[ { "id": 204237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nBesides the Governor and Shortrede, the first office-bearers included Major-General D'Aguilar, Peter Young the Colonial Surgeon, Mercer the Colonial Treasurer, John Bowring the Younger (of Jardines); and also Thomas Wade, the celebrated interpreter and Envoy to China, who later became famous as inventor of the Wade System of romanization of Chinese still in general use today, and, as Sir Thomas, was to become President of the Society in London in 1887.\n\nIn his Inaugural Address as President, Sir John Davis stressed the importance of directing the Society's attention to practical projects and to natural history, geology and botany, as well as to literary pursuits, and suggested that he could get the sanction of the Colonial Office to the grant of a moderate piece of ground for a Botanical Garden. Sir John left the Colony in 1848; but, as the result of a stirring appeal by Mr. G. Gutzlaff, the missionary, at a meeting of the Society in August 1848, the project was approved, although it was not carried into effect until the governorship of Sir John Bowring (the younger John Bowring's father), and then the Garden was placed under Government control and not under that of the Society.\n\nDuring the twelve years of its life, the Society was dogged to some extent by the personal animosities prevalent in Hong Kong in the early days; but it flourished under the inspiration of Sir John Davis, and also for a time under Sir John Bowring, who enjoyed a European reputation as a scholar—as President he preferred to be called Dr. Bowring—and who animated the Society with his personal influence and by his contributions to its discussions. The Society had no permanent home of its own, but in 1849 it was granted by Sir S. G. Bonham a room in the Supreme Court building. It published six volumes of Transactions, the first in 1847 and the last in 1859.\n\nWith the departure of Sir John Bowring in May 1859 and the death in the September following of the Branch's devoted Secretary—Dr. W. A. Harland, M.D.—the Society collapsed. The efforts of Dr. James Legge, as well as those of Sir Hercules Robinson, the new Governor, as President, of the Bishop of Victoria and of the Acting Chief Justice as Vice-Presidents and of Harry (later Sir Harry) S. Parkes were of no avail.\n\nThe collapse of the Society came at an unfortunate time and deprived it of the prestige and momentum which it would have gained from the work of some of its famous members. Legge was on the eve of publishing his famous translation of the Chinese Classics, which could be printed and distributed only through the generosity of Joseph Jardine, and his successor Sir Robert Jardine, and of John Dent, the heads of the two largest merchant houses in the Colony. A little later, in 1865, T. W. Kingsmill had to resort to the aid of the Shanghai Branch for the publication of his studies on the geology of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204252, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n17\n\nEnglish was the most eminent. A new era in Sinology opened with Edouard Chavannes and Paul Pelliot at the turn of the century, by whom the pattern for present day studies was set.\n\nAt this time too (1898) the Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient was established in Indo-China, and the thorough and many-sided work of the French scholars in South-east Asia commenced, which included the superb achievement, still in progress, of the conservation of Angkor,\n\nSpace does not permit to treat of the studies in Indonesia and Malaya, in Japan and Korea.\n\nBut in closing mention must be made of two special subjects, which affect all countries: Buddhism and Oriental Art.\n\nIt is hard to realize that there was a time when Buddhism was unknown to the West. The study of Buddhism commenced at the beginning of the nineteenth century with a young Hungarian scholar who set out for the East to find the origin of the Magyar race, which he rightly divined was connected with that of the Turks. His travels brought him to the Tibetan-Himalayan borderland, where he settled in the little village of Kanum in the Upper Sutlej valley to study Tibetan Buddhism. It is interesting to note that it was with the Tibetan branch of Buddhism that the study of Buddhism commenced. Later the great studies of the Sanskrit and Pali Canons began, and later still of the Chinese Canon, in which Japanese scholars have played a very great part. At the present time the Tibetan Canon and the mystic forms of Tibetan Buddhism are receiving great attention.\n\nThe study of Chinese, Japanese, Indian, Persian, Tibetan and Cambodian art is now receiving great attention. The last century saw a beginning in all these directions. Through the fundamental books of the pioneers, the magnificent collections in museums, the improvements in modern photography, and the facilities in travel, the finest examples of oriental art are now open to all. Persian miniatures, Moghul architecture, Indian sculpture, Chinese porcelain, Japanese temples, Angkor Wat and Borobudur are now well known.\n\nBut a final word must be said: he who would understand the East must be deeply religious. This does not refer to any particular church or sect of religion, but to the religious spirit diffused through all.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204257, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n22\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nOne of the three best songsters in the Colony is, rather surprisingly, the Rufous-backed Shrike, a common resident. It has an interesting ‘melanistic’ or black variant which can often be seen and is known locally as the Dusky Shrike. One or two races of the Brown Shrike may be frequently observed on passage. They are much smaller than the Rufous-backed Shrike and are rather dull in plumage.\n\nA beautiful summer visitor is the Black-naped Oriole, which breeds on Hong Kong Island, near Tai Po, and in Fanling. Its black and gold plumage is a brilliant sight flashing amongst the trees and its flutey whistle is distinctive.\n\nTwo kinds of drongo are summer visitors to the Colony; the Black Drongo, mainly found nesting on Stonecutters Island with a very few pairs elsewhere; and the Hair-crested Drongo, which is much more widespread although not at all common. These two can be distinguished by looking for the spangled plumage and upturned tail-feathers of the Hair-crested Drongo.\n\nThe Chinese Starling is a local summer visitor that appears to have almost died out on Hong Kong Island, where it used to be widespread. The Black-necked Starling nests locally in the northern New Territories, frequently in electric pylons. The Crested Mynah is common and widespread (the little tuft at the base of the bill gives it its name) and the Common Mynah is resident, but confined to a very small area bordering the Ping Shan marshes.\n\nConsidered by many to be the Colony's most beautiful bird, the Blue Magpie unfortunately does not have a nature matching its looks. With its striking blue, black and white plumage and extraordinarily long tail, it is a pity that it must rank with its cousin, the Common Magpie, as the Number One predator on eggs and young birds. Both magpies are residents, and quite numerous locally. The Jungle Crow may be seen all the year round on Hong Kong Island and near Tai Po, but nesting has rarely been proved. This all-black crow has a more attractive relative in the Collared Crow, nicknamed the ‘Parson Crow’ from its white collar. It also is a rare resident, but both species have their numbers augmented by winter visitors.\n\nThe backbone and mainstay of the Colony's bird population are undoubtedly the bulbuls, and the three resident species may be counted on to appear when nothing else does. The Crested Bulbul is a bird of gardens and village woods, most attractive with its spiky top-knot. The Chinese Bulbul is abundant; indeed it cannot be avoided. The Red-vented Bulbul, a rather cheerful-sounding bird, prefers the more open country, especially hillsides.\n\nThe Black-faced Laughing-thrush is a common bird throughout the Colony and its nickname of ‘Seven Sisters’ is due to its tendency to move around in a noisy family party. It has a rare", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204265, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n29\n\nCamellia granthamiana with waxy white flowers and golden stamens. Both Camellias are evergreen trees twenty to sixty feet high, growing in a shady and thickly wooded habitat and bearing beautiful shiny bluish green foliage. Camellia hongkongensis was discovered in 1849 by Lt. Col. Eyre. There are many trees growing naturally on Hong Kong Island on Victoria Peak and the hillsides on the south of the Island. Camellia granthamiana was discovered accidentally by Mr. C. P. Lau, a forester at Shing Mun, New Territories, Kowloon, 2,000 feet above sea level, as recently as October, 1955. That this plant was a species new to science was almost unbelievable. Mr. Robert Sealy of Kew identified and described it early in 1956, and the species was named after Sir Alexander Grantham to commemorate his governorship at the time, and his interest in things botanical. Up to date, only one tree about twenty feet high has been found, in spite of thorough combing of the neighbouring hillsides for a considerable period. Attempts have been made to germinate the seeds into seedlings and to propagate from cuttings but the young plants have failed to survive in Hong Kong. However, cuttings sent to America and Kew in 1956 bloomed for the first time in 1959. The blooms are outstanding because of their exceptionally large size, the largest known in the genus Camellia, attaining a diameter of 12 to 15 cm. The waxy white flowers, with their bright golden centres, are each held at the base by overlapping greyish blue bracts and sepals. These blooms, enhanced by the dark green background of the foliage, indeed exhibit a beauty of distinction. This discovery has aroused wide interest among Camellia lovers, and Hong Kong, the land of its native home, has thus botanically added to its fame.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204266, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n30\n\nTHE KNIGHT ERRANT IN\n\nCHINESE LITERATURE\n\nA lecture delivered on January 23, 1961.\n\nJAMES J. Y. LIU, M.A.\n\nMost Western readers of Chinese literature are probably familiar with such types as the Confucian scholar, the Taoist recluse, the Buddhist monk, the romantic young lady, the intriguing eunuch, and the corrupt official, but there is another important type that is perhaps not so well known to Western readers: the knight errant. I am using the expression \"knight errant\" because it happens to be a fairly close translation of the Chinese term yu-hsia (#), though this does not imply that the ancient Chinese knight errant resembled the Mediaeval European one in every respect. The Chinese knights were not members of religious orders like the Knights Templars, nor were they members of a caste like the Japanese samurai. Though they often had many followers, they were not highly organized. They differed from professional warriors on the one hand, and mere bandits on the other. The essential qualifications of a knight errant were not so much outstanding physical strength and military skill as a spirit of altruism and a concern for justice. In short, knight errantry was not a profession but a way of behaviour, and a knight errant was simply a man who sought to right wrongs and help people in distress, often by the use of force and in defiance of the law. Such, at least, was the original definition of a knight errant, though later on he somewhat changed his character, in fact and in fiction, as we shall see.\n\nWhen and how did the knights errant come into being? As far as we can trace, they probably first came into existence during the Warring States period (403-221 B.C.), against a background of political instability, social unrest, and intellectual ferment. It was the period preceding the unification of China by the First Emperor of Ch'in, and the era in which different schools of thought, such as Confucianism, Taoism, Legalism, and Mohism, flourished side by side, each offering a different remedy for the prevailing chaotic conditions. While the thinkers were busy arguing and trying to convert the rulers of various feudal states to their respective ways of thinking, the knights errant simply took justice into their own hands and did what they thought necessary to avenge wrongs and help the poor. Of the knights errant of the Warring States period, we have no detailed accounts. The earliest knights about whose lives we know something in detail belong to the end of the Ch'in dynasty and the beginning of the Han (cir. 200 B.C.). Our information is mainly derived from the Shih chi (£), or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204268, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n32\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nYet Chu Chia, who did not even know Chi Pu personally, took him in, disguised as a farm labourer, and eventually secured his pardon from the Emperor through an influential friend. After Chi Pu had been pardoned and given official honours, Chu Chia refused to see him for the rest of his life. Because of this, men came from far and near to make friends with Chu Chia. For instance, an expert swordsman T'ien Chung treated Chu Chia as his father.\n\nAnother famous knight errant was Kuo Chich. His father had also been a knight errant and was executed by order of Emperor Wen in the second century B.C. Kuo Chich himself was small in person but very strong, and was a teetotaler. In his youth he was spiteful and killed many men who had offended him.\n\nHe avenged the private wrongs of his friends at the risk of his own life, concealed those on the run from the law, robbed the rich, and illegally coined money. But luck was always on his side: he either managed to escape in time or was pardoned because of an amnesty. When he grew older, he reformed his ways. He became modest and exerted self-control; he gave liberally but expected little from others. Yet he loved knightly deeds even more than before, and remained revengeful at heart. Many young men who admired him would avenge his wrongs without letting him know it, while he on his part would save the lives of others without boasting about it. Once, his sister's son forced another man to drink beyond his capacity. The latter became angry, killed him, and ran away. Kuo's sister was annoyed that the killer escaped. So she left her son's body on the highway and refused to bury him, so as to shame Kuo Chich. Eventually Kuo found out the killer, who told him how it had happened. Kuo said to the killer, \"It was my nephew's fault; you were quite right to kill him.\" So he let the killer go and buried his nephew quietly. All those who heard about this praised him for putting fairness above family loyalty, and more and more men came to follow him. In 127 B.C., Emperor Wu ordered all those who owned more than three million cash to move from all parts of the empire to Mao-ling, near the capital, so as to keep a strict eye on potential rebels. Kuo Chieh did not have so much, but his name was included in the list of rich men. General Wei Ch'ing spoke on his behalf to the Emperor and said, “Kuo Chieh is a poor man and should not be forced to move.” The Emperor replied, \"A commoner who can make a general speak for him cannot be poor!\" So Kuo and his family had to move, and his friends contributed more than ten million towards his removal expenses. Meanwhile, his brother's son killed the local clerk who first put Kuo's name in the list. After the Kuo family moved, the clerk's father was also murdered, and when the family of the\n\nA, chüan 18. (In the Peking, 1956 edition, Vol. 1, p. 605.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204271, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n35\n\nTo begin with a few examples in poetry: the poet Ts'ao Chih (A.D. 192-232), son of Ts'ao Ts'ao and younger brother of the first Emperor of Wei, wrote about the knight errant in \"The White Steed\", also known as \"The Knight Errant\":\n\nA white steed decked with a golden halter\nGalloped past towards the north west.\n\n\"Who is the rider?' I enquired from a by-stander.\n'A knight errant from the north' was the reply.\n'He left his native district when he was young,\nAnd spread his fame across the distant desert.\nHe always carries a fine sturdy bow\nWith arrows of bramble wood, long and short.\nPulling the string, he hits the target on the left;\nShooting from the right, he hits it again.\nLooking up, he shoots an ape in flight;\nBending down, he hits the bull's-eye once more.\nHe is more agile than a monkey,\nAnd as fierce as a leopard or dragon.\n\nWhen alarms came from the frontier\nThat barbarian troops had made repeated raids,\nAnd when a call to arms was heard from the north,\nHe mounted his steed and reached the frontier fort.\nHe rode on right into the land of the Huns,\nHolding the Mongol tribes in high disdain.\nHe threw himself before the pointed swords\nWithout giving a thought to his own life.\nHe did not even worry about his parents,\nLet alone his children and his wife.\nHis name entered the register of heroes;\nHis heart had no room for personal feelings.