RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 98 J. W. HAYES rested with the senior members of the WONG Wai Chak Tong, as it does today. It controls the old defence bureau which is rented out and the proceeds added to the association's funds. Very little information is at present available concerning its history beyond the fact that it existed in the Ch'ing period*1 and that it had a close connection with the members of the Tong, who were its principal patrons and sponsors. Two other instances of communal enterprise remain to be mentioned. There was, before the outbreak of the Pacific War in 1941, an organisation of local leaders known as the Kaifong##, which is now represented in most things by the Cheung Chau Rural Committee. The Kaifong had an informal constitution and its leaders were generally those persons who were already playing a leading part in the affairs of the four old district associations. The Kaifong had a general concern in Cheung Chau affairs whereas the district associations may be said, in the best sense, to have had a sectional interest. The history of the Kaifong is less easy to trace than that of the associations, very likely because it was a less tangible body. However, it seems to have existed before 1898 because the land registers list a club house or kung soA which was described as public property. This must have been built and administered by somebody and the Kaifong is the most likely candidate. In the early part of this century the building probably housed a school and is known to have served as a headquarters for the town's watchmen.* These were both likely activities for a Kaifong, and it is probable that it ran these and other central services before the British lease. Presumably, too, it administered CHOI Leung's Fong Pin hospital, which the registers describe as an asylum* and as public property. But whilst I am satisfied that there was a Kaifong on the island before 1898 which organised various functions on behalf of the whole community, there is, as yet, no information as to the date of its origin, though there is one clue which takes its history back another twenty years at least.*2 This was the provision of what are still known, to-day, as kaifong junks or kai to*. These are cargo vessels which are managed by prominent persons for a group of financially interested ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 182 MCBAIN, E. B. MCBAIN, G. MCCABE, Donald C. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* c/o Geo. McBain & Co., Union Building, H.K. S.C.M.P. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. New Asia College-Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. MCDOUALL, The Hon. J. C. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K. MCELNEY, B. S. MCFADZEAN, A. J. S. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. MCLEVIE, J. G. MANEELY, Miss M. S. MANEELY, R. B. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. St. Peter-in-Chains Catholic Church, Kowloontsai, Kowloon, Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. MEFFAN, Mrs. N. I. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 104, Macau, c/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 201 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. The British Council, 1st Floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon, c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 199 MCCABE, Donald C. - MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. - MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* MCDOUALL, J. C.* MCELNEY, B. S. - New Asia College Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon, Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. 13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. MCFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J. St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. MCLEVIE, J. G. Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MADING, Dr. Klaus c/o German Consulate General, P.O. Box 250, H.K. MANEELY, R. B. Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. P. O. Box 104, Macau, MAXWELL, D. P. F. Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. MAYNARD, Prof. David M. Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. MEFFAN, Mrs. N. I. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O.* c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. MILBURN, K. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. MILLER, A. C.* Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon. MILLER, C. F. O.* c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 204 DOWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. - DAWSON GROVE, Miss Jan - DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. DENNEY, Miss D. R. DJOU, G. G. + 1 Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. As above. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. Officers Mess, R.A.F. Kai Tak, Kowloon. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd., 12-14 Queen's Road, Central, H.K DOWSON, Prof, John L. M. Dept. of Philosophy & Psychology. The DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* - DRAKEFORD, L. S. · DRURY, Miss Kathleen DUNCANSON, J. D.* DWYER, Prof. D. J. EDWARDS, O. P. · EITZEN, Mrs. J. ENDACOTT, G. B. + EUSTACE, Col. F. A. EVANS, C. J. EVANS, D. M. E. EVANS, P. J.- + EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EWING, Miss E.* - FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G,* - FESSLER, Loren FISCHER, Mrs. Ingrid FISCHER, W. D. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. - - ► University, Pokfulum, H.K. 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 121 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Road, H.K. 26 Leinster Mews, London W.2. England. Dept. of Geography Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Road, Kowloon, c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. c/o Dept. of Laws, L.S.E., London, England. Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. 13. Rodmarton Street, London, W.1. England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. East Asian Research Center, 1737 Cambridge St., Cambridge, Mass. 02138, U.S.A. P.O. Box 1416, H.K. As above. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon, * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 211 MANEELY, R. B. Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. - c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. MAO, Dr. Philip Wen-chee + 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon. MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J.- MAXWELL, D. P. F. · Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 104, Macau, Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. MAYNARD, Prof. David M. Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. MCBAIN, E. B. MCBAIN, G. T MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* MCDOUALL, J. C.* MCELNEY, B. S. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. 13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. MCFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J. MCKENNA, Sister M. P. - St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church. Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon McKEIRNAN, Sister Agnes - As above. MCLEVIE, J. G. MEFFAN, Mrs. E. I. - MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. - ► MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* - MILBURN, K. T Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan. Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 10 T. C. CHENG While he was Legislative Councillor in Hong Kong, Ng Choy was known to oppose the office of the Registrar-General (established 1844), also known as Protector of Chinese and later renamed in 1913 Secretary for Chinese Affairs, on the ground that it was race discrimination to force Chinese and Europeans to deal with the Government through different departments.8 During his term of office, he was a member of a very important Education Commission, appointed by the Governor Sir John Hennessy in August 1880, to study the question of raising the Government Central School into a collegiate institution, giving a higher education in English and Science. What Sir John had in mind was that Hong Kong would render a great service to China by starting a collegiate institution so that young Chinese boys could come to Hong Kong for a higher western education instead of going to distant countries like America and England. However, the Commission as a whole disagreed with the Governor. It dismissed the idea of a Collegiate Institution on the ground of cost, and pointed out that the great need of the majority of the local population was a sound elementary education. Thus it was not the province of the Government to establish, at the cost of the ratepayers, an institution that would be mainly for the advantage of a small number of wealthy members of the community. Ng Choy's achievements as a Legislative Councillor in Hong Kong were by no means great as compared with some of his successors, as he held office for less than three years; but he had the distinction of being the first Chinese to serve on that Council, and since his time both the Colonial Office and the Governors of Hong Kong have agreed on the principle of Chinese membership of the Legislative Council. When Sir George Bowen arrived in April 1883 as Governor, he was in favour of having a Chinese member on the Legislative Council but realized that it would not be easy to find a successor to Ng Choy from "among those qualified as British subjects, a native gentleman combining in his own person the proper social position, independent means and education". In conjunction with the question of a permanent Chinese member on the Legislative Council, Sir George Bowen also took the opportunity of re-constituting the Council. The main differences between the old and the new Council were that a Chinese member was appointed and that the Chamber of Commerce was invited to elect a member. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 16 T. C. CHENG Dr. Ho died in September 1914 at the age of 55 leaving over ten sons and daughters by his second wife who was a Chinese. The fourth Chinese to serve on the Legislative Council was Wei Yuk, son-in-law of Mr. Wong Shing. He had another name Wei Bo-shan17 and Po Shan Road is named after him. He was born in Hong Kong in 1849 of a wealthy family, his father, Wei Kwong, being compradore to the Hong Kong branch of the Chartered Mercantile Bank of India, London and China (now the Mercantile Bank Ltd.). After many years of Chinese studies under private tutors, he entered the Government Central School. In 1867, at the age of 18, he proceeded to England to attend the Leicester Stoneygate School. In 1868 he went to Scotland and studied for four years at the Dollar Institution. After a European tour, he returned to Hong Kong in 1872 and then worked in China for a short period. When his father died in 1879 he succeeded him as compradore to the bank. He was a very public-spirited citizen, well-known for his charming manners and pleasant personality. In 1880 he was elected a director of the Tung Wah Hospital and in 1887 became its Chairman. He was appointed a Justice of the Peace in 1883. Wei Yuk's appointment to the Legislative Council was additional to and not in replacement of Ho Kai, and came about as follows. During 1894, the Governor, Sir William Robinson, forwarded to the Secretary of State a petition signed by the Honourable Messrs. Thomas Whitehead, Paul Chater, Ho Kai and other residents in the Colony, asking for unofficial membership in the Executive Council; "free election of representatives of British nationality in the Legislative Council"; "a majority of such representatives in the Legislative Council"; and freedom of the official members to vote according to their conscientious convictions.18 The Secretary of State, Lord Ripon, criticized the petitioners' demands as lacking in clarity on the ground that the petitioners "asked for the free election of representatives of British nationality without reference to the qualifications of the voters". Thus if the petitioners intended that only those from the British Islands should vote and be eligible for election, this would exclude the Chinese who comprised nine-tenths of the entire population. He dismissed the claim to have a majority of elected representatives, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS 23 merchants in this Colony. In all necessary measures