RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969
https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d
CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS

13

Legislative Council. He was awarded the C.M.G. in 1892 and created a knight bachelor in 1912. His achievements were many and varied.

Ho Kai's first and foremost contribution to Hong Kong was the promotion of western treatment and western medical education among the Chinese, despite the fact that he himself ceased practising western medicine soon after his return to Hong Kong. In the year 1884, when his wife died, he offered to provide the cost of building a hospital as a memorial to her. Thus the Alice Memorial Hospital, under the control of the London Missionary Society, was first opened in Hollywood Road in February 1887.12

The formation of a medical school in Hong Kong had been discussed by Dr. Ho Kai, Dr. (later Sir) James Cantlie and Dr. (later Sir) Patrick Manson who is often referred to as the "father of tropical medicine". With the opening of the Alice Memorial Hospital, the opportunity was therefore taken to start a medical school. Dr. Manson happened to be Chairman of both the Hospital's management committee as well as of the newly-founded Hong Kong Medical Society, and so was able to enlist the support of the profession. With Dr. Manson as its dean, the Hong Kong College of Medicine was formally inaugurated on 1st October 1887 and Li Hung-chang, Viceroy of Kwangtung, was Patron of the College until 1901. Dr. Ho Kai was the Rector's Assessor of the College as well as professor of medical jurisprudence. He held the latter post for nearly 20 years. This College had the distinction of having Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Chinese Republic, as one of its first two graduates in 1892. In 1912 when the University of Hong Kong was founded, the College merged with it to form the Faculty of Medicine of the new university. Dr. Ho Kai also played an important part in the founding of the University of Hong Kong and was a member of the University Council. When the University was formally opened on 11th March 1912 by the Governor Sir Frederick (later Lord) Lugard, the occasion was also marked by the grant of a knighthood to Dr. Ho Kai.

The work of the Alice Memorial Hospital grew and it was not long before an extension was necessary. There was no land available adjoining the hospital in Hollywood Road, so the London Missionary Society gave a site on Bonham Road for the purpose,
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RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972
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DR. F. I. TSEUNG

stitute for santonin for the treatment of round worms. The treatment of leprosy with Chaulmoogra is an old-time remedy of China, and only in recent years was brought to light by western-trained doctors.

The now famous Ephedrine, which took Europe and America literally by storm, is derived from ma huang (**), a Chinese herb which has been used in China for treating asthma for more than four thousand years. It was first brought to the notice of the western world by Dr. K. K. Chen in 1926 and has since been extensively used everywhere.

There are still many other drugs which are still unknown to the outside world and which require scientific investigation. Such investigation would undoubtedly result in many remedies of great value being found. It is interesting to note that the Chinese people pay great attention to food and nutrition. An analysis of Chinese foods shows that they are rich in vitamins and other nutritional elements.

Acupuncture (+), consists of puncturing certain points of the body with needles of all kinds. 367 such points are described, each having its own name and supposed relationship with internal organs. In the Sung dynasty a copper model of the human body was made which was pierced with holes at the proper places for puncturing. The figure was covered with paper, pasted on, and the student was required to learn where to drive the needle. Acupuncture spread to Japan very early. It was introduced into Europe by Ten-Rhyne, a Dutch surgeon, at the end of the 17th century and was much extolled in France early in the 19th century. Recently Sir James Cantlie and others tried it on sprains and chronic rheumatism and reported very favourably on it. Owing to the ignorance of asepsis by native doctors more harm than good is done by its practice. But sometimes miraculous results are witnessed and with further scientific investigation it might, no doubt, prove a valuable addition to our armamenta.

Massage has been practised from time immemorial. Its value was fully recognized, and in the Tang dynasty it was elevated as a science, forming one of the seven departments of medicine. A special chair was established with a professor in charge. After the Sung dynasty it degenerated and at the present day it is mostly in the hands of the barbers and the blind. Massage was first brought to
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DR. F. I. TSEUNG

the 7th century taught that the mouth should be cleansed with water several times after each meal so as to preserve the teeth.