\n\nHe risked his life at a time of national disaster,\nAnd regarded death merely as coming home'.10\n\nThis portrait of a knight errant may be a little idealized, for the poet is, in all probability, using the subject as an excuse to express his own frustrated patriotic wishes and military ambitions, being prevented from fulfilling these by his elder brother. Nevertheless, the poem remains a good illustration of some of the ideals of knight errantry. Notice, in particular, that the knight errant did not allow filial devotion to deter him from his heroic task.\n\n10 Ts'ao Tzu-chien shih-chu (with notes by Huang Chieh, Peking, 1957), pp. 69-70.\n\n2000", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204295, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n59\n\nIn the appendix to Robert Ainslie's book of religious essays lacking a title page, but published about 1820 under the title Reasons of the hope that is in us, there appears \"A Short Account of Lee Boo and Sackhouse, two Youths, brought at different periods from distant regions of the earth, still the rudest states of human society\" and we may read the following curious story:\n\nLee Boo was born in one of the Pelew Islands. The Antelope East India packet was, in 1783, wrecked on its shore.\n\nLee Boo was the son of the rupack, or king... and was brought to Britain for his improvement at the desire of his father. He was sent to an academy, and instructed in reading; being not a little proud of his acquirements. He was of a most affectionate temper. But why, amid all the cares of his friends of this amiable young man, did they not innoculate him? Exposed to the infection of the smallpox, he was seized with the fatal malady, and, at the age of twenty, died of it on 27th July, 1784, to the great sorrow and regret of all who knew him. The East India Company handsomely erected a neat monument over his grave in Rotherhithe churchyard, with an inscription, expressive of their gratitude for the humane and kind treatment afforded by his father to the crew of their ship the Antelope, when wrecked upon his island\".\n\nSackhouse was an Esquimaux, born in 1797, who in 1816 stowed away on a Scottish whaling ship and went with it to Scotland at his own request. He too learnt English, danced well, and played the flute; and those accomplishments, with his good-natured honest face, and obliging manners, rendered him a favourite and welcome guest wherever he went. He also died an early death in 1819 “most sincerely regretted”.\n\nThe appendix continues:\n\nHow unfortunate was it that those two excellent youths met such untimely fates! Had they lived they might have been the means, under Providence, of facilitating the introduction of Christianity into the most remote regions; and contributed to the happiness of millions,\n\nMr. Ainslie's two books of religious essays which he published remain deservedly obscure, but he himself has a claim to fame as a friend and correspondent of Robert Burns.\n\nBefore turning to Morrison's own contributions to Chinese studies and those of his contemporaries, mention must be made of his collection of Bibles in nearly thirty different languages, from Breton to Irish, from Hawaiian to Esquimaux, and Amharic to Catalan, more than a hundred of which are still in the Library,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n82\n\nfloated up again, until the Buddha of Light transformed himself into a monk to advise the elder that it was not a lump of flesh, and that inside it were five children.\n\nNo-cha's mother was pregnant for three years and six months. I think this is derived from the Pei-yu-chi (\"The Dark God Chên-wu or The Voyage to the North\"), Ch.6, which depicts one of the re-incarnations of the god Chên-wu (EH). In that story it is said the queen of Li T'ien-fu (X), a king of the Kingdom of Hsi-hsia (E), was pregnant for three years and sixty days. The king was vexed about it and thought it inauspicious. When the baby was born at last, the whole chamber was \"full of an extraordinary fragrance.\"\n\n4. THE COMBAT AND THE STORY OF THE PAGODA-BEARER\n\nWhen No-cha was only seven he was six feet in height. It was in the fifth month, the weather was hot and that made No-cha irritable and uneasy. He went to request his mother to allow him to go out of the Pass for a walk. The mother was very fond of him and approved his request but said, \"You must be accompanied by an attendant and must not stay outside very long lest your father should come back.\" (Fêng-shên Yen-i, Ch.12)\n\nIn Ch. of the Nan-yu-chi we read: \"The young Intelligent Light (XAF) prostrated before his mother and said, 'Your son knows that the hills around here have lovely scenery. Please allow me to ramble about them.' The mother said, 'You may go, but you must be accompanied by an old servant, lest you rush into calamity. Do not stay too long and forget your home-work.' When we come back again to the Fêng-shên, we read: No-cha and the attendant went out of the Pass for about one li, when he was covered with perspiration and could not continue the journey. They decided to rest under the shade of some willows. Sitting there he unfastened his waist belt, opened his coat and enjoyed the cool air. A stream of green water running between two banks of willows with a lively current was in front of them. A gentle breeze blew over its surface, and the murmur of the water flowing through the rocks could be heard. No-cha hastened to the bank and cried out, 'I will bathe here on the rock.' 'Hurry up,' the attendant reminded him, 'and take care of yourself. Your father will be anxious if he returns and does not find you.' No-cha agreed. He stripped off his clothes, and dipped his seven feet of red silk gauze, which covered his body, into the water as a towel. When this precious gauze was immersed in the water its brilliant ray turned the river to a reddish", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n88\n\nhis original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents.\n\n邵业\n\nThis is a case which was preached as early as the Sung dynasty. But, though it looks like a part of a Buddhist legend with some details probably omitted, it occurs in no canonical texts and is found to be fabulous. In chüan 6 of the Tsu-t'ing Shih-yüan (...), a work composed by Monk Ch'ên Shan-ch'ing (*) about A.D. 1099, it says,\n\nIn the monasteries there is the legend of his \"giving his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father,\" but nothing referring to it can be found in the texts of the Tripitaka and no one knows what its origin is.\n\n(王子肉濟父母緣\n\nIn the Tripitaka in Chinese, I have found two cases which may have some relation with the legend of Nata as adapted in the Fêng-shên. One appears in the Tsa Pao-tsang Ching (# BK), chüan 1, subtitled \"A Prince Fed His Parents with His Own Flesh\" (±‡Ùƒƒ2R). It was the prince Hsü Shê T'i (F), a young prince aged seven. His grandfather, the king of Varanasi (M) had been assassinated by an usurper who killed also his two sons. The father of the young prince was the third son. Now the young prince when fleeing for his life with his parents, was faced with the problem of food. His father intended to kill his wife. Thereupon the young prince dismembered himself and cut off his own flesh every day to feed his parents until he had only three slices of flesh to offer. He presented two to his parents and the last slice which was so dear to him was given to a hungry wolf who was a transformation of Indra himself.31\n\nThe prince was an incarnation of Sakyamuni in a previous life. The prince Hsü Shê T'i in this Buddhist legend was seven, and his father was the third prince. It is quite possible that in the popular mind the jataka story became confused with the Tantric one, because in some Tantric texts such as the Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa I-kuei (... \"Ceremonies In the Worship of the Heavenly King Vaisravana, the Protector of the Army\"),\" Nata is regarded as\n\n30 Nata's relation with Tantrism was still very clear in records as well as in the public mind. cf. Hung Mai (), / Chien San-chih (BEZ) chuan 6, on \"Ch'êng Fa-shih\" (El), Han Fên Lou (*) ed.; T'ai-p'ing Kuang-chi (XP), chüan 92, 1-sêng Lei (M), on Nata, In most of the Yuan plays, Nata is a fearful god (MME).\n\n91 No. 203, The Tripitaka in Chinese. cf. No. 156, Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching (XSEOREC), chüan 1, Hsiao-yang P'in (442).\n\n32 No. 1247, The Tripitaka in Chinese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204327, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n91\n\nyou will be one of his vanguards. Well, I think I can do something for you in this matter. He ordered Chin-hsia to bring two stalks of lotus and three lotus leaves to him, and with them he made a human shape on the ground, using the stems to represent the joints and articulation of the bones, and set the seed of a golden pill in the middle. He employed his divine power and spoke the magic spells while he pushed No-cha's souls toward the lotuses, and suddenly there sprang up a young No-cha who was handsome and full of vitality, with a rosy complexion, red lips, intelligent eyes and was sixteen feet tall. Thus was No-cha reincarnated from lotuses. (Ch.14)\n\nAs I have said, in chuan 3, Lun-1 P'in (Discourses) of the Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching there is a Buddhist legend which can be summarized as follows:\n\nThe king of Varanasi (*) married Lady Doe-mother who conceived and gave birth to a lotus which was cast into a pond. The lotus then grew five hundred leaves and under each leaf a boy was born. When these five hundred boys grew up they became giants, each of whom was strong and brave enough to fight against a thousand men single-handed. These brothers, from the first one to the four hundred and ninety-ninth all forsook their noble life and became Buddhist priests. The youngest brother attained the fruition of a Pratyeka-Buddha ninety days later and, manifesting his miraculous powers, he preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents.\n\nThis can be cited as an illustration that the story about reincarnation from a lotus had a religious background. In the paragraph in chuan 2 of the Wu-têng Hui-yüan I have quoted, the last sentence of the text is “現本身,運大神通,為父母說法” (manifesting his original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents), and now in this sutra the corresponding sentence is “...” which would make no difference in translation. We may consult Ch.27, \"King Resplendent and Buddha Thunder-voice\" (¥2) of the Lotus Sutra, in which the two sons of the king, Pure Treasury (*) and Pure Eyes (), worrying about their father's attachment to the heretical teaching which deviated from the right course, revealed to him some of their supernatural powers (...) and brought him to faith and discernment.3 So we may believe the original story that No-cha “rending himself asunder, gave his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father”.\n\n3 \"The Lotus of the Wonderful Law\" (Saddharma Pundarika Sutra), translation by Prof. Soothill, Oxford, p. 256.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204341, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n105\n\nBecause of their limited resources monasteries in Hong Kong have never been able to act as is'ung lam, that is, public monasteries which on the mainland made it their obligation to accept all wandering monks. There has been and is no religious obligation for Hong Kong monasteries to receive refugees or visitors. They are private institutions and a stranger, even though he is an ordained monk in good standing, can be refused admission. There have, however, been some monasteries here (notably the Tung Pu Toh) that did manage to shelter hundreds of refugee monks in the years immediately following 1950, and they have been much admired for so doing. Most of these monks have since emigrated to Taiwan.\n\nOne of the problems facing the Sangha in Hong Kong is how to maintain its size. While the number of lay Buddhists is growing, the Sangha is not. Only the Po Lin Tsz performs ordination. Other monasteries do not have the equipment and personnel required. The South China Buddhist Academy (at the Wong Faat Tsing She), which was the only seminary in the Colony, has ceased to function because there were not enough candidates for the rigorous training it offered. It may be that the atmosphere in Hong Kong does not favour the development of the attitudes that best lead a young man to take refuge in the Three Jewels. If his only reason for accepting the hardship of monastery life is to escape greater hardship outside the monastery, he is unlikely to have the diligence necessary for seeking enlightenment or to contribute much in the way of helping others to seek it. The Sangha faces the danger of decline both in size and quality.\n\nIV. GOVERNMENT SUPERVISION\n\nThe Chinese Temples Ordinance, passed in 1928 to protect the public from extortion and fraud which were then becoming more prevalent in the urban areas, deals with places of Chinese worship open to the public where fees or other charges are levied. Such temples are placed under the control of a statutory Chinese Temples Committee, consisting of leading Chinese citizens with the Secretary for Chinese Affairs as the chairman and the only government member. The Committee can require the transfer of any temple falling within the provisions of the Ordinance and all its property, without compensation, to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs' titular ownership. Five old temples are specifically excluded from the operations of this Ordinance; a sixth one, the Man Mo Temple in Hollywood Road, often used by film companies, has for over 50 years had a separate Ordinance of its own placing it under the control of the Tung Wah Hospitals; the administrative and financial supervision of seven others is delegated by the Temples Committee to the Tung Wah Hospitals. The Temples Committee at present directly administers 36 temples,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204360, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n124\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nNote on a Collection of Chinese Books Presented to The Royal Asiatic Society by Sir George Thomas Staunton in 1824.\n\nAs a boy of twelve G. T. Staunton had accompanied his father, Sir George Leonard Staunton, on the Macartney embassy to China in 1793. During the long outward voyage young Staunton had learned some Chinese from two Chinese Catholic priests who were returning to China after studying at Naples. When Lord Macartney was received in audience by the Emperor Ch'ien-lung at Jehol on 14 September, 1793 young Staunton acted as his page. In 1798 he became a writer in the East India Company's Factory at Canton, in 1804 he was appointed a Supercargo, in 1808 promoted to the post of Interpreter, and in 1816 he became Chief of the Factory. In the same year he accompanied the abortive Amherst embassy to Peking. On the return of the embassy he settled in England and became a Member of Parliament. In 1823 he was active in founding the Asiatic Society.\n\nThe following letter was written by Sir G. T. Staunton to the Secretary of the Asiatic Society in 1823.\n\nSir,\n\nHaving in the course of my residence in China formed a considerable Collection of Chinese printed Books, and also of Manuscript Dictionaries, and other works of Europeans, calculated to assist the Student in the acquisition of a knowledge of the language and literature of the Chinese, I feel confident that I cannot more effectually promote the object I had in view making the Collection, namely, the more general acquaintance in this Country with whatever may be found curious or useful among the productions of the Chinese press, than by a respectful offer of the Collection to the Asiatic Society.\n\nMy wish is, that it should be preserved entire, and placed in such a situation as may admit of its being at all times readily accessible to the British and other Students of Chinese Literature, who may frequent this Metropolis, under such regulations as the Asiatic Society may deem it expedient to prescribe.