RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 22 D. LINDSAY RIDE DAVID, J. Ferdinand DAVIES, Joseph DE VOGEL, Emile Willem Eugene DANIELL, Edmond Murray DENSON, Thomas A. DINNEN, John ++ DRINKER, Sandwith DUDDELL, Frederick DUDDELL, Harriet DUFF, Daniel DUNCAN, George H. DUNCAN, J. George DURANT, Euphemia DYER, Samuel ++ + J ייי ייי E. ELLIS, William tr ENDICOTT, Fidelia Bridges ENDICOTT, James Bridges ENDICOTT, Rosalie ENGLE, Isaac E. + EVANS, William Thomas Bowen F. FEARON, Elizabeth FITZGERALD, Edward FRASER, Sir William FRENCH, Maria Ball FORBES, Thomas T. FORREST, Andrew ... G. GANTT, Benjamin GILMAN, Agnes GAILLARD, Helen Baptista GANGER, Charles F. +r. GILLESPIE, Elizabeth McDougal ++ rr GOVER, Samuel +++ GRAHAM, Charles GRIFFIN, John P. H. HADDON, Elizabeth Lewis +++ Fr - HAMILTON, Lewis HARRISON, George W. HAVELOCK, William HAWKINS, Charles HICKMAN, Washington F. HIGHT, John Francis + HIGHT, Matthew James HOOKER, James +++ + J - r + ++ T 125 L 130 L 25 U 97 L LL+ 5 U + 17 U + 39 U 27 U - +++ 21 U + 138 L 14 U 48 L J -- 111 L 146 L --- 9 U 33 U 165 C 34 U 73 L J 10 U + 84 L 132 L 62 L J 26 U 56a L 123 L 32 U 77 L + J 6 U 92 L 30 U + 53 L J ++ 66 L 64 L rrr +++ 28 U TH - 72 L rrr L 103 L T rrr rtr 47 L H TH ++ FFF 51 L 18 U + 102 L 118 L + + 139 L 149 L 110 L + J TI 57 L + 137 L --- J + 20 U HOWARD, Jane L. ILBERY, Frederick ILBERY, Louisa INNES, James J. JPLAND, Christian + JPLAND, Christian Johann Friedrich JONES, Henry +4 L + 16 U 3 U ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 26 LINDSAY RIDE UPPER TERRACE — Cont'd. No. Name Sex Row Age Date of Death Nationality 16. JPLAND, Johann Friedrich Christian M Eastern 39 5 Oct. 1857 Dan. 17. DINNEN, John M Eastern 29 20 June 1855 Amer. 18. HICKMAN, Washington F. M Eastern 32 21 June 1855 Amer. 19. WOODBERRY, Charles M Eastern 36 26 June 1854 Amer. 20. JPLAND, Christian M Eastern Adult (Ship's Captain) 5 Oct. 1857 Dan. 21. DUDDELL, Harriet F Eastern Adult 31 July 1857 Br. 22. COOPER, Mark Beale M Eastern Adult (Major) 26 July 1857 Br. 23. WILLIAMS, John P. M Eastern 31 25 July 1857 Amer. 24. SCHAEFFER, Walther M Eastern 28 1 July 1857 Ger. 25. DE VOGEL, Emile Willem Eugène M Eastern 19 11 Jan. 1857 Dut. 26. FRENCH, Maria Ball F Eastern 1/12 18 Aug. 1857 Amer. 27. DUDDELL, Frederick M Eastern 38 1 Nov. 1856 Br. 28. HADDON, Elizabeth Lewis F Eastern 28 1 Sept. 1856 Br. 29. KERR, Abby L. F Eastern 26 26 Aug. 1855 Amer. 30. GILMAN, Agnes F Eastern 11/12 8 Sept. 1889 Amer. 31. PRESTON, Charles Hodge M Eastern 2/12 6 Dec. 1857 Amer. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO 29 LOWER TERRACE - Cont'd. No. Name Sex Row Age Date of Death Nationality 60. LJUNGSTEDT, Anders (Andrew) M Bamboo 76 10 Nov. 1835 Swed. 61. RITCHIE, John Hamilton M Bamboo 12/12 14 March 1844 Amer. 62. FRASER, Sir William M Bamboo 40 22 Dec. 1827 Br. 63. RIDDLES, Thomas William M Riddles 41 21 Aug. 1856 Br. 64. GRIFFIN, John P. M Riddles 35 19 June 1849 Amer. 65. SWEARLIN, Valentine M Riddles 27 20 June 1849 Amer. 66. GRAHAM, Charles M Riddles 50 3 Oct. 1821 Br. 67. WILSON, John M Riddles 21 21 Nov. 1844 Br. 68. BROOKE John F. M Riddles 59 17 Oct. 1849 Amer. 69. OSBORNE, Thomas J. M Riddles 30 2 June 1847 Br. 70. LEGGETT, William Henry M Riddles 43 23 Sept. 1845 Br. 71. OSBORNE, Henry James M Riddles 26 23 July 1845 Br. 72. HAMILTON, Lewis M Riddles 67 14 May 1845 Amer. 73. ENGLE, Isaac E. M Riddles 46 3 Nov. 1844 Amer. 74. WARREN, R. V. 75. WALDRON, Thomas Westbrook M Riddles 30 8 Sept. 1844 Amer. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 60 LEWIS M. CHERE ever nationality. It was this action which the Tsungli Yamen blamed for the troubles in Hong Kong when they refused to order Chang Chih-tung to republish the decree of censure. By October 3 trade was at a standstill and serious damage to the Colony's economy was feared. Newspaper accounts of the strike were at pains to point out that the boatmen really wanted to work but were being prevented by threats made against their family members still living in Kwangtung. A report of October 1 stated that there were three or four wei-yuen from Canton then in Hong Kong to support