RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g HON EDITOR of the period in later life in two well-known books entitled The 'Fan Kwae' at Canton before Treaty Days 1825-1844 (Kelly & Walsh, 1882 and 2nd edition 1911) and Bits of Old China, also published by Messrs. Kelly & Walsh at the same dates. C. Toogood Downing's The Fan-Qui in China (three volumes, London, Henry Colburn, 1838) is another well-known contemporary account. Extracts from the Letters * TO HIS SISTER, DATED CANTON, 12TH DECEMBER, 1835 My time here is fully occupied, I am glad to say. If sometimes rather too much so there's no great harm done; I assure you I have supped too full of the horrors of idleness in time gone by, to fret at hard work now. There are several circumstances in Canton life which agree with me very well—and these are just enhanced by contrast with its disadvantages. There is some interest too in the strange faces, browned and weather-beaten, of the ship-captains from Liverpool and London etc. who are lodged and boarded of necessity in our Hong here all the time their Ships are in the Port, so that Covers are laid every day for an indefinite number, and the whole Domestic Establishment in short is a Boarding-House with a Table d'hôte at 7 p.m. The comfort of this evil, is the sanctity with which folks' private-rooms are regarded—seeing that there is no privacy whatever elsewhere; and in my bedroom accordingly, I enjoy greater security and deeper seclusion than if I were a stranger in an Inn with boots and chambermaids and postboys to interrupt me whether I have business with them or no. Sundry persons who dislike the strict imprisonment of a Canton-life, venture out, of evenings, on the river, in wherries. As there is a barrier, a break-water, of some thousands of boats and river-crafts of the most unutterable forms and still more unmentionable characters, to break, bruise and burst through, before ten square feet of dirty water can be won free, this is not an amusement I have taken to; and fond as I used to be of it, I think I shall become more and more averse to experiments on the Canton River the longer I remain in China. Three Europeans have been drowned by accident since my arrival here, which is just an * * The text has been left in the writer's style. Additions and queries in square brackets are the Editor's. Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 170 BOOK REVIEWS to have visited twenty Asian countries; and while critics of later generations found some of his facts mixed with folk-lore and fable, his descriptions of community existence, family relationships, flora and fauna provided—and still provide exciting reading based on observations which the editor regards as both acute and just. These expeditions (in part commercial in part diplomatic) comprising fleets of the largest vessels then afloat, are chiefly significant, however, as unprecedented feats of naval organisation and navigation. In this, 'the Elizabethan age' of Chinese expansion, the Chinese excelled as fighters, traders, diplomats and navigators. Appendix 3 provides informative notes on Chinese ships and seamanship. The European of the time might have had more accurate charts, and such instruments as the quadrant, but the Chinese had long used the lead-and-line, the cross-staff and the compass, and they even made rough calculations of longitude ‘by noting the number of watches which elapsed during the run at a speed estimated from the time taken by the ship to pass a floating object'. But Cheng Ho's last voyage (1431-3) marked the end of the heroic age of maritime expansion. The Ming court lost interest in sea power and its imperial implications, and with this curious and sudden withdrawal from the dawning international order, the doors closed on a unique period of Chinese history. Mr. Mills has not been daunted by the complicated question of texts, and he compares and evaluates the various versions. His own translation is based on the definitive text established by the distinguished Chinese scholar Feng Ch'eng-chun, first published in Shanghai in 1935. Appendices contain a gazetteer of southern Asian place-names known to the Chinese in 1433, as well as an expert and fascinating commentary on 'the Mao K'un Map' which indicates the presumed courses of Cheng Ho's various itineraries. Here, an attempt has been made to identify all the names and legends, five hundred and seventy-seven in number. Formerly Puisne Judge of the Straits Settlements, the editor belongs to that select band of British administrators and proconsuls who were not simply colonial servants, but who in addition might be explorers or archaeologists or scholars of distinction. Only a scholar of great learning and infinite patience could have made this outstanding contribution to history. January, 1974. GERALD S. GRAHAM ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 83 * For