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204404, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "44 \n\nCURRENCY PROBLEMS \n\n27 \n\nconsideration. Though the official rate of exchange was issued by the Chamber of Commerce, considerable manipulation was possible on fluctuation, scale, and the grading of the cash. For instance, it was a foregone conclusion that the weight of the piece of silver you offered for exchange, would not agree on the shop scales with your own scales. For the law allowed the exchange shop to weight their scales up to 2% against the customer to defray \"exchange expenses\". Anything over 2% was an infraction of the law and punishable by such. Therefore the exchange transaction was always preceded by a long wrangle on the question of weight. A very good story is related by Abbé Huc in his \"Travels in Tartary & Thibet\" in which he tells of the \"guileless\" Mongol who visited a cash shop in the big city in order to exchange a large \"shoe\" of silver. The \"shoe\" had been doctored but this was not apparent to the smart young shop assistant who served him. The assistant took care to effect a considerable discrepancy in weight in favour of the shop. Finally the Mongol professed himself as satisfied but asked for a written statement of the weight and exchange rate so that he would be able to clear himself with his master. The assistant complied and the Tartar returned to his camp with his camels laden down with cash, the proceeds of the deal. When the accounts were made up at the end of the day the assistant presented his returns with considerable pride expecting fulsome commendation from his master for the amount he had been able to fleece the innocent Mongol. What was his surprise, then, to be met with a storm of abuse at his denseness in having failed to detect the adulteration. The following morning the assistant rode out to the Mongol camp and haled the offending Tartar to the court of the district magistrate where he was charged with having circulated spurious currency. When the shoe of silver was produced in court the wily Mongol asked that it might be weighed on the official scales. When this was done he produced the cash shop's own receipt and claimed that the shoe produced could not possibly be the one he had exchanged as the discrepancy in weight far exceeded the 2% allowed by law. The Magistrate was forced to dismiss the case and the exchange shop was only too glad to drop the matter before they attracted further unwelcome publicity.\n\n44", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204405, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "28\n\nG. FINDLAY ANDREW\n\nHaving agreed the matter of weight and accepted the rate of exchange, the next settlement had to be agreement on count and grading. Cash was usually strung in strings of five hundred. But the count was never full for the law of custom allowed the shop to deduct up to three cash per hundred to pay for the labour of counting, grading and stringing. Thus a nominal hundred worked out at 97—even less with a little sharp practice. Then in many districts there was a differentiation of \"large\" and \"small\" cash. In such case further bartering was necessary to agree the ratio of \"large\" and \"small\" in each hundred. Personally I would agree that the charge of three cash per hundred for counting, grading and stringing cash could be well justified. I do not remember seeing even a Scot count his cash after an exchange transaction. The labour involved is well illustrated in a Chinese story of a wealthy man and his prodigal son. The father was so incensed by the gambling debts incurred by his wayward son that, in a moment of extreme exasperation he disowned him. In accordance with well-established Chinese custom, the friends of the family rallied around and set to work to persuade the father to rescind his ruling. Finally, yielding for face sake, the father called for his steward to bring out 100,000 cash, the amount of the last gambling debt. It was winter time and the money was taken to the arbour in the garden and there the strings were cut and the cash poured into one pile on the floor. The son was then ordered to count and string the cash and discharge his debt therewith. You can imagine the state of the young man—physically and mentally—when at long last the task was completed!\n\nFinally when the long exchange transaction was completed, the purchaser was faced with the physical task of moving his purchase. The approximate weight was one lb. per hundred cash. Thus the exchange of one Mexican dollar (at the time equal to one U.S. dollar) at the ruling rate of 1,500 cash per dollar, faced the purchaser with the problem of having to move fifteen lbs, deadweight. When the traveller was on horse-back (as we so often were) this became a problem of considerable magnitude. Applied to present days this would mean that a traveller changing five dollars into cash before boarding a plane would find himself saddled with 75 lbs. of luggage—some ten lbs. in excess of the luggage allowance on an international flight. Yet in those days a single brass cash had its purchasing power.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204418, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "THE BUDDHIST CAREER\n\n+4\n\n41\n\nthey had a relative in the Sangha, an older brother or uncle whom they admired and who urged them to follow in his footsteps. Perhaps they had accompanied their mother when she went to the monastery to worship. They had played in the courtyard and had been impressed by the vast buildings, which were so much finer than the house they lived in. The monks were especially nice to children and told them stories that stimulated their interest in Buddhism. But the reason most often given for entering monastery life is that it was so peaceful ch'ing-ching \" I am not sure yet what is really meant by this, but we should remember that China has been in a turmoil for a century now, during most of which the individual's future has looked rather uncertain. The monastery has offered the hope of a kind of serenity not available elsewhere and it would appear that, although they were young, these people already wanted serenity. In any case, we should not accept the thesis of many Confucian scholars and Christian missionaries that the priesthood was a universally despised profession. This was true in some parts of China, but in other areas monks were much respected. In northern Kiangsu province, for example, it was done to become a monk and there was usually one in every family with three or four sons.\n\nLA\n\nto\n\nIn the last category, we have those who “left home\" in middle age, many of whom had had a lifelong interest in Buddhism. Now they wanted to work harder at religious exercises under optimum conditions, without interruptions and without the demands of family life. Therefore, they turned their backs on wife and offspring.\n\nAll three categories (those who became monks as children, in their youth, and in middle age) came from varying backgrounds. Some were rich, some were poor. Some of those in their twenties were university graduates. Some of the older ones had been successful businessmen, officials, or army officers. One cannot generalize, and I think it is a mistake to believe that most Chinese monks entered the monastery to escape from hunger or from some personal disappointment. This was, of course, the case with many. They were usually the ones who, after the ordination, went back to the small temples where they had trained and led lives of varying sanctity. Those who were more serious and more religiously motivated entered the Meditation Hall, either", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204445, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "66\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nMoreover, in return for the slave helping his former master over economic difficulties, the slave inherits the master's property when the master dies without children. Thus, it would seem that this so-called slave system is more like that of adoption of children.\n\nIt is readily understandable that in such a society as that of the Black-bone Yi, the Chinese Communist cadres would find a ready response among the slaves and bondsmen for a change, even to a system of society where the state limits freedom to the extent that a Communist society does. However, among the Ching-p'o or Kachins the Communist cadres found no enthusiasm for their reforms. The Ching-p'o are among the least restricted of societies and apparently found it hard to understand the Communist rationale for reform. The proselyting cadres found it most annoying that the Ching-p'o youths spent so much of their time in all-night singing and love-making sessions in the village communal houses, so that they had little labour power until they were married.\n\nAmong the Ching-p'o there is no social discrimination against such promiscuity, although the chances for a good match are sharply reduced for a pregnant unmarried girl. Moreover, fathers of children of unmarried mothers may get out of marrying the girls concerned by sacrificing a buffalo and thus providing a general feast.\n\n44\n\nEven the cadres could find little evidence of oppression of the tribesmen by the Ching-p'o chiefs whose public services amply required any gifts or dues given them by the villagers. The cadres, it would appear, were disappointed in the lack of a bourgeois acquisitive sense among the Ching-p'o who freely gave as they freely received. In trying to apply the collective principles of their home areas, the Chinese Communist cadres wanted the Ching-p'o to count their work-hours and divide up their produce according to the amount of work done in a collective which the cadres tried to organize. The young Ching-p'o leader put in charge of this cooperated, per force, but seems to have been unconvinced in heart despite outward acquiescence. He expressed the Ching-p'o attitude to Winnington: \"Our custom is to look down on people who haggle over what one person does for another. We think it shows a bad heart. I may help you build", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204459, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "80 \n\nJ. W. HAYES \n\nan honest livelihood without difficulty. Few signs of anything approaching destitution were seen, and only a few beggars were met \".\" \n\nThe reason for this general standard of well-being was undoubtedly the universal ownership of land. Whether Punti or Hakka, most families in every village owned some fields of their own, some more as a matter of course and some less, and because of the joint succession to ancestral property by all male descendants in the direct line, nearly everyone had a joint and undivided share, a stake, in the land. There was also clan land, which could be farmed out to poorer members. In land matters, the clan had priority over the individual. This was reflected in Chinese deeds of sale or mortgage which, if the New Territory is anything to go by, appear to follow the same form in Kwangtung as in far Shantung.11 Where a sale was contemplated, a reason had always to be specified, and the land had always to be offered in the first place to all relatives, which in fact meant practically anyone inside the clan, before being offered to an outsider. Mortgages were more common than sales and were redeemable at any period after the original mortgage, so that land need not pass outside the clan forever. There is no doubt that this tight rein on sales assisted the general preservation of the clan and the village and was a powerful factor in the continuance of a static and integrated life. These matters were regulated by the clan elders in conformity with immemorial custom. \n\nTo meet clan needs, amongst which was the proper worship of ancestors as well as the needs of the living, such as education of the young and the care of the old, certain fields and houses were set aside in trust, and the trust so created was known as a tong or tso. These are commonly found in the New Territory, and many were registered at the land settlement which followed the grant of the lease to Great Britain. The tso is the more closely connected with the clan. Anyone can form a tong, but a tso is definitely a clan affair, and of the nature of a serious ancestral trust.12 It is set up to ensure that property is not divided or disposed of without due thought and is designed to circumvent the acts of foolish or spendthrift descendants, in the interests of all that the Confucian system holds most dear: the rearing of sons, giving them a proper education, seeing that forebears are duly respected in a fitting manner, assisting with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204479, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "100\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nexerts itself with unprecedented vigour and hardihood in local affairs. No dispute arises but one or more of these social pests thrusts himself forward between the contending parties, and no fraud on the revenue or wholesale extortion is free from their similar influence\". Lockhart (through Governor Blake) says that the New Territory's literati \"have hitherto lived by irregular \"squeezes\" from the people\" and he blamed the opposition to British rule to them and to \"gamblers and bad characters banished from Hong Kong\" and not to the people who were incited by the gentry and elders. See Papers 1899 pp. 520 and 554.\n\n26 Papers 1899 p. 194.\n\n27 Papers 1899 p. 554.\n\n28 Arthur H. Smith Village Life in China (Edinburgh, Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier, about 1900) p. 121.\n\n29 These affected the coastal and riverine regions of Kwangtung. See C. F. Neumann's Translations from the Chinese and Armenian with notes. 1. History of the pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, (London, John Murray 1831). This includes, pp. 97-125, a very interesting account of an enforced stay of eleven weeks and three days with the pirate fleet in 1809 by Richard Glasbrooke, the mate of an East Indiaman. The pirates spent a considerable time on and near Lantau, which must have suffered from their depredations. The clan record of the HO family of San Tsuen, Pui O, on the south side of the island mentions pirate raids and a decision to fortify the village with walls which can still be seen, with several embrasures for cannon.\n\nPiracy continued until a much later date. The Cheung Chau police station was attacked and burnt in 1912, necessitating its removal and enlargement, one of the Cheung Chau ferries was pirated in 1923, and in 1925 a band of sixty robbers from the Delta entered Tai O by way of Po Chue Tam creek, killed a woman and made off with young men and a fair amount of booty without any difficulty. The Police Station is situated at the other end of the town and knew nothing of the attack until it was over. See Administrative Reports, District Officer, New Territories 1912, 1923 and 1925.\n\n30 Papers 1899 p. 528.\n\n31 Foreign Office Report 1606 on Trade of Canton 1894.\n\n32 Salt was smuggled into China from Tai O as the government monopoly and price ring made it profitable to do so. See also Enclosure D to Sir Matthew Nathan's despatch No. 59 of 11 January 1905 in Correspondence relating to Kowloon-Canton Railway which mentions rice smuggling from Shum Chun and Deep Bay into Hong Kong. The export of rice from China was forbidden, and checked by the Imperial Maritime Customs.\n\n**F O Trade Report No. 1778 for 1895.\n\n34 F O Trade Report No. 1983 for 1896.\n\n33 Papers 1899, p. 540.\n\nBrenan, with his thirty-two years' service wrote feelingly \"The Chinaman is happiest who never sees an official, who does not even know the name of one\". J N CBRAS XXXII (1897-98) 37.\n\n31 Foreign Office Trade Report for Canton No. 1606 for 1894.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204531, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "The keen and active interest in the Society shown by our patron, Sir Robert Black, and members of his family is very gratifying and is warmly appreciated. Despite the exacting calls on their time they have been attending our meetings, and this is a noble example to other busy people in the Colony. We appreciate also the zeal of many other prominent personages including the Chief Justice, Sir Michael Hogan, and the Hon. W. C. Knowles who is a member of the Council and whose business house has provided us with both an Honorary Treasurer, Mr. T. J. Lindsay, and an Honorary Librarian, Mr. John Le Mare. I should like also to refer to the interest in the Society taken by members of H.M. Forces and particularly to the interest taken by Col. Halliday and Col. Mackenzie, both of whom have now left the Colony, but it is greatly hoped that this interest will be sustained by their successors. In this connection it may be interesting to mention the first office-bearers of the Society in 1847:\n\nPresident: Sir John Francis Davis (Governor); Vice-Presidents: Major-General D'Aguilar, Major H. P. Burn, John Stewart, Dr. Kinnis; Council: Lt.-Col. Brereton, Peter Young (Colonial Surgeon), W. T. Mercer (Colonial Treasurer), J. C. Bowring (Son of Sir John Bowring); Secretary: A. Shortrede; Corresponding Secretary: Capt. Clark Kennedy; Chinese and Foreign Secretary: Thomas Wade;* Treasurer: F. Bevan; Curator: C. T. Watkins.\n\nIn conclusion I wish to thank all the officers and members of the Society for their loyal and wholehearted support. I am probably in a better position than anyone to appreciate and also to pay tribute to my colleagues on the present Council, in whom you have a hard working and active body, and each of whom pulls his or her full weight in the furtherance of the objects of the Society.\n\n* Afterwards Sir Thomas Wade, K.C.B., G.C.M.G., British Minister at Peking from 1871 until 1883, and later first Professor of Chinese in the University of Cambridge.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204541, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO\n\n17\n\nTowards the far end of the terrace a number of children lie buried in a row and this is undoubtedly responsible for the oft repeated comment on the high infant mortality amongst the Europeans living in Macao in those days.\n\nThe two memorials at the far end of the central avenue are very conspicuous; the first is the altar-tomb of Sandwith Drinker, an American sea captain, business man and consul. The other is built into the wall at the end of the avenue, and carries only these two words: GEORGE CHINNERY. He was Macao's great canvas historian.