RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 205 12 On this particular type of tenancy, see John Kamm, "Two essays on the Ch'ing economy of Hsin-an, Kwangtung Province”, JHKBRÁS 1977, pp. 55-84, and James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, 1850-1911, Folkestone, Kent, England, 1977, pp. 50-53. 13 Ints. Mr. Wong 22.6.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Cheung Kau 26.6.81, Mr. Cheung 26.6.81, Mr. Cheng Yung 10.7.81, and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81; Hugh D.R. Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, Guildford and London, 1968, p. 172. 14 Father Sergio Ticozzi, 12.5.81, quoting from Giovanni B. Tragella, Le Mission Estere di Milano, Nel Quadro Degli Avvenimenti Contemporanli, Milan 1950-1963, vol. 1, pp. 274-275, vol. 2, pp. 85, 89, and 314. Int. Father George Carusso, 20.5.81. 15 Ints. Mr. Lok Tak K'ei 17.7.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, and Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. 10 Int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. Mr. Yau's term for "moorage inlet" was "siu wan t'au". Cf. also the type of market James Hayes refers to as "coastal market centres" in his Hong Kong Region, p. 37. 17 Documents on this case are included in Kuan T'ien-p'ei, Ch'ou-hai ch'u-chi (1836, n.p., Taipei reprint, 1968) 2/26a-33a, 56a-74a, 80a-99b. Kuan was Naval Commander-in-Chief for Kwangtung from 1834 to 1841. C. Fred Blake, in Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, Hawaii, 1981, p. 46 note 8, states "Lung Shuen Wan was a traditional outpost for the Chinese imperial navy's regulation of eastern approaches to the Pearl River. I wonder if perhaps Lung Shuen Wan was the original 'coastal market centre' in this area?" Elsewhere (loc. cit. and p. 95) he points out that the Lung Shuen Wan Tin Hau Temple retained the patronage of the Pak Kong and Sha Kok Mei villagers, despite the greater convenience of the Tin Hau Temple within Sai Kung Market. 18 These are figures of shops as registered in the Block Crown Lease (DD215, DD224). It is more than likely that these were shop spaces rather than shops, and in the event that a shop might take up more than a shop space, there were fewer shops in Sai Kung and Hang Hau in the early 1900's than noted here. For comparison, in 1905, Yuen Long had only seventy-four shops and Tai Po Market twenty-three large and fifteen small ones. See James Hayes, Hong Kong Region, p. 36. 19 Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, Father George Carusso 20.5.81, Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81. 20 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81. 21 Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mrs. Foo, née Lei, 28.6.81. 22 Mrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81. Mr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81 of Taai Fung Nin (opened c. 1933) in Sai Kung Market remembered that the shop used to slaughter a pig each day to sell to the boat people. 23 Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shou 19.6.81. 24 Mr. Hoh King 6.5.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81. Mrs. Lei used to obtain piglets from Kam Lei Loi in Sai Kung Market. It took six to seven months to fatten them, and two dollars to have each pig carried back to Sai Kung Market. She also had rice and pig feed (chiefly rice husk) from Kam Lei Loi on credit. Kam Lei Loi was a butcher's cum general store, where her husband worked. 25 According to Mr. Yau T'aam Shang, 15.5.81, the interest rate in Sai Kung Market was 5 cents per dollar per month, i.e. 60 percent per annum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS 9 These are the wooded valley running down from Lantau Peak through Luk Wu to Tai O, the wooded area around Lo Wai to the north of and above the new town of Tsuen Wan, and the oldest of all, the easterly wooded slopes of the hill known to foreigners as Castle Peak. (Plate 2) Buddhist temples can also be established by a monk wishing to set up an establishment of his own to earn credit. The usual pattern would be first to open a small temple consisting of a Buddha Hall, a living room and kitchen. As others join him, if of course they do and if the temple retains its popularity, so the establishment will thrive and grow. However, should he die prematurely, his establishment usually dies with him. Buddhist monasteries, nunneries and temples usually follow a pattern based on the origins of the monk who first founded or organized the establishment. Hence, a monk from Shandong will reflect his provincial background in the organization and iconographical features of the establishment. Buddhists rarely have simple temples. Whereas traditional folk religion temples consist of a single storey, monasteries tend to have an upper and lower hall. Buddhist and Daoist monasteries and temples may best be described as being a series of "boxes" which, unlike a very high proportion of traditional temples, do not need to be symmetrical. They tend to run to complexes with their numerous rooms and halls, separate buildings and shrines, each housing one or more images. In each devotional hall the main sanctuary or altar which holds the image or symbol of the deity (or in the case of the Halls of Long Life and Rebirth, the spirit tablets) serves as the focal point of devotions and rites. Some monasteries and a few temples have a separate hall dedicated to the Ten Judges of the Underworld (with Di Zang Wang on the main altar) or the Eighteen Luohan (the disciples of the Buddha Sakyamuni). There are, in addition to the devotional halls, monks' and nuns' quarters, kitchens, visitors' halls, refectories, study rooms, reading and meditation halls. Many small images are to be seen in each, though they are not always Buddhist. The occasional state religion cult hero or folk religion deity may be seen usually donated by a not too discriminating devotee. Abbots rarely refuse an image, particularly if it is accompanied by a donation to the establishment. *路盧遮那寺 in Lo Wai. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 18 KEITH G. STEVENS main altar, with a further three altars down the side walls. In the centre, a long altar divides the upper part of the hall from the lower. A side hall to the west, dedicated to one goddess, is also used as a workshop for the construction of paper items to be burnt in ceremonies for the dead. Behind this side hall is a courtyard beyond which is a separate hall containing three more altars. To the east of the main hall is a secondary hall, dedicated, not altogether surprisingly even in a traditional temple, to the Buddhist Trinity. This hall contains just the one large altar and behind it are the living quarters for the staff. Some traditional temples have had a secondary temple built alongside, as an annex or as a separate temple dedicated to a particular deity, and many traditional temples nowadays have had windows knocked into the outside walls, particularly into the rooms in which the keeper and his family reside. In villages and hamlets there are two types of temple. The first is the small, often single-room popular folk religion temple or shrine, of the kind we have described above, in which one or two major deities are depicted on the main altar. The second, the clan ancestral hall or temple, may be a comparatively large complex of halls and rooms, the main hall of which contains, by seniority, serried rows of ancestral tablets of the most senior members of the family, the public ancestors of each generation back twenty or more generations. Village temples, be they traditional folk religion or clan temples, are more than just religious establishments where prayers and offerings may be made. Side halls and rooms are used as the village storehouse for items like the old rice winnower, large tables and clan crockery*, as the village school, the games room and as the civic and medical centre. They also frequently are homes for one or two of the village needy. Most walled villages in the New Territories have a very small single-hall folk religion temple called a Shen Ting (神廳), dedicated to one of the national or local heroes (such as Guan Di or Hou Wang) situated in the north wall, facing south, and located at the opposite end of the main lane which bisects the village from the main gate. In most walled villages too, the Tu Di Gong (the Earth... * Lineage or village properties that can be borrowed by families on festive occasions. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 22 KEITH G. STEVENS columns, boards, boards bearing auspicious phrases, balustrades, roofs and lattice windows exactly like full-size temples (Illustration 16). Several wooden miniature shrines seen on lower decks of large sea-going junks were heavily ornamented and the carving exquisitely detailed. At the other end of the scale, soap boxes, painted red and upended, serve as the simple shrine of the less affluent household. Actual images of gods in homes are few, and their worship is very limited. Usually, there is just a framed print, and routine offerings consist of a daily incense stick burnt before the print with, in addition, a small offering of tea or rice on the first and fifteenth day of each lunar month. The majority of Chinese who have a household shrine display on their main altar the bodhisattva Guan Yin, who is, without a doubt, the most popular deity of Chinese everywhere. Most homes also have a second “altar”, the Kitchen or Stove God, whose title on a red board is hung up, or when written on a red paper is pasted up near the family cooking range. Shop or factory shrines usually stand or hang on walls at shoulder height, constructed of wood and painted vermilion. The majority of shop shrines contain plaques or prints of Guan Di as patron deity of merchants and Tu Di Gong, the Earth God. Those in fire stations and police stations bear prints of Guan Di in his role as the patron deity of loyalty. On days marked Chu (除)22 in the Almanac (i), old lady devotees offer prayers in the street before unpainted wooden boxes used as shrines. They are propitiating the demons who cause disasters, and are also attempting to change their luck for the better. They use one of their shoes to strike the "small men” (1-A) banging small figures of humans cut out of black paper and at the same time calling out in high-pitched voices for the demons to flee. The voice is pitched particularly high when calling back the roaming soul of a sick child (the absence of the soul being the cause of the sickness). Apart from modern concrete decorative structures in places like the Tiger Balm Gardens and on the foreshore of Repulse Bay, there is only one pagoda in Hong Kong or Macau. This is at Ping Shan, in the New Territories, and was built of stone blocks some three hundred years ago. Like other Chinese pagodas, it has little use other than to enshrine some sacred object, in this case, several images ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 30 KEITH G. STEVENS or halls.32 Nearly 70% of all nunneries are on Lantau island, whereas only 10% of the monasteries are; and three hundred and fifty-three temples and monasteries have resident staff. There are thirty-two temples in Macau, of which two are well-nigh derelict. Of the thirty-two temples, six are coastal, twenty-four are urban, and two rural. The majority of temples contain a mixture of Buddhist and folk religion images (no temples contain only Buddhist images), and the remainder contain only folk religion deities. Degrees of popularity of the major deities in temples and shrines The total number of temples dedicated to a specific deity throughout the two areas reflects the importance of that deity to devotees. In Hong Kong and Macau, forty-four different gods each have at least one temple dedicated to him (or her), whilst only seven gods have more than five temples to him (or her). The seven, in order of precedence (based simply on them being the main deity of a temple or monastery), are Tian Hou (seventy-eight) (*), Sakyamuni Buddha (thirty-nine), Guan Yin (thirty-eight), Guan Di (twenty-one), Hong Sheng (twenty), Bei Di, who is better known as the Northern Emperor, (ten), and Lu Zu or Lu Dongbin (seven). Although this gives only a very rough guide, the number of images of Guan Yin throughout Hong Kong and Macau vastly outnumbers those of Tian Hou. However, when the criterion is the number of temples in Hong Kong and Macau in which a particular deity is to be found (on any altar and not necessarily as the main deity), then the first five are Guan Yin, whose image appears in at least seventy-five temples, Tian Hou (114), Guan Di (88), Qi Tian Da Sheng (Monkey) (61), and Di Zang Wang (59). The Kitchen God, most frequently depicted by a reddish-orange paper pasted on the chimney above the stove, is the most common deity to be seen on the household altar, followed closely by Guan Yin, whose image, as we have noted, is also to be seen in 70% of all temples. The most common deities outside the home are Tu Di Gong, the Earth God (the local tutelary deity), in both urban and * The totals are not the number of images seen but the number of temples in which the deity is the main image in both Hong Kong and Macau. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS 33 14 Because of the exorbitant rents for such accommodation, temples in shop houses and flats in Hong Kong are few and far between. In Singapore and Malaysia, temples in shop houses are very common indeed, though they are becoming less so as the years pass and rents in urban areas rapidly rise. 15 Occasionally such a temple may be a converted private house, as in the many examples in Lo Wai village, Tsuen Wan, but more often it is a purpose-built but inexpensive hut. 18 Temples containing images of the Buddhist deities Di Zang Wang, Milofu, and Guan Yin are not necessarily specifically Buddhist, as all three of these deities nowadays are also extremely popular deities in folk religion temples. 17 Mahayana is Northern Buddhism and Theravada or Hinayana is Southern Buddhism. 18 "Illegal" is a Hong Kong term for buildings which have been built on Crown Land often by squatters without Government land control or planning permission, but which have been permitted to remain standing under sufferance. In practice, they are temporary structures put up without permission, occasionally ramshackle though more often they are well-built timber, weather-board, and corrugated iron buildings, clean and well-proportioned. (Illustration 17). Some have stood for such a length of time as to have been gradually converted to concrete and brick. All are labelled on the side in rough daubs of paint with the bureaucratic abbreviations and digits prefixed by "TEM" (= temporary) affixed by squatter control staff of the Housing Department. 19 Demons are well known to Chinese to be unable to go around corners and must travel in straight lines, hence these inner doors to prevent the demons from entering the temple. The inner doors originally were opened exclusively for influential people. 20 See also James Hayes' information at JHKBRAS 6 (1966): 129-130. 21 In overseas Chinese areas, this kind of large street shrine is still very common and, in Singapore alone, some four to five hundred exist in all kinds of nooks and crannies. For a Hong Kong example, see JHKBRAS 14 (1974): 203. 22 Chu is one of the 28 Constellations (= xiu). ** See pp. 111-113 of the Hong Kong Government's publication Rural Architecture in Hong Kong (1979) for this pagoda. 24 In Imperial times, such masts were always to be seen outside the local magistrate's yamen. 25 Chinese bells have no internal tongue clapper, being tolled by an external blow with a wooden mallet. 26 For the Evacuation of the Coast, see Lo Hsiang-lin and others, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842 (Hong Kong, 1963) Chapter VI. 27 For background, see Jen Yu-wen's article "The Southern Sung stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang" in JHKBRAS 5 (1965): 65-68. 