Sir James Cantlie, teacher of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, once speaking before a medical congress in England said that the Chinese knew a great deal of fundamental hygiene. As illustrations, he mentioned the light, loose and comfortable Chinese dress, and the habit of drinking tea. This general adoption of tea as a beverage is a distinct step of progress. It saves people from many intestinal diseases caused by contaminated water such as typhoid, dysentery, cholera and diarrhoea, etc. The present day habit of taking cold drinks and ice creams is a common source of infection for these diseases. It seems that the ancients were wiser, in this respect, than we moderns. Now, a few words about Chinese medical education and administration in the early days.

State medical examinations may be said to date from as early as the 10th century B.C. The Chou Rituals () state that at the end of the year the work of the doctors was examined and the salary of each fixed according to the results shown. If the statistics showed that out of ten patients treated, all got well, the results may be regarded as very satisfactory. If, however, one out of ten died, the results may be regarded as good; if two out of ten died, only fair; if three out of ten died, poor; and if four out of ten died, bad.

Regular medical schools were organized in the Sung dynasty, about the 10th century, first in the capital and later in other parts of the country. In 1076 A.D. an Imperial Medical College was founded. At first it was put under the Tai Shang Szu (✯✯✦) (Imperial Court of Sacrificial Worship) but later transferred to the Kuo Tzu Chien (F) (Directorate of Education). Three hundred students were enrolled, with a staff of medical officers to teach them the three branches of medicine; namely, medicine, surgery and acupuncture. After examination, the candidates were classified into grades. The best ones were given official appointments or ordered to compile and write medical books, or engaged as teachers. The second grade ones were given a licence to practise. Those who were not satisfactory were required to study again; while those who failed were ordered to change their profession.

Officers and other medical staff were appointed to the prefectures and districts, the number depending on the size and importance of the places. These positions were often filled by men selected by...
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RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975
https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d
CONDITION OF THE EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS

IN NINETEENTH CENTURY HONG KONG

H. J. LETHBRIDGE*

'The prejudices of a whole class cannot be laid aside like an old coat: least of all, those of the stable, narrow, selfish English bourgeoisie.'

Frederick Engels.

INTRODUCTION

In the nineteenth century the geographical setting and minute area of Hong Kong, a colony which did not expand substantially until the inclusion of the New Territories in 1898, meant that the territory could support only a small European population. From an examination of census materials it is certain that the resident European community rarely exceeded three thousand souls in all, usually rather less. Europeans in Hong Kong did not form a class of settlers or colonists of the type found in Canada or New Zealand; and, needless to say, no plantocracy—an elite of foreigners exploiting a native labour force—ever evolved; nor, on the other hand, did a class of poor whites—agriculturalists, fishermen or labourers—emerge. The European population was composed principally of middle-class sojourners, not one of whom thought of bringing up his children to regard Hong Kong as a permanent home. Sir James Cantlie declared in 1898 that 'the residents in Crown colonies are recruited, with but few exceptions, from the middle classes'.

Although the majority of Europeans may be categorised as middle or lower-middle class in terms of their social origins or because of the occupations they engaged in, a minority could be properly identified as working or lower class either by reasons of birth, education, occupation, residence, or style of life. This paper is concerned with Sir James's 'few exceptions'. It is intended to

* Mr. Lethbridge, Reader in Sociology at the University of Hong Kong and also a Councillor of the Hong Kong Branch, RAS, is well-known for his contributions to the study of Hong Kong's social history and institutions, some of which have appeared in previous issues of the Journal.
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automatic entrée for the husband into Chinese society, and any Chinese woman who married a foreigner in those days was almost certainly herself a deviant within her own family. There were no means, therefore, by which a European could be initiated into, pass into, or achieve full membership of Chinese society. The cultural devices by which Europeans could become full members of American Indian or Pacific islands societies were not present in China. A working-class European was excluded from both polite European and Chinese society; he was forced to live in his own constricted social world, a type of marginal man; and those Europeans who married Chinese women tended to cluster together socially, to form their own minority group.

CONCLUSIONS

In nineteenth-century Hong Kong the European and Chinese communities formed separate entities, so that two separate systems -- parallel systems of social stratification can be identified. The Chinese population was basically a migrant one; few Chinese were permanent residents of the colony. It would be more illuminating, however, to describe the two communities as status groups: in Max Weber's words, 'in contrast to classes, status groups are normally communities'.38 The European and Chinese communities were distinguished by specific styles of life, a characteristic of all status groups. These were in great contrast, vividly different, a fact which made absorption of members of one group by the other extraordinarily difficult.