\n\nHe is generally referred to as an Irish artist. If this is correct, it is not because of his place of birth. He was born in 1774 in Gough Square, Fleet Street, London, and not in Ireland. He went to Dublin when a young man, probably because a branch of the family had moved there from East Anglia a few generations previously. Nor is it certain that he was, as is usually claimed, a Member of the Royal Hibernian Academy which was not founded till twenty-one years after Chinnery left Dublin.\n\nWhile in Dublin he formed two attachments which were mainly responsible for the pattern of his future life; one had political repercussions which led to his sudden departure from Ireland and eventually from England to India. The other attachment was a wife; after an all too short period of blissful happiness, he spent the rest of his life trying to evade her. In this he was finally successful, but only by eventually settling in Macao with its haven of refuge from females close at hand in nearby Canton.\n\nChinnery came to Macao in 1825 and died there in 1852. During that time he must have painted hundreds of portraits and pictures of local scenes. Practically no foreigner and certainly no ship's captain left Macao without at least one portrait of himself by Chinnery, and the number of these scattered throughout the world must be vast. Yet it used to be said that this part of the world possessed no examples of his art. However true that was, it is certainly not so now, for the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, acting on the expert advice of our President, has built up a most valuable collection of his paintings. Although Chinnery never did like Hong Kong very much, many examples of his art certainly have a permanent home in our midst now. In the Lower Terrace there are 122 memorials and in our experience the most popular one amongst visitors is that of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "24 \n\nLINDSAY RIDE \n\nS. \n\nSCHAEFFER, Walther \n\n24 U \n\nSCOTLAND, Thomas \n\n80 L \n\nSCOTT, Frank \n\n50 L \n\nSENHOUSE, Humphrey Le Fleming \n\n136 L \n\nSENN VAN BASEL, Hugo Rudolph Jacobus \n\n99 L \n\nSETH, Dishkoonc \n\n8 U \n\nSIMPSON, Nathaniel \n\n128 L \n\nSLATE, Shamgar H. \n\n13 U \n\nSMITH, Frederick \n\n135 L \n\nSMITH, Samuel \n\nSPEER, Cornelia Brackenridge \n\nSPEER, Mary Cornelia \n\nSPENCER, Jane \n\n147 L \n\n140 L \n\n140 L \n\n81 L \n\nSTEWART, Louisa \n\n44 L \n\nT. \n\nSTEWART, Patrick \n\nSUTHERLAND, Isabella \n\nSUTHERLAND, Mary Clark \n\nSWEARLIN, Valentine \n\nT \n\nTARBOX, Hiram \n\nTEMPLETON, Isabella Anne \n\nTURNER, Richard \n\n44 L \n\nH \n\n113 L \n\n15 U \n\n65 L \n\n101 L \n\n76 L \n\n153 L \n\n+ \n\n93 L \n\nU. \n\nUNKNOWN \n\n156 L \n\nURMSON, Arthur Wilham \n\nURMSTON, George B. \n\n37 U \n\n115 L \n\nV. VROOMAN, Elizabeth C. \n\n36 U \n\nW. \n\nWALDRON, Thomas Westbrook \n\n75 L \n\nWALKER, Christian Cathro \n\n144 L \n\nWARREN, R.V... \n\n74 L \n\nWEDDERBURN, Eliza S... \n\n145 L \n\nWEST, Joseph James \n\n4 U \n\nWHELER, Charles J. \n\n152 L \n\nWILLIAMS, John P. \n\n23 U \n\nWILSON, John \n\nWINTLE, Frederick \n\n67 L \n\n155 L \n\nWISHART, John Key \n\n117 L \n\nWOODBERRY, Charles \n\n19 U \n\nWOODBERRY, Joel \n\n163 L \n\nY. YOUNG, Margaret Hutchison \n\n150 L \n\n2. ZEEMAN, Bernardus \n\n114 L", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204558, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "34\n\nLINDSAY RIDE\n\nLOWER TERRACE Cont'd.\n\n-\n\n \n No.\n Name\n Sex\n Row Age\n Date of Death\n Nationality\n \n \n 141a.\n NAPIER, William John\n M\n Reinterred in Scotland 48\n 11 Oct. 1834\n Br.\n \n \n 142.\n MORRISON, Mary\n F\n Morrison 29 Group\n 10 June 1821\n Br.\n \n \n 143.\n MORRISON, John Robert\n M\n Morrison 29 Group\n 29 Aug. 1843\n Br.\n \n \n 144.\n WALKER, Christian Cathro\n F\n Morrison 24 Group\n 18 Oct. 1838\n Br.\n \n \n 145.\n WEDDERBURN, Eliza S.\n F\n Morrison Adult Group\n 23 Aug. 1838\n Br.\n \n \n 146.\n DYER, Samuel\n M\n Morrison Group\n 39 24 Oct. 1843\n Br.\n \n \n 147.\n SMITH, Samuel (Able-seaman)\n M\n Cruttenden Adult\n 26 Aug. 1849\n Amer.\n \n \n 148.\n McCALLY, Arthur Hamilton\n M\n Cruttenden 27\n 25 Sept. 1835\n (Amer)\n \n \n 149.\n HOWARD, Jane\n F\n Cruttenden 22\n 23 Feb. 1823\n Br.\n \n \n 150.\n YOUNG, Margaret Hutchison\n F\n Cruttenden 25\n 19 June 1848\n Br.\n \n \n 151.\n CRUTTENDEN, George\n M\n Cruttenden 54\n 23 March 1822\n Br.\n \n \n 152.\n WHELER, Charles J.\n M\n Cruttenden 21\n 4 Dec. 1822\n Br.\n \n \n 153.\n TEMPLETON, Isabella Anne\n F\n Cruttenden 34\n 29 July 1835\n Br.\n \n \n 154.\n BUTTIVANT, John Henry\n M\n Cruttenden 30\n 9 Sept. 1823\n Br.\n \n \n 155.\n WINTLE, Frederick B.\n M\n Cruttenden 24\n 6 Sept. 1817\n Br.\n \n \n 156.\n UNKNOWN.\n ?\n ?\n 2 ?\n ?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204577, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "FLOWERS OF HONG KONG\n\n47\n\nGORDONIA AXILLARIS (ROXB.) DIETR.\n\nFamily: Theaceae ✯✯\n\nCommon names: Mountain tea-flower\n\nMountain or Wild Camellia\n\n山 茶 花\n\nThis hardy evergreen shrub or small tree with its many branches bears white camellia-like flowers, and is very common on the hillsides of Hong Kong and the New Territories. It is a tropical or subtropical plant and this species has been found in South China, Formosa and Indo-China.\n\nThe showy white flowers, 3-4 inches in diameter, bloom fully from October to March. The five spreading white petals are notched with slightly wavy margins, displaying a golden mass of anthers at the centre and held at the base by a green perule of bracts and sepals. The flowers, almost sessile, arise singly or in cluster of three, from the axils of the upper leaves. Each flower lasts for one day only, when the corolla together with the numerous stamens fused at the base, are shed from the trees. The perules persist, subtending the developing woody, oblong elliptical capsule, one inch long, green when young but becoming dark brown when mature, taking six months to ripen. Each dehisces loculicidally from the apex to nearly the base, into five narrow pointed valves, splitting away from the erect columella at the centre and liberating many small seeds, each apically winged and resembles the winged seeds of Pinus.\n\nThe plant was originally named, Camellia axillaris (Kor.) Roxb. but has been separated and transferred to the genus Gordonia by the distinctive characters of the capsule, the loculi-cidal dehiscence from the apex and the winged seeds.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "50\n\nBEK-TO CHIU\n\nBAUHINIA VARIEGATA, LINN * # Family: Caesalpiniaceae #4# 鳳科\n\nCommon names: Camel's Foot Tree\n\nOrchid Tree\n\nMountain Ebony\n\nThis Bauhinia was introduced from India and is cultivated in the different parts of the Colony for its profusion of blooms in early spring from mid-January to the end of April with its \"peak\" often coinciding with Ching Ming Festival. The inflorescences of dense racemes, each shorter but more numerous than those of Bauhinia blakeana, arise from the axils of the leaves. The leaves are usually shed just before blooming time. Thus the bluish-grey bare branches become heavily laden with tufts of blooms, which, at a distance, appear like cherry or apple blossoms, with a magnificent display of colours, ranging from purple-red, rose-pink to white. It is most decorative and colourful to the roadsides and the hillsides on which they grow and a welcome indication that spring is here.\n\nThe flowers are fragrant and resemble those of B. blakeana in structure and general appearance but are smaller in size and softer and daintier in texture, maturing readily into fruits which are flattened legumes (pea pods) about a foot long and 1/2 inch wide, green when young, becoming black on ripening. These legumes are dehiscent, splitting along both sutures explosively, dispersing the seeds to considerable distances. The seeds germinate readily and the young plants bloom in the second year. Many of the hillside trees are most likely self-sown.\n\nWhen the trees are in full foliage in the summer and autumn, they are difficult to distinguish from those of B. blakeana, except by observing the bilobed leaves which are completely glabrous, appearing thin and of a paler green colour. The leaf blades are traversed by eleven palmate main veins. In winter, the leaves start to deteriorate, in preparation for shedding but before the last blooms are over in spring, the new leaves unfold. This deciduous Bauhinia hardly ever has bare branches throughout the year.\n\nIt is said that in India the young leaves and the unopened flower buds are eaten and that nearly every part of the tree is used medicinally. The bark is used in tanning and dyeing.\n\nMore cultivation of Bauhinia variegata should be encouraged to add colour and beauty to the already beautiful Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204593, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n63\n\nThese extracts give the official Chinese version of how the British came to occupy their first Legation quarters, and agree closely with Lord Elgin's own account contained in a despatch to Lord John Russell, the Foreign Secretary, dated Tientsin, 13th November 1860:\n\nOn the 7th instant Mr. Bruce reached Peking, having hastened up from Shanghae in compliance with my request. His arrival was most opportune, as it was very important that before my departure from the capital I should be able to confer with him on various matters, and more especially on the subject of the place of residence for the future of Her Majesty's Representative in China. Mr. Bruce informed me that he was perfectly willing to take up his abode in Peking at once. On consultation with Baron Gros and General Ignatieff, however, I found that the latter was about to leave Peking for the winter, and that the former was of opinion that it would not be advisable that M. de Bourboulon should establish himself in the capital until the spring. I considered it, therefore, to be my duty to advise Mr. Bruce to return with me for the present to Tien-tsin, and to remain there until a suitable residence should be provided for him in the capital. In order, however, that there might be no misapprehension on the part of the Chinese Government in reference to this point, we selected a house which we thought might be adapted to the purpose, and which was procurable on easy terms, and we accepted the services of Mr. Adkins, one of the Student Interpreters, a very promising young man, who volunteered to remain at Peking, and to superintend the arrangements necessary for putting it in order.\n\nHarry Parkes, who was Lord Elgin's interpreter at this time, writing to his wife on November 17th 1860 gave a few more details:\n\nPeking is in a wretched state of dilapidation and ruin, and scarcely one of their palatial buildings is not falling into decay. We have obtained one of the best, and yet it is quite\n\n* Elgin to Russell, 13 November 1860. Parliamentary Papers, “Correspondence Respecting Affairs in China 1859-60\", 2754 of 1861, No. 119, p. 254. See also ibid. p. 259 for a note from T. Adkins to Frederick Bruce dated Peking, 12 November 1860, reporting that the capital was returning to normal and that he had found no opposition to his residence there.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204600, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "70\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nThe life of a young attaché is described by Freeman-Mitford in all its facets; fun and boredom together. By mid-June the temperature in the Legation was between 95° and 107° Fahrenheit, so the majority of its members moved out to the Western Hills and took up residence in part of the Pi-Yün Ssu, the Temple of the Azure Clouds, the most beautiful of all the temples in the Western Hills. But even then he had to ride to the Legation (a distance of about 12 miles) from time to time to 'copy despatches'. Even while in the Western Hills it was not all sightseeing, as his teacher went with him, and Mitford had to press on with his Chinese studies. However, he contrived to ride out to the Great Wall and to visit the Ming Tombs and the Summer Palace (the I-Ho Yüan) among other places. Not all was heat and perspiration. By the end of October he was writing: \"Outside, the rain is falling fitfully and the wind blowing a hurricane; it moans and howls dismally through the courts and cranky buildings of the Legation, piercing its way into all sorts of odd nooks, and routing out old bells that jangle in a harsh and discordant way from the quaint eaves, as if they were angry at being disturbed in their dusty dens. Doors are creaking and timbers groaning in every direction, and the windows threaten to burst in, but the stout Corean paper holds good, though it gets stretched and flaps unpleasantly like loose sails in a calm, and on the whole I confess I prefer glass. Every now and then, as the storm abates for a while, I hear the tap, tap, tap, of the watchman's bamboo as he goes his rounds.\n\nIn short, we are working gradually into winter.\"13\n\nThe rest of his letters are principally concerned with snow and ice, and on 25th November he mentions that they are sending off the mail that day \"in the hopes that it will yet be able to leave Tientsin for Shanghai before we are finally shut out by the frost from all communication with the outer world.\" However, in winter there were compensations. A skating rink was fixed up inside the Legation; food was more enjoyable because there was now plenty of game—hares, pheasants, wild duck, and venison; and also by now pears and grapes were available. In February\n\n13 Ibid., 163-4.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204601, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n71\n\n1866 the student-interpreters put on an amateur theatrical performance, consisting of Our Wife, and To Paris and back on £5. The female parts were all taken by the students, and it was voted a great success. The faces of the Chinese servants, watching from the back of the hall, gave Mitford a lot of quiet amusement. The next summer he was staying in a temple which he calls Ta Chio Ssu or \"Temple of Great Repose\", about twenty-three miles from Peking, having moved there with all his furniture together with chickens and a cow and its calf. But even there he could not entirely escape the despatches. \"Copying despatches with the thermometer at 100° in the shade, with a basin of water and a towel at one's side for very necessary hand-wiping, and a pad of blotting-paper over the blank part of one's paper, is indeed an affreux métier.\" The climate took its toll, and Mitford mentions two of his young companions who died of fever.\n\nMitford left Peking for Japan in 1866. In the same year Major Crossman of the Royal Engineers was sent out from England by the Government to inspect the British Legation and Consular Buildings in China and Japan. From one of his reports, written at Shanghai in July 1867, we can glean some more information about the early development of the Legation at Peking. For instance he gave a hint as to the origin of the Legation Chapel when he wrote: \"There is a large house opposite to the Chinese secretaries' quarters, used partly as a theatre and partly as a lumber-room, well and solidly built, which can be converted into a good church by the addition of an external porch, removing the flooring of the upper storey so as to throw it open to the roof, and by the addition of some wood work and ornament, to give it a somewhat ecclesiastical appearance.\" He also mentioned that the number of student-interpreters was shortly to be increased to thirteen.\n\nMeanwhile Sir Frederick Bruce had been succeeded by Sir Rutherford Alcock at the end of 1865, while Sir Thomas Wade was promoted to be Minister in 1871, a post which he held for the next twelve years. In 1883 he was succeeded by another ‘old\n\n14 Parliamentary Papers, \"Reports from Major Crossman and Correspondence respecting the Legation and Consular Buildings in China and Japan\", 315 of 1868, No. 7, p. 22.\n\n!\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204605, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n75\n\nWilkinson's book is a gay account of student life with work and play nicely balanced. He mentions many things which must have been familiar to generations of inmates of the Foreign Legations at Peking, such as paying calls on the European residents, buying a pony, choosing a reliable 'boy', the continual battle against 'squeeze', the danger of theft and so on. For pleasure not only was there the bowling alley, which provided the chief amusement inside the Legation during the winter, there was also skating on an improvised rink nearby. Three of the students once skated down the canal to Tungchow, a distance of about twelve miles. There was also the usual entertaining. \"Balls and concerts were given at some of the Legations and at the Inspectorate-General of Customs (where a number of young European men were employed). Dinners everywhere. But the pleasantest of all, perhaps, were the carpet dances (with the carpet up) at two or three houses. We shared the misfortune of most European communities in the East: an undue preponderance of the male. Dancing men were at a discount.