28 Government action is through the Chinese Temples Committee, serviced by the Trust Funds Section of the Home Affairs Department. 29 Temples according to this Ordinance include Miao (廟), Si (寺), Buddhist and Daoist monasteries, Guan (觀) and Dao Yuan (道院), and nunneries An (庵). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 244 CHOI CHI CHEUNG Spring of 1662 the General gave him land in Uji to build the Temple. See “Fu Chin Hsien Chih Shu Lieh” (B) vol. 12, p. 14 (no date). 24 See a copy of the contract for a house in the underworld in the Appendix to this article. 25 26 Kulp, D.H., Country Life in South China, pp. 145-148. The Figure-maker of the Kyoto Chinese Ghost Festival is, however, a Japanese. 27 Several Japanese worked in the Kitchen, and two took care of the incense inside the Tao Ch'ang and other odd jobs like carrying things to burn etc. 28 See the document printed in the Appendix from the introduction to the Pang. 29 30 Plate 29. For the tablet in the "Ancestral Hall" see the drawing in the Appendix to this article. For the Ming-che see Plate 30. 31 Plate 31. 32 33 As shown, for instance in DK-NR. Plate 32. 34 See letter printed in the Appendix. 35 Personal interview, Oct. 13, 1982. 36 According to Li, in 1878, 357 Chinese lived in Kobe, 223 of them from Kwangtong and Kwangsi (Liang Kwang); 84 from Kiangsu, Chekiang, and Anhuai (Sankiang); and 50 from Hokkien. See Li Ta-shen, Shen-hu Ta-ban di Hau-chiao, May 15, 1943 (in the collection of the History Museum of the Kobe Chinese). Refer also to So Shi-sai, Fuku Sei no Pooru Unn, p. 12 ff. (unpublished thesis). 37 Kobe Chinese News, Sept. 10, 1977. Kansai Chinese News, Aug. 25, 1978; Sept. 25, 1979; Sept. 1, 1981; Oct. 1, 1982. Until 1978, it was reported that the worshippers were mainly Hokkienese. But, from 1979 it was changed to "Chinese worshippers from various places of Japan”. 38 On the one hand, the festival adopted elements that belong to the Japanese, such as: the interpretation of the ritual of Lantern Floating, the Japanese being the mediators, and Japanese was the medium for interdialect group communication. On the other hand, if compared with the Ghost Festival in Uji, Kyoto, the latter is a purely Hokkienese festival. The organizers were Hokkienese, and so were the worshippers. Moreover, the Hokkienese themselves, not the Japanese priests performed the Reporting ritual at the Kyoto festival; there, Hokkienese, not Japanese, was the language for communication. Because of the primary identification or origins, the festival in Kyoto serves more social functions that do not appear in the Kobe festival, e.g. entan (to talk and arrange for marriage). The Ghost Festival in Kyoto is thus one of the 3 main yearly gatherings of the Hokkienese in Japan. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1988 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q 43 Harkness. Ruth, The Baby Giant Panda, New York: Garrick and Evans, 1938. 1 Hu Jin Chu, "Daxiongmao kao” [On giant pandas], Sichuan Kejibo 24 (Sichuan Journal of Science and Technology) 103 (3 July, 1980). Kang Chingliang and Bi Fengzho, "Wolong qu-wen" (Interesting tidbits from Wolong), Sichuan Linyebao (Sichuan Forestry Ministry News), 254, 255, 256, (22, 25, 29 October, 1980). Morris, Romona and Desmond, The Giant Panda (1966), revised by Jonathan Barzdo, London: Macmillan, 1981. Pei Wenzhong, "Daxiongmao fazhan jianshi” (An outline of the development of the giant panda), Acta Zoologica Sinica 20:2:188-190 (June, 1974) Roosevelt, Kermit, "The Search of the Giant Panda“, Journal of American Museum of Natural History XXX:3-6 (New York, 1930). Sage, Dean Jr., "In Quest of the Giant Panda”, Journal of American Museum of Natural History XXXV:309-320 (New York, 1935). Sung edition of the Thirteen Classics, 1816 edition. Synthesis of Books and Illustrations of Ancient and Modern Times, first printed in 1722. Sowerby, Arthur de C., "The Pandas or Cat Bears", China Journal of Science and Arts 17:6:296-299 (Shanghai, 1932). "Hunting the Giant Panda", China Journal of Science and Arts 21:30-32 (Shanghai, 1934). "A Baby Panda Comes to Town", China Journal of Science and Arts 25:6:335-330 (Shanghai, 1936). + Wang Tsiang-ke, "Guanyu daxiongmao zong di huafeng, dishe fengbu jichi yenhua lishe di tantao" (On the Taxonomic Status of Species, Geological Distribution and Evolutionary History of Ailuropoda), Acta Zoologica Sinica 20:2:191-201 (June, 1974) + Zhu Jing and Long Zhi, "Daxiongmao di xingshuai" (“The Vicissitudes of the Giant Panda"), Acta Zoologica Sinica 29:1:93-104 (March, 1983). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 40 Dean. Kenneth “Revival of Religious Practices in Fujian: a Case Study in Pas. Julian F. (ed.) The Turning of the Tide: Religion in China Today (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society & Oxford Univ. Press, 1989), 72. 4 Mr. Pang Cheng-chuen (Peng Zheng-chuen), interviewed by author, Fanling, Dec. 30. 1990. P Dean. 54. A student of the University of Hong Kong told me on Feb. 3, 1991 that he saw, by chance, a Jiao festival in 1990. He could not recall the exact date and location. However, he was very sure, from the celebrating flower boards, that it was a Jiao festival. K Ibid., 776. Liu Zhi-wan, Taibeishi Songshan qi an jian jiao jidian, Institute of Ethnology Academia Sinica Monograph, no. 14, (Taipei: The Institute, 1967). Besides Liu, the research team from the Academia Sinica included Song Lung-fei and Xu Jia-ming. Song's paper concentrated on aspects of folk architecture and decoration while Xu focused on the economic and social aspects. See Song Lung-fei "Song-shan jian jiao jiao tan jianzhu di zhuan shi Yi shu" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 25 (1968): 157-217; Xu Jia-ming: "Songshan jian jiao yu shequ" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 25 (1968): 109-153. 4 Li Zian-zhang. "Daojiao jiaoyi di kaizhan yu xiandai di jiao” Sinological Researches 5 (1968): 261. Ibid., p. 201. Saso, Michael R., Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (Washington: Washington State Univ. Press, 1972), 34. Law, Joan & B.E. Ward, Chinese Festivals (Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1982), 83. Okada, Yuzuru, Kiso Shakai (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1949). See Brim, John A. “Village Alliance Temples in Hong Kong" in Wolf. A.P. (ed.) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1974), 93–103; and Suenari, Michio "Sonbyo to sonkyo: Taiwan Hakka shuraku no jirei kara” [Village temple and village boundary: a case study of the Hakka communities in Taiwan] Bunka Jinna Gaku [Cultural Anthropology] (1985) 2:255-260. 15 Ueno, Hiroko, "Taiwan nanbo no osho to sonraku: Tainanken hito saishiken no sonraku aida kankei" (Wang Jiao and villages in southern Taiwan: worshipping area and village relationship] Bunka Jinriú Gaku 5 (1988): 64-82. + Taylor, W.A. "The Spirit Festival" Bulletin of the Cheung Chau Bun Festival 1980 (Cheung Chau: n.p., 1980), 39-41. (reprinted from Wide World Magazine, Dec. 1953). The annual Cheung Chau Jiao festival is better known to westerners as the Bun festival because of the three tall "bun mountains" erected at the ritual area. The festival is the most studied Jiao festival in Hong Kong probably due to the fact that (1) the island is comparatively easy to get to, (2) it is celebrated every year and (3) it is widely publicized by the Hong Kong Tourist Information Bureau. Besides Tanaka's accounts (see note 36), see also Jonathan Chamberlain and Ian Lambot's photographic account. The Bun Festival of Cheung Chau (Hong Kong Studio Publications, 1990). דן I owe my interest in the Jiao festival to Prof. Ward who first introduced me to Jiao festivals in 1980. She then suggested that I participate in the Jiao festival in Kau Lau Wan. K Law & Ward, 83-84. Hayes, James W., The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes (Hong ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 54 - preferred not to