to that end, I know that I can rely upon the whole-hearted support of this Council". At the same meeting, the Senior Unofficial member, Sir Henry Pollock, paid the following tribute to Sir Shouson Chow and Robert Kotewall; "During the last seven months, in particular, we have felt indebted not only to Sir Shouson Chow but also to his Chinese colleague on the Council. We, Sir, behind the scenes, can appreciate perhaps more fully than the general public the work of the Chinese members of this Council during the period I have referred to”. On 9th July 1926, Sir Shouson Chow was also appointed the first Chinese member of the Executive Council, following the death of Sir Paul Chater who had served on that Council since 1896.26 Although the appointment was made on personal grounds, it was evident that political considerations also came in, viz., to pacify anti-British sentiment in China and to further encourage the loyalty of local Chinese towards Hong Kong. Sir Shouson Chow served on both Councils until 1930, when he resigned from the Legislative Council. He continued, however, to be a member of the Executive Council until he retired in 1936. He died many years after the war, in 1959, When Lau Chu-pak retired from the Legislative Council in 1922, he was succeeded by Ng Hon-tsz who was born in 1877 and was compradore to Shewan, Tomes, Ltd. He was a director of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1907 and was a founder of the Tsan Yuk Hospital. He was at various times a member of the District Watch Force Committee, the Sanitary Board and the Council of the University of Hong Kong. He served in the Legislative Council for only two years and died in 1923 while in office. After his death, Sir Henry Pollock remarked at the Legislative Council meeting held on 10th May 1923 that Mr. Ng had always been a "wise, sound and faithful councillor”. Mr. Robert Kotewall, who succeeded Ng Hon-tsz as a member of the Legislative Council in 1923, was born in Hong Kong in 1880. Educated at the Central School as well as the Diocesan Boys' School, he was a noted English as well as Chinese scholar and was a very good speaker. After a distinguished career in the Hong Kong Government until 1916, he turned to business and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 194 MCCRARY, M.* McELNEY, B. S. McFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. McKEIRNAN, Sister Agnes MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. + L McKENNA, Sister M. P. MCLEVIE, J. G. MEFFAN, Mrs. I. E. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. L = MIDDLEBROOK, R. W. MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. NEILD, Mrs. C. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Dr. Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. H. NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, Prof. J. J. NORONHA, J. E. + + - - 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. University of Hong Kong, H.K. Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon. St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon, Dept. of Education, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan, Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. 34 Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th Floor, H.K. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea, A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. 64 Mile, Taipo Road, N.T. 1201 Manson House, Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, W.C.1, England. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University to the College of Arts and Science, The University of Maine, Orono, Maine. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 198 SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SU, Samon SWIRE, A. C.* SYKES, Major A. E. - TALBOT, H. D. - TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. Jack C. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TANNER, R. F. TARARIN, P. A.* - THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, T. H. THROWER, Prof. L. B. · TILL, The Very Rev. B.* + TISDALL, B. TOMLIN, Mrs. Ian TOOGOOD, C. W. - TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. + TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir Michael* - TYLER, Mrs. M. R. UHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr. · 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon. c/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. c/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K. A1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K. Room 1701, Central Building, H.K. 27 Macdonnell Road, Room 32, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o The British Council, P.O. Box 753, Steuart Lodge, 154 Galle Road, Colombo 3, Ceylon. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1, England. 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. 41D, Shouson Hill Road, H.K. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. 57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. 402 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. Dept. of History, Duke University, Durham, N. Carolina, U.S.A. + Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 223 HOLMES, Hon. D. R. HOLTH, Dr. S. HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, E. E. HOWARD, W. J.* HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. - HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. HOWORTH, J. F. - HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung-Pei HUGHES, G. M. - + HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* HUI, Miss Wai-haan HUNG, Chiu-sing HURT, Miss E. J. - HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. IRETON, Mrs. P. H.* IU, Miss S.* JACKSON, R. N. JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JENNER, J. P. T JOHNSON, G. E. KANN, P. R. - - - - + ← Secretariat For Home Affairs, International Building, H.K, Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282. H.K. Unknown. Unknown. c/o Midland Bank Ltd., St. Mary Street, Weymouth, Dorset, England. c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. P.O. Box No. 20027, 1 Hennessy Road Post Office, H.K. c/o American International Assurance Co., Ltd. AJA Building, 1 Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 4B Headland Road, H.K. c/o Skilts Residential School, Gorcott Hill, Nr. Redditch, Worcs., England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. 10, Peak Road, A11, H.K. c/o Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. c/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 2, Stafford Road, Kowloon. c/o International Bank of Commerce, Central Building, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, B.C., Canada, 1, Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG THE GOVERNMENT SERVANTS GROUP 101 A life-long career by a Chinese in Government service usually would not have provided opportunity for the accumulation of sufficient capital to enable one to enter the élite group. The highest paid positions were the interpreterships, but a Chinese who had sufficient competency in English to be appointed to this position could earn more in the employment of the foreign firms. However, many of the young men who received an English language education, at first in the Mission schools or the Morrison Education Society School and after 1860 at the Government Central School (now Queens College), upon leaving school became interpreters and clerks in Government for several years. But normally they did not make a life career of Government service. There were, however, two individuals who appear on our lists who had been employed by the British Government even before its removal to Hong Kong and who continued as Government employees until their retirement. These were Tso Aon and Cheong Assow. When the British established their Government offices in Hong Kong the man who became responsible for all the Chinese staff in Government offices, as well as serving as compradore to the Treasury, was Tso Aon alias Cho Yune Choong alias Cho Wing Chow. His family had lived in Macao for several generations, and in 1834 he entered the service of the British in the office of the Superintendent of Trade. By the time of his removal to Hong Kong he had accumulated enough capital to invest in real estate. When he retired from Government service in 1857 without pension, he lived off the income from real estate, pawn shops and other business ventures. He died in 1874 at Macao, survived by several sons. One of his grandsons was the Rev. Tso See Kai (**) 曹思楷) Vicar of St. Paul's (born 1895, died 1928). Tso Aon's brother, Chow Yik Chong (5) alias Chow Yin Yin alias Chow Yau () alias Chow Kam Ming (alias Chow Wai Chun (R), was a large land owner and capitalist in Macao. He was knighted by the Portuguese Government, made a member of the Macao Legislative Council, and was a leader of the Chinese community in Macao. He died in 1896. His son Tso Seen Wan came ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 233 HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, E. E. HOWARD, W. 1.* HOWARTH, Richard H. - HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. - HOWNAM-MEEK, R, S. HOWORTH, J. F. + HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung-Pei HUGHES, G. M. + - HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* - HUI, Miss Wai-haan HUNG, Chiu-sing HURT, Miss E. J. - HUTSON, P. E. INGLES, Miss J. M. IRETON, Mrs. P. H.* IU, Miss S.* JEN, Prof. Yu-wen JENNER, J. P. JOHNSON, G. E. JOHNSTON, James J. JONES-PARRY, Rupert 7 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. 104 Ocean Terminal, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282, H.K. American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Flat 2, Coombe Apts., 15 Coombe Road, The Peak, H.K. Unknown. c/o Midland Bank Ltd., St. Mary Street, Weymouth, Dorset, England, c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. P.O. Box No. 20027, 1 Hennessy Road Post Office, H.K. c/o American International Assurance Co., Ltd. AIA Building, I Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong H.K. 48 Headland Road, H.K. c/o Skilts Residential School, Gorcott Hill, Nr. Redditch, Wores., England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Government House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K. P.O. Box 362, Langley, Washington, 98260. U.S.A. c/o Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K. 2, Stafford Road, Kowloon, c/o International Bank of Commerce, Central Building, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, B.C., Canada. P.O. Box 65, Marshall, Arkansas 72650. U.S.A. Longman Group (Far East) Ltd., P.O. Box 223, H.K. 3 Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 72 HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE their duties effectively. Of this latter group, student-interpreters in the Consular Corps probably made the greatest contribution — such names as Herbert A. Giles, E.H. Parker, E.D.H. Fraser, W.F. Mayers, Thomas Watters, G.M.H. Playfair, E.T.C. Werner,44 speak for themselves but Hong Kong cadets, although few in number (from 1861 to 1941 only eighty-five were appointed), also made a significant contribution and one should cite not only Lockhart but Sir Cecil Clementi45 and Sir R.F. Johnston. All these early British 'scholar-officials' helped to lay the foundations in Britain of Chinese studies and were among the first to staff and to head new departments of Chinese studies or to interest people in the study of a unique Asian civilisation and culture. Lockhart, of course, was a busy, conscientious and efficient civil servant who could not spend his working hours brooding over knotty problems of translation or sinological conundrums; but he was always a remarkably energetic man and, according to his daughter, rose early in the morning and did his private work long before his Department was open officially. Lockhart's studies appear to have extended into the evenings as well. There is an interesting reference to him, by T. Kirkman Dealy, in the Preface (1907) to his revised edition of Chambers' English-Cantonese Dictionary: I still vividly retain very clear recollection of a periodical after-dinner meeting which I was privileged to attend, in the middle eighties, at the former London Mission House, where, round a lamp-lighted table, under the personal presidency of the then venerable head of the London Mission [Dr. John Chalmers], sat the late Dr. Faber, Mr. J.H. Stewart Lockhart (now His Honour the Commissioner for