\" At Chinese New Year the students generally put on a pantomime or a Christy Minstrel Concert. By this time there was a weekly arrival of mail throughout the summer, and a monthly one during the winter. In the spring and autumn the Peking race meetings were held at a place a mile or so from the western wall of the city. The race-course boasted a tiny grand-stand but Wilkinson is careful to state that these were pretty amateur races; they were picnics first and race meetings second. In summer there was tennis on the Legation lawn, and in the grounds of the residence of the young European employees of the China Maritime Customs, as well as garden parties at the American Legation. The courts in the British Legation lay east and west, and since it was too hot to play until sundown one of the players had to perform with the sun full in his eyes which made play somewhat erratic. For summer dress the students wore a patrol jacket of white drill with trousers to match. In July and August they usually moved to a temple in the Western Hills where they could go for rambles. The main disadvantage of this life came from rain and rats. One summer it rained prodigiously and they were almost washed out of their temple. As for rats an ingenious student subdued them by training four owls which he had bought. They spent the day roosting one on each post of his bed, but at night went into action", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "102\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n36 shops from Hong Kong, 28 from Peng Chau and 15 from Tai O contributed to the Po On study (presumably all or mainly of Tung Kwun origin); a few outside shops sent donations to repair the Tin Hau temple; hardly surprisingly no outside shops contributed to the Defence Bureau; but the subscriptions for the Fong Pin hospital came from a wide area and the list included over 20 shops and 40 individual persons (including 2 tongs from Tung Kwun and Hok Shan), from Canton, Pun Yue, Tung Kwun, Nam Hoi, Shun Tak, Macau, and other areas of the province,\n\nMost of the temples still contain tablets and other dated items which record their repair from time to time. However, the series is far from complete and many tablets have been lost. A typical instance is the loss of commemorative tablets from the Tin Hau Temple at Tai Shek Hau (the local place name). A prominent citizen remembers seeing a whole row of them fronting an outside wall when he was a young man, about thirty years ago, but they have now all vanished without trace.\n\n15 For mention of these Cheung Chau posts see the following tablets: salt (Tin Hau and Fong Pin), stamp (Tin Hau and Fong Pin), customs, e.g. tax on kerosene (Fong Pin). There was also a customs post on Lamma (Fong Pin), and there were various patrol boats (both tablets). The officer in charge of the military post on Cheung Chau is mentioned on the Tin Hau tablet, whilst the Fong Pin tablet lists eight officers of the Tai Pang battalion.\n\n16 Only the defence bureau tablet gives donors their official ranks, though comparison with others shows that some of the graduates are mentioned there without their titles, i.e., persons mentioned in these tablets may also have been graduates. A comparison of the Tong's genealogical record with the names on the tablets is at first sight disappointing. The genealogical record does not record titles for the later generations, i.e. those of the generation whose names appear on the tablets. An additional confusion is that the clan generation names may not have been used on the tablets where business or personal names may have been recorded instead. However, I think we can be fairly certain that most of the WONGS on the tablets belonged to the Tong.\n\n17 I have translated \"WU\" as \"petitioned the district magistrate\".\n\n18 See Kung-Chuan HSIAO Rural China; Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, (Seattle, University of Washington Press 1960), pp. 294-306 for defence organisations in this period.\n\n19 His precise title was described on the Cheung Chau tablet as 城鎮 *which was probably the equivalent of colonel. A few years later he presented a large painted wooden commemorative tablet to the Hau Wong temple outside Kowloon City, on which his rank is described as tsung-ping or brigadier-general (see Ralph L. Powell The Rise of Chinese Military Power 1859-1912 (Princeton University Press, 1955) pp. 15 and 367). \"The brigadier-generals were semi-independent, yet their units were scattered and practically sedentary,\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204665, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "132\n\nCLIVE ROBINSON\n\nHouse-boats are usually moored by the lakeside and it is possible to walk ashore into the fields across a plank. But one's chief means of transport is the shikhara which arrives each morning and remains until one has finished with it at night. A shikhara is the Rolls-Royce of gondolas full of soft cushions and gaily patterned pillows — and its crew of two young and cheerful Kashmiri is at your disposal all day to paddle swiftly and silently through the lotus-covered waterways to wherever you choose to go. On long expeditions, such as to Ganderbal three hours away, a crew of four is necessary especially if the day is hot.\n\nEach morning the tradesmen arrive by water: the postman, butcher, chemist, grocer and the florist. The latter, a picture with his boat covered from stem to stern in all the brilliant colours of the Valley's flowers. Hard for the ladies to resist! Later come the famous Srinagar dealers, also by boat. \"Mr. Butterfly\" with his exotically embroidered men's pyjamas and his exquisite sets of ladies' underwear; \"Suffering Moses\", renowned for his papier mâché ware; and, perhaps hardest of all to refuse, \"Subhana the Worst\". It was in Subhana's shop, after a large Persian lunch, that I once spent more money in one afternoon than (I trust) I am ever likely to do again.\n\nNagin, where we moored in \"Golden Gleam\", has a large house-boat, in the centre of the lake, from which one bathes or water-skis. And out of the lake the narrow water channels lead past floating gardens, orchards and meadows to Nishat Bagh and Jehangir's famous Gardens of Shalimar where we picnicked one afternoon sitting on Persian rugs and drinking tea out of a lovely samovar.\n\nBut it is wise to remember that the lotus-existence of life on a house-boat in Kashmir is an insidious one and each day it is harder to break the spell. The visitor is wise who says at the beginning how long it is to last and, if he is fond of mountains and the country, plans his expedition at an early date.\n\nThe local bus, complete with Kashmiris and their retinues of hens and pigs, took us to Pahalgam at the foot of the high mountains and there we found our camp already pitched.\n\nIt was by a stream at the end of the Liddar valley and within a stone's throw of the Prime Minister's summer lodge. Eight ponies were\n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204695, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "160\n\nWEINREBE, H. M.\n\nWEISS, K. WELCH, H. H. * WILLIAMS, P. B.\n\nWILSON, B. D.\n\nWINKLER, Mrs. E.\n\nWONG, Dr. Man WONG, Pao-hsie\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang WOO, Dr. A. W. -\n\nWOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Miss P. YAO, Pe-chun\n\nYAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, W. T,\n\nYOUNG, Dr. R. S.\n\nYOUNG, Mrs. S.\n\nYU, Ping-Kuen\n\nYU, Yin C.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I.\n\nZIMMERN, W. A.\n\nWeinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103/4 Yu To Sang Bldg., 37, Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 718, H.K.\n\n1. Austin Road, 10th Floor, Kowloon. c/o Colony Headquarters, Arsenal St., H.K. c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Building, H.K.\n\n402, Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. Rm. 108, China Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nB-5, Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st Floor, 80, Tai Po Road, Kowloon,\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st Floor, H.K.\n\nWoo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1st Floor, H.K.\n\n204, China Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. 90, Mt. Nicholson, H.K.\n\nI.L. 7635 Cooper Road, Block 2 East, 2nd Floor, Jardine's Lookout, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nc/o Mental Hospital, H.K.\n\n60-B, Conduit Road, Ground Floor, H.K. Clinical Pathology Unit, Department of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K.\n\nClinical Pathology Unit, Department of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\n205-207, Gloucester Building, Hong Kong.\n\nNo. 12 Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K.\n\n \n \n \n \n \n The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.\n \n \n * Life Member\n Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy\n \n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204707, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "# PRESIDENT'S REPORT\n\n1963\n\nThe year 1963-1964 - the fourth year of the Society in Hong Kong after its revival - was a very successful one. The membership has steadily increased each year. At the end of the first year, we had 160 members, of whom 20 were life members; at the end of the second, 266, of whom 25 were life members; at the end of the third year, 280, of whom 33 were life members; and at the end of last year, the fourth, we had a total of 371, of whom 41 were life members. Since then, more than 30 have joined as ordinary members and 2 as life members.\n\nThe great increase in the number of members last year is doubly welcome in that it reflects the increasing interest of the younger generation in the objects and activities of the Society. It is a healthy and gratifying sign of the intellectual vitality of the young people of the Colony to see them join. We rely largely on them to ensure the future success of the Society.\n\nDuring 1963, we had twelve meetings, all of which were very well attended. On several occasions, the capacity of the City Hall was fully taxed. The expedition to Tung Chung on Lantao Island was a highly popular feature.\n\nThe lectures given were:\n\nJanuary 21st\n\nMarch 4th\n\nMarch 25th\n\nApril 22nd\n\nProfessor S. H. Hansford\n\n\"Some Problems of Ancient Chinese Jades and Bronzes\"\n\n(Illustrated by colour slides)\n\nJ. D. Bromhall\n\n\"Underwater Photography in Eastern Seas\"\n\n(Illustrated by colour slides made by the speaker)\n\nDr. Maurice Freedman\n\n\"Social Anthropology and the Study of China\"\n\nMiss B. T. Chiu\n\n\"Flowers of Hong Kong\"\n\n(Illustrated by colour slides taken by Miss Chiu and Mr. F. A. Nixon)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204718, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "12\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nThe Hunter Journal was presented to the Boston Athenaeum by Dr. Robert W. Hooper on March 27, 1858. Hooper was born in Marblehead, Massachusetts in 1810, graduated from Harvard College in 1830, received a medical degree from the same institution six years later, and thereafter became a prominent surgeon in Boston. Hooper was also a bibliophile and a trustee of the Boston Athenaeum who added substantially to its holdings by gifts. It is impossible to establish definitely how he obtained the Hunter Journal, but it seems probable that it came from his wife's family. In 1837 he married Ellen Sturgis, daughter of William Sturgis who was active in the Orient trade. Many Massachusetts men engaged in the China trade were related. In 1788 Thomas Handasyd Perkins went to China on the Astraea and launched a commercial venture with the aid of his elder brother James. 1803 their nephew J. P. Cushing also travelled there and managed the business until 1828. Other nephews of T. H. Perkins, James Sturgis, and Charles Bennet Forbes also prospered in the China trade. In 1833 the third generation of the family left Boston for the Orient and for the next decade divided his time between Manila and Canton. William Hunter was a business associate of both R. B. Forbes and Russell Sturgis and mentioned the latter in his Journal, Julian Sturgis, son of Russell had vivid memories of Hunter.\n\nIn\n\nI remember Mr. Hunter visiting my parents at Walton (England) when I was a boy, a handsome, courteous man with a brown face and white moustache, like a fine type of Anglo-Indian, and speaking Chinese for our amusement with so soft a voice that I have often wondered how much of that soft musical quality was due to him and how much inherent in that unknown tongue.2\n\nHunter finally left Canton and closed Russell and Company in May 1841. This move was recorded in the letters of William Henry Low, a young man in his twenties who arrived in Canton in September 1839 and joined his brother A. A. Low in Russell and Company.\n\n1 Russell Sturgis joined Baring Brothers and Co. of London after he ended his commercial ventures in China about 1849. He became senior partner of the English firm in 1873.\n\n2 Julian Sturgis, From Books and Papers of Russell Sturgis (Oxford, 1893), p. 206.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204735, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n27\n\ncalled Chang Ta-Laou-Yay3, the first word being his name and the three last an appellation of respect. He was from Pekin. has been here three years on service and has served in various parts of the Empire. He was very tall and thin, thick heavy moustache, red nose and altogether a very forbidding aspect. Vain and ignorant he behaved with a deal of hauteur and stiffness, all of which was entirely thrown away so far as I was concerned. but it looked well probably to his servants who crowded into the room where we were sitting. The other Kiang Tsung-Yay was a northerner also, but quite a different man from his friend. He wore an opaque white button, a rank lower than Chang Ta-Laou-Yay, [was] talkative, cheerful, and of an exceedingly good address, no pretensions, though apparently far better informed than the crystal button man.\n\nThey both came on horseback attended by a large quantity of lantern bearers, and servants, sword bearers, pipe carriers etc. etc. It was their night on guard at the Consoo House behind the Factories but were on a social visit to Hwang Ta-Yay, the Custom-House officer, for a few hours.\n\nWe talked about a great many things relative to China, America, England and so on and parted the best of friends.\n\nSunday, 14 April, 1839\n\nIt is twenty-four days since all communication with Whampoa, Macao and the shipping outside was cut off. Three weeks ago over 400 Chinese compradores, servants, coolies, cooks, porters and others were driven from the foreign Factories, and all our intercourse with the natives no matter in what business has entirely ceased since that time. We are allowed to communicate what we want to the linguists39 who are all viz Old Tom, Young Tom, Ahtore, Alanci and Ahi, stationed on board a large boat opposite the Factories and alongside the small Hoppo House from where foreigners go, passing through the Hoppo House to see and make known to them their wants.\n\nIt is quite laughable to sit there a few hours daily as I do to observe the scenes that pass between the Fan Kwais40 and interpreters. They come to them in all and every business. One wants his clothes sent to wash, another his trousers or coat procured from the tailor, in comes another who blows them up sky high41 because he has not had his daily supply of spring water.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204737, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n29\n\na communication from them in which they state that orders had been transmitted for the return of the cooks, coolies, and compradores to our service. Johnston also states that at noon of the 12th he had ordered up to Chumpee the following vessels, Jane, Ariel, Lady Grant, Ruparell, Mithras and Mermaid with their cargoes for immediate delivery. He says that the mandarins did not give any trouble from too close investigation.\n\n10 p.m. Our compradore came in to see us at 9 and has just gone away, there appears to be a difficulty in returning to the Factories. Bonds are required by the officers which involve them in great responsibility, and he says many will not grant them and consequently will not return to the service of foreigners.\n\nMonday, 15 April, 1839\n\nThere are about 30 sailors, English, American, Malay, and Bengalee in Canton who happened to be here when the communication with the shipping was cut off and consequently could not get down to their ships. Four belong to H.B.M. Sloop Larne, who came up with Captain Elliot. They afford the Chinese a good deal of sport by their antics in the Square every afternoon. Yesterday afternoon one of them climbed up to the top of the American flagstaff, a height of about one hundred feet, much to the astonishment of our guard. In fact it was quite a feat; he had no assistance except from the cleats nailed at long intervals to the mast.\n\n16th April\n\nTwo of our coolies have been with us for two or three days, and we have transferred to them the duties of setting table, washing dishes and plates, sweeping, making beds and so forth which we have been, in common with all foreigners, obliged to submit to for more than three weeks past.