It is a thesis of this paper that working-class Europeans existed on the periphery of both European and Chinese communities, although their presence was essential for the smooth running of the colonial economy and society. They lived, in other words, in a terrain vague between the communities. Sir James Cantlie was perfectly correct in affirming that European residents of crown colonies were mostly middle-class. There was usually an abundance of native labour in tropical and sub-tropical regions, so that no permanent plantation of working-class Europeans was normally attempted. On the other hand, there was always a constant demand for European supervisors of various types; without them Hong Kong merchants and officials could not have carried on with their respective activities.
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RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975
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# EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY

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It is exceedingly difficult to assess the cultural impact of working-class Europeans on the Chinese population; there were strong, but not completely impenetrable, barriers between the two; each despised the other, the underdog European particularly so. Although the latter usually lived in Chinese quarters of the town, spoke pidgin English or a little Cantonese, and often lived with a Chinese woman, this did not make him necessarily feel less British. He was, it can be inferred, as jingoistic as his counterpart in Liverpool or London, buoyed up at times by a sense of racial and national superiority. He did not belong to Chinese society and, it can be surmised, never wished to. He was more at ease with Portuguese and Eurasians; but his social contacts with them were often touchy, prickly, and patronising; for even the déclassé European knew he was a member of a dominant race.

At the end of the century, Taipan and pong-paân were residentially segregated. A writer concluded that ‘between those who reside at the summit (of the Peak) and those who live in the peninsula of Kowloon there is as wide a gulf as that which divided Dives and Lazarus'.39 This 'gulf' was more than an expression of traditional English class attitudes: the European working class in Hong Kong was an anomaly in a colonial setting, a curious transplant from a more settled society.

## NOTES

1 Sir James Cantlie, 'Hong Kong' in the British Empire Series, vol. i, 1906, p. 514.

2 See, for example, 'Beachcombers and castaways' in H. E. Maude's Of Islands and Men: Studies in Pacific History, Melbourne, Oxford University Press, 1968, pp. 134-177.

3 China Mail, June 8, 1888.

4 J. W. Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. i, p. 279.

5 For details about John Lee consult the Report of the Commission to Enquire into the Working of 'The Contagious Diseases Ordinance, 1867', Hong Kong, 1879.

6 'Report on the Public Works Department', Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1902, p. 51.

7 Lt. Col. G. J. Wolseley, Narrative of the War with China in 1860, London, 1862, p. 3.

8 John Stuart Thomson, The Chinese, London (1909), p. 30.

9 George Woodcock, The British in the Far East, London, 1969, p. 21.
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NOTES AND QUERIES

Since then, I have seen a notice which makes it clear that Hong Kong Chinese joined the Volunteer Movement at least 30 years before this time.

In a speech made by Dr., later Sir James, Cantlie, then Dean of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese, on 23rd July 1892, on the occasion of the presentation of diplomas to the first two members to qualify (one was Sun Yat-sen), he pointed out that students of the college were the only Chinese then enlisted in the recently reorganised 'Reserve Force of Hong Kong' (See G. Stokes, Queen's College 1862-1962, Hong Kong n.d.).

Hong Kong, 1976.

JAMES HAYES

A MISSING CHINESE LIBRARY?

In order to compile his book Eighteen Capitals of China (Philadelphia and London; J.B. Lippencott Company, 1911) Dr. William Edgar Geil, the celebrated American traveller and author stated in his preface: (p.x) “With the aid of viceroys, governors, Hanlin scholars, librarians, booksellers, we have gathered a large collection, out of which selections by leading scholars have been translated, and a few specimens are given, to let the readers see the old style of book. Local proverbs in themselves have never been brought together on our scale; and to choose from a mass of new material which would fill three volumes has been a difficult task.'

It would appear from the introduction penned by the famous American sinologue missionary and teacher, Dr. W.A.P. Martin, that this literary material was collected on the spot, at each capital, comprising ... "their topographical treasures, a mass of literature destined to form the basis of a Chinese Library" (p. viii). Also that, as for one of Dr. Geil's former books on China, on his journeyings along the Great Wall, Martin had helped to put his materials in shape (p.viii).