Wei-hai-wei), Mr. (now Dr.) G.H. Bateson Wright, Head Master of Queen's College, Mr. Addys of the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, the late Mr. A. Falconer, Second Master of the old Government Central School, and others, eagerly discussing, assiduously comparing, commenting on, and revising, translations of portions of a minor Chinese classic made, since the previous session, by individual members of the class.46 This very Victorian passion for work, which embraced not only his official duties but his private interest in sinology, allowed Lockhart to publish in 1893 his first book, a Manual of Chinese Quota- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG: THE STORY OF THE BRITISH MILITARY HOSPITAL, HONG KONG 1942-1945 DONALD C. BOWIE The future comes one day at a time* In international, as in private life, what counts most is not really what happens to someone, but how he bears what happens to him†. INTRODUCTION Ever since I sailed from Hong Kong in September 1945 after my release as a prisoner of war, I have waited for a suitable opportunity to write an account of the experiences of those who served or were patients in the British Military Hospital there. The story will be almost entirely about men for, though I served in the hospital from April 1939, the period of which I write is only that covered by my diaries which began in August 1942. It was then that I took charge of the hospital after the women nurses were removed by the Japanese and except for two, interned thereafter in Stanley. The two exceptions were Latvian and Russian women, lately medical students in Hong Kong University who were released in Hong Kong and sent later to North China. The two Canadian nurses were repatriated to Canada from Stanley in November, 1943. The position of Senior Medical Officer was thrust upon me at twenty-four hours notice, and from the 7th August 1942 I kept diaries of events, daily at first but never less frequently than every two-three days, up to the 8th September 1945. Up to September, 1944, I summarized events in a separate book each month and all were sealed in tins and buried in our cemetery in Bowen Road up to March 1945. I recovered the buried diaries after the Japanese surrender and to these I was able to add the 1945 diaries which I had compiled while in the Central British School, Kowloon. During the long years of captivity I also compiled and saved in the same way a report on our wartime surgical experiences in * Old saying. † Quoted here from Present at the Creation by Dean Acheson, 1969, who attributes it to George Keenan. The sentiment itself must have been expressed millions of times since principle sought to replace instinct as a guide to human behaviour. For the author's career see end of this article. i ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 176 DONALD C. BOWIE THE PERIOD OF SLOW DECLINE The year 1943 began with 341 patients in hospital and there were 30 deaths during the year. A number of our own staff had to be admitted for treatment of early deficiencies. Of the 234 patients remaining on 31 December 1943, deficiency diseases accounted for 120, dysentery for 13, pulmonary tuberculosis for 8 and war wounds for 25. The year 1944 followed much the same pattern as 1943. The hospital admitted 229 patients, discharged 304 and at the end of the year retained 145 patients. Fourteen deaths occurred during the year and the staff admission rate continued to rise. The hospital closed in Bowen Road on 23 March 1945 and re-opened in the Central British School, Kowloon, on 10 April. Earlier we had been required by the Japanese to reduce the total of patients and staff in the hospital to two hundred. When the hospital moved, therefore, it had only 119 patients and 3 deaths had occurred in 1945 up to 23 March. Sections describing the years 1943 and 1944 will be added later to this account and a short section will cover the last months from April to September 1945. This last few months was what I have called the Period of Relative Stability. It will be convenient to deal with the rationing problem as a whole and a separate section follows devoted to this subject. FOOD Of all subjects of general conversation and general interest, the most common was food. The receipt of stocks was carefully watched by patients and staff, and storage issue, preparation, cooking and distribution were always subjected to close scrutiny. This interest with its undertone of slight suspicion was particularly developed in some men and was not at first understood by those who had any responsibilities for food and was the cause of some resentment by the latter. The common interest of all in making the best use of food and in its even distribution led to methods which brought about a diminution of suspicion though opinions were never lacking in all aspects of food economy. Men with special knowledge used to tell of succulent dishes characteristic of different countries and regions and many vowed that they would pay greater attention to such delicacies as pigs' trotters when they were free again. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 193 viously prepared note addressed to her mother which was successfully picked up. Her mother and two of her sisters then got to work on the Kempeitai, the formidable and feared gendarmerie, sometimes called the 'thought police' and somehow secured her release. When Mrs. Selwyn-Clarke was eventually interned in 1943 the work went on and Helen Ho continued to bring supplies to our hospital until our release. We had the privilege of welcoming her in person in the Central British School in August 1945, and expressing our thanks to her for her work whose value it is almost impossible to overestimate. Miss Ho was awarded the O.B.E. and after the war qualified in England as an almoner, the medical social worker of today. My wife and I have maintained friendship with Helen and her family ever since and I have had the privilege of calling on the family in Hong Kong in 1964. Selwyn-Clarke was arrested by the gendarmerie on 2 May 1943, and his wife was interned in Stanley. A civil medical man had escaped from internment in Hong Kong in 1942 and this may have impaired Selwyn-Clarke's position with the Japanese to some extent. However this may be, conditions became very hard in 1942 for his subordinates who were still working to improve the health conditions generally. When some of these had been reduced to burning their own furniture for fuel and had been forbidden to draw funds from their banks a number sought permission to leave the Colony and seek a life in Chinese mainland villages. Selwyn-Clarke had power to sign recommendations for permission to leave in the case of those who had served directly under him before and during hostilities. He suspected that one man severely wounded during the fighting, in whose case he had very slightly stretched the facts in his certificate because of his deep sympathy with his plight, was detected and stopped by the Japanese on his way to China. He was intensively questioned and eventually broke down and gave the answers his questioners wanted, answers relating to Selwyn-Clarke's alleged spying activities which were quite untrue. Selwyn-Clarke was an upright man who would never break his word even to the Japanese occupiers and he told me subsequently that in the case of the certificate he gave to the man he suspects was immediately responsible for his arrest, this was the only occasion in his life that he had ever compromised on a matter of principle. This I accept. It shows the kind of man he was. Besides this incident which fired the train of events leading to his arrest he had of course ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 194 DONALD C. BOWIE always been under close surveillance as well by the gendarmerie. After his arrest in May, 1943, he was confined in the cells below the Supreme Court in conditions of the utmost squalor and was subjected to the intensive, unending, repetitive "interrogation" about his alleged spying activities which are lamentably so well known nowadays. One of the accusations was that in some way he was in touch with the British Embassy in Lisbon to which he was supposed to have reported information about Japanese activities. The charge was a capital one and the sentence of the trial court was death. To such a condition was he reduced that he told his captors to get on with the job and carry out the sentence. This they did not do, and he suspects that the deaths in prison of the Chief Manager of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank in circumstances in which ill-treatment and starvation were suspected made even the Japanese gendarmerie reluctant to offer Selwyn-Clarke as a third victim. Sixteen months later he was tried again, also upon a capital charge but due to some dealings of oriental subtlety by some of his friends in the Colony the sentence this time was three years in prison. In December 1944 he was transferred from Stanley prison to Ma Tau Wei Internment camp near Kai Tak airport and there he says he was alright. In August 1945, when we welcomed him to our hospital in the Central British School he was still physically in poor shape and he suffered permanent disabilities. His spirit, however, if it had once been bent, had by then recovered and as soon as he could after the Japanese surrender he returned to his office in Hong Kong to reestablish medical and health control and order in the Colony. Before closing this section which has been devoted to the problems of feeding patients and staff in the hospital I am glad to refer to the Red Cross organization in Hong Kong during the war. Mr. R. Zindel, a Swiss citizen and thus a neutral, was in charge. He made formal inspections of the hospital about every six months accompanied by the Japanese Commander of P.O.W. camps. I shall refer later to these visits, but it was quite evident to me that Mr. Zindel was confined within strict limits by the Japanese during his inspections. He must, I feel sure, have met the same difficulties in his work outside the hospital, but I record here with gratitude our indebtedness to his tenacity, skill and resource in getting to us so many of the food stores which made such a very great difference to our wellbeing. I had the pleasure of meeting him also in Hong Kong during my visit in 1964. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 205 lights-out and a host of minor matters. They sometimes slapped patients, both officers and other ranks, for what they considered to be breaches of orders. On our side the victims could only guess at the reasons for the slapping for no interpreter was ever to hand at the time. I took up every one of these cases with Saito or Seino as soon as either appeared after the incident, and I always tried to have the matter investigated. Repeatedly I was told that a sentry represented the Imperial Army and must inflict punishment at once for any irregularity on our part. I never discovered that there was anything personal in these slappings in the sense that they might be a retaliation for what, in the British army, we used to call dumb insolence. Some tempers on our side were sorely tried but no major incident occurred. I was never approached by any Japanese officer or N.C.O. for help over medical treatment. Only once did an opportunity occur to retaliate. Late in 1945 in the Central British School in Kowloon we had an officious guard sergeant who was nicknamed 'Slappy' because of his readiness to slap all and sundry for what he thought were offences. About the time of the Japanese surrender, but well before the guards were withdrawn, this man was waylaid by some of our sappers who had suffered themselves and who wanted to repay him on their own and their friends' behalf. I was told that they were very satisfied with the result and there were no repercussions. TRADING The Japanese allowed us to have a shop within the hospital. We had to buy stocks from a Hong Kong Chinese compradore, a term which will be familiar to all who have been in the Far East, and we then sold the goods within the hospital. For a very long time we were not allowed to make a profit, and it was not until a year or two after our surrender that I got permission to make five per cent and use the proceeds within precisely defined limits. The shop stocked goods likely to be desired, mainly cigarettes, matches, syrup, jams, salt, eggs on occasion, tomato sauce, beans, cigarette papers, sugar, sewing cottons and needles, ginger, laces, soy bean powder, soap, razor blades etc. We placed an order one week and such goods as were available were delivered the following week. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 227 lera, and dysentery using Japanese material was completed in the same months. In mid December the first move was made to restrict the area round the hospital in which we were allowed to move and the wire was brought closer in to exclude us from the peacetime N.A.A.F.I. block, the senior warrant officers' quarters and the tennis court. Christmas passed quietly, marked by the issue of extra food which had been prudently accumulated over a long time. The wards were decorated and carols were sung on Christmas Eve. We returned to reality with a night search by Seino in which he confiscated all electric heaters he found. I JANUARY 1944 23 MARCH 1945 The British Military Hospital remained in Bowen Road till 23 March 1945 when it moved to the Central British School in Kowloon. It will be convenient therefore to cover the whole of 1944 and the first three months of 1945 in this section, and to leave the remainder of 1945 up to our release in August to be considered in a later section. Conditions in Bowen Road and in Kowloon were quite different. On 1 January 1944 we had 234 patients, but by 31 December the number of patients had dropped to 145 and the staff had fallen to 55. During 1944 deaths numbered 14, and between January 1945 and our move to Kowloon in March a further two patients died. For the last ten days of January 1944 we had no patients on our dangerously ill list for the first time since our capture. This happy position did not last. The decline in the number of patients was the result of two factors. Firstly, prisoners of war who had survived thus far had constitutions which had become better adjusted to the type of diet which was alone available to them while no further outbreaks of infections disease occurred. The general condition of our patients and staff upon whom our observations were made drifted slowly down, and in 1944 and early 1945 more of our staff were admitted for hospital treatment than at any other period during our imprisonment. The second cause was a Japanese order to me by Saito on 19 November 1944 to reduce our total of patients and staff to 200, and during that month two drafts totalling 9 staff and 96 patients left for camp. The timing of this decision should be seen against our predicament in Bowen Road resulting from growing shortages ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 246 DONALD C. BOWIE All of Mr. Campbell's records of receipts of Japanese rations were removed by Saito on 17 February in order, he said, that they could be examined by Japanese checkers. We never got them back. On 19 March 24 lorry loads of beds (100) and mattresses and medical equipment left the hospital. On 21 March 109 patients with four doctors and 5 nursing orderlies were transferred to huts in Sham Shui Po leaving four officers and 56 staff with 15 so-called strong patients. I left with these on 23 March for Sham Shui Po. This was the only time I had been in a P.O.W. camp and by then the prisoners, like ourselves in the hospital, had become adjusted to the conditions. The hospital equipment had gone to the Central British School in Kowloon. We had stripped Bowen Road of every single article and structure we thought might be useful to us on our new site. In this, the Japanese seemed to encourage us. THE REASONS FOR THE RETENTION OF THE HOSPITAL IN 1942 AND ITS REMOVAL IN 1945 In the conditions following our surrender, it is not hard to understand the Japanese decision to leave a British Military hospital, which they found as a going concern, to care for Allied sick and wounded. Such a decision enabled them to conform with the provisions of the Geneva Convention, a political decision, while at the same time using an immediately practical alternative to involving their own medical services. Our hospital must have been a showpiece to their own inspecting officers and to the Red Cross representatives, both International and Japanese, and illustrated how they were conforming with the provisions of the Convention. They clearly succeeded in creating a good impression, as shown by the spontaneous remark to me of Mr. Engelbacher (I am not certain of the name) of the International Red Cross at the inspection on 21 December 1942 by Mr. Zindel and himself. He declared that we were better off than patients in a Japanese military hospital. This might have been true, but at that time, I was oppressed by the deaths of the last few months and the condition of large numbers of our patients, and I received the information with some coldness. The arrangement under which we continued to occupy our own hospital must have provided quite serious administrative inconveniences for the Japanese. So far as I know, we provided the only concentration of British P.O.W. on the Island, though the Stanley Internment Camp, some miles away, held civilian internees and was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 247 run by as entirely separate institution. After the Canadians moved from North Point we drew our patients only from Kowloon and I suppose that the prestige of adhering to the Geneva Convention outweighed in Japanese minds the administrative drawbacks of our site in Bowen Road. As time went on the need to supply and guard a unit widely separated from the main body of prisoners must have become more onerous. Increasing shortages and difficulty in supplying electricity and water to Bowen Road were probably instrumental in finally bringing about our transfer to Kowloon. 24 MARCH -- 9 SEPTEMBER 1945 We now moved into the last few months of our captivity. At first, staff and patients were accommodated in Sham Shui Po camp and from there working parties of our staff went out daily to prepare the hospital. It was on that day that I got my only view of the Heep Yunn School and I did not like what I saw, but the same day I learned that we were to have the Central British School for use. This looked and proved to be a suitable building and we began to move our gear there. A little later Saito told me that the staff would be reduced to 40 all ranks though previously he had said that there would be 40 other ranks. On 9 April 6 officers and 34 other ranks moved in to the Central British School. Besides myself there were Major G.F. Harrison, Major J.W. Anderson, Captain A. Coombs, Lieutenant (Q.M.) F.J. Campbell and the Rev. James Squires our padre. There were five Royal Engineers, M.S.M. Sims, Q.M.S. Tyas, and sappers Samways, Carvell and Climo, and there were 29 other ranks R.A.M.C. and R.A.D.C. headed by Sergeant-majors Muxlow and Bartley. On 10 April 62 patients of whom 58 had been in Bowen Road and four were newly arrived in the hospital. There were at first no non-medical workers though these had been promised. On 12 April a further 62 patients arrived, 31 of these being crippled but in fair general condition and a further 31 being what we then called old men (i.e., unfit for service by reason of age). Two army officers and some American and British merchant navy officers were included, but we had no special accommodation for officers. The Japanese ordered that all patients were to have white beds, another example of window dressing. The hospital provided for 34 beds for patients on the ground floor and 81 on the first floor which also housed the operating theatre, X-ray room and laboratory. Page 255 Page 256 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 256 DONALD C. BOWIE On 4 August Mr. Zindel carried out a Red Cross inspection of the hospital together with Colonel Tokunaga and his staff, the whole lasting only about twenty minutes and I had no conversation with him. At this time we had been receiving small quantities of fresh meat at weekends and this had gone on for a few weeks before meat was replaced by salted fish, the first fish we had had for a long time. In early August the weather was remarkably cool, dull and showery with the wind varying from S.W. to N.E. The barbed wire was now being brought closer to the hospital and excluded the playing field. We had two dangerously ill patients on 7 August and we received a drum of diesel oil from Saito via our engineers. Mr. Sims was able to repair a burned out high tension cable on our X-ray set and I noted that we put an extra lock on the linen store, a further indication that active trading was still going on. The last Red Cross supplies we had received came in on 29 June and we were running short. Our wheat stock was exhausted and we stopped cooking buns but continued to produce a so-called cake each week and bread made from rice and beans was issued every second day. The Japanese issue of cigarettes for workers which had been due on 20 July arrived on 8 August and Saito told me that wood for fuel was very difficult to get and asked me to economise. We had made two attempts without success to make a wood saw from iron bedsteads. We had now a working party wiring and installing a water supply and a lavatory in the school sports pavilion for the use of the Japanese. We were given 186 small towels, enough for one to each person in hospital and the remainder were raffled. By now the hospital was tired of the lack of news, but remained fairly cheerful except for the blight of three patients on the dangerously ill list. On 15 August one British patient died, thus making the fifth death which had occurred in the Central British School. On 16 August we had a funeral, and a young bull was sighted in the hospital compound but just escaped us. On the same day my diary contains a note to the effect that the war was over, news which reached us via the guards. It is rather remarkable that the official surrender had been made only the previous day in Tokyo. I tackled Saito directly, asking for news but he replied that he had none, though he did promise to tell me as soon as any was available. Next day I asked Saito again in the morning for news and was answered very brusquely that he did not understand my question. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 257 Confirmatory details that the war was ended were coming in via the sentries who it will be remembered were mostly Formosans. Check parades were being held less regularly and there was some cheering within the hospital. Later that night, 17 August Major Harrison and I walked out of the hospital and went to a nearby Internment Camp where we saw Dr. and Mrs. Selwyn-Clarke and Dr. and Mrs. Canaval who had worked with us during hostilities. I got back to the hospital at 1.30 a.m. to find the place deserted by the Japanese and our men collecting souvenirs. On this day an American Red Cross case was delivered by the Japanese to us and on 18 August the Japanese quarters inside the hospital were being cleared up and documents and mattresses were burned by them. There was much broken glass about the place from bottles, windows etc. and it was on the previous night that our guard sergeant known as "Slappy" was dealt with by some of our men who were getting a little of their own back. I found it remarkable that on this day Saito brought the August pay for all officers together with all the savings which had been deducted from pay by the Japanese. This amounted to 740 yen for a major and 370 for a captain. Apparently I signed for all of this, though I have no note as to what I did with this money which by now of course was practically valueless. Two old friends of mine, one from the Middlesex Regiment and one from the Royal Marines came from the officers' camp and gave us news of events there. I went to see the Indian camp and arranged to help them with supplies of drugs etc. Major Ashton Rose brought in one patient from Sham Shui Po and said he had about 60 still to come. At this time my policy was to reserve our hospital beds only for sick people and to transfer to camp those who required no active treatment. On 19 August I went early to Sham Shui Po where I saw the senior officer who remained, Lieutenant Col. F. Field and others. Major John Crawford, the senior Canadian doctor was in charge of the officers' camp and Captain Strahan moved to give professional help in the Indian camp. I saw patients with Ashton Rose and Crawford and arranged for Sham Shui Po to remain as a reception station sending those who needed treatment to the Central British School in Kowloon. Surplus drugs and equipment were to be returned to the Central British School leaving in Sham Shui Po only items necessary for a reception station. Ashton Rose would go to the Indian camp as Senior Medical Officer, Swyer would be... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG 265 At this time I took part in some discussions on any action to be taken to report on the conduct of individuals while prisoners and I took the view that adverse reports should only be made in cases of the grossest neglect of duty and I made no report of this kind. Our staff and patients, apart from an occasional minor misdemeanour by one or two, conducted themselves splendidly. On 4 September the large Empress of Australia arrived. I took two R.A.F. doctors to the Central British School where they saw something of the population of bugs and very understandably wanted to occupy apartments in nearby flats. By now the R.A.F. had brought 3000 troops into the Colony and they needed hospital services for their sick. There was, as might be expected, some confusion in the various administrations. Some people were moving too fast with too little thought, while others thought too long before moving. On 5 September I went off to the Empress of Australia early and later found that Surgeon-Captain George Abercrombie was now Fleet P.M.O. in the battleship H.M.S. Anson. Abercrombie was later to be a founder member and in due course a distinguished President of the College of General Practitioners (later a Royal College), and I had the pleasure of meeting him quite frequently in London later. He kindly invited me to lunch in the Anson one day. Long voyages in warships in wartime conditions had left him looking rather pale, while of course I was pretty thin by that time. The main dish at lunch was a mutton stew in which the mutton was extremely fat and the watery part of the stew was laden with fat globules. I well remember the look of horror on his face as he watched me dispose of what to him must have been a repulsive dish. At this time I learned that Colonel Lindsay Ride was replacing Field as senior officer in the army in Hong Kong. Ride had commanded our Field Ambulance during the fighting in Hong Kong. He was a professor in the University and his Chinese students helped him to escape as soon as we surrendered to Mainland China, where he set up an organisation to keep in touch with events in Hong Kong and which helped people to escape from the Colony. I believe that it was through his thoughtfulness that my wife learned that I was still alive after hostilities ended but none of the messages I sent off from Hong Kong after our release ever arrived. Ride was later Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hong Kong, and knighted for his services to the Colony. The R.A.F. hospital moved into the Central British School ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d Table 5: 1945, 10 April - 31 July, at Central British School, Kowloon Rice 461.0 Vegetables 300.0 Fish See Note 20 Soy Beans See Note 21 Peanut Oil 16.0 Sugar 8.0 Tea See Note 22 Salt 6.0 Notes:- 16. 284 17. 18. 19. 20. Fish 21. Soy Beans 22. Tea 23. Fresh Meat DONALD C. BOWIE In April, the staff had the following extra rations daily; Rice 85.0; Soy Beans 30.0; Peanut Oil 15.0; Salt 3.0. 20 Patients had the same extra rations for 10 days only. In May, 40 staff and 20 patients had the following extra rations daily; Rice 90.0; Vegetable 60.0; Peanut Oil 14.0; Salt 3.0. In June, From 1st June to 17 July, a British Working party from Sham Shui Po was accommodated in the Military Hospital. From 1st to 9 June this numbered 40 and thereafter the number was 60. All members of staff and working party each had extra rations; Rice 113.0; Vegetable 40.0; Salt 2.0. Throughout July all staff and up to 17 July the British working party also had extra rations as follows:- Rice 92.0; Sugar 1.0; Tea 2.0; Salt 1.0. No fresh milk was received during 1945. A daily average of 32.0 was issued in January. The average dropped to 4.0 in February. No further issue was received until July when the average daily issue was 14.0. A daily average of 31.0 was issued in April. In May this dropped to 5.0. No further supplies were received. A daily average of 3.0 was issued in April and May. No further supplies were received. Having disappeared from the rations in 1942, it reappeared in May 1942, when the daily average per head was 4.0. In June the daily average was 20.0 and in July 30.0. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 288 Rank Name Corporal Leath* N.J. Mr Leghorn J. DONALD C. BOWIE Unit R.A.M.C. Att. R. Engineers W.O.I. Muxlow* J.L. R.A.M.C. Private Molloy* W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Nicholls* R. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Platt* J.H. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Peasegood H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Pike S.C. R.A.M.C. Private Pratt* D.G. R.A.M.C. L/Corporal Rennison R. Engineers S/Sergeant Roberts* J.H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Reynolds* J.S.R. R.A.M.C. Private Richardson J. R.A.M.C. Private Roberts T. R.A.M.C. Private Ross* L. R.A.M.C. Major Swyer J.E. R.A.M.C. Revd. Squires* S.J. R.A.Ch.D. Private Sinclair A.L. R.A.M.C. Private Skimins W. R.A.M.C. Private Syme J.A. R.A.M.C. Private Stanley* E+ R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Shorthouse G.P. A.D. Corps Sergeant Smith A.W. A.D. Corps M.S.M. Sims* E. R. Engineers Q.M.S. Samways* W. R. Engineers Corporal Thompson R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Twitchett* A. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Tyas* T.A. R. Engineers Corporal Whybro* R.A.M.C. Corporal Wilkinson* Corporal Varty* R.A.M.C. R.A.M.C. Footnote:- No asterisk One Two Served in Bowen Road only Served in Bowen Road and Central British School Served in Central British School only should be rewritten in HTML as: 288 Rank Name Unit Corporal Leath* N.J. R.A.M.C. Mr Leghorn J. Att. R. Engineers W.O.I. Muxlow* J.L. R.A.M.C. Private Molloy* W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Nicholls* R. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Platt* J.H. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Peasegood H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Pike S.C. R.A.M.C. Private Pratt* D.G. R.A.M.C. L/Corporal Rennison R. Engineers S/Sergeant Roberts* J.H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Reynolds* J.S.R. R.A.M.C. Private Richardson J. R.A.M.C. Private Roberts T. R.A.M.C. Private Ross* L. R.A.M.C. Major Swyer J.E. R.A.M.C. Revd. Squires* S.J. R.A.Ch.D. Private Sinclair A.L. R.A.M.C. Private Skimins W. R.A.M.C. Private Syme J.A. R.A.M.C. Private Stanley* E+ R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Shorthouse G.P. A.D. Corps Sergeant Smith A.W. A.D. Corps M.S.M. Sims* E. R. Engineers Q.M.S. Samways* W. R. Engineers Corporal Thompson R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Twitchett* A. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Tyas* T.A. R. Engineers Corporal Whybro* R.A.M.C. Corporal Wilkinson* R.A.M.C. Corporal Varty* R.A.M.C. Footnote:- No asterisk - Served in Bowen Road only One * - Served in Bowen Road and Central British School Two + - Served in Central British School only Here is the corrected version in HTML format: 288 Rank Name Unit Corporal Leath* N.J. R.A.M.C. Mr Leghorn J. Att. R. Engineers W.O.I. Muxlow* J.L. R.A.M.C. Private Molloy* W. R.A.M.C. Corporal Nicholls* R. R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Platt* J.H. R.A.M.C. Sergeant Peasegood H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Pike S.C. R.A.M.C. Private Pratt* D.G. R.A.M.C. L/Corporal Rennison R. Engineers S/Sergeant Roberts* J.H. R.A.M.C. Corporal Reynolds* J.S.R. R.A.M.C. Private Richardson J. R.A.M.C. Private Roberts T. R.A.M.C. Private Ross* L. R.A.M.C. Major Swyer J.E. R.A.M.C. Revd. Squires* S.J. R.A.Ch.D. Private Sinclair A.L. R.A.M.C. Private Skimins W. R.A.M.C. Private Syme J.A. R.A.M.C. Private Stanley* E+ R.A.M.C. S/Sergeant Shorthouse G.P. A.D. Corps Sergeant Smith A.W. A.D. Corps M.S.M. Sims* E. R. Engineers Q.M.S. Samways* W. R. Engineers Corporal Thompson R. R.A.M.C. Corporal Twitchett* A. R.A.M.C. Q.M.S. Tyas* T.A. R. Engineers Corporal Whybro* R.A.M.C. Corporal Wilkinson* R.A.M.C. Corporal Varty* R.A.M.C. Footnote:- No asterisk - Served in Bowen Road only One * - Served in Bowen Road and Central British School Two + - Served in Central British School only ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n 246 LIST OF MEMBERS LIFE OVERSEAS MEMBERS: HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. HURT, Miss E. J. IRETON, Mrs. P. H. JOHNSTON, J. J. JORDAN, Dr. D. K. KIDD, S. T. KNOWLES, Miss Moira G. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. KURATA, Mrs. L. LINDSAY, T. J., M.B.E. LOTHROP, F. B. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. McBAIN, G. McDOUALL, J. C., C.M.G. MICHAELIDES, Miss E. O. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W. MILL, Capt. C. S. Jr. MILLER, C. F. O'BRIEN, J. R. PLAG, Rev. A. POLAND, T. D. ROBINSON, Prof. K. E. ROTHE, U. SINFIELD, G. H. C. c/o C.V. Starr & Co. Inc., 102 Maiden Lane, New York, N.Y. 10005, U.S.A. Woodlands School, Woodlands Drive, Scarborough, Yorkshire, England. P.O. Box 362, Langley, Washington 98260, U.S.A. P.O. Box 65, Marshall, Arkansas 72650, U.S.A. Dept. of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, California 92037, U.S.A. c/o Hong Kong Government Office, 6 Grafton St., London W1X 3LB, England. 3, Kirkmay House, Marketgate, Crail, Fife KY10 3RF, Scotland, UK. Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. 478, Edison Avenue, Ottawa, Ontario K2A 1TQ, Canada. 3, Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W., Australia. 176, Milk Street, Boston, Mass. 02109, U.S.A. 31, Fairlawns, Maldon Rd., Wallington, Surrey, England. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan. The Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxon., England. The British Council, Halls Croft, Old Town, Stratford-upon-Avon, England. 165 East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. 132, Greenbriar Court, Jacksonville, N.C. 28540, U.S.A. c/o Bank of Korea, Seoul, Korea. St. Paul's, 1 Roma Avenue, Kensington, N.S.W. 2033, Australia. 7000 Stuttgart 1, Roemerstr. 41, Germany. 15, Bellevue Lawns, Delgany, Co. Wicklow, Ireland. The Old Rectory, Church Westcoat, Kingham, Oxford OX7 6SF, England. Wohnstift Augustinum Apt. 778, 5483 Bad Neuenahr, Germany. Hong Kong Tourist Association, 159, Bay Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 QINGMING FESTIVAL IN CENTRAL CHINA 79 and a new transplantation followed in the fourth moon. In Baling we find that grave worship was conducted in the first moon, at Qingming, and on the 3rd day of the third moon. I think it possible to correlate this unusual dispersion with the existence of two periods of sowing. This short sketch indicates how much more we must know in order to make anthropological sense out of the Chinese calendar system. I leave the argument at this juncture. When we know more about the autumn rituals and the New Year celebrations we may, in this new knowledge, find clues to a better understanding of the distribution of ceremonies over the calendric span of time. Again, when we know more about the local conditions and variations to be found in this limited area of Central China, we may find some co-variation in ritual events, which would be helpful in our attempts at establishing the overall system. NOTES *This paper was written when in 1975 I was privileged by All Souls College, Oxford, with a Visiting Fellowship. I remain most thankful to the Warden and Fellows of All Souls. I owe a further debt of gratitude to the two Swedish Research Councils for the Social Sciences, and for the Humanities. Part of the material which concerns this essay was found in the Harvard-Yenching Institute, Harvard University, in 1970. I am indebted to that Institute for their hospitality, and also to University of Stockholm and the Nathhorst Foundation for generous support. The argument of this paper was presented at a seminar in the School of Oriental and African Studies, London. I am grateful for this occasion. For comments and discussion I remain thankful to Hwang Tsu-yu, Wang Gung-wu, James Watson, Arthur Wolf and the late Maurice Freedman. 1 See, for instance, the papers by Maurice Freedman, ‘A Chinese Phase of Social Anthropology,' British Journal of Sociology 14, 1-19, 1963, and 'Why China', (Presidential Address 1969) Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 1969, 5-13. 