\n\n16th April, 1839*\n\nYoung Tom's purser A Heang came in today and reported that he had received a letter from his partner dated at the Bogue which communicated the fact of a boat with 100 chests of opium and a Chinese officer in charge having disappeared. No one knew where she had gone, it was supposed that during bad weather that had been experienced she had foundered.\n\n* The journal contains two separate entries for 16th April.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204742, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "34 \n\nW. C. HUNTER \n\nDuring the afternoon letters were received from Macao dated 27th stating that Columbia had arrived in the roads. It is needless to say that this news has created universal joy in our prison, tho' she may not after all be able to afford us any protection. It remains to be seen what effect her presence will have on matters, \n\nWednesday, 1st May 1839 \n\nEverything remains as before. We have no certain intelligence from below but many rumors, amongst them that of opium becoming scarce at Chumpee and doubts if there will be enough for some time to make up 20,283 chests. In the evening we heard that a letter dated yesterday had reached town stating that the Colonel Young and Ternate, two east coast vessels, had got in, which is lucky as it will keep the deliveries going till more arrives. The Manl... is also in from the Gulf of Tonquin rather unexpectedly. She reports having been lying at anchor in a bay for one month surrounded by men-of-war junks without the possibility of a boat getting alongside of her. \n\nThursday, 2 May \n\nThis afternoon we had a report in town of the arrival in Macao Roads of the John Adams which gave us great pleasure. There are now outside three vessels of war. It is also said that Commodore Read has sent on shore at Macao 50 barrels of gunpowder. The Commissioner it appears has ordered the place to surrender a quantity of opium within three days, and if not given up threatens to remove all Chinese servants, cooks, etc., and to cut off all supplies of food from the foreigners. It is well known that there is no opium in the place, and consequently we are at a loss to know what measures the Commissioner will adopt after the three days have expired. In the meantime the Governor of Macao46, who is himself a soldier and said to be a brave man, intends should the Chinese commence hostilities against the place to defend it. He has about 400 troops. The forts are in good order and quite capable if well manned to defend the city against any Chinese force. There are about 350 officers in the place, a daring set of fellows who despise the Chinese, and about 800 or 1,000 male inhabitants capable of bearing arms. Besides these he will have the assistance of all the crews of the vessels in the roads without the men-of-war, about 500 men, and finally there \n\nRemaining part of name illegible. \n\n! \n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204746, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "38\n\n10 Linguist purser.\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nSee note 39, (J.L.C-B)\n\n11 Elliot's last day. On 25 March Elliot formally requested the Viceroy that passports should be issued within three days for all the English ships and people at Canton and that if passports were not issued he would consider the men and ships of his country as forcibly detained and act accordingly. Blue Book, Correspondence relating to China, 1840, p. 367. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n12 Edward Elmslie. Secretary and Treasurer to the British Superintendents of Trade, Captain Charles Elliot and the Deputy Superintendent, A. R. Johnston, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n13 Houqua. Known to Westerners at Canton as Howqua 7. His family name was Wu Ch'ung-yüeh (1810-1863). He was the fifth son of the famous Hong merchant Wu Ping-chien whom he succeeded as head of the firm in 1843. For his biography see Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 867-8. (F.L.C-B.)\n\n14 Nam Hoe. Also written Nam Hoi. This means Nan Hai Hsien #i.e. the Magistrate having jurisdiction over the western part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included the area in which the foreign Factories lay. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n15 Kwang Hup. The author may be referring to the Kwangchou hsieh \"the Canton brigade\", and so to its commander. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n16 The Governor. The Governor of Kwangtung province at this time was I-liang (1791-1867). For his biography see Hummel, op. cit., I, 389. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n17 K'an-ch'o (J.L.C-B.)\n\n18 An-tsou (J.L.C-B)\n\n19 Columbia & John Adams. According to the Chinese Repository Vol. 8, p. 56 the Columbia was a U.S. frigate and the John Adams was classed as a sloop-of-war. The Columbia was commanded by Commodore George C. Read. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n20 Johnston, Alexander Robert Johnston, H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade. When the Government of Hong Kong was set up he was deputy first to Elliot and later to Sir Henry Pottinger and in this capacity he administered the Government of the Colony on various occasions from 1841 until 1843. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n21 Pwan Kei Kua. Probably the merchant whose name was also spelt by Westerners at Canton at that time Ponkhequa and Puan Khequa. This was P'an Chengwei (1791-1850). See Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 605, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n22 Saoqua. His family name was Ma Tso-liang and the name of his Hong was Shun Tai Hong A. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n23 Sturgis. Russell Sturgis (1805-1887) of Boston was first named Nathaniel Russell Sturgis, Jr., but he was always known as Russell Sturgis after his name was changed by decree of the Middlesex County Court. He graduated from Harvard in 1823, married in 1828 but was widowed four months later. After an extended tour of Europe he returned to Boston and for a while practised law. He remarried and in 1833 took his family to the orient where he became a partner of Russell & Sturgis of Manila and Russell, Sturgis & Co. of Canton. Later in 1842 when the latter firm became incorporated with Russell & Co., China, he became a partner in 1842. In May 1844 he retired to Boston, his second wife having died in Manila in 1837. Being far too young to give up work altogether he decided to return to China in 1849 but while passing through London he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204780, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "72 \n\nJ. W. HAYES \n\nbe shown for inspection to prove ownership at the land settlement which followed the British lease and, though opinions differ on this point, many old villagers have said that their deeds were handed in to the Government and not returned. This would, in part, account for their being in very short supply today, at any rate throughout the area with which I am familiar; that is the islands and the Sai Kung and Clear Water Bay districts. Following widespread enquiry over a number of years, I am convinced that another factor of great importance in explaining their scarcity is the Japanese occupation of the Colony in 1941-45. Many villagers say that their papers were destroyed at that time, in many cases by themselves, since they feared the questions which might result if the Japanese authorities got their hands on them. The less they knew the better, was the prevailing view, and therefore many families destroyed their papers, to our present loss.\n\nFortunately, to set against this background of loss and decay, there are the valuable records of the land settlement carried out within a few years of the lease of the New Territories to Britain in 1898. These consist of records of a ground survey, carried out mainly to a scale of thirty-two inches to the mile, in which individual lots are set down and numbered, and their ownership listed in an accompanying schedule certified as correct by an officer of the Land Court.2 These constitute a modern \"Domesday\" of all titles to land in the leased territory. Their usefulness to the historian is obvious and apart from their intrinsic value as a contemporary record they provide many clues to the past and enable detailed checks to be made on some of the persons and organisations whose names appear on commemorative tablets and others dated items such as furniture and fittings, which are to be found in the many temples which dot the countryside.\n\nThere are also the recollections of elders, particularly those over eighty years of age, who were young men at the time the territory changed hands. The memories of the oldest men are sometimes good and when this is the case they can do a great deal to fill in the bare bones of the land records and the genealogical trees. Since certain changes overtook the region within the first decade of British rule,3 their testimony is of the greatest importance to a realisation of manners and attitudes and an understanding of the system of civil and military administration which obtained", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204807, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "98 \n\nV. R. BURKHARDT \n\nKong,\" published in 1907 illustrated about that number. Since the last war a dozen entomologists have added to the check list, and over fifty fresh discoveries have been made. The most striking was the large \"bird-wing\" ornithoptera Troides helena (Linn.) found in abundance in an obscure wood in the New Territories by Wallis in 1952. The butterfly is black with yellow hind wings and the male has a span of five inches whilst his mate has three quarters of an inch more. Eggs and larvae were found on aristolochia, a creeper which imparts an unpleasant taste to the larvae of this and other insects which patronise it as a food plant. Unfortunately the local villagers stripped the trees of the vines and Troides helena has not been recorded since 1958. In the two years of its abundance several people bred the butterfly from the egg. Its larva is very similar to that of Papilio aristolochiae being black, with numerous processes like fleshy spines, and a white belt in the centre of the body.\n\nPAPILIO PARIS \n\nWhilst England has only one of the Swallowtail family, Papilio machaon, which is confined to the fens of Cambridge and Norfolk, Hong Kong can count seventeen, many of which are very common. Perhaps the most striking is Papilio paris whose sapphire hind wing patch catches the eye as the insect flashes past. The ground colour is rifle green, spangled with gold dust. When freshly emerged the patch is the greenish blue of a turquoise, but these outer scales are shed in flight, and the under feathers are a brilliant sapphire blue.\n\nThe butterfly is to be seen throughout the year except for the winter months from about mid December to mid February, the cycle from egg to imago being about sixty days. The eggs, globular and of a greenish tinge, are laid on the underside of the leaves of Xanthoxylum nitidum, a prickly woody climber or half climbing shrub, very common in the Colony. An alternate food plant is Todalia asiatica, a prickly bush, which is rather scarce, but much appreciated by Papilio paris where it occurs.\n\nWhen the young caterpillars hatch they are brownish in colour, though after the first moult they change to light green. The second, third, and fourth segments are much swollen and two processes form on each of these segments, those on the second being the most pronounced.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "106\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\nhad the opportunity of travelling to Peking and observing life at the Court. It was realized that even if the main objects of the embassy were not achieved it was a splendid opportunity for obtaining first-hand information about various aspects of China. In fact, the embassy was something of a reconnaissance behind the Manchu curtain of exclusiveness, since Macartney took with him an army officer, Lieutenant Henry William Parish, who was trained to make plans and sketches and to take measurements. As one of his tasks Parish made a detailed survey of a section of the Great Wall which Macartney passed by on his journey from Peking to the Manchu Emperors' summer hunting-palace at Jehol?. Also included in the ambassador's suite was William Alexander, a promising young artist who was given the title of draughtsman,\n\nMacartney arrived at Peking in August 1793, and then proceeded to Jehol where he had an audience with the Emperor on 14 September. After being shown round the parks and pleasure gardens at Jehol he returned to Peking where on 7 October he received the Imperial reply refusing all the requests made in the state letter from King George III to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung. A few days later Macartney set out from Peking on his way to Canton escorted by Chinese officials. After a long journey by inland waterways he reached Canton in December, and finally in January 1794 he moved to Macao where he stayed until all the East Indiamen were ready to sail in convoy with H.M.S. Lion (64 guns), the warship which had brought the ambassador out to China.\n\nWhile waiting for the Indiamen to complete their loading Lord Macartney used his staff for various tasks. Thus Lieutenant Parish was instructed to draw up answers to question on the defences of Macao3, and also in February 1794 he was sent, together with William Alexander, to explore the coast of Lantao island and the small island of Ma Wan (called in his report Cowhee) in case it might be considered necessary to form a settlement somewhere in that area. The idea of obtaining an island was not a new one. It had been put forward unofficially in the past and it received official recognition in the instructions to Lord Macartney dated 8 September, 1792 where it was stated:\n\nᅡ", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204892, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "1\n\n170\n\nWRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R. -\n\nWRIGHT, Miss P. -\n\nYANG, Tsung-han\n\nYANG, V. T.\n\nYAO, Prof. Hsin-nung\n\nYAO, Pe-chun\n\nYAP, Dr. P. M.\n\nYATES, Miss J. N.\n\nYEH, Rev. Hua-fen\n\nYEUNG, Walter, W. T. -\n\nYOUNG, L. K.\n\nYOUNG, Dr. R. S.\n\nYU, Ping-kuen\n\nYU, Yin C,\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I.\n\nZIMMERN, W. A.\n\n·\n\nc/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K.\n\n90, Mt. Nicholson, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 6175, Kowloon.\n\nFlat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K.\n\n1, Dorset Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kln.\n\nWilson Road, 2nd floor, Jardine's Lookout, H.K.\n\n7,\n\n86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Housing Society, P. O. Box 845, H.K.\n\n15, Stangee Place, Katong, Singapore 15.\n\n60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K.\n\nClinical Pathology Unit, Dept. of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\n205-7, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n12 Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K.\n\nThe Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204909, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "12\n\nS. G. DAVIS\n\nThe sites at Tai Wan, Hung Shing Ye and Yung Shu Wan on Lamma Island have been most fruitful and have provided the material that was excavated and studied by Father D. J. Finn, which is partly on display today. The report of finds at Tai Wan came in a most interesting way. Mr. Tom Man Long (who happily is present with us tonight) was building the service reservoir in the Botanical Gardens opposite Government House when he noticed that the sand being used for the concrete had fragments of pottery and several axe-heads. Mr. Tom, as a keen collector of Chinese art and pottery, recognized the antiquity of the pottery and reported his discovery to the Waterworks Department who in turn notified Professor Shellshear. He visited Tai Wan and immediately recognized the richness of the site. At a later date Father Finn was asked by Professor Shellshear, who was going on leave, to interest himself in the finds. Father Finn wrote, \"I was very glad of the invitation and luck seemed to confirm the vocation. A few days after that, while I was still regarding any active participation as remote, I almost crushed a piece of obviously old pottery under foot as I walked past a sand-heap on a jetty at Aberdeen. The next step was to find where the sand came from. Having found out that and having got there, I found myself at the site from which I knew Professor Shellshear and his friends had already reaped a rich harvest.”\n\nIt was a fortunate day for archaeology when Father Finn began his work on Lamma. He brought an expert knowledge to the study and rapidly revealed tremendous archaeological treasures by thorough, careful digging. The results of this work were meticulously reported in The Hong Kong Naturalist from 1933 to 1936 and still later combined in one complete volume under the editorship of my friend, Father F. Ryan, S.J.