enter government service. He was a contemporary of Hong Liangji on the personal staff of Bi Yuan. Ling excelled in phonetics, textual criticism, the Classic of Rites, including music, as well as astronomy and mathematics both the Chinese and Western tradition. He was asked by Ruan Yuan to tutor his son Ruan Changsheng (adopted 1793, d. 1833). It was Ling who brought the excitement of the Tian yi ge collection to Ruan Yuan's attention. Ling, with Li Rui and Jiao Xun, had worked on the chou ren zhuan from the beginning. His own manuscript, Li jing shi li (Exposition on the Classic of Rites), 13 juan, was edited by and printed by Ruan Yuan after Ling's death. His prose, Jiao li tang wen chỉ [Collected prose of Ling Tingkan], 36 juan, first printed in 1812, has been useful in research on Ruan Yuan as well. Zhang Jian (1768-1850) was one of the scholars who had been associated with Ruan Yuan from the beginning of the latter's official career until after his retirement. Zhang had served on the personal staff of Ruan Yuan, together with Yang Fenghao (1755-1816), Shi Guochi, and He Yuanxi (1766-1829). As a scholar, Zhang worked on various compilations, such as the Jing chỉ zhuan gu, and lectured at the Gu jing jing she. He was more useful to Ruan Yuan in his government, however. Zhang was best known for his expertise on sea transportation of tribute grain. It has been understood that Ying-he's famous memorial on sea transportation was based on Zhang's work. Zhang edited Ruan Yuan's papers on famine relief (in Ying zhou bi tan) and Liang Guang yen fa zhi [Salt Administration of Guangdong and Guangxi]. Zhang also supervised the compilation of Ruan Yuan's nian-pu, Lei tang an zhu di zu ji. Liu Wen chi (1789-1856) of Yangzhou had studied under Bao Shicheng at Mei hua Academy. He was a nephew of Ling Shu (1775-1829), another scholar who had been close to Ruan. Liu was of a younger generation of scholars who had not known Ruan Yuan in his heyday. Being a neighbour, however, he had corresponded with Ruan Yuan before the latter's retirement in 1838. In 1837, Ruan wrote a preface to Liu's work, Yang zhou shui dao ji. Ruan Yuan in retirement was an important figure in Liu's diary and they worked together on several works including a new printing of a Song-Yuan edition of a prefectural gazetteer of Zheng jiang, for which Liu wrote a preface in Ruan's name (1843). Liu recorded that he had written prefaces to several other works for Ruan Yuan, as the latter grew more + ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 60 Governor-General of Yunnan & Guizhou Kunming 2A 1816-1835 Assistant Examiner of Metropolitan Exam Beijing 1833 Assistant Grand Secretary Kunming 1B & Peking Grand Secretary in charge of Board of War Beijing 1A 1835/3 Acting President of the Censurate Beijing 1835/10 Reader, Palace Examination Beijing 1836 Senior Professor (Hanlin Academy) Beijing 1836 Appendix 2 Ruan Yuan's Major Works and Compilations Kao gong ji ju zhi tu jie 考工記車制圖解 Shi qu sui bi 石渠隨筆 Yi li shi jing kan ji 儀禮石經校勘記 Shandong xue zheng Ruan Yuntai shi tong sheng shu mu 山东学政阮芸台示童生书目 Shan zuo shi ke 山左石刻 Jingyin dao ren zhuan 淨因道人傳 Yunfeng zhi bei tu 云峰志碑图 Zhejiang shi ke 浙江詩課 Chong xiu piao zhong guan ji 重修剽中观记 Xiao cang lang bi tan 小滄浪筆談 Shan zuo jin shi zhi 山左金石志 Huai hai ying ling ji 淮海英靈集 Liangzhe yu xuan lu 兩浙輶軒錄 Ceng zi shi pian zhu shu 曾子十篇註疏 Wei yu shu shi sui bi zhu 魏餘蔬食隨筆注 Zhu cha xiao zhi 竹姹小志 Jing ji zuan gu bu yi 經籍纂詁補遺 Di jiu tu shuo 地球圖說 Guang ling shi shi 廣陵詩事 Chong xiu Hui ji Da yu ling miao bei ji 重修惠济大禹陵庙碑记 Ding xiang ting bi tan 定香亭筆談 Chong jian Yangzhou hui guan bei ming 重建扬州会馆碑铭 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 62 Yun nan tong zhi gao 雲南通志稿 選平樂府重建聖廟碑記 Xuan Ping lo fu chong jian sheng miao bei ji Ta xin shuo 塔性說 San jia shi bu yi 三家詩補遺 Wen xuan lou shu cang shu ji 文選樓書藏書記 Ba zhuan yin guan ke zhu ji 八轉吟館刻記 Bu bi tu shi 布幣圖識 A4 Ruan shi Chi gu zhai Han tong yin te 阮氏積古齋漢銅印得 Wen xuan lou cang bei 文選樓藏碑 Ruan wen da gong zhi shi hou jia shu 阮文達公致仕後家書 Han shi jing can zi 漢石經藏碑 Lang huan xian guan shi Ruan wen da gong zhi shi hou jia shu 阮文達公致仕後家書 Lun yu lun ren lun 論語論仁論 Meng zi lun ren lun NOTES Arthur F Wright, "Values, Roles, and Personalities” in Confucian Personalities, edited by Arthur F Wright and Denis Twitchett (Stanford 1962), 11 Ibid., 4 See Appendix 1 chronology of Ruan Yuan's government appointments and Appendix 2. Ruan Yuan's major works and compilations 4 Lyn Struve, "The Hsu Brothers and Semi-official Patronage of Scholars in the K'ang-hsi Period", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42-231-266 (1982). R Kent Guy, The Emperor's Four Treasuries. Scholars and the State in the Late Ch'ien-lung Era, Harvard, 1987 Guy has inscribed "We await Ruan Yuan" on the front piece of my copy of his work Struve, 231 The three Xu Brothers were Xu Qian xue (1631-1694), Xue Bing yi (1633-1711), and Xu Yuan wen (1634-1691) Other officials who were patrons of scholars included Ye Fang ai (1629-1682), Song De yi (1622-1687), and Yu Guo zhu (d ca 1688), Struve, 232-239 7 Guy, 52 Guy had neglected to include the group Ruan Yuan had organized at the Gu Jing Jing she in Hangzhou earlier. A number of scholars from this group had followed Ruan throughout his official life from the late 1790s to the late 1830s for over 40 years I have opted to keep the Wade-Giles transliteration of the Guy original 8 Wang Jun-yi, “Kang Qian sheng shi yu Qian Jia xue pai — jian lun Qian Jia xue pai di liu pai ji chi ping jia" 清代乾嘉學派的流派及其評價 Qing shu yen jiu 4 342-366 (Beijing, 1986). Unless otherwise indicated, all translations into English in this paper are made by me 9 Qian Mu, Zhong guo jin san bai nian xue shu shi [A history of Chinese learning during the past 300 years], (Taipei edition, 1976), 478 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 10 [bid || 63 &£#* (The He You sheng, "Chen Lan Fu di xue shu ji chi yen yuan" [learning of Chen Lan Fu and its origins], Gu Gong Wen xian 2.4 (Taipei, 1971), 1-19. He's study on Ruan Yuan can also be found in "Ruan Yuan di jing xue ji chi zhi xue fang fa" [Classical scholarship of Ruan Yuan and his education policy], Gu Gong Wen xian 2:1:19-34 (1970). 12 Liang Chi chao, qing dai xue wen gai lun [A discourse on Qing learning], (1921, Taipei Commercial Press reprint, 1975), 22 13 Xiao Yi shan, ging dar tung shi [History of the Qing dynasty], (1935, Taipei Commercial Press reprint, 1976), 11 717. 14 Hu Shi, Dai Dong yuan di zhe xue [The philosophical studies of Dai Zheng], 138. 15 This is the only work of Ruan Yuan's that I have not been able to find. It was never printed because Ruan Yuan was not satisfied with the draft. The manuscript had been kept with Ruan Yuan's papers in his lifetime and subsequently disappeared. There was no indication whether it perished in the fires that destroyed the Ruan residence in Yangzhou in 1843, or that which burned down his studio, Wen xuan lou, in 1935. 16 Ruan Yuan himself, as well as contemporary and modern scholars, complain often of the many errors in this edition. Ruan Yuan gave the excuse of not having had time to proofread the manuscript himself. In fact, he had been receiving admonitions from the Jiaqing Emperor at that time that he was expending too much time and energy on scholarly activities instead of concentrating on the affairs of state. Gungzhong dang (Palace memorials) Jiaqing 017818 (1817/29). 17 This work was not printed during Ruan Yuan's lifetime, but is in Qing shi kao (Draft history of the Qing dynasty). 18 There are a large number of these biographies of individual scholars, not necessarily all Ruan Yuan, scattered throughout rare book collections in various libraries. Copies of the biographies are also among the Guo Shih Guan (Qing Historiography Office) documents in the National Palace Museum (Taipei). 19 For example, the Provincial Gazetteer of Fujian by Chen Shouchi, the Gazetteer of Yicheng by Liu Wenchi, and a new edition of the Gazetteer of the Prefecture of Yangzhou by Jiao Xun. 20 A contemporary print is in the collection of the Harvard-Yenching Library. 