2 Gujin Tushu Jicheng. The Complete Collection of Books of All Times, Eds. Chen Menglei & Jiang Tingxi, 1885-1888 reprint of 1726 edition. (Hereafter GJTSJC). References to this work are given according to the system of Lionel Giles, An Alphabetical Index to the Chinese Encyclopaedia. London: British Museum, 1911. 3 Taoyuan Xianzhi. Records of Taoyuan County. Auths. Fang Kun and Pi Zhen. n.d. juan 3:12a. 4 Yiyang Xianzhi. Records of Yiyang County, Auth. Zhao Zhepei 1807-1819. juan 2:66. 5 GJTSJC, VI:1259 lb, 1193 # 3a, 1120 # 4b. 6 GJTSJC VI:1130 # 2a. 7 Baling Xianzhi. Records of Baling County Auth. 1872 juan 11:7b, quoting that is an earlier sub-prefectural gazetteer. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 ORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS ADDIS, Mr. Stewart, c/o The Hong Kong Bank, 1 Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG, ADDIS, Mrs. Diana, c/o The Hong Kong Bank, 1 Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG. AIKEN, Mrs. Lorna, 13 Buxey Lodge, 5th Floor, 37 Conduit Road, HONG KONG. AKERS-JONES, Mr. D., Island House, Tai Po, NEW TERRITORIES. ALLCOCK, Mr. R. C., School of Law, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. ANGOVE, Mr. W. B., Cathay Pacific Airways Ltd., Operations Building, 4/F, Kai Tak, KOWLOON. ARCHER, The Hon. Mrs. S., 19A Manhattan Tower, 63 Repulse Bay Road, HONG KONG. AU, Mr. K. N., c/o Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, KOWLOON. BARD, Dr. S. M., c/o Hong Kong Museum of History, Star House, 4th Floor, KOWLOON. BARR, Mr. J. W., E9 Repulse Bay Towers, 119A Repulse Bay Road, HONG KONG. BARRETTO, Mr. Ruy O., 1903 Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG. BATE, Mr. Paul W., c/o John Swire & Sons Ltd., P.O. Box 1, HONG KONG. BATSON, Lt. Col. J. F. S., British Military Hospital, Wylie Road, KOWLOON. BEHRENS, Mr. Ernst H., G/F Jardine Court, 36 Mt. Butler Drive, HONG KONG. BERTRAM, Mr. James, 601 Swire House, HONG KONG. BIRCH, Dr. Alan, Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. BLAIKLEY, Mr. P. E., 4 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG. BOND, Mr. Michael W., 404 La Hacienda, 31 Mt. Kellett Road, HONG KONG. BOWMAN, Mr. S. A. W., Flat 9A, 16 Macdonnell Road, HONG KONG. BOWMAN, Mrs. Dorothy, Flat 9A, 16 Macdonnell Road, HONG KONG. BOYLAN, Mrs. Catherine, c/o Cathay Pacific Airways, P.O. Box 1, HONG KONG. BRAGA, Mr. Paul, 61A Bisney Road, Pokfulam, HONG KONG. BRAMWELL, Mr. Hartley, School of Law, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG. BRANDON, Miss Jacqueline N, 6A Rome Court, Realty Gardens, 41A Conduit Road, HONG KONG. BRAY, Miss Jennifer M., 68 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG. 241 Page 241 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 256 OVERSEAS LIFE MEMBERS KNOWLES, Miss Moira G., 3 Kirkmay House, Marketgate, Crail. Fife KY10 3RF, SCOTLAND. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G., Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex. UNITED KINGDOM. KURATA, Mrs. Lucien, 478 Edison Avenue, Ottawa, Ontario K2A 1TQ. CANADA. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W., Alderfen, Surlingham, Norwich NR14 7AW, UNITED KINGDOM. LI, Dr. Choh-Ming, 81 Northampton Avenue, Berkeley, California 94707, U.S.A. LINDSAY, Mr. T. J., M.B.E., 3 Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, New South Wales, AUSTRALIA. LOTHROP, Mr. Francis B, 176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts 02109, U.S.A. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B., 51 Fairlawns, Maldon Road, Wallington, Surrey, UNITED KINGDOM. MCBAIN, Mr. George, c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, JAPAN. MCDOUALL, Mr. J. C., The Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxon, UNITED KINGDOM. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O., The British Council, Halls Croft, Old Town, Stratford-upon-Avon, UNITED KINGDOM. MILL, Capt. Charles Stuart, U.S.M.C., 132 Greenbriar Court, Jacksonville, N.C., 28540, U.S.A. MILLER, Mr. Carl Ferris O., c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255. Seoul, KOREA. O'BRIEN, Mr. J. R., + St. Paul's, 1 Roma Avenue, Kensington, New South Wales 2033, AUSTRALIA. PLAG, Mr. Albrecht (Rev.), 7000 Stuttgart 1, Roemerstr. 41, GERMANY (F.R.). POLAND, Mr. T. D., 15 Bellevue Lawns, Delgany, Co. Wicklow, REPUBLIC OF IRELAND. ROBINSON, Prof. K. E., The Old Rectory, Church Westcoat, Kingham, Oxford OX7 6SF, UNITED KINGDOM. ROTHE, Mr. Ulrich, Wohnstift Augustinum, Apt. 778, 5483 Bad Neuenahr, GERMANY. SINFIELD, Mr. G. H. C., Hong Kong Tourist Association, 159 Bay Street, Toronto, CANADA. SPERRY, Mr. H. M., 64 Hillbrook Drive, Portola Valley, California 94025, U.S.A. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 169 building up a wealthy nation and a powerful army, and to their laws for social reforms. I also discerned the essentials of current events and changes, and the means of maintaining peaceful relationship with other countries. In addition to the medical training and earlier schooling he received in Hong Kong, by "education abroad", Sun was referring to his schooling in Hawaii. The first Western school which Sun attended was Iolani, and it was an elementary school run by the Church of England in Honolulu, whose staff, except for one Hawaiian, was entirely British. After his graduation from school in 1882, he spent less than a year in a high school, Oahu College, run by American Congregationists and Presbyterian missionaries in the Hawaiian Islands. He was sent back to his native village, Ts'ui-heng, by his brother in the summer of 1883 and enrolled shortly afterwards at the Diocesan Home, a school set up by the Church of England in Hong Kong. The next year he entered the Central School, the first government secondary school in Hong Kong, now known as Queen's College. No record is available as to the class he entered. According to an article in Vol. 37 of Yellow Dragon, the school magazine, Sun entered the school under the name Sun Tai Tseng (Ti Hsiang), at the age of eighteen. He left in 1886 to join the Canton Poh Tsai Hospital as a medical student and then transferred in early 1887 to the Hong Kong Medical College for Chinese. The college was affiliated with the newly established Alice Memorial Hospital, which was set up by Ho Kai, a civic leader in Hong Kong, in memory of his wife. For the next five years, Sun studied under the general supervision of Ho Kai and two Scottish physicians, Dr. Patrick Manson and Dr. James Cantlie. He graduated in 1892 at the age of twenty-six, two years before he wrote the petition. Thus from 1883 to 1892, except for the interval of about half a year in 1886 when he joined the Poh Tsai Hospital, Sun received a major part of his secondary education and then his medical training in Hong Kong. The schools which he attended, the Diocesan Home and the Central School were Anglo-Chinese schools. Since the 1880s, the Hong Kong Government's educational policy had been directed towards the encouragement of the learning of the English language and Western knowledge, and these schools offered subjects such as those referred to by Sun in the opening of his letter. Yet the impact of school upon the mind of a youth like Sun might go much deeper than knowledge obtained from learning in class. The environment or "culture" of the school itself played perhaps a more significant ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 170 NG LUN NGAI-HA part in affecting the social and political attitude of the students. The Anglo Chinese schools in Hong Kong were modelled on the Western pattern, in their curriculum, textbooks and teaching method. In addition, Chinese students here had frequent contact with British school-masters and fellow students of different nations and religions for starting from 1867, the Central School was opened to students of all nationalities and the enrolment included English, Portuguese, Americans, Japanese, Indians, Filipinos and others. The interflow of ideas and experience went on in their daily intercourse not only through formal lessons but also through simply being mixed in a class, in their recess and games. The interchange of ideas was further facilitated by the publication of a school magazine, which contained not only school news, but also interesting articles by staff or students. As a youth and student, Dr. Sun Yat-sen spent his most formative and impressionable years in Hong Kong, and learnt much that could serve as a stimulus to his political awareness. It was never the intention of the Hong Kong Government to include any political content in the school curriculum. Care was taken, in fact, to avoid arousing any national sentiment among the Chinese students, and Chinese history was not taught in government schools. Yet, in a number of ways, some more subtle than others, the curriculum did stimulate political awakening and ideas of reform. In the Central School, topics like "Patriotism", "The Follies of Foot-binding" and "The True End of Education" were often set for English composition. Lessons on the history of England, such as the growth of parliamentary government or the Industrial Revolution, might directly or indirectly activate the minds of the students on the problems in China. What would a young man from China think of his local magistrate when he read about the municipal council in England, the rising influence of the merchant class, or the workers in the West, knowing how humble peasants fared in China? The impact of these lessons of course depended very much on the personality and mind of the individual. This explains why the Central School produced during these years officials of the Ch'ing court, reformists, as well as revolutionaries.10 Hong Kong from the mid-nineteenth century onward was an important centre for the publication of journals and newspapers containing news and articles from Hong Kong, China as well as the West. The more important early newspapers were the China Mail, the Hong Kong Daily Press and the Hong Kong Telegraph.11 These papers formed the important backbone of the China coast newspapers of the time.12 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 59 30 Pope Hennessy. This was the Normal School, which was opened in Queen's Road East, Wanchai, on 12th September, 1881, under the headmastership of A.J. May, previously Acting Third Master at the Central School. Partly because Hennessy had not taken the precaution of gaining the prior approval of the Colonial Office in London, and partly because several members of the Education Commission then sitting to consider the elevation of the Central School to collegiate status were unconvinced of the necessity for separate provision of teacher education, the scheme failed. On the recommendation of Dr. George Bateson Wright, the Acting Inspector of Schools who, as Headmaster of the Central School, was normally in a state of dispute with the substantive Inspector, E.J. Eitel, the Wanchai Normal School was closed in October 1883. A.J. May returned to his ordinary teaching duties at the Central School, at first as merely an “extra-master” and, according to Gwenneth Stokes, “always very much on his dignity.” 31 And of the original 1881 intake of ten students, only two eventually became teachers. Meanwhile, the failure of the Normal School project led to a resumption of the pupil teacher scheme at the Central School. To avoid the problems faced earlier, first by Stewart and then by May, the revised pupil-teacher scheme gained additional stability by the requirement that each pupil-teacher articled had to deposit $100 with the Government Treasury. Further progress in the field of teacher education in Hong Kong was slow, the next major step being the establishment of “evening extension courses” in 1906, the formalization of these under the aegis of the newly established Technical Institute in 1907, the running of teacher education courses as a part of the Arts Faculty curriculum at the University of Hong Kong from 1916 onwards, and, finally, the establishment of the first permanent training college for teachers in Hong Kong in 1939. 