\n\nMany of the best finds from the Lamma sites are in the British Museum. They were sent there by Professor Shellshear and were examined by Mr. Soame Jenyns, the curator for the Far East section. Mr. Jenyns had been in Hong Kong as a young administrator and had studied Chinese art. Outstanding among the specimens is a bronze sword about eleven inches long and distinguished by a zoomorph design in three panels along the blade. This sword has been dated as Warring Kingdoms Period, (421-221 B.C.). A bronze-socketed celt with a distinctive design", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204937, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "38\n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING\n\nhaving been nursed and reared by tigers.\" \"Where should we have been,\" he asks, \"if our grandmothers and mothers had been drowned in their infancy?\" And he quotes two instances of the punishment of mothers who had destroyed their infants, one of whom had a blood-red serpent fastened to her thigh, and the other her four extremities turned into cow's feet.* Father Ripa mentions, that of abandoned children, the Jesuits baptized in Peking alone not less than three thousand yearly. I have seen ponds which are the habitual receptacle of female infants, whose bodies lie floating about on their surface.\n\nIt is by no means unusual to carry persons in a state of exhaustion a little distance from the cities, to give them a pot of rice, and to leave them to perish of starvation when the little store is exhausted. Life and death in China, beyond any other region, seem in a state of perpetual activity. The habits of the people, their traditions, the teachings of the sages all give a wonderful impulse to the procreative affections. A childless person is deemed an unhappy, not to say a degraded, man. The Chinese moralists set it down as a law, that if a wife give no children to her husband,\n\n*Doubt has been sometimes expressed as to the practice of Infanticide in China on any great scale; but abundance of evidence of the extent of the usage may be found in Chinese books. The following is a translation of a Decree of the Emperor Kanghi, entitled,-\n\n\"Edict prohibiting the drowning of children.\" \"When a mother mercilessly plunges beneath the water the tender offspring to which she has given birth, can it be said that it owes its life to her who thus takes away what it has just begun to enjoy? The poverty of the parents is the cause of this wrongdoing; they have difficulty in earning subsistence for themselves, still less can they pay nurses and undertake all the necessary expenses for their children; thus driven to despair, and unwilling to cause the death of two persons to preserve the life of one, it comes to pass that a mother to save her husband's life consents to destroy her children. Their natural tenderness suffers; but they at length determine to take this part, thinking themselves at liberty to dispose of the life of their children, in order to prolong their own. If they exposed these children in some unfrequented spot, their cries would move the hearts of the parents; what then do they? They cast the unfortunate babe into the current of a river, that they may at once lose sight of it, and in an instant deprive it of life. You have given me the name of Father of the People: though I cannot feel for these infants the tenderness of the parents to whom they owe their being, I cannot refrain from declaring to you, with the most painful feelings, that I absolutely forbid such homicides. The tiger, says one of our books, though it be a tiger, does not rend its own young; towards them it has a feeling breast, and continually cares for them. Poor as you may be, is it possible that you should become the murderers of your own children? is to shew yourselves more unnatural than the very beasts of prey.”— Lettres Edifiantes, vol. xix, pp. 101-2,\n\nIt\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204940, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE POPULATION OF CHINA\n\n41\n\nno hereditary honours in China—except those which reckon upwards from the distinguished son to the father, the grandfather, and the whole line of ancestry, which may be ennobled by the literary or martial genius of a descendant—the distinctions of caste are unknown, and a successful student even of the lowest origin would be deemed a fit match for the most opulent and distinguished female in the community. The severe laws which prohibit marriages within certain degrees of affinity (they do not however interdict it with a deceased wife's sister) tend to make marriages more prolific and to produce a healthier race of children. So strong is the objection to the marriage of blood relations, that a man and woman of the same Sing or family name cannot lawfully wed.\n\nSoldiers and sailors are in no respect prevented from marrying. I expect there is from the number of male emigrants the greater loss of men by the various accidents of life abstraction in many circumstances from intercourse with women, a great disproportion between the sexes, tending naturally enough to the lower appreciation of woman; but correct statistics are wanting in this, as indeed in every other part of the field of enquiry.\n\nThe proportion of unmarried to married people is (as would be deduced from the foregoing observation) exceedingly small. To promote marriages seems everybody's affair. Matches and betrothals naturally enough occupy the attention of the young, but not less that of the middle-aged and the old. A marriage is the great event in the life of man or woman, and in China is associated with more of preliminary negotiations—ceremonials at different steps of the negotiations—written correspondence, visitings, protocols, and conventions than in any other part of the world.\n\nI am in hopes that we may be able to obtain the vital statistics of some given district, from which more accurate results might be deducted than are afforded by any existing data. I keep this object in view. I have the honour to be, sir, yours very faithfully.\n\nJOHN BOWRING.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204956, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE\n\n57\n\nfor the modern KS vocalisms. These lists are selective and deliberately ignore a few exceptions, but without being exhaustive they do provide enough information to outline the origins of KS syllable types. The tones are not designated in these lists except in cases where the KS forms differ from or cannot be traced to their traditional categories. Normally these categories will be the same as for the identical word in SC.\n\n✔ a 'tooth', ma 'horse', ma ‘horse', 'melon, fa 'flower', -aithai 'too, extreme', ka ‘household'. A ka ua 'speech'. kai ‘intermediary', mai 'to buy', kai 'strange', fai ‘lungs', kai 'drawer', uai 'to oppose'. lai ‘mud', ai 'dangerous', -au pau 'satiated', au 'to bite', cau ‘to run', □ hau 'mouth', cau ‘wine', kau ‘nine', iau ‘young'. lat 'pungent', sat ‘to kill', at ‘a duck', cat 'mixed', chat ‘a brush'. cak ‘pluck', than 'watery', kan ‘to dare', can 'to cut off', 斬 kan 'barrier', -ak pak 'one hundred', hak ‘guest', -an lan 'south', -ang ang 'hard', san 'to disperse', san 'mountain', fan 'to turn back'. sang 'to give birth', cang 'to struggle', uang 'crosswise'. ie 'night', sie 'snake', ce 'word, character', 蛇 sie‘snake’, chei “dignified', (a surname), hei 'to go', 墟 'market, lei 'you', ei 'ear', fei 'to fly'. -ei hei 'to go', -et fet 'needy', set 'wet', ket 'quick, anxious', het 'blind', ŋ iet 'day', pet 'writing brush', phei 'skin', tei ‘earth', sei ‘to die', -en chet 'to go out', ffet 'Buddha', het 'black'. sen 'deep', len 'forest', then 'to hate', sen 'new', ien 'man', khen (and ken) 'near', & uen", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204968, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "STONE ENGRAVING AT FU-T'ANG\n\n67\n\nher temporary temple. Since then other sailors passing by went ashore to worship her, who, they believed, gave them every protection at sea. Later, they collected a sum of money to build a permanent temple there. Sung-chien, the first beneficiary, had become wealthy by then and contributed the principal share of the construction fund. Still later, in the second year of the reign of Hsien-hsun (1266) the local people, because of superstition, thought that another temple should be built on the shore of North Fu-t'ang. Tao-yi, the only son of Sung-chien, responded and constructed a much more elaborate temple there. Besides, he composed a poem commemorating the event and had it inscribed on a stone tablet which was erected by the side of the new temple. This monument has long been lost, but the temple remains there till the present day, of course having been repaired from time to time during the past 700 years.\n\nIts name has also been changed since the Goddess has been bestowed by Emperors of successive dynasties with different honorable titles from the plain Lin Ta-ku to Tien-hou (Heavenly Queen) which was given her by the Emperor K'ang-hsi (Hong Hei) of early Ch'ing. According to the Gazetteer of Kwangtung this is the oldest temple of T'ien-hou along the coast of the Province. Eight years after its construction, Lin Tao-yi, having made another effort to renew the whole vicinity and repair the Temple, requested the Administrator of the Kuan-fu salt field to prepare the inscription which he had engraved on the rock.*\n\nThe stone-engraving has distinct cultural value. In the first place, for students of the history of the Southern Sung Dynasty, the reference to the construction of the Stone Pagoda at South Fu-t'ang in the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Chen Chung of the Northern Sung (A.D. 1012) is particularly of historical interest and significance. This is because when the two young sons of Tu Chung, who would become the last emperors of Sung\n\n* The Goddess was the sixth daughter of Lin Yuan (Lum Yun), an official in Fukien (892-946). It was alleged that she had an innate supernatural power and could perform miracles in saving people from drowning at sea. She died at the age of twenty and henceforth was worshipped by sailors as their patron goddess. See the author's study of her story in Sung Wong Toi, A Commemorative Volume (1960), Chüan 5, p. 279ff (in Chinese).\n\nFor the author's detailed studies of the engraved rock, see the same volume, pp. 151-154, 268-280, 284-290.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204987, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "86\n\nTHE CHINESE UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG\n\nSTEVE S. C. HUANG\n\nThe need for a university in Hong Kong teaching through the medium of Chinese has existed for many years. As the \"Report of the Committee on Higher Education in Hong Kong,\" published in 1952 by a group of British scholars led by Professor John Keswick and commonly known as the Keswick Report, said, \"Hong Kong is unique geographically and politically and its people have a more advanced cultural background than the peoples of most other colonies.\"\n\nThe vast majority of its inhabitants are Chinese, and the Chinese have a traditional love of scholarship, and a highly developed language, literature, and artistic sense. Hong Kong, it was thought, by reason of its location and circumstances, should certainly be a centre for the East and the West to meet, not only for commercial advantage, but also for cultural exchange. To accomplish this, a university with Chinese as the medium of teaching was considered as important as a university with English as the medium of teaching; each would make a valuable complement to the other,\n\nEver since the inception of the University of Hong Kong, even among the British residents in the Colony, there have been many who have advanced the idea of establishing a university which would teach through the medium of Chinese, or a university which would teach through the medium of both Chinese and English, in all branches of learning. The Keswick Report gave strong support to such an idea. For various reasons, however, this recommendation of the Keswick Report did not lead to immediate action.\n\nNevertheless, the need existed. Since 1949, social and political conditions in China have undergone a great change. In addition to the large number of young men and women of college age who could no longer return to China for their higher education as earlier generations did, there were thousands who emigrated from\n\nThe author, a former student of Journalism and History at the University of California, Berkeley, and City Editor of the Hong Kong Tiger-Standard, is currently Assistant Registrar of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204991, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "90\n\nS. HUANG\n\nIn June 1961 the University Preparatory Committee, chaired by the Hon. C. Y. Kwan, was appointed. Its terms of reference were to advise on a site for the central university buildings and the accommodation required. In due course a site in the upper Shatin Valley, not too far from Chung Chi College, was selected and Government was persuaded to set aside 250 acres there for the new University.\n\nFinally, in May 1962, Government, satisfied with the progress made on all fronts, announced the appointment of a commission to make recommendations on the establishment of the University. The Commission was a distinguished group of men, and credit for bringing them together must go to the Inter-University Council for Higher Education Overseas in England, in particular to Sir Charles Morris, Chairman of the Council, and to Sir Christopher Cox.\n\nThe Commission Chairman was Mr. J. S. Fulton (now Sir J. S. Fulton), who has been mentioned earlier. The other members were Dr. Choh-Ming Li (now first Vice-Chancellor of the Chinese University), Professor of Business Administration and Director of the Centre for Chinese Studies at the University of California, Dr. J. V. Loach, Registrar of the University of Leeds, Professor Thong Saw-pak, Professor of Physics at the University of Malaya, and Professor F. C. Young, Professor of Biochemistry at the University of Cambridge. Mr. I. C. M. Maxwell, Secretary of the Inter-University Council for Higher Education Overseas, joined the group as Secretary. The Commission came to Hong Kong that summer and before its departure publicly announced that in their view the three Post-Secondary Grant Colleges were ready for university status. They took it that their job was to make recommendations on the organization and constitution of the University.\n\nIn April 1963 their eagerly awaited report was published and was received with general enthusiasm. Shortly thereafter, Government announced that it had approved the Commission's recommendations in principle, as had the Colleges. In June the formation of a Provisional Council was announced; and on July 2, 1963 with the completion of necessary preliminary work, which was considerable, the process of preparing the way for the establishment of the University began.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204998, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE IN HONG KONG 1841 1962 97\n\npublic eye the cases of those who might otherwise have no idea how to put their case before the Government. But it remains true, as Mr. Endacott implicitly concedes, that Government has only a general idea of the currents of opinion at the lower end of the social scale.\n\nIt is generally assumed that the vast majority of Chinese are more concerned with making a regular living than with politics, and the negative evidence (for there is little positive) confirms it; but it could be that people are simply unaware of how to make their demands and needs felt and in general prefer not to tangle with officialdom. In the New Territories the representation system, the District Offices, and the relative smallness of the population means that Government and people are reasonably in touch; in town there is scarcely any way for the man in the street to make his needs and aspirations felt.\n\nAnd yet, the fact is that it does seem to work. Policy-makers in the Administration do seem by and large to be aware that colonialism is an anachronism, and their attitudes are modified accordingly. Expatriate civil servants are not immune to the currents of thought prevalent in the nineteen sixties, and for the most part are young enough to take for granted in their own country the universal franchise, compulsory free education for all, extensive social services and very considerable personal freedom. And these are generally regarded as the ideal, if unlikely ever to be possible in the context of Hong Kong. Post-war trends of thought have produced a rather different type of colonial bureaucrat from those who, for instance, reserved The Peak exclusively for European habitation.\n\nConstitutional advance in Hong Kong was originally scheduled to keep pace, more or less, with what the British Government intended in other colonies. The war would have hastened on the process, had there been no change of government in China. The U.S. Government would have preferred Hong Kong to be restored to Chiang Kai-shek, and the Chinese themselves hoped that this might be the case. In the event, the surrender was accepted by both Chinese and British, but Britain, under the Charter of the United Nations, was committed to leading colonial territories towards self-government. It is rather a pity that no", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204999, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "98\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\nindication is given in this book of how the British Government saw the ultimate future of the Colony, though this is of academic interest today.