the boycott.15 The boatmen were supposedly even ready to return to work without a guarantee of their right to boycott French ships, but dared not do so. The theme of the unknown, but influential outside agitator is very common in the official and unofficial accounts of the troubles, just as it is in similar situations around the world in more modern times. It would be surprising if the officials and reporters of 1884 had not believed something of that nature to be true. On October 3 the boatmen were ready to return to work. Though their reasons were probably economic, the newspapers do not support the claim made later by Charles Norman that the strike was broken by an offer to pay the Chinese double for working the French ships.16 No such offer was recorded, and the accounts quite plainly indicate that the boatmen were not prepared to return to work for the French. Though the boatmen were ready to return to work, opinion among their fellow Chinese ashore was against anything of the sort. Groups of cargo coolies tried to prevent the boatmen from returning to work. They also spread the strike to the chair-carriers and ricksha men. Violence broke out when the police attempted to stop the cargo coolies from harassing the boatmen. It was at this point that foreigners in general, rather than just Frenchmen, came under attack. A few traditional-style placards were seen denouncing foreigners in general. A very few appeared calling for the torching of the town. Most of the foreigners who were in jeopardy happened to have been unfortunate enough, or ignorant enough, to have gotten themselves into the wrong place at the wrong time and were swept up in the general disturbance,17 In an attempt to prevent further outbreaks the colonial administration banned the annual procession of the Feast of the Lanterns, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 62 LEWIS M. CHERE applied that system's principles to their native charges. By the 12th October the police had collected over five thousand weapons. Among the collection of swords, spears and assorted other traditional weapons there were quite a few firearms, including a case of Winchester carbines. It should be pointed out that the rioters of the 3rd had not used anything in the line of weapons beyond the usual sticks, stones, bricks and assorted other missiles. By the 12th the city was considered calm and safe enough for the troops to return to their barracks. In spite of his all-too-evident prejudice against the Chinese, the editor of the Daily Press was having his doubts about the nature of the disturbances.20 He was not prepared to call them anti-foreign, but he was not sure exactly what they were. Nationalism as we think of it was still a new concept in 1884, and most Europeans had difficulty associating the concept with non-European peoples, especially the Chinese. For a century Europeans on the China Coast had referred to the Chinese resistance to foreign influences as xenophobia encouraged by the Confucian literati. When they realized that that concept would no longer adequately describe what they were seeing among the Chinese it is no wonder that they might have had difficulty in thinking of it in terms of nationalism. To them nationalism implied a degree of sophistication which did not square with their preferred view of China and the Chinese. We should, therefore, not be surprised that the editor did not recognize what might have been early signs of nationalism among the Chinese. It is notable that he was prepared to admit that the old definitions and explanations no longer applied to the situation as he saw it developing. Even the usual rumors of outside agitators no longer seemed to correspond to the facts and he was flexible enough to admit that.21 By October 21 the troubles were unquestionably over and the city was getting back to its business. Police guards were no longer needed for the boatmen. When Tam Yik Kiu, editor of the Wah Tse Yat Po, was tried for having published Chang's proclamation the case was thrown out of court on the 24th. The editor of the Daily Press hailed the failure of the action as a victory for freedom of the press. 