example, Aeneas Anderson, A Narrative of the British Embassy to China in the Years 1792, 1793 and 1794, London, 1795. James Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, 4th edn., Hong Kong 1903. John Barrow, Travels in China, London, 1806. J.F. Davis, Chinese Miscellanies, London, 1865. C. Toogood Downing, The Fan-qui in China in 1836-1837, London, 1838. James Bromley Eames, The English in China, London, p. 82. Mary Gertrude Mason, Western Concepts of China and the Chinese 1840-1876, New York, 1938. + * See H. Kwok and M. Chan, "Where the Twain Do Meet", General Linguistics, Pennsylvania, Vol. 2, #2, 1972, pp. 63-82. K. Luke and J. Richards, "The Role of English: Status and Function", paper for RELC Conference held in Singapore, 1982. A survey on English Language Use in different fields is being undertaken in the Department of English Studies and Comparative Literature by K. Luke and K. Bolton with the aid of a research grant from the University. Findings should be published shortly. * Charles F. Hockett, A Course in Modern Linguistics, New York, 1965, pp. 393-423. Partial Listing: David Bonavia, The Chinese, London, 1981. J. Clavell, Taipan, London, Joseph, 1966. Noble House, London Hodder and Stoughton, 1981. Eric Cumine, Ways and Byways, Hong Kong, 1981. R. Elegant, Dynasty, New York, Fawcett Crest, 1977. Manchu, New York, McGraw Hill, 1980. R. Hughes, Borrowed Time, Borrowed Place, London, Deutsch, 1968. Maxine Hong Kingston, China Man, London, PAN, 1981. Woman Warrior, New York, Knopf, 1976. T. Mo, The Monkey King, London, Deutsch, 1978. Sour Sweet, London, Deutsch, 1981. Ian Steward, The Peking Payoff, Middlesex, Hamlyn, 1978. 10 In Webster we find this definition: 'enthusiastic, cooperative, enterprising, etc. in an unrestrained, often naive way.' Collins gives the definition: 'U.S. slang, excessively, or foolishly enthusiastic (c. 20th Century — pidgin English from Mandarin, Chinese kung work + ho together.) The Chinese morphemes involved would seem to be [gung] 'work' and [ho] 'together'. The term may well be pidgin English, as Collins suggests, since the expression [gung ho] does not in fact occur in Chinese. 11 * K. Luke and J. Richards, op. cit. **L. Bloomfield, Language, New York, 1933, p. 461. This is the O.E.D. spelling of the word derived from Chinese. In Hong Kong the word is usually written wui, reflecting the Cantonese pronunciation. Wu is used with this spelling as a technical term in the New Territories Ordinance. "The Stanford Dictionary of Anglicized Words and Phrases, compiled by C.A.M. Fennell, C.U.P. 1982. 15 A.J. Bliss, op. cit. 16 R.W. Langacker, Language and Its Structure, Some Fundamental Linguistic Concepts, New York, 1968, pp. 177-194. 17 Eric Cumine, Hong Kong Ways and Byways: A Miscellany of Trivia, Hong Kong, 1981, p. 177. Page 105 Page 106 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 58 D.A. GRIFFITHS AND S.P. LAU Lordship that the house in which he resided, (situated within the grounds alluded to), has been tendered to me for a Government House; I did not trouble your Lordship with this matter, being of opinion that the house in question, considering its locality and other circumstances connected with it, is totally unsuitable for the purpose." Following continued discussions with the Hong Kong Government, the Governor, Dr. Sir John Bowring, F.R.S., F.L.S. a botanist in his own right, wrote on August 14th 1855 to Lord John Russell asking for money from the Colonial Funds to establish “a Public Botanic Garden”. In addition, Bowring suggested that a house would be built for such a person (to be recommended by Sir William Hooker, Superintendent of Kew Gardens). Bowring stressed the commercial importance of the venture in the following passage: "The access we are now obtaining to the Chinese Empire itself, and to circumjacent countries, would enable me, with such an auxiliary, to render valuable services, not to science alone, but to the commercial interests. As associated with science, inquiries are constantly addressed to me on the subject of dyes, oleaginous matters, fibres for textile purposes, materials for paper-making, and other topics; which the presence of a Botanist would enable me more satisfactorily to answer. ++ The Governor continued; "Independently of which I might be able to render services to the Botanic Gardens in India, — to send useful plants and fruits to the mother Country and the Colonies, and generally to promote objects to which I cannot now personally attend,. . . Despite these overtures to London not much was done in Hong Kong to get the Botanical Gardens established, though various despatches in the form of Answers to Queries from Downing Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 142 They had little power, other than that of the strike or riot. Such power was to be met not by reason but by force. Such attitudes influenced the