32 Although the Normal School was shortlived and made only a minimal contribution to the teaching supply of Hong Kong schools, it was an interesting experiment. Comparable British colonies in Asia, the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States launched no such experiment to supply teachers capable of using English as the medium of instruction. Instead, for these colonies, a Select Committee of 1870 recommended reliance on ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 64 the need to make the record appear to indicate a full three years' participation in such a scheme. This is slightly more convincing as an explanation. A final possibility is that Mok wished to draw attention away from the fact that he was a teacher at the Central School from 1884 to 1887. It is interesting to speculate about the reasons for this desire. Is it a coincidence, for example, that these were precisely the years during which Sun Yat Sen, the future revolutionary leader and President of the Republic of China, then known as Sun Tai Tseung, attended the Central School? It is possible that the young assistant teacher and the new pupil became friends. It is also possible that, in 1906, it struck Mok Man Cheung that public knowledge of this attachment would have been inconvenient and, therefore, he post-dated his teaching career's commencement to 1888, the year after Sun Yat Sen left the Central School for the newly formed Hong Kong College of Medicine for the Chinese. In 1906, the Empress Dowager was still alive. A belated Reform Movement was in operation in a last desperate, but vain, attempt to save the Qing dynasty and the Imperial system. As mentioned above, only two years earlier, in the first edition of his English Made Easy, Mok Man Cheung had given precedence to words like Emperor and Crown Prince. He had referred to queues and queue-strings as normal items, at the very time when for revolutionaries and even reformers they were regarded as symbols of Manchu oppression. There is no doubt that at this particular time open evidence of an affiliation with Sun Yat Sen would have been commercially, socially and politically undesirable, though, like several other middlemen of the period, Mok might have been quietly keeping his connections open with all sides. Discussion of the significance of Mok Man Cheung's career So much then for the worldly successes and possible problems of Mok Man Cheung. Whatever his innermost thoughts may have been, there can be little doubt that he strove outwardly to take advantage of the colonial, commercial, and social establishment of his time. Significantly, his book, English Made Easy, attempted to bridge the enormous gap between the Chinese and British communities in Hong Kong at the beginning of the twentieth century. As mentioned above, this was a period which was not ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 72 40 Hong Kong Government Gazette, 6th May, 1899, p. 701. Mok Man Cheung's book, retailing at $8, was unusually expensive. There clearly was a market for books attempting to bridge the social and linguistic gap between the Chinese and British communities. Also in 1899, for instance, a Lo Sing-lau published his English Self Taught for Chinese at $1 per copy and this went into a second edition in 1904 and a third in 1905, 1904, the year in which Mok Man Cheung produced his English Made Easy, also witnessed the publication of Tang Chi Kun's A Step in English Tongue ($0.80), 41 Letter to the Editor, signed by "X", Hong Kong Daily Press, Thursday, 17th January, 1901, p. 2. 42 This assumption is further strengthened by the fact that he made out his will on 28th December, 1917, and that its Probate Number is No. 68 of 1918. I owe this information to Professor Dafydd Evans who also points out the relatively high proportion of "death bed” wills among the Chinese in Hong Kong at this time. The will itself is serial no. 3135, deposit no. 4, in series 144. It confirms that one of Mok Man Cheung's aliases was Mok Cheuk Lim. An examination of the actual will shows that it was, indeed, a deathbed will and that Mok Man Cheung actually died on 30th December, 1917. The Declaration by Executor before Probate, dated 13th March, 1918, indicates that "the whole of the personal estate of the said testator amounts in value to the sum of $21,075.53”, certainly no mean sum at the time. 43 There appear to be no locally-published Chinese language newspapers extant for this period of time. Although the Wah Tsz Yat Po was certainly in operation, unfortunately there is a break in the surviving copies from 18th January, 1917 to 16th February, 1918. 44 The acronym for Queen's College, which was (and is) the current name for the school Mok Man Cheung had attended as "the Central School". 45 These are very clear and characteristic indications of his prominence in Hong Kong Chinese society. See, for example, H.J. Lethbridge, Hong Kong: Stability and Change, (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1978), especially pp. 52-102, and Carl T. Smith (1985), especially pp. 139-171. Confirmatory evidence that he was a member of the Committee of the Po Leung Kuk, elected on 20th March, 1909, using his alias, Mok Yeuk Lim, is found in the Hong Kong Government's Administrative Reports for that year, p. C39. If one can assume that another of his aliases was Mok Yuk-chi, confirmatory evidence about his membership of the Committee of the Tung Wah Hospitals can be found in the Administrative Reports for 1913. 46 Even though Mok Man Cheung was certainly successful in a material sense, his name appears neither in Arnold Wright's Twentieth Century Impressions nor in S.L. Woo, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong, (Hong Kong, The Five Continents Book Company, 1937) which, though written long after Mok Man Cheung's death, contained reference to several deceased merchants who had been born before 1865. Moreover, he does not appear to have been a member of the District Watch Committee, posited by Lethbridge as the Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong (Lethbridge 1978, pp. 104-129). On the other hand, Carl Smith's justly-famed index cards reveal that he was involved in many property deals and was, for example, co-proprietor, with Tang Lap Ting and Mok Kun Hiu, of the Wanchai Godown. 47 In London, a Colonial Office minute in 1907, for example, declared that “I don't think that the fact that Mr. Hee has found an Englishwoman foolish enough to marry a Chinaman is an argument for increasing his salary [as Headmaster of Wanchai District School] (CO129/341, p. 342). In Hong Kong, the official defini- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 191 A-king's "temple" near the shore of the Lower Bazaar may have been little more than a shrine. It is probable that a man whose power over the community was based on such activities as gambling, prostitution and piracy did not view temples as an integrative institution necessary for his control of community life. However, since they served this function in China they should not be overlooked among his own sphere of interests. Within a few years of the establishment of British Hongkong, a temple appears to have become a recognised centre for the Chinese community. This is the conclusion I draw from schedules of Chinese buildings published in the Hongkong Blue Book. In 1845 and 1846 a “Town Hall" is listed. I chose to identify this with the Shing Wong Temple which was on the hillside south of Gough Street. Shing Wong was the traditional “city god.” The present Shing Wong Street takes its name from the temple. The building was pulled down in 1877 when the area in which it was located was cleared in anticipation of the erection of a new building for the Central Government School (Queen's College). I assume that a notice about Hongkong published in The Chinese Repository of October 1843, refers to this temple: "A new Chinese temple is about to be undertaken. Handbills and placards are out, for the purpose of raising money for the erection of the building." In the 1847 schedule of Chinese buildings, two town halls are listed. It was in this year that the temple on Hollywood Road was erected, dedicated to the gods of literature and war (Man and Mo). The category of “town hall” does not appear in subsequent schedules. The Government grant for the land on which the Hollywood Road temple was built was given to the Chinese community in 1847 to be used for educational purposes. But instead of being used exclusively as a school, the building served a number of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 40 PRIVATE PATRONAGE OF SCHOLARSHIP AND LEARNING DURING THE MID-QING: RUAN YUAN AND THE SCHOLARS AROUND HIM* WEI PEH T'I This paper is an initial essay towards a biographical study of Ruan Yuan (1764-1849), a major scholar-official and patron of scholars of the Qianlong, Jiaqing and Daoguang reigns. I hope that by examining the life and work of a competent and respected scholar-official of this era, 'the prime exemplars of any age'.1 I may be able to bring into focus the critical problems and atmosphere of early 19th century China, the two score or so years immediately preceding the Opium War after which traditional Chinese institutions and values began to change. I have been fortunate in being able to make use of the extant Qing archival documents and Ruan Yuan's own publications for this research. Ruan Yuan left considerable literary remains. I have located 75 titles, including a number of monumental publications that carry his name as author, compiler or editor. There are also prefaces he wrote for his own and other scholars' works, indicating that at least he had known the content of them before publication. Impressive indeed as these achievements were, questions about Ruan Yuan's actual efforts arise. * I would like to thank the following libraries for allowing me access to their valuable collections in preparing this paper: Library of the National Palace Museum, the National Taiwan University libraries; the National Central Library; the Fu Ssu-nien Library of the Academia Sinica; The Library of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, the University of Hong Kong Libraries; the Rare Book Collection of the Beijing Library; the Oriental Manuscripts Collection and the Main Collection of the British Library, the Harvard-Yenching Library of Harvard University; the Gest Library of Princeton University; the Library of Congress; the New York Public Library; and Qing letters from the collection of the late Dr Wang Shih-chieh. I am also grateful to the following individuals for their help and comments on an earlier draft of this paper: Chang Ling-sheng, Ch'ang Pe-te, Chuang Chi-fa, Wang Ching-hung, Wang P'u and Wu Che-fu of the National Palace Museum (Taipei), Wang Junyi and Huang Aiping of the People's University; Ji Longwei of Yangzhou Teachers' College; Feng Erkang of Nankai University; Beatrice S. Bartlett, Iona Crook and Stephen Shott of Yale University; F.W. Mote of Princeton University; Elizabeth Sinn, Maureen Sabine and Shih Hsio-yen of the University of Hong Kong; and Deng Linyu and Xu Xiaohui of the Chinese International School of Hong Kong. Of course, they are not responsible for the errors contained in this paper. My gratitude also goes to the Department of History and Centre of Asian Studies of the University of Hong Kong. I have opted to use pinyin to accommodate a particular Chinese software program, but have left the Wade-Giles transliteration in quotations. Page 60 Page 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 150 and the 3rd War Zone branch of the Central Military Academy, where the junior officers of the Chinese army are trained. The outbreak of war between Britain and Japan had altered the nature of my visit. It was agreed that a British party would be sent to the 3rd War Zone to assist in guerilla warfare, and shortly afterwards I left for a reconnaissance of the forward areas where the school, which was to be the central feature of our assistance, would be established. The lower Yangtze delta is the most densely populated and the wealthiest region in China. Within the triangle contained by Shanghai, Nanking, and Hangchow, there are many large cities, such as Soochow, Changhsing, Huchow, Chinkiang and Kashing. In this area there is more railway traffic, more road traffic, more river and canal traffic, more sea-going shipping, and more active industry, than in all the rest of China. For the past four years, since the fall of Nanking, the Japanese had occupied the main lines of communication in the region; the Yangtze, the railways, the large cities; and they had patrolled and used the roads and creeks: in short, on the security of this base rested the whole Japanese