21 Struve, 233 22 Ruan Yuan, Ding Xiang ting bi ji [Informal notes from the Ding Xiang studio] 4:1b-2a. 23 [bid. 24 Ruan Heng, Ying zhou pi tan [Notes from Yingzhou] 1.4b; also Ruan Yuan, Yen jing shi ji [Notes written in the Yen jing studio] 11:8:8a. 24 Zhang Jian, et al, Let tang an zhu di zi ji [The life of Ruan Yuan as recorded by his sons and students] 1:19b. 26 The preface was dated 1804, but the work was not printed until later, in 1807 when the manuscript was finally acceptable to Ruan Yuan. 27 Preface of a work entitled Ji Gu Zhai Chong ding yi chi kuan shi, printed in 1853. A copy can be found in the Fu Ssu-nien Library of the Academia Sinica in Taipei. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1993 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302 Lectures: 1993 16 April 14 May 11 June 9 July 15 October 30 October 19 November 26 November 9 December 1994 21 January 18 February 11 March 21 March Chinese Opera Di S.Y Chan Growing Up in China Mr Denis Bray New Territories Poetry and Song Di Patrick Hase The Li Family of Hong Kong Mr Frank Ching Chinese Festivals in Hong Kong. Dr Patrick Hase based on video taken by Mr. Peter Lee Mult-culturalism and Asia Asian Arts Society of Australia Dr. James Hayes Emigration from Hong Kong Dr. Elizabeth Sinn Law as a Foreign Language Professor Derek Roebuck Triad Societies in Hong Kong Mr. Ip Pau-fuk William Mesney. Mr Keith Stevens Chinese Clothing An Illustrated Guide Mis Valery Garrett Eternal Serenity Meaning of Architecture of the Chinese Buddhist Monastery Di Puay-peng Ho Ancient Chinese Gold Dr Simon Kwan Crossing the Taklamakan Desert Mr Charles Blackmore Visits: 1993 3 April 2 May 22 May 5 June/September 25 June 3 July 30 September Exhibition of paintings by Nancy Woo - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University Jewish Cemetery Mer Yung Tang Collection of Paintings by Chan Dai Chien Chinese University Art Gallery Marine Police Headquarters in Tsim Sha Tsui (two visits) Japanese Tea Ceremony - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University Picnic and outing to Yuen Tun Village Civil Aid Services Camp, Tar Lam Chung Wo Hang Village to see making and letting off of paper balloons (Moon Festival) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1995 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g 53 tied. For the novice, or a less experienced, this can cause the wearer to faint. I have seen amateurs have their hats fall to the ground while on the stage, much to the amusement of the audience and dismay of the actor. In the light of these anomalies, you would ask why people still choose this career. This is attributed mainly to poverty. The young boys, on joining the school, already burned their bridges behind them because they cannot go back and tell their parents the hardship they have experienced and become a burden to the family. In spite of all these difficulties, quite a few do reach the top, like Di Mei Lan-tang and many others, who enjoyed international fame during their lives. The Social Position of the Theatrical People in China Under the feudal system in China, previous to the 1911 Revolution, the scholars class dominated, while the theatrical people were placed on the lowest rung of the social ladder, along with the barber, prostitute, worker in the bathhouse, and the cook. Their position in society was slightly better than the “untouchable” class in India. It is well known that in the Ch'ing Dynasty, candidates to the Imperial Examination, or any other literary examinations, must report the names and occupations of their ancestors for three generations from great grandfather down to the father. These applications had to be counter-signed by the Chairman of the Neighborhood Board of the district in which the candidate lived. They must state that none of these had ever worked in the five categories of trades listed above. False declaration would nullify the application and the applicant would never be allowed to sit again. What the punishment would be if detection occurred after success in examination is not known. The Imperial Examination was abolished in 1904. Another reason why people looked down on the theatrical people was because they were regarded, more or less, as homosexually inclined. Strange to say, in a Confucian society like China, homosexuality, like foot binding, was never condemned as unforgivable sin, as in the Western world. I guess that many of the actors had to compromise if they wanted to stick to their careers. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1995 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g 128 你將 你就 知 # 来你 支數上過一邊 米皮上埋一邊 Fig. 3. The Accounting example in Chinese As you can see, this is largely achieved in Pidgin with the verbs "put", "get", "pay" and "take". The technical terms "gon-da", an account, and "ba-loen-sı", balance are all that were needed. Indeed, in this context, the term ba-loen-sı is unusual, "Di-fa-loen-sı" is more commonly used. Much of the syntactic structure of Pidgin follows that of Cantonese; however, a significant departure from Chinese syntax is the handling of time and place. In the Chinese sentence, the conventional order of words is: time, place, action. In Pidgin, however, English structure is adopted, so that you get sentences like. mai go si hi dou-ma-la (tomorrow) (I shall go and see him) tik-gi daat ka-gou but yin-sai gou-dang (take those goods into the godown) Tong points out in a note that in standard English, there is a distinction between singular and plural noun forms, but that no such distinction exists in Pidgin. Nor was there any distinction in sentence structure between statements and questions. “hi hap go o-lit-dar” could be "He has already gone." or "Has he gone yet?" 此廣部打劑: 培在一字一數 分東媽 十月1日厘亞音傳話 别 正士 世話話如 Fig 4 Tong's explanation of the difference in singular & plural forms T ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1995 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g 說 番人亦有 如此之分 番如稔失 印則 但更俱 有三等之介 Bitt m FE E***S 129 Fig. 5. Tong explains the pidgin form of comparison of adjectives That is as far as we want to go in discussing the structure of Pidgin. As a last topic, however, we want to say something about the etymology of Pidgin. Over the years, a lot of effort has gone into tracing the history of certain Pidgin words, especially where the words have entered standard English. The mass of fresh material in Tong's book lets us throw a little new light, although we have to admit that, as with most attempts at etymology, a lot of guesswork is involved. Tong cites very many words derived from English, in which all syllables are represented quite fully, given the limitations of the language. To say, then, that the word "pidgin" itself originated just because that was the nearest that Chinese could get to pronouncing "business" is hard to accept. The same people who could say “di-fa-loen-si" could presumably have said “bi-si-nei-st", had they been so inclined. Our examination of the vocabulary in Tong brings us to believe that at the earliest stage there was a core of words derived not directly from English but from a variety of Portuguese, Malay, and English. These were then added to with a gradually more extensive vocabulary. We consider that the following should be included in the early layer: bi-jin, kam-sha, de-lam, se-lam, but-lam, si-bui-lum, gi-lam, go-lam, ma-si-gi, gou-dang, ka-gou, tik-gı, get-ji, dim, gat-ji, dim, waan-sam, jaau-jaau, chin-chin, jo-si, hu-man, mai, ma-sa, ma-jin, mat-sa, jap-jap, gu-lei, mun-ni, bai, sa-bi ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1996 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641 105 In the Southern Song period the first ancestor (“29th generation" in the Xus' genealogy, who lived, again, in Jiangxi Province, had the names of Er Shi Jiu (29) Lang, whose grandsons moved to Fujian “at the end of Song dynasty". The genealogy consistently includes langming designation only when more than one name is given for an ancestor. The first of such examples is a 39th generation ancestor. Although no date is given for him, he was probably a century earlier than a 43rd generation ancestor who lived during the Yongle years (1403-1424). Some segments of this Xu clan had ordination names, with the exception of about five consecutive generations during early Ming dynasty, during a period that spans about 20 generations ending in early Qing. Another Xu genealogy, related to the Xu clan above, using another system of numbering generations, named three ancestors in the 2nd, 3rd and 4th generations with ordination names, the last, a sorcerer/curer widely respected among his kinsmen even long after his death, lived between Wanli and Zhengtong (1436-1619). 