Does anyone know of the present whereabouts of this valuable collection which presumably was taken back by Dr. Geil to his home in Doylestown, Pennsylvania where, according to Who Was Who in America, he was born, lived and died (1925).

Hong Kong, 1977,

JAMES HAYES
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RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981
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THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 169

building up a wealthy nation and a powerful army, and to their laws for social reforms. I also discerned the essentials of current events and changes, and the means of maintaining peaceful relationship with other countries.

In addition to the medical training and earlier schooling he received in Hong Kong, by "education abroad", Sun was referring to his schooling in Hawaii. The first Western school which Sun attended was Iolani, and it was an elementary school run by the Church of England in Honolulu, whose staff, except for one Hawaiian, was entirely British. After his graduation from school in 1882, he spent less than a year in a high school, Oahu College, run by American Congregationists and Presbyterian missionaries in the Hawaiian Islands. He was sent back to his native village, Ts'ui-heng, by his brother in the summer of 1883 and enrolled shortly afterwards at the Diocesan Home, a school set up by the Church of England in Hong Kong. The next year he entered the Central School, the first government secondary school in Hong Kong, now known as Queen's College. No record is available as to the class he entered. According to an article in Vol. 37 of Yellow Dragon, the school magazine, Sun entered the school under the name Sun Tai Tseng (Ti Hsiang), at the age of eighteen. He left in 1886 to join the Canton Poh Tsai Hospital as a medical student and then transferred in early 1887 to the Hong Kong Medical College for Chinese. The college was affiliated with the newly established Alice Memorial Hospital, which was set up by Ho Kai, a civic leader in Hong Kong, in memory of his wife. For the next five years, Sun studied under the general supervision of Ho Kai and two Scottish physicians, Dr. Patrick Manson and Dr. James Cantlie. He graduated in 1892 at the age of twenty-six, two years before he wrote the petition.

Thus from 1883 to 1892, except for the interval of about half a year in 1886 when he joined the Poh Tsai Hospital, Sun received a major part of his secondary education and then his medical training in Hong Kong. The schools which he attended, the Diocesan Home and the Central School were Anglo-Chinese schools. Since the 1880s, the Hong Kong Government's educational policy had been directed towards the encouragement of the learning of the English language and Western knowledge, and these schools offered subjects such as those referred to by Sun in the opening of his letter. Yet the impact of school upon the mind of a youth like Sun might go much deeper than knowledge obtained from learning in class. The environment or "culture" of the school itself played perhaps a more significant
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RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986
https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063
32 

WALTER GREENWOOD 

Kai, in 1886. Francis himself took part in the foundation of the College of Medicine for Chinese (one of the two original students of which was Sun Yat Sen). He was on the platform at the inaugural meeting in 1887 and was appointed standing counsel to the College and remained as such until his death. He contributed to prizes for botany and chemistry and attended the presentation of the first diplomas in 1892. In 1886 he made a presentation on behalf of the College to Dr. James Cantlie, to whom in great measure the foundation of the College was due, on the occasion of his departure from Hong Kong. He began his address by saying "when I first came to this colony I was given to understand there was only one disease recognised by the Medical Faculty and that was the liver, and that they had only two prescriptions, one a blue pill and the other, if that did not succeed, a P. & O. Steamer". In 1897 at a meeting for the election of the Rector of the College he made a speech pressing the Government for recognition and financial support. He alleged that the Government had ignored the College and wanted a medical school on government lines with the Colonial Surgeon at the head and government officers thick and thin all over from top to bottom. On his death the Court of the College (which may be regarded as the forerunner of the University of Hong Kong) passed a resolution expressing appreciation for his services.

His interest in education also included schools, particularly the Roman Catholic schools. After the founding of St. Joseph's College in 1875 he rarely missed a Prizegiving Day there, and usually donated prizes, including on one occasion, somewhat ironically, an inkstand. He also acted as an examiner at St. Joseph's. Bishop Raimondi said that he tested the boys thoroughly and cross-examined them as he would have cross-examined a witness in court. He advocated teaching English to Chinese children. He also acted as a steward at, and patron of, the Hong Kong School's Athletic Sports.