22 Though the disturbances were over rather quickly one late incident could lead one to believe that perhaps nationalism was a ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 28 NOTES Virgile Pinot, La Chine et la formation de l'esprit philosophique en France, 1640-1740 (Paris, 1932). 1 From Diderot's Encyclopédie. English translation from A. Reichwein, China and Europe, Intellectual and Artistic Contacts in the Eighteenth Century (Kegan Paul, Trench, Turbner & Co., London, 1925), p.92. Reichwein offers the best comprehensive treatment of China at the Age of Enlightenment, together with L. Maverick (see note 10). 3 Pierre Poivre, Voyages d'un Philosophe (English translation by Reichwein, loc. cit.). François Quesnay, Le Despotisme de la Chine (Paris, 1767). His friends had dubbed him 'the Confucius of Europe'. $ Lo Hui-min, The Tradition and Prototype of the China-watcher, 1976 G.E. Morrison lecture (Australian National University, Canberra, 1978), p. 9. 7 Louis Lecomte, Nouveaux mémoires sur l'état présent de la Chine (Paris, 1969). Du Halde, Description géographique, historique, chronologique, politique et physique de l'Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie Chinoise (Paris, 1735). $ Hugh Honour, Chinoiseries, the Vision of Cathay (John Murray, London, 1961). In 1951, at the Lycée de Chartres where I was teaching history, the bicentenary of Diderot's Encyclopedia was celebrated at the initiative of left-wing teachers who were keen to stress the connection between the Encyclopedia and French Revolutionary traditions. I gave a public lecture: 'China and the Encyclopedists', of which the present Morrison Lecture might be considered the direct descendant. 10 Lewis A. Maverick, China, a Model for Europe (Paul Anderson Company, San Antonio, Texas, 1946). || From Les Fleurs du Mal (my translation). 12 Evariste Regis Huc, L'Empire chinois (Paris, 1854). For a more severe evaluation of Huc, see Simon Leys, The Burning Forest (New York, 1986), pp. 47-94 ("Peregrinations and perplexities of Pere Huc'). 13 Eugene Simon, La Cité chinoise (Paris, 1885). 14 Paul Claudel, Connaissance de l'Est (Mercure de France, Paris, 1908). 15 The novel by Jules Verne, Les Tribulations d'un Chinois en Chine (1879), is quite unique in its concern for the politics of nineteenth-century China. The hero, Kin Fo, is torn between his fascination with modern technology and his loyalty to his teacher Wong, who is an ex-Taiping leader. It is to my knowledge the only appearance of the Taiping rebellion in French literature. 16 V. Hugo, Lettre au Capitaine Butler, Hauteville House, 25 November 1861 (my translation). 17 Charles Bettelheim, Cultural Revolution and Industrial Organisation in China: Changes in Management and the Division of Labor, trans. by Alfred Ehrenfeld (Monthly Review Press, New York, 1974). See also China Since Mao, by Neil G. Burton and Charles Bettelheim (Monthly Review Press, New York, 1978). 18 Claude Roy, Clés pour la Chine (Paris, 1954); Etiemble, Le Nouveau singe-pèlerin (Paris, 1957); Philippe Sollers, Tel quel (a literary magazine edited by... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 168 so called Christy's Minstrels --- a famous group in the United States, yet it may be doubted severely whether it was the same one that visited Shanghai. Eight years later, the first company to come down to Shanghai from Hong Kong, where they had also been playing, was the one led by a Mr. C.R. Faylor. On February 10 1864 Lytton's The Lady of Lyons was on the bill as the opening piece, but the Herald thought it a failure in consequence of "that portion of the company which had been collected in Shanghai and pressed into service". How this is to be understood is not quite clear. Did Faylor's company consist of only a few actors, who were to be supplemented by local worthies? But then, who else could they be but amateurs, the darlings of the foreign community? However this may be, on May 9 at an evening in which also the "Royal Shanghai Ballet d'Action" [so far for fancy names!] participated, the "celebrated comedy Nature and Philosophy or Eighteen Years