationship, London, Totowa, (NJ) F Cass, 1981 Dease, Alice, Blue Gowns. A Golden Treasury of Tales of the China Missions. Maryknoll, New York Catholic Foreign Mission Society of America, 1927 D'Elia, Paschal M, The Catholic Missions in China a Short Sketch of the History of the Catholic Church in China From the Earliest Records to Our Own Days, Shanghai Commercial Press, 1934 Denby, Jay, Letters from China and Some Eastern Sketches, London John Murray (Preface dated 1911) Demberger, Robert F. The Role of the Foreigner in China's Economic Development 1840-1949, in Dwight H Perkins, ed, China's Modern Economy in Historical Perspective, Stanford Stanford University Press, 1975, 1947 Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g 204 Hunter, Jane, The Gospel of Gentility, American Women Missionaries in Turn-of the Century China, New Haven Yale University Press, 1984 Hunter, W C. The 'Fan Kwae' at Canton, London Kegan Paul, 1882 (Taipei Reprint Ch'eng-wen Publishing) Hunter, William, Bits of Old China, London K Paul, French, 1885 Hutchison, James Lafayette, China Hand, Boston and New York Lothrop, Lee and Shepard, 1936 Hutchison, Paul, ed. A Guide to Important Missionary Stations in Eastern China Lying Along the Main Routes of Travel, Shanghai Mission Book Company, 1920 Hyatt, Irwin T, Jr, Our Ordered Lives Confess. Three 19th Century Missionaries in East Shantung, Cambridge (Mass). Harvard University Press, 1976 Ichiko, Chuzo, Political and Institutional Reform, Cambridge History of China, vol II, 375-415 Inglis, Brian, The Opium War, London Hodder and Stoughton, 1976 International Mission Council, Christian Education in China, A Study Made by an Education Commission Representing the Mission Boards and Societies Conducting Work in China, New York, 1922 Isaacs, Harold Robert. Images of Asia, New York and London. Harper and Row, 1972 Jesuits, Letters from Missions, The Travels of Several Learned Missioners of the Society of Jesus translated from the French in 1713, London printed for R Gosling, 1714 1 Johnston, Alan James, The Footprints of the Pheasant in the Snow, Portland Me Johnston, 1976, 1978 Johnston, R. F, From Peking to Mandalay, London John Murray, 1903 (Taipei Reprint Ch'eng-wen Publishing) Twilight in the Forbidden City, London Victor Gollancz, 1934 (Hong Kong Reprint Oxford University Press) Jones, Francis Clifford, Shanghai and Tientsin, With Special Reference to Foreign interests, London Oxford University Press, 1940 Kemp, Emily Georgina (b 1860), The Face of China. Travels in Eastern, Northern, Central and Western China, with Some Accounts of New School, Universities, Missions, New York Duffield and Co. 1909 Chinese Mettle, London and New York Hodder and Stoughton, 1921 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 178 Clarke resistance circle during the occupation. Another member of the group was Emily Hahn, later the wife of Charles Boxer. Relationships between this left-wing branch of the Guomindang, with their strong Communist connections, and key figures in the British establishment may shed more light on the relations between the British and the Communists. When the War Office authorised the creation of a Chinese Machine Gun Unit, it pondered where the men for this group would come from. Who did they call on for advice? None other than Rewi Alley, the journalist who had lived in Yenan and knew the Chinese Communists well.xxii He even went so far as to suggest that the War Office consult a Communist guerrilla leader from the north on setting up the unit, and recruiting men from China. This was tantamount to establishing, in Hong Kong, a unit of left-influenced fighters. Even more significantly, the unit was designed specifically to be a Chinese unit with minimal British input. The first batch of trainees were supposed to form an elite officer corps in what eventually might be an all-Chinese unit. The War Office was prepared to go along with this idea and detailed Chauvin, who had set up the wireless network, to organise the unit. This was in line with SOE's record of training and arming local men for a resistance and sabotage role, although the details of the training these men received is unknown, and officially they were a 'machine gun company.' By this stage, SOE had two separate guerrilla training units in China itself: the Danish Commando Company staffed by Danish businessmen under cover of Danish neutrality, and another force known as Mission 204, a much larger-scale and better-established organisation created to assist specifically in the Chinese war effort and operate in the hinterland of Shanghai. Chauvin was able to recruit and train fifty men for this Chinese battalion. Whether he used men with Communist leanings or men recruited through his contacts with KMT guerrillas is unknown. Photographs of the passing-out parade of the unit show that they were unusually tall men, possibly northerners. Unfortunately, they graduated from their training barely a week before the Japanese attacked. Just as war is an extension of politics, so is politics essential for the continuance of war. In a situation like Hong Kong, the political aspects of resistance were even more complex than in other places because of the proximity and the supremacy of China. No amount of intelligence gathering and sabotage skills would have counted without ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2003 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390 186 although for the first few years after their wedding, the family home remained in Suffolk while he went to sea. It was in the village of Hoxne that their eldest son Robert Benjamin was born in 1860 to be followed by Emily Ada in 1864. Young Samuel came along in 1866 after the family had moved to Framlingham and was given the second name Cornell. It would appear from an entry in Harriet Plant's New Ladies' Memorandum Book 1829 in which she recorded important family events, that Cornell was a family name, possibly the maiden name of her mother or Samuel's mother. One entry records a visit to Chedburgh, a village in Suffolk, by a Mr and Mrs TH Cornell. Whatever the origin, Cornell was the name by which he was known throughout his life both inside and outside the family. Cornell's younger brother Charles Henry was born in 1870 and it was not long after that time that the family moved to London and into a house in Tottenham. Perhaps this move away from the country into the big city came about as a result of Samuel Plant's promotion to becoming a ship's master. In 1881 he was in command of the Iron Ship Reigate, made of iron but powered by sail, for the trade with India. It so happened that the 1881 Census took place on the very day that Reigate was in Middlesbrough when, in addition to Captain and crew, those on board included Harriet Plant, the Master's wife, with Cornell and Charles, the Master's sons, all shown as passengers. But in truth, none of them were passengers - the 14-year-old Cornell had joined the ship for his first voyage while his mother and brother were there to see him off. The start of a life at sea The Reigate set sail from Middlesborough in early May, 1881 for the long passage round the Cape of Good Hope to Madras with no stops along the way. This was young Cornell's introduction to a life at sea and being a dutiful son, he spent some time every Sunday writing a few paragraphs of a voyage letter to his mother in strong, well-formed copper plate writing. It is a remarkably well written letter for a fourteen-year-old young man that now forms part of the Plant Archive at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. Although the letter is in good condition, the writing on one side of the paper occasionally obscures the writing on the other side but it is still clear enough to make a full transcription. The letter is almost 2,000 words long but the following extracts give some idea of the young man who wrote them and the dramatic events that he experienced. ================================================================================