One of the obituaries of Francis recorded that he used to say that when he first arrived and stood on the deck of the troopship and gazed at Hong Kong he determined to be Governor one day. Whatever the truth of that there can be no doubt that, as was said in another obituary, he coveted a seat on the Legislative Council. He might have had a chance of nomination by Hennessy save that Hennessy was intent on nominating a Chinese (Ng Choy) and also
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Club and Fraser Smith and represented the Club in legal proceedings. After one case Fraser Smith unsuccessfully proposed at an Annual Meeting that his fees be not paid, alleging that he had been actuated by prejudice in advising that there were grounds for expelling Fraser Smith from the Club. I have found no evidence that Francis ever rode or owned horses. However he did run on one occasion. That was in 1880 in the Veterans Flat Race during the Civilian Athletic Sports. He was unplaced off a twenty yard start. T.C. Hayllar won off thirty-five yards.

He was a member of the Chamber of Commerce, the China Association and the Navy League, and in 1895 accepted the Presidency of the British Mercantile Marine Officers Association. He was also a member of the Gun Club and the Rifle Association. He joined various literary and debating societies. He supported Dr. Cantlie in the formation of the Odd Volumes Society in 1893 observing that he had been connected with many similar ventures during his thirty-three years of residence.

He was an inveterate lecturer, his subjects ranging from Jesuitism in 1872 through maritime and Asian affairs to the theory of British Advocacy in 1897. He was still lecturing in the year of his death. He was said to be an entertaining, clear and simple lecturer though the China Mail said that his chief fault as a public speaker was "inartistic redundancy".

In 1889 at a meeting of the Literary Society he expressed hope for an elected Legislative Council and objected to heads of departments being members of the Executive Council. In 1893 at the Odd Volumes Society on the subject "What does Hong Kong want" he gave the answer “public spirit”, and attacked incompetent officials and harmful legislation.

In 1899, again at the Odd Volumes Society, he disagreed with the view of an earlier speaker that the British Nation was more vulgar than others and deficient in imagination and gave his own view that the British were disliked by others because of their national self-complacency and arrogance which resulted from the accomplishment of great deeds.

He played chess and kept open house in his chambers for chess players at 4.30 p.m. on Wednesdays. In 1894 he was involved in a living chess tournament organised to raise funds for the Union Church and held in the grounds of the Hon J.J. Keswick at East Point. In 1897 he took part in the founding of the St. Cecilia Society established to cultivate a taste for music and was its President.

Page 60

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139

July 2nd

Lockhart and Governor now making themselves obnoxious bloody fools They are now walking into the mite properly

July 4

Saw Governor about suggested plans, gave him a lecture as to what to do and who to take advice from

July 6th

Governor and ADC round hospitals Governor said to Chater (Sir Paul Chater, the well-known Hong Kong personality) in Club (Hong Kong Club) before me "We expect to go to Laichikok tomorrow" This was a boast that he was actually thinking about running into some danger at last

July 7th

Lockhart, Cantlie and Hartigan at Laichikok, (2) did not visit graveyards at all Castle, II and L to Hygeia Never visited graves

July 8th

Preston and Westcott to Laichukok, no graves visited

Cantlie was Dr. (later Sir James) Cantlie, dean of the Hong Kong College of Medicine. He and Dr. William Hartigan were asked to visit Laichikok Hospital and report to the Governor. Also asked were two army medical officers, Surgeon Colonel A.F. Preston and Surgeon Captain S. Westcott. Lowson paid much attention to the way the plague victims were buried. He insisted that the graves should be dug down to a certain depth so that the coffins could be properly covered up with soil and lime and not exposed. A reporter from the Hong Kong Weekly Press described what he saw in Laichikok before the two visits as follows: 'The average depth of the graves was not more than nine inches. In some cases, not a few, the coffin was actually above the level of the ground and merely had a little mound of loose earth above them. Lowson's specifications had therefore not been properly carried out. In spite of Lowson's question mark, Cantlie and Hartigan did visit the graveyard. They wrote: 'We saw eight graves ready for use; they were in a row about 2 ft. apart and quite 6-1/2 ft deep.' They added that the official accompanying them volunteered the information that for the first graves the depth was insufficient because burial had to be done in a hurry. Preston and Westcott wrote that they did
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not see the graves. About the use of lime as a disinfectant it appeared that this was being understood by the public, for Lowson added in an annotation to the July 16th entry that 'the lime which had been supplied to Laichikok and graveyard was brought over to Hong Kong and sold at high price to the Chinese in the streets. Or, was he talking about corruption and a black market?