position in China. Any threat here, any blow at Japanese dispositions, would be correspondingly the more telling. Well, as it happened, a broad tongue of mountains reached from the southwest into the area, and in these mountains the guerillas had established their quarters. Our car followed the road along the Tsien Tang river gorges: we slept in little road-side inns and ate in busy fly-blown taverns. When I had last visited these parts there had been no motor roads; I had come by junk, hauled up the rapids by trackers who bent to the ground as they strained to advance foot by foot. A new railway, leading south from Wuhu on the Yangtze, had been completed only a few years previously. In face of the Japanese advance, Chinese engineers had dismantled the line to deny its use to the enemy: but the Japanese advance had stopped at the edge of the plain; the mountain area which reached back to the mass of unoccupied China was still untouched, except for desultory bombing. The steel railway bridges had been cut, their girders sloped at all angles; and the sleepers had been taken for firewood by the farmers, leaving the rails lying along the track. All this derelict steel, the stone piers of the bridges, the embankments and cuttings, and the rails themselves, were ideal for use in training. We had here better facilities than we had ever had in Maymyo, though ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 210 the day we would be off to the beach annex of the Chefoo Club where there were rowing boats and canoes. From nine in the morning till lunch time and all afternoon a crowd of us were in and out of the water, rowing out to the raft which was a converted junk with diving boards. I got so brown that summer that the mark of the swimming trunks was still visible at Christmas time! Holidays at Home A great part of school life was the holidays at home. Home at this time was in Tung Shan Terrace off Stubbs Road, when my father was building the Chinese Methodist Church in Wanchai—the triangular red brick building at the junction of Hennessy Road and Johnston Road.* This was home not in a flat but a three-story house, with a garden overlooking Happy Valley. At the back we had access to Bowen Road which was a safe place to play as there were no motor vehicles. Those holidays I remember chiefly for rambles up to Sir Cecil's Ride and a major hike over to Tytam from Wong Nei Chong Gap. And we went to a school pantomime at the Central British School (now King George V School) where the bad guy called himself “ZBW my middle name is trouble you" ZBW being the embryo Radio Television Hong Kong. We had our first family car here, an Austin Seven with a folding roof and went for picnics to the beaches at Repulse Bay and Big Wave Bay, and at Stanley where a new prison was being built. Although it was winter in Hong Kong the climate was comfortable for us from the north and we had no hesitation in swimming. — Our journeys home in the winter holidays were considerable undertakings. Of course there was no air travel nor was rail travel possible. Instead we went by sea on the B. & S. ships of the China Navigation Line. These were coasters of about 7,000 tons which made their way up and down the China coast carrying cargoes of all sorts, a small number of passengers in cabins and a much larger number of deck passengers. Sometimes we were able to get a ship that went all the way from Chefoo to Hong Kong but often we had to get off in Shanghai and wait in the China Inland Mission hostel for a suitable connection. Some luckless schoolmaster had to accompany some twenty or so children more as far as Shanghai on these journeys. They were carefree days and I have wondered how we all survived. We would sit up on the taffrail undeterred by the possibility of toppling over into the sea. I remember getting into frightful trouble from practising throwing a penknife into the cabin bulkhead. In the ports we watched *Since demolished [Editor] — Page 225 Page 226 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g 140 being much lower. One reason for this may be connected with our public image. In the past, our leadership has been closely tied to the Hong Kong "establishment", and in tone and membership the Society itself was outwardly and distinctively British. We were probably more interested in learning and passing on information about China to other expatriates than in encouraging local Chinese membership. We could be snobbish and certainly inward-looking, and with very little difficulty could easily degenerate into a cosy little club of people who all knew each other and were mutually comfortable in the association of like with like. By degrees, as Hong Kong changed, and as the knowledge of English widened to include a very large school population being educated up to secondary level and above, the Council had become more concerned with encouraging Chinese membership, especially as the Shanghai Chinese element mentioned above had diminished with the passage of time. We had thought of going bilingual, as one or two other of the local cultural societies had done from time to time. We also wondered whether we should change the Society's name by dropping the "Royal" prefix; though this has never been a bar to the continued existence, and undoubted success, of the RAS Branches elsewhere in Asia.30 These and other topics were discussed at length during a well-attended Symposium on the present and future state of the Society held in 1987, carefully prepared and largely motivated by the coming reversion of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty in 1997.11 Following the Symposium, there was a gratifying and considerable increase in membership, perhaps due to the re-energizing of the Society that took place then, and the number and quality of its programmes. However, to this day, there has been no great interest among the English-speaking Chinese public in becoming members. The fault may of course lie in ourselves, through being too British. Yet we have usually prided ourselves on being friendly and outgoing, especially in the last decade; and our venues have been popular and easily accessible ones, like the Urban Council's lecture rooms in the High Block of the City Hall in the Central business district and the lecture room at the Hong Kong Museum of History in Kowloon Park. Partly offsetting this discouraging trend, it should be noted that the Council and its working sub-committees have always included keen Chinese members who contribute much to the Society and its work. T ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 152 In the next issue, there is again coverage of Chinese events and background. On 19 January 1861, two half-page illustrations show, "The Peace with China - Reading the Treaty at Pekin"27 and "Close of the War with China: Graves of Lieut. Anderson, Private Phipps, and Messrs. De Norman and Bowlby, in the Russian Cemetery, Pekin."2 A brief account of a lunch meeting between Lord Elgin and Prince Kung (the two signatories of the Convention of Peking) highlights what British readers would have perceived as the need for the geography lessons which Frederick Stewart was to introduce into the Hong Kong Government Central School by 1870,29 and which - by 1889 - his successor reported as increasingly being adopted into the Hong Kong Village Schools.30 (Prior to this, according to Stewart, there was no geography taught in Hong Kong's traditional Chinese schools.)31 Apparently, Prince Kung commented that until very recently he had not known, "that India was merely a province of the British empire; they formerly believed Great Britain to be a very small island, the population of which was so large that more than half were obliged to live in ships."32 Even as late as 1902, some students in Hong Kong's "Vernacular Schools", influenced by a different set of political circumstances, were reported as being, “at the last examination ignorant that Hong Kong was a British Colony: a number hazarded the opinion that it belonged to Russia.”33 It seems that the withholding of geographical teaching and its content when given were both decisions coloured by politics, whether on the Chinese or the British side. In spite of Prince Kung's tenuous respect for the British land mass, the Editor of The Illustrated London News, as published on 19 January 1861, felt that there was sufficient reason for the expression of cautious optimism for the solidity of the peace that had been won: "There seems to be good grounds for believing that we have at length fairly impressed the Chinese Government with the necessity of good faith in their dealings with us, and a reasonable hope that the treaty will be rigorously observed, leading to an interesting feeling of good will and confidence between our people and the Chinese." 34 On 26 January 1861, the view that the Chinese were now respecting their promises was supported by a full double page spread showing "The Chinese Bringing to the British Headquarters the 300,000 Taels [approximately one hundred thousand pounds sterling]35 as Compen- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 378 11. and 12. Two World War Two shots of British soldiers although regiments and locations are not known. 13. and 14. Photocopies of the old British Central School at 136 Nathan Road, Kowloon, now the Antiquities and Monuments Office. This is where Douglas Franklin studied from 1936 to 1937. He then went to King George the Fifth School until he was evacuated to Australia in 1940. 15. A 1960s map of Victoria Peak District (photocopy). 16. Two newspaper cuttings dated 17 May 1955 giving accounts of the funeral and life of Mr Franklin senior. 17. A Hong Kong one-dollar bank note with the head of King George VI (1936-1952) on it. Further information is written on the backs of photographs and snapshots. All the above have been placed by HKBRAS, on Permanent Loan, with the Hong Kong Museum of History, where they are available for display and research purposes. May I repeat that HKBRAS is extremely grateful to Douglas Franklin, a true Hong Konger having been born here, for his generous donation. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 CONTRIBUTORS Andrew Abraham, is a noted Singaporean academic. Paul Bolding, works as a financial journalist at the news and information organisation Reuters in London. He has been with Reuters since 1974. He lived in Hong Kong from 1993 to 1997 and has travelled widely in Asia. Mr Bolding has previously worked in Europe and the Middle East including Brussels, Berlin and Nicosia. He is a co-author of the Insight Guide to Turkey (pbolding@onetel.net.uk) Julia Chan, is the Hon Librarian of HKBRAS and a member of Council (jlychan@hkucc.hku.hk). Chohong Choi, obtained a B.A. in History from Queens College of the City University of New York, and an M.Phil. in History from the University of Hong Kong. He is currently a research assistant in the Department of Real Estate & Construction at HKU. The late Arnold Graham, was an old China hand. He was well known for his steady stream of Letters to the Editor in Hong Kong under the pseudonym Ancient Gweilo (a play on his initials). He donated a large number of books to the Library of HKBRAS in 1994. He ultimately relocated to New Zealand where he passed away in 1996. Peter Halliday, was formerly an assistant commissioner with the Hong Kong Police Force and its chief information officer for over six years. He now heads his own information technology consulting and training company, Elite IT Services Ltd. He is the Hon Editor of HKBRAS and a member of Council (Peter.Halliday@e-liteitservices.com). Peter Hansell, is an active member of the Friends of HKBRAS in Great Britain. Paul Harrison, started his conservation career as a volunteer at Leicester Museum, U.K., in his school holidays. He has a B.Sc. in Archaeological Conservation and a M.Sc. in Archaeometallurgy from the Institute of Archaeology, now part of University College London. He has also worked for the Scottish Urban Archaeological Trust, the British School at Athens in Crete, studying an ancient Minoan City - Palaikastro - and Bradford University's Department of Archaeological Sciences. He was formally with the Central Conservation Division (Metals), Museum of History, Leisure and Cultural Services Department. He now heads his own conservation company, Phoenix Conservation Ltd., (paulehar@netvigator.com). xvi ================================================================================