65 For the period between Song and Yuan we have more examples. The Fourth Genealogy of the Hes of Shixing names many ancestors with ordination names; among the earliest were a Wu Lang who moved to Fujian from “[Jiang]Nan ji[di] Luzhou” sometime between the times of Song Jiezong (1086-1100) and Yuan Chengzong (1295-1307). I have already mentioned another genealogy of the He, in which the sons and daughters of the founding ancestor Weitai were all claimed to be “immortals”, at least four generations before an ancestor who moved between 1086 and 1307. L. Hade, to whom many genealogies of the Li surname trace, had several sons with ordination names, whose birth dates were given in one genealogy as 1329-1333. During the Ming the Yaos of Shixing Pingyang Tang had names in the lang style since the first ancestor named in the genealogy who lived near the end of Song. During the Ming there was an ancestor who had an ordination name designated as such, who moved to Shixing of Nanxiong in 1451. Similarly the Miaos had many names in the ordination name styles since their move to the present Guangdong province, with one for an ancestor who died around 1452 designated as such. New ordination names probably stopped being included in genealogies early in the Qing dynasty. I have already mentioned the case of the Xus. For this last period there were examples in several Hakka genealogies from the New Territories of Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1996 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641 113 always foretold by noise made automatically by a cane, presumably left by the monk, as if the uneasiness of the enlightened monk in the presence of his own folks continues even after his death."3 If the tradition of ordination was so persistent despite contact with "orthodox" Daoism and Buddhism, the sudden disappearance of the ordination names among ancestors from the 17th century, and the fact that the genealogist writing around the 1920s is apparently unaware of such practice, is all the more interesting. We may get hints from the genealogist who spent four pages to refute any connection of the lang names with priests/sorcerers. He lived between around 1856 to 1946, was appointed a jiaoshi (“professor”?) at the Jingshi Daxue (“Capital University”) of the Qing. Among the evidence he cited was that in his family that produced ten generations of scholar/bureaucrats it would have been an insult to accept ordination names from priests/sorcerers. He makes the point to prescribe omission of du (“ordination”) before the lang names in genealogies and spirit tablets, and adds di “number (")" before these names. One wonders if the opinion of people of such status as this genealogist would be sufficient to put a stop to the practice of ordination. But other genealogists mentioned above, some perhaps not so many decades before him, saw in those names indications that the ancestors had attained immortality. In any case, the opinion of this scholar/bureaucrat is a contrast to the sorcerer's view in which fangming and gongming were comparable as titles of prestige. Luo Xianglin, the Hakka scholar who wants the Hakka to be known as "Tarmei-scholars” and perhaps “farmer-nationalists” would not, similarly, want the Hakka to be thought of as “farmer-sorcerers". In a passage from the genealogy of the Lius explaining the two special styles of names among ancestors as given by “Daoists”, Luo inserted a note saying that "this is not correct, see the Genealogy of the Luos of Luobo ***. But, as I have already mentioned, the two Hakka scholars do not have to look further than the Guangdong Xinyu and the local gazetteers to see that the villagers' beliefs are not "fictitious", as they claimed. Moreover, the practice of ordination continued well into the 19th Century according to county gazetteers. The absence in genealogies of ancestors born in that period bearing ordination names probably reflects the fact that ordination continues but is no... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1997 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579 47 time included the Father and Mother, had been stolen and whilst only one of the original images of the Seven Sons has been recovered, new large images have been made of the others; meanwhile, large images of the two parents are awaiting donations before being carved. Handsome murals on the walls of the main hall of this same temple depict scenes from the lives of the Yang family, including one of Yang Yeh's wife being presented at court. An image of a subordinate general who served under the Yang's stands on a separate side altar though his name and details have now long been forgotten. In a temple complex in Ang Mo Kio in Singapore, recently relocated there by the State following the demolition of the original temple to make way for a new housing estate, the main altar contains images of the father and his seven sons, with the sons referred to as Marshal Yang 楊元帥, Yang the Second 楊二帥, Yang the Third 楊三帥 etc., or as Yang Erh Shih and Yang San Shih, etc. The temple keeper at first was uncertain whether the image of the father and the First Son were present but eventually decided that there were sufficient images to assume that they were. Two cult temples in northern China, one at Ku Pei K'ou in Hopei, some sixty or so miles north-north east of Peking and another across the Yellow River from Pao-te in northern Shensi, are both close to the Great Wall just inside China. Both temples have images not only of the father and mother but also of the eight sons, the two daughters and the wives of two of the sons. Images of the First, Second and Third Sons' have not been noted individually on their own altars in southern Chinese communities; however, images of the Fourth, Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Sons have all been identified by temple keepers, individually or in groups of Seven, with details listed below. The Fourth son, Yang Yen-hui and Yang Ssu Lang, Yang Ssu Yeh, as Yang Chi-yeh-di Ssu-tzu, Lif, known as Yang the Fourth, is also referred to as the Fourth son of Yang Chi-yeh. He is the main deity in a temple in Taipei where the only image of this son, alone, has been noted and where he is generally known as The Fourth Commissioner of Chin-hu. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 175 the Zhou dynasty and became the emperor of the new dynasty, the Zhou, and is known by his reign title of Wu Wang. The Book of History suggests that his army consisted in part or in the main of a central Asian race, the Western Yi. Zhou Xin is vilified as a moral degenerate under the spell of a wicked concubine, Dan Ji. The Shang were attacked and replaced as the dominant force in northern China by the Zhou just before the first millennium BC, having come from the west. They established their capital near present-day Xi'an. 6 The victor, Wu Wang [King Wu], passed on the title of Zhou Gong [Duke Zhou] to his brother, Dan, and also conferred the imperial title on his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather who had only been dukes when still alive. Zhou Gong was the paragon of literary China for some three thousand years, and it was he rather than his imperial brother who was the author of the Constitution of Zhou. When his brother, the emperor, died leaving a young son, court officials and the vassals assumed that Duke Zhou would usurp the throne and kill his nephew. He did nothing of the sort, and instead, it was the young king who at the age of nineteen stripped his uncle of his powers and forced him to live in exile in Shandong where he died a few years later. The deities described in traditional vernacular fiction, and in particular in the immensely popular novel the Fengshen Yanyi, are known to most Chinese, whereas the majority of those left out of the Fengshen Yanyi, apart from the major cult deities, have to all intents and purposes gone into limbo and are only known within small pockets of China or have been lost in the mists of time. Versions of the legend passed on orally often in local dialect, which frequently does not extend further than the extent of the dialect group, have numerous minor and occasionally major variations, whereas the written version was read China-wide in its 'established' state. So many heroes and worthies make their appearance at one stage or another that it is impossible to name them all. Some appear momentarily during one of the battles, others are recorded in several chapters, occasionally with different names or titles, such as the Northern Emperor [Bei Di] who is also known by his titles, Xuantian Shang Di, The Supreme Lord of the Dark Heavens, and Zhen Wu, The True Warrior. And in temples today, in all probability, he will be known by only one of these titles, with local devotees vigorously denying that an identical... Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g Carl Crow, 1883-1945 My friends, the Chinese. London: Hamish Hamilton. 1938. Fitzgerald, C. P., 1902- Communism takes China: how the revolution went Red. London: BPC, c1971. Franck, Harry Alverson Roving through Southern China. New York: Century, c1925. Geil, William Edgar A Yankee on the Yangtze: being a narrative of a journey from Shanghai through the Central Kingdom to Burma. New York: Eaton & Mains, 1904. Gottschang, Thomas R. Swallows and settlers: the great migration from north China to Manchuria. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, The University of Michigan, c2000. Gray, John Henry China: a history of the laws, manners, and customs of the people. London: Macmillan, c1878. 2 vols. Hobart, Alice Tisdale, 1882-1967 Oil for the lamps of China. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, c1934. Ho, Pui-yin. Dian di hua dang nian: Xiang-gang gong shui yi bai wu shi nian. Xiang-gang: Shang wu yin shu guan (Xiang-gang) you xian gong si, 2001. Ho, Pui-yin Water for a barren rock: 150 years of water supply in Hong Kong; [English translator, Lui Yuen Chung]. Hong Kong: Commercial Press, c2001. Honey, W.B. (William Bowyer) The ceramic art of China and other countries of the Far East. London: Faber, c1945. xlvi ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 65 should send a message to Li that he was sending a woman, his wife, to report as he himself was incapacitated. She would take with her lavish presents borne by a thousand soldiers all disguised as porters and women with their weapons concealed within the gifts. Everything went as planned and when Madame Xian and her entourage entered the city she gave the order to attack. The city was taken and a great victory achieved. Li abandoned Gaozhou and fled to Ningzhun. In the year of her husband's death the Chen Wu Di emperor rewarded Madame Xian by creating her nine year old son, Feng Pu, the Governor of Yangchun [Yangchun Taishou] with Madame Xian as his guide and mentor. summoned Feng Pu, the When, in AD 570, Ouyang He Yangchun Taishou, to Nanhai to entice him to join yet another rebellion, Feng Pu's first reaction was to inform his mother who advised him saying that having been loyal to the throne for three generations her son should not become involved. Then she, herself, led troops to attack Ouyang, captured him and sent him to Qiankang (present day Nanjing) where he was beheaded. The Chen emperor Xuan Di conferred the title of Xuan Hou on Feng Pu, reflecting his mother's loyalty and bravery. When Feng Pu died he left his three sons, Feng Sheng, Feng Huai and Feng An in the care of his old mother. In AD 588, the Sui emperor Wen Di planned to invade the Kingdom of Chen with a force of some half a million men concentrated in Jiangnan [the area south of the River (Yangze)]. Chen's defensive force was established in Lingnan with Madame Xian appointed commander by popular demand. She and her three grandsons were the great defenders of the Kingdom of Chen. Sadly, in the spring of 589 Jiangnan fell to the Sui emperor and the Chen emperor was captured. The Sui emperor asked the defeated Chen emperor to issue an edict to Madame Xian informing her that the destiny of a rule is decided in Heaven and that his kingdom had fallen. He ordered Madame Xian to submit to the Sui emperor and to serve him as loyally as she had the Chen dynasty. Enclosed with the edict was a rod made from a rhino horn which when examined by Madame Xian, confirmed that the Chen dynasty had in fact fallen. She agreed to surrender and peace returned to the area. In AD 589 Wang Zhongzhuan of Panyou rebelled and attacked ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 238 Dà chéng diàn Dàoguāng 大成殿 道光 di 帝 Dú shǐ cónggǎo 讀史存稿 Fányí 番夷 Fang Xing 方行 Fatsaan Fóshān Fùzǐ miào (see Foshan) 佛山 夫子廟 Gé Hóng 葛洪 Guandì 關帝 Guǎngdōng 廣東 Guangōng 關公 Guāngōng mínjiān zǎoxíng zhī yánjiù: 關公民間早型 之研究: yǐ Guāngōng chuánshuō wèi 以關公傳說為 zhōngxīn de kǎochá 中心的考察 Guangōng xìnyǎng 關公信仰 Guǎngzhōu 廣州 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 262 War in 218 AD between two of the Three Kingdoms [San Guo], between Sun Quan of Wu and Liu Bei of Shu, led amongst other things to the capture of the city of Qingzhou. One of Liu Bei's generals, Guan Yu, hurried south to defend the city but was ambushed, captured and decapitated by Sun Quan after he refused to change sides. Guan was later deified as is now the immensely popular deity, the Patron of Uniformed Bodies and is known as the God of Loyalty, Guan Di. Thus, the founder of Zhenjiang had the distinction of slaying the consequent Patron deity of Soldiers, Firemen and Detectives and the second most popular god on Chinese popular religion altars. In the first years of the 6th century AD the first emperor of the Liang dynasty, Wu Di, who was renowned for his support of Buddhism and the Buddhist clergy, visited Zhenjiang. He had been visited by a divine monk in a dream who urged Wu Di to institute a great fast in order to rescue all sentient beings from the miseries of their existence. The Emperor ordered a new monastery to be built at Tse Hsin [Zexin], known today as Jin Shan to accommodate the Congress held in AD 507, and for centuries within the monastery there was a building known as the Hall of Liang Wang. This tradition is at odds with the date usually given for the founding of the monastery - AD 317. Our next story involves a deified hero who had nothing to do with Zhenjiang in life but, for some unknown reason, his cult would appear to have become centralised along the Grand Canal and especially at Zhenjiang. He is a canonised hero of the Tang dynasty, but one of a pair whose images elsewhere appear together on popular religion temple altars. These two euhemerised heroes, Zhang Xun and Xu Yuan, ***, have been seen on altars in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Beijing, Taiwan, Hong Kong and South-east Asia. These two protective deities are known individually as the Venerable King of Peaceful Pacification, Wen'an Zunwang ✰✰ E [Zhang Xun] and the Venerable King of Military Pacification, Wu'an Zunwang ✯✯ [Xu Yuan] though they will + be referred to hereafter simply as Zhang and Xu. The most common history of the two heroes as related by a great number of temple keepers describes how Zhang and Xu, loyalists during the reign of Tang Ming