Labour Lost” was given. As members of the company were mentioned Mr. and Mrs. C.R. Faylor, Mr. and Mrs. E. Yeamans and Major Pegus. Amateurs almost always adopted stage names in order to hide their real identity, but with professional actors it may be assumed these names were real. 45 A more substantial contribution to the amusement of the Shanghai public was made by Lewis' Dramatic Company. It was of Australian origin and the "musical director and manager" was Charles Edouin. Other members of the group were Tilly Earl, Mrs. Gill, Lizzie Naylor, Jenny Nye, T. Andrews, Henry Birch, J.B. Creswick, W.B. Gill and nearly the whole Edouin (or, rather, Bryer) family: Julia, Rose, John and Willie. Rose (1844-1925) married G.B. Lewis and became later an actress at, among others, the Maidan Theatre in Calcutta. Her brother Willie (1846-1908; his real name was John Edward Bryer) first appeared in public when he was six; after the tour to Australia, India, China and Japan he played in Melbourne, California, New York and London.46 In 1862 the "Lewis' Equestrian Australian Troupe" had visited the port with "six of the best horses ever landed in China**,** but in 1864 the company had turned to drama and from October 6 until their departure in December an eight week season provided an unprecedented shower of farces, burlesques and even some quality pieces like Sheridan's The Rivals and the prison scene from Shakespeare's King John (Act IV, sc. 1), in which the role of prince Arthur was played by an actress, Julia Edouin, who took "the house by storm".48 The success of the company was apparently so great that they returned in March of the following 47 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 296 Qufu, and Tai Shan, the Holy Mountain, where he saw thousands of poor pilgrims assembling. Mesny claimed that, as an adviser to the Governor of Shandong province, Ding Baozhen, he persuaded the Governor Ding to establish an arsenal near Jinan and build a railway from the Yellow River to the arsenal. Mesny also claimed to have persuaded him to dredge the Yellow River and to fortify Weihai Wei and Jiaozhou [both places later occupied and governed by Britain and Germany respectively as leased territories]. Mesny also claimed to have persuaded Ding to develop the mineral wealth of Shandong 'which he did though in a small way only'. Riots and mob violence Zhenjiang suffered its share of mob violence and riots during its treaty port era. One of the major problems confronting westerners within China was the ever-present possibility of petty or even major violence against their persons and property. Often the disturbance to the peace, due to whatever cause, would be exacerbated by either western impetuosity and/or the indifference and inactivity of the local intendants [mandarins] and their staffs. There were also the perils of banditry, of pirates, of rebels or simply of thugs. One afternoon in 1865 the astounding news was received in Hankou that three foreigners had been most barbarously hacked to pieces in Zhenjiang, and were not expected to live. One was Francis Pickernell, a friend of Mesny, and another was Charles Lewis of Boston, an American, a former ship and messmate of Mesny's, whilst the third was another friend and fellow Jerseyman, Filleule, all of whom died from their horrible wounds. The outrage caused a profound impression upon all foreigners in the river ports and John, Mesny's younger brother, who had not been at Hankou very long, felt very sad at the loss of three such friends. The outrage was said to be due to mistaken identity. A man named Stone, a master of a lorcha on the Yangzi, appears to have offended some Chinese military officials who had insulted his Chinese wife, and they had attempted to avenge themselves in this horrible manner. One fine evening in about 1866, during the time the Nianfei [or Nianzi], the so-called Twisting Bandits, were in the neighbourhood of Hankou, Mesny relates the dreadful tale of four westerners who saw a favourable opportunity to join up with one of the roaming gangs of ================================================================================