The relationship between Lowson and Cantlie would seem to be strained at this stage. Cantlie made himself look ridiculous by writing to the Sanitary Board that the insanitary conditions in Victoria Town had nothing to do with the Epidemic. He was openly challenged by Major James in a letter to the Hong Kong Weekly Press. They made up afterwards. After they died together on July 21st, Lowson wrote: 'At this time he had ceased to be simply causing trouble and angry because he had not been taken more notice of but he began to see our side was right.'

July 17th

A meeting of the Permanent Committee Lockhart, myself and others A warm discussion arose and I had to tell Lockhart and Francis that they were both damned cowards as they were afraid to go near the plague cases They wanted many things done which were simply impossible When I called them damned cowards old Ayres backed me up and there was some scene May did not say much but silently agreed with us

Lowson knew that by calling Lockhart and Francis cowards to their face he could not expect to get any recognition for his work. He put down on this entry in bold letters: CMG strip. Also, 'that settled the question of future honours as neither would forgive me and they were bitter enemies for years.' In those days he could indeed expect the CMG, as the Order of the British Empire which later becomes the normal award for civil servants was not instituted until the reign of George V. However, he received some other rewards as we shall soon see.

July 19th

Governor really played the bloody ox Feeling very bitter and strained at this time as Governor and Lockhart felt everybody was thinking them nonentities and fools and they had a very bad time It was entirely their own blame

I think we have had enough of the bickering. Lowson ended the diary
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importance of an unexampled calamity. However in spite of difficulties in balancing the budget, many public works projects were completed during his term. He governed with a liberal-mind for he increased the number of unofficial seats in both the Legislative and the Executive Councils in response to a demand for reforming the government. He also agreed to have an unofficial majority on the Sanitary Board. Generally regarded as an able administrator he stayed for fully six years as Governor, the longest tenure held by any governor thus far. In the history of modern China, he would be remembered as the Governor of Hong Kong who imposed a five-year ban on Dr. Sun Yat Sen, who then went to London and was kidnapped but rescued by Sir James Cantlie but that is another story.

Sir James Stewart Lockhart, the main target of Lowson's attack, was Registrar General and acting Colonial Secretary in 1894. There is a biography of him written by Shiona Airlie entitled 'The Thistle and the Bamboo.' He emerged from it as a capable but ambitious man who was eager to seek promotion ahead of his time, and in spite of what Lowson said of him, he got on well with the Chinese. The function of a Registrar General in the early years was to deal with Chinese affairs, not legal matters as at present, in fact, the initial title was Protector of the Chinese. In this office, Lockhart maintained good relations with the directors of Tung Wah Hospital and Po Leung Kuk and the District Watch Committee, the three main representative bodies of the Chinese community. As to his character, he was said to possess 'humoured geniality which endeared him to his contemporaries' but 'occasionally his patience snapped and from a man considered in the main to be warm-hearted and genial, he became angry and stubborn.' He made at least one important contribution in connection with the Epidemic. After the Resumption of Tai Ping Shan Ordinance was passed, action had to be taken to demolish the old houses. Both landlords and tenants put up a spirited resistance as they both had to suffer financial loss, no rent to be collected by the landlords for sometime and no cheap lodgings for the tenants who were mostly coolies. The coolies threatened to go on strike which would paralyse the city in already very difficult circumstances. Lockhart, who was fluent in Chinese, having been a cadet in the Hong Kong Civil Service, was instrumental in solving the dispute which ended amicably. In 1895, at the age of thirty seven, he became Colonial Secretary when his acting appointment was substantiated. In addition, he was appointed as Special Commissioner for the New Territories in 1897 after the lease was settled. In 1902, he went to Weihaiwei as its first Civil Commissioner. On his departure the
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