manner in which the Hongkong Government related to the Chinese community in the nineteenth century. The Telegraph editor implied that the Governor used threats because he was dealing with Chinese, that he would not have treated the Europeans so. The charge was that “he got out of his depth in a perfect torrent of assumed righteous indignation, because forsooth, a Chinaman had dared to speak in public against a galling ill-considered Government measure. Because a Chinese gentleman of the highest standing had the unparalleled audacity to object to being imprisoned and treated with all the indignities a clumsy policeman, dressed in a little brief authority, delighted to inflict on him for just taking a stroll in the cool of the evening, and because the above mentioned wicked and seditious Chinese arrogated to himself the right of thinking for himself like a man which the Government could not do if it tried — and because this celestial reprobate was so hardened in crime as to actually say what he thought with due moderation, for which under the circumstances, he should have had the highest credit as becomes a man who strives for the right and fights the cause of his unfortunate countrymen, and seeks to protect even the humble coolie from the tyrannical minions of the 'law!'” Having defended the right of the Chinese to speak out on public questions, and particularly praising the forthrightness and courage of Ho Tung, the editor poured his sarcasm on Hongkong officialdom. He called it “a self-satisfied Government of imported incubuses from the Downing Street Museum of Fossils and Antiquities,” that is, the Colonial Office. The editor had suggested that the Governor dared only to use threats against Chinese, not against Europeans. He further claimed that it would only be the Chinese who would be punished for their criticism of Government policies. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1993 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302 21 The third level of actions concerning face could be termed as face strategies. This is a set of actions at the technical level to produce effects accordant with the principles of facework. They have already been explored by some scholars. For example, Modigliani's (1971:20) facework index includes the following: (a) defensively changing the subject; (b) introducing information excusing the performance; (c) introducing redeeming or self-enhancing information; (d) minimizing failure by derogating the task; (e) denying failure; (f) fishing for reassurance. Another example can be found in a study on participants' face-saving behaviour in a singles dance. Eleven strategies have been listed; 1. Denial; 2. Re-definition; 3. Enhancing presentations; 4. Limiting involvement; 5. One-downing others; 6. Controlling visibility; 7. Withdrawal; 8. Avoidance; 9. Internalization; 10. Repair damaged self-esteem; 11. Change the self (Beik, 1977). These strategies focus on just one grid of the table of face behaviour (Table 1) In view of this inadequacy, Bond and Lee (1978) have found that people (Chinese students) not only try to save face for themselves, but also for those with whom they interact. Still, the other grids in the table are rarely explored. All the studies cited above use experiments to collect the data. They encounter the shortcoming of experimental designs. They cannot generalize their results to other settings because the results are obtained in a controlled condition instead of a total life condition. They cannot easily come to generalized terms for the strategies applied in facework from these experiment data. Despite this, they shed light upon research on face. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g 199 Dewey, John and Alice Chapman Dewey, Letters from China and Japan, New York Dutton, 1920 Dictionary of Ming Biography 1368-1644, edited by Carrington Goodrich, et al, New York Columbia University Press, 1976 Dingle, E.J., Across China on Foot, Bristol Arrowsmith, 1918 (Taipei Reprint Ch'eng-wen Publishing) Dobell, Peter, Travels in Kamchatka and Siberia, with a Narrative of Residence in China, London H. Colburn and R. Bentley, 1830 Donne, G.H., Generation of Giants. The Story of the Jesuits in China in the Last Decade of the Ming Dynasty, Notre Dame University of Notre Dame Press, 1962 Donovan, John F., The Pagoda and the Crows, the Life of Bishop Ford of Maryknoll, New York Charles Scribner, 1967 Downing, C. Toogood, The Fan-qui in China in 1836-7, London Henry Colburn, 1838 (Shannon Reprint, Irish University Press) Dyce, Charles M., Personal Reminiscences of 30 Years Residence in the Model Settlement, Shanghai 1870-1900, London Chapman and Hall, 1906 Eames, James Bromley, The English in China, London Curzon Press, 1909 (New York Reprint Barnes and Noble) Earl, Lawrence, One Foreign Devil (on Mary Ball. A Medical Missionary in North China), London Hodder