Huang, opposed the rebellion led by An Lushan. They died heroically in AD 757 during the civil war defending the provincial city of Suiyang in Henan province which fell to the enemy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2003 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390 18 Restoring the damage done by the three years of Taiping destruction required a massive reconstruction project which lasted for nearly 30 years from 1871 to 1899. In addition to rebuilding the previous structures, several new halls which had not existed before were added during this time, including the Guest House (Ke Tang) and the Dining Hall (Zhai Tang) in 1887; the Goddess of Mercy Hall (Guan Yin Dian), Ancestors Hall (Zu Shi Dian), and the Kshitigarbha Hall (Di Zang Dian) in 1890; and finally the 500 Arhats Hall (Wu Bai Luohan Tang) in 1896. The Republican era, 1911-1949 At the beginning of the Min Guo Republic (1912), all the monks were forced to move out by armed soldiers who moved in and used the temple as a barracks. The soldiers looted the golden statues from the temple, and wooden parts of the temple such as window frames were used by the soldiers to make cooking fires. However, in 1920 the temple and the pagoda were both repaired, and after being closed for a whole decade the temple finally officially reopened in 1922 when all the monks came back. Holmes Welch's otherwise authoritative 1967 study of Buddhism in China mistakenly stated that Longhua Temple was occupied by the Chinese military for the entire Min Guo period. Photos from D. C. Burn's brief 1926 study of the temple show that the Qing Dynasty 500 Arhat Hall (Wu Bai Luohan Tang) was still intact then, although it no longer exists now. Longhua Temple enjoyed 15 years of peace and tranquility until September 11, 1937 when the temple was badly damaged during the Japanese attack on Shanghai. Nine Japanese airplanes dropped 30 bombs on the Longhua area. Most likely they were targeting the nearby Longhua Airport and the Guomindang's Longhua Garrison military camp next door, but they accidentally caused severe damage to the temple. Before the attack there had been 80 monks living in the temple, but afterward there were only 7 monks remaining. During the first five years of the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1942, the internal affairs of the temple were confused and disorganized, with rival masters claiming the post of Abbot, and unqualified persons claiming to be Buddhist monks for the sake of seeking safe haven in the temple. On September 9, 1942 a reorganization committee was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2003 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390 23 The second courtyard is flanked on the left side by a two-story wooden Drum Tower (Gu Lou) and on the right by the matching two-story wooden Bell Tower (Zhong Lou). On the first floor of the Zhong Lou is a glass case holding a golden effigy of Kshitigarbha (Di Zang). Dizang is the bodhisattva who has the special power to rescue departed souls from Hell, and thus plays an important role in Buddhist funeral ceremonies. Upstairs on the second floor is the bronze bell which can be rung for a fee of 50 Rmb. On New Year's Eve this bell is rung 108 times at midnight. It is considered good luck to be there to hear it ring, and even better luck to be the one who rings it. The Zhong Lou was rebuilt by Qing Emperor Guang Xu in 1895, following the Taiping destruction of the temple in 1860-1862. The bell itself was made in 1894, during the 18th year of the Guang Xu reign of the Qing Dynasty. Beside the Zhong Lou is a Ming-style stone stele with a partially legible inscription which has been damaged. On the first floor of the Gu Lou is a glass case containing a golden effigy of Guan Yu, the God of War. In the Ming and Qing dynasties Guan Yu had temples dedicated exclusively to him in every city in China. The former Guan Di Miao can still be visited in Shanghai's Nanshi District. The second floor of the Gu Lou cannot be ascended, and it no longer seems to contain a drum. Beside the Gu Lou is a Ming-style stone stele with a lengthy inscription in very good condition. The present Gu Lou dates from an 1895 reconstruction, following the Taiping destruction of the temple in 1860-1862. Across the second courtyard from the Mi Le Dian is the Hall of the Four Heavenly Kings (Si Tian Wang Dian). This hall dates from an 1881 reconstruction, when it was rebuilt to replace an earlier structure destroyed during the Taiping rebel attacks on Shanghai in 1860-1862. The hall was last restored in 1981. The hall contains enormous gilded wooden statues of all four kings, two on each side of the hall. All four wear crowns on their heads and are dressed in heavy armor. One holds a four-string guitar and has a light green face, another holds a sword in his right hand and has a black face, a third holds an umbrella in his right hand and a small stupa in his left hand, and has a white face, while a fourth holds a snake and has a black face. This depiction is somewhat different than in the past. In the centre of the Tian Wang Dian are two glass cases containing golden effigies of two rather obscure Buddhist deities. Tian Guan Mi Le, a variant incarnation of Mi Le Fo, is depicted. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2003 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390 24 as seated, holding a long-stemmed lotus flower with a small temple perched on the blossom, and has a third eye in the centre of his forehead. Wei Tuo Pusa is represented by a golden statue in which he poses wearing armor and holding a drawn sword. Wei Tuo is the protector of all Buddhist temples. On the other side of the Tian Wang Dian is the third courtyard, on the far side of which is the Hall of the Great Hero (Da Xiong Bao Dian). This hall's origins date to an 1878-1879 reconstruction, when it was rebuilt to replace an earlier structure destroyed during the Taiping rebels' attacks on Shanghai in 1860-1862. The hall was closed for a massive reconstruction and renovation in November 2002, but had been reopened by January 2004. The interior is now nothing less than spectacular. Three large Buddhas (San Fo) are placed in the centre. Sakyamuni Buddha stands in the centre, flanked on the left by the bodhisattva Samantabhadra (Pu Xian) seated on an elephant, and on the right by the bodhisattva Manjusri (Wen Shu) seated on a blue lion. Overhead the hall's ceiling is pierced by a massive wooden dome that spirals upward, looking much like the wooden domes (Zao Jing) often found over traditional Peking Opera stages (Xiju Wutai). Behind the San Fo facing out the rear exit is a large Guanyin statue in front of a floor-to-ceiling landscaped rockery covered with smaller figurines depicting the Buddhist heaven and hell. Along the side walls stand 36 quite expressive human statues of the Buddhist saints, 18 on each side of the hall. This is an unusual number, which seems to include 16 Arhats (Luohan) and 20 Devas (Zhu Tian), and an assortment that includes such non-Buddhist figures from Chinese tradition as Confucius (Kong Fu Zi), the War God (Guan Di), the God of Literature (Wen Chang), and the Kitchen God; Hindu gods such as Brahma, Indra, and Yama (Yen Lo); as well as Buddhist deities such as the Four Heavenly Kings (Si Tian Wang) and the bodhisattva Wei Tuo as well. The hall also houses one of Longhua's three bronze bells, this one dating from 1586. On the other side of the Da Xiong Bao Dian is a fourth courtyard. On the far side of this fourth courtyard is the Hall of the Three Gods (San Sheng Dian). This hall is dominated by enormous floor-to-ceiling golden statues of three Buddhas (San Fo) who appear side by side in an unusual standing position with golden flames rising up behind them. In the centre is Amitabha Buddha (O Mi Tuo Fo), to your left is the bodhisattva Da Shi Zhi, and on your right is the bodhisattva Guan Shi Yin. Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================