RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 341 degradation and contempt. Questions of reform or revolution, democracy or proletarian dictatorship were deeply exercising the minds of those bent on national salvation, personal power, or both. Men seized on new ideas and later changed their attitudes under the influence of both local pressures and growing familiarity with western political theories. The moves of the major actors rarely seem to have been clear-cut or consistent. The aim of the author here, Michael Y.L. Luk (a Senior History Lecturer at the University of Hong Kong) is to trace the thinking of leaders of the Chinese Communist Party and their attempts to develop an agreed ideology. He is also concerned to show how the outcome of these attempts would in time affect the party's whole political destiny. This is a book for scholars and students, a dissertation not aimed at the general reader. The interplay of ideas on the part of the activists and theoreticians has its own dense vocabulary, and the writing and presentation are uncompromisingly academic. However Luk fully achieves his purpose. The book records the varying convictions of visionaries and men of action at a crucial time in the history of China and gives a penetrating view of the way men thought and the policies they accepted in those years of warlords, Sun Yat-sen republicanism, and struggling political parties. Two influences emerge clearly first, that of the Russian Revolution echoing round the world, and the writings of Lenin on colonialism. Secondly the indigenous thinking of left-wing Chinese intellectuals, notably Li Dazhao and Chen Duxiu. Why did the Chinese avant-garde listen to the voice of the Russians and brush aside the teaching of a Dewey or Hu-shih? Almost until the official founding of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1921 it was the Americans who had exercised a major influence. But new universities and hospitals and the YMCA seem to have provided an insufficient answer to the frustrations of Chinese life. Revolution was in the air and it was the Russian experts who moved in to show the Chinese enthusiasts how to organise it. Yet although Marxism-Leninism entered China as a brand-new ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 60 would be unfavourable. 18 G.S.P. Heywood, Hong Kong Typhoons (Hong Kong: Government Printers, 1950), p.15. 19 Spring 1944 estimates for the number of Japanese aircraft able to oppose a Hong Kong landing numbered 400, with perhaps another 1,150 in nearby areas able to be diverted to Hong Kong. Allied planners believed that they could maintain a CAP of about 120 aircraft over Hong Kong at any time. See (1) CPS107/1, p.35-36, 40. (2) JIC177, "Campaign in China: Japanese Aircraft Available to Oppose a Landing in the Hong Kong Area," 21 Mar 44, p.3-4; CCS381 Hong Kong; RG218; NA, Washington, DC. 20 Heywood, p.15. 21 There are other possible origins of the word. Tufan means smoke in Arabic, and typhon means monster in Greek. See William J. Kotsch & Richard Henderson, Heavy Weather Guide, 2nd Ed. (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1984), p.167. 22 (1) Heywood, p.1-2. (2) Hans Christian Adamson & George Francis Kosco, Halsey's Typhoons (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc., 1967), p.10-14, 176-177. 23 Heywood, p.1. 24 (1) HKRO, Tropical Cyclones, p.2. (2) Heywood, p.16, 19. (3) Adamson & Kosco, p.11-12. 25 (1) HKRO, Meteorological Results, 1937 (Hong Kong: Government Printers, 1938), Appendix II, p.4-5 (hereafter referred to as HKRO, Meteorological Results). (2) Denis Campbell Bray, Hong Kong Metamorphosis (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2001), p.144. (3) Gordon John Bell, Surface Winds in Hong Kong Typhoons: Preliminary Report (Hong Kong: Royal Observatory, 1963), p.1 26 (1) HKRO, Meteorological Results, p.6. (2) South China Morning Post (SCMP), September 4, 1937, p.12. 27 (1) HKRO, Meteorological Results, Appendix II. (2) Charles E.J. Eather, Airport of the Nine Dragons: Kai Tak, Kowloon (Surfer's Paradise, Queensland: Ching ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 61 28 Chic Publishers, 1996), p.12-14. (3) Heywood, p.17: Typhoon winds that approach Hong Kong from the southeast blow on Victoria Harbour from the north, so Kowloon's mountains can serve as a partial barrier. See Donald Alan Mantner & Samson Brand, An Evaluation of Hong Kong Harbour as a Typhoon Haven (Monterey, CA: Environmental Prediction Research Facility, Naval Postgraduate School, 1973), p.53. 29 Navy Department, "Advanced Base: Hong Kong," p.14-15. However, Tolo Harbour could do little more than serve as a secondary anchorage because shore facilities in Tai Po were limited. 30 31 32 (1) Heywood, p.7-8. (2) Adamson & Kosco, p.12. Although described by many sources as a "tidal wave," the wave would be more appropriately described as a storm surge because it is not caused by the moon. HKRO, A Statistical Survey of Typhoons and Tropical Depressions in the Western Pacific and China Sea Area From 1884 to 1947 (Hong Kong: Government Printers, 1951), p.3 (hereafter referred to as HKRO, Statistical Survey). See also P.C. Chin's Tropical Cyclone Climatology for the China Seas and Western Pacific From 1884 to 1970, Vol. I: Basic Data (Hong Kong: Government Printers, 1972) for maps of typhoon tracks for each year. 33 The evasion option became more popular after the war, probably because of better typhoon location and tracking methods. See Mantner & Brand, p.78-79, 88. The authors cited British and American dissatisfaction with Hong Kong as a "safe haven" for ships during a typhoon. 34 HKRO, Statistical Survey, p.9. 35 Romanus & Sunderland, Stilwell's Mission to China, 1953 of U.S. Army in World War II: the China-Burma-India Theater (rpt. Washington, DC: Office of the Chief of Military History, 1984), p.12-13. CPS 83, "Appreciation and Plan for the Defeat of Japan,” 8 Aug 43, Map F; CCS 381 Japan (8-25-42), sec.6; Geographic File, 1942-45; Records of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, RG 218; NA, Washington, DC. The map shows that Hong Kong lay within the minimum area required for the air bombardment of Japan. * United States Army Air Force, B-29 Erection and Maintenance Manual (Dayton, ================================================================================