and Stoughton, 1962 Edkins, Jane Rowbotham, Chinese Scenes and People, London Nisbet, 1863 Edwards, Dwight W., Yenching University, New York United Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia, with a sequel by Y.P. Mei on Yenching in Chengtu, 1959 Elliot, Robert, Views From the East, London I. Fisher, 1835 Ellis, Sir Henry (1777-1855), Journal of the Proceedings of the Late Embassy to China, Comprising a Correct Narrative of the Public Transactions of the Embassy, of the Voyages to and From China, and of the Journey From the Mouth of the Pei-Ho to the Return to Canton, 2nd edition, London J. Murray, 1818 Enders, Elizabeth Crump, Swinging Lanterns, New York Appleton, 1923 — Temple Bells and Silver Sail, New York Appleton, 1923 Englishman in China, The, London Saunders, Otley, 1860 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2003 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390 40 military forces of the Crown, afloat and ashore. Taking these in turn, starting with the pilots who took foreign ships into the Macau Roads and up the river to Whampoa, we can examine their several duties, and - if we can find contemporary descriptions to suit - even their persons and characteristics. The outside and inside pilots Despite the existence of various sailing guides, the masters of ships sailing to Macau normally took on a pilot once arrived among the islands off the coast of China at this point. There were the "outside" pilots who took vessels into Macau Roads, and the "inside" ones who took merchant vessels on to the Whampoa anchorage. The former were stated to be ‘a very simple, well-meaning race of people, who get their living by fishing, when they have finished their pilotage.' After describing their simple dress and shoeless condition, Dr. Downing added, "They are supposed to know the depth of water in the different channels, with the times of the changes of the tides, but very little trust is reposed in them, and they are not educated and sworn-in for the office.'44 There was a reason for this, to us, rather odd state of affairs. The "outside" pilots were not necessarily the registered ones. As another reliable contemporary source has it, 'The pilots' names were registered at an office near Macao; and all who were licensed paid the sum of six hundred dollars. The person who took out the licence sometimes knew nothing about ships or the river; but in such cases he employed fishermen to do the duty."45 Whilst a ship was being conducted into Macau Roads, the pilot-boat would take in letters and despatches for China and would bring back the "inside" pilot, "without whom and his chop [a permit] the vessel cannot proceed up the river.'46 These "inside pilots" were a different class of people, 'properly educated and examined as to their knowledge of the management of European craft, with the depth of water and direction of the currents in the river.' Downing has left us this amusing picture of the "inside" pilot who was to take his ship up the river. 'He seemed to consider himself of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2003 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390 53 * Giles, Glossary, op.cit., p.57. 44 Downing, C. Toogood (1838). The Stranger in China, or The Fanqui's Visit to The Celestial Empire in 1836-7. Philadelphia, Lea & Blanchard, 2 vols., Vol. I, pp.9-10. A diary kept on a French ship in 1779 tells of an "outside" pilot boat from Macau, whose five occupants spoke a kind of corrupt Portuguese. Charles de Constant (1939). Recit de Trois Voyages A la Chine 1779-1793. Passages chosen and annotated by Philippe de Vargas. Published by L'Ami, Revue Mensuelle, Yenching, Peking.. 45 46 Davis, The Chinese, op.cit., (1836 edition, London, Charles Knight), Vol.II, p. 447.. Downing, The Stranger in China, op.cit., Vol.I, p.10. * Ibid., Vol. I, p.27. 48 Morse, International Relations, Period of Conflict, op.cit., p.74 Davis, The Chinese, op. cit., (1836 edition, London, Charles Knight), Vol.II, p. 449. 50 Ibid., Vol. II, pp.448-9. 51 Morse, International Relations, Period of Conflict, op.cit., p.74. 32 China and the English (1835). New York, p.73. Written for Abbott's Fireside Series. 53 Ball, Rambles in Eastern Asia, op. cit., p.99. 54 Abbott's Fireside Series, op.cit., p.73, 55 A striking instance is given in Wei Peh T'I (1981). Juan Yuan's Management of Sino-British Relations in Canton 1817-1826, The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, (hereafter JHKBRAS), Vol. 21, pp.153-5. Pidgin English has been described succinctly as being 'a singular admixture of corrupted Portuguese, English, Hindustani, and other foreign words spoken largely in a Chinese syntax': Chang, Commissioner Lin, op.cit., pp.235-6, n47. For a recent detailed statement on Pidgin, see Selby, Anne and Stephen (1995) ================================================================================