\n\nThe years 1946-1949 were spent in drawing up what has become known as the Young Plan, after the Governor of the time, which would have provided for an elected Municipal Council, with a franchise for all men and women over the age of 25 who could read and write either English or Chinese. This plan was however thrown out by the Legislative Council, of which the unofficial members felt that reform of their own body should come first. They also objected to the fact that the proposed Municipal Council would overlap the functions of the Colonial Administration. In any case, the time, mid-1949, was unsettled in view of events in China and the opportunity was missed. Subsequently, the whole of Hong Kong society underwent such an upheaval with the flood of refugees and the diminishing of trade with the Mainland that constitutional reforms were shelved.\n\nA feature of the post-war situation of Hong Kong is the fact that everyone knows that the really important long-term decisions are not made in the Colonial Secretariat or even in Government House. This certainly adds to the lack of interest in acquiring any share in the Government. On the other hand, a paradoxical result of the establishment of the Communist Government in Peking is that most of the Chinese who have come to Hong Kong in the last fifteen years are here to stay, unlike the transients who before the war came to the Colony to find jobs in bad periods at home, expecting to return to their families when conditions improved. Hence the Chinese population does in fact have more interest than it did in pre-1949 days in seeing that the Government should at least be of the complexion it desires. As time passes, this will be both more and less true: a greater proportion of the populace will be Hong Kong born or educated, or both; but since it is clear that as Mr. Endacott says, Peking's demands for the revision of the \"unequal treaties\" are unlikely to stop at the Shum Chun river, the Colony's lifespan depends on how pressing the Chinese Government feels this revision is.\n\nAn interesting point in the early history of the Colony which Mr. Endacott brings out very clearly is that it was the British Government, which by not allowing any constitutional advance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205001, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "100 \n\nCOLINA LUPTON \n\nwell, it seems, have been ruled by largely Chinese civil servants. It would have been helpful if Mr. Endacott had discussed the question more fully. \n\nHowever, the book is useful as a concise account of the history of the exercise of power in Hong Kong. Mr. Endacott writes clearly about the early governors and their administrative problems. But Hong Kong is today so different a place that such background sheds little light on today's problems. Hong Kong has, of course, inherited its constitution from those early days, but this was in any case of the normal colonial type devised by Britain in the nineteenth century. On the post-war history of the Colony, a little more information might have been desirable. Why, for instance, was the opinion of the Legislative Council, as voiced by the Hon. D. F. Landale, so inexorably set against the Young Plan, and why was it that the Government spent two years working out a detailed scheme for its establishment only for it to be thrown suddenly overboard at the last moment? What are these \"wider powers\" which he mentions in his reference to the police? And, while he makes the point that in fact the government does work in most cases harmoniously with the people, could he not have analysed a little more fully than he does the causes of the 1956 riots? \n\nThere are people who think that a chance has been missed by not making Hong Kong into a show window for Western democracy. Mr. Endacott's book makes clear just how difficult such an ideal would be to achieve and how little real opportunity there has been for it. Apathy, factionalism and an appreciation of international realities today virtually rule it out. But a modest progress towards constitutional development is surely to be desired. If the institution of democracy is of any value, it is worth some effort to promote.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "104\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nand mineral deposits in Hong Kong, Southern China and South-East Asia. After a lapse of three years, the proceedings have been published, making a very substantial contribution to the study of the geography of Hong Kong.\n\nThe book is divided into three parts:\n\nPart I deals with land use and contains eighteen short articles. Of the nineteen authors, eight are graduates of the Department of Geography, University of Hong Kong. With Professor Davis as editor, the book leaves us with a vivid impression akin to a painting which portrays a mother hen directing a group of her young in search of food. The eighteen articles occupy 152 pages or sixty-two per cent of the book's length. According to their nature, the articles are again divided into three sections: industrial planning (five papers), agricultural planning (two) and land use in South-East Asia (eleven). Of the eighteen articles, \"Land for Industry and Factors Influencing Location in Hong Kong\", \"Changes in Agricultural Land Use in Hong Kong\", and \"The Port of Hong Kong\" constitute the core of Part I, providing a basic explanation of the economic development of Hong Kong in recent years and the influence exercised thereon by the geographical setting.\n\nIn Part I, only two articles are unrelated to Hong Kong. They are \"Mixed Farming and Multiple Cropping in Malaya\" by R. Ho, and “The Development and Spread of Agricultural Terracing in China\" by J. E. Spencer. The former gave me an opportunity to re-examine the facts about land use in Malaya. In 1962, accepting an invitation from the University of Malaya, I had gone to Kuala Lumpur to participate in the Regional Conference of the International Geographical Union. We had lengthy discussions about land use in Malaya and Professor Ho had kindly accompanied us throughout the post-conference excursion and explained to us the problems concerned. The second article is of absorbing interest to me too, because, over the years I have been groping in a similar field. However, research of this kind entails much reading of the Chinese classics, and I feel that the more I have read, the more difficult it is to jump to conclusions.\n\nOne defect that is usually inevitable in any collection of articles is that they generally fail to reflect a uniform standard. As an article is a piece of writing done on request, the people invited to write often show different degrees of seriousness in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205011, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "110\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nof Shen Chou, comprising thirteen album leaves, are existing and known today. A detailed discussion of these two works is presented as well as five good reproductions.\n\nChang Kun's \"An Analysis of the Tun-huang Tibetan Annals\" is based on the published editions of the Tun-huang materials. He classifies some important Tibetan expressions under the eight headings of \"Introduction, Ruling House, Officialdom, Government Operations, Territorial Division, Border Regions, Subjugated Territories and Foreign Countries.\" In addition, he presents in this scholarly work a long list of \"Royal Residence and Sites for Councils,\" an index of \"Places and Peoples\" and an index of \"Tibetan Personal Names.\"\n\nA very outstanding feature of the volume is that as much as 150 pages (pp. 175-329) are used for reviews. Well-known scholars, nearly all from Hong Kong, discuss an interesting range of books on Asia from 1955 to 1961.\n\nIn addition, a \"Far Eastern Bibliography\" lists the titles of the articles in thirty-five journals of European languages dealing with the Orient, mostly of the year 1958. Studies contained in another twenty journals, this time in Chinese and Japanese languages, are given as well and are indeed a most helpful guide to the state of research in Asia. The comparatively young Journal of Oriental Studies thus contains a wealth of minute information on research and by undertaking this troublesome work sets an example to other, often older, journals concentrating on Asia.\n\nUnder separate cover, there has been published by the Hong Kong University Press an \"Index to Volumes I to V, 1954-1960\" to the Journal of Oriental Studies. The articles are listed according to their authors as well as their titles and subject matter, the book reviews according to the names of the authors and of the reviewers. The Index is helpful for reference, especially to the numerous valuable book reviews in the Journal.\n\nK. Bünger", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205044, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "143\n\nWONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Pao-Hsie\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang WONG,\n\nMiss Shirley, Ting-yin WOO, Dr. Pak-foo\n\nWOOD, Mrs. C..\n\nWOOL-SMITH, Miss J. WORTHY, E. H. Jr.\n\nWORTLEY TALBOT,\n\nMiss P. E.\n\nWOU, Dr. Paul, P. C.\n\nWRIGHT, Miss B. R.\n\n+\n\nT\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R. YANG, V. T.\n\nYANG, Tsung-han\n\nYAP, Dr. Pow-meng\n\nYATES, Miss J. N.\n\nYEH, Rev. Hua-fen\n\nYEUNG, Walter, W. T.\n\nYOUNG, L. K.\n\nYU, Ping-kuen\n\nYU, Yin C.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I.\n\nZIMMERN, W. A.\n\n+\n\n·\n\n+\n\n-\n\n+\n\n92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\n11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon,\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\n22 Wong Ma Kok Road, Stanley, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K.\n\nSisters' Qurs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon,\n\nAs above.\n\nNew Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Flat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\nWise Mansion 8-C, 32 Robinson Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K.\n\nFlat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 6175, Hong Kong.\n\n86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Housing Society, P. O. Box 845, H.K.\n\n15, Stangee Place, Katong, Singapore 15.\n\n60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, The University, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\n205-7, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n12 Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K.\n\nThe Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205062, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY\n\n13\n\nHis luck ran out, however, in 1807, when he was caught in a typhoon off Luzon. Part of his fleet was destroyed and Cheng himself drowned.\n\nLeadership of the pirate fleet fell to Cheng's wife, a kind of early nineteenth-century Dragon Lady, who may have accompanied her husband on his forays. Her chief lieutenant was a young Hsin Hui buccaneer by the name of Chang Pao-tsai. Unkind rumour had it that Chang was more than the lady's \"chief lieutenant\".\n\nUnder the leadership of Chang and the wife of Cheng I, the pirate fleet expanded its activities. It was divided into three divisions, each with a commander. Raids on coastal shipping were carried out with dispatch and precision, each division having been assigned specific areas of the coast. By 1810, Chang's fleet numbered six to seven hundred vessels, manned by as many as thirty to forty thousand men.\n\nNor were they concerned with just coastal shipping. No village or town along the coast was safe. Chang was apparently able to land elements of his navy at will at any bay or harbour from Mirs Bay to Hainan and as far up the river as Whampoa. There are differing accounts as to what his methods and motives really were. Some accounts, probably somewhat romanticized, make Chang out to be a kind of Chinese nautical Robin Hood, landing his men and appearing at village gates only to replenish their supplies of food and water, treating the people with kindness and honesty and refraining from terror. On the other hand, local histories record that more than one village was left in ashes and more than a little blood was spilled.\n\nWhatever way Chang Pao-tsai carried on his raids, the fact remains that the Ch'ing government was powerless against him. Time and again units of the Imperial fleet were sent in search of Chang's navy, only to return empty-handed and usually badly mauled. Once, in 1809, the Imperial navy did succeed in trapping a portion of Chang's fleet off Lantau, but clever seamanship and greater and more efficient firepower enabled him to break through without much damage.\n\nFinally, in 1810, the authorities resorted to the old political expedient... \"if you can't beat 'em, join 'em\". Governor-General", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205068, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY\n\n19\n\nBetween 1842 and 1849, Canton and its environs seemed to have been rocked by a series of violent anti-foreign disturbances. Three of these were full-scale riots in which the foreign factories were either directly attacked or seriously threatened. In one case six young Englishmen were murdered while strolling in the countryside. Throughout the period foreigners, either singly or in groups, were subjected to attacks and insults. In 1849 a massive demonstration succeeded in forcing Great Britain to abandon its demand that British subjects be permitted direct access to the city.27\n\nThe 1849 demonstrations were particularly impressive. Organized by members of the upper levels of the gentry class and aided and abetted, if not actually inspired by, the local authorities, they served to convince Sir George Bonham, then Governor of Hong Kong, that should he seek to force an entrance into the city, which Britain had always claimed as her right according to the terms of the Treaty of Nanking, his troops would be met by massive resistance on the part of the populace.\n\nNow, no one would deny that all this reflected a certain degree of anti-foreign spirit on the part of the people of Canton and its environs. After all, foreigners were attacked and their property was stolen or destroyed.\n\nBut what happens when these incidents are examined more closely?\n\nIn the cases of attacks upon the foreign factories, each episode was provoked by an ill-considered act of the foreigners themselves. In perhaps half, or more, of the attacks on individuals or groups of foreigners, robbery was the primary motive. Some \"attacks\" were not really \"attacks\" at all. One involved some small boys who threw stones at a group of passing barbarians (and were severely reprimanded by their parents for doing so).28 Yet Sir John Davis made this an occasion for a formal protest to the Chinese high authorities. Another \"incident\" concerned the looting of the house of the Reverend I. J. Roberts by a \"ruthless gang of Chinese\". Investigation shows that the ruthless gang was really Roberts' own congregation, who fell to fighting among themselves over the distribution of coins which the Reverend used to reward them for attending his services.29 As to the murder", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205082, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Five Great Clans\n\n33\n\ntried to retain and modernise this tradition by building modern schools for their children and teaching a curriculum equal to that in the cities of Victoria and Kowloon. The Tangs of Kam Tin and the Lius operated schools with a modern curriculum at least as early as the 1930s, and have since installed them in modern buildings. Other modern schools may be seen at Ho Sheung Heung, Kam Tsin, Tai Po Tau, and San Tin. Usually, the schools have been built on lineage initiative and money, with the Government meeting a proportion of the cost. Boards of Governors are generally composed of lineage members only, though teaching staff may be drawn from any surnames.\n\nBut far from consolidating the position of the clans, as education did in the old days, the new education has cut off the young men (and the young women) from their lineages by educating them up to a level where they are employable only in the city, where they quickly learn to renounce village values and the lineage way of life. Some of the older men recognise the danger which this constitutes to the lineage system, and they try hard to reconcile the modern education with old values, striving to keep the young people based on the village even if facing towards the city. The Lius have recently initiated the practice of sending all their school-children to take part in the worship of the First Ancestor's grave on the 9th of the 9th month,80 a practice which certainly would not have been permitted in the past.\n\nAncestor worship in its manifestations above the level of the family was and is on a larger scale in the five clans than in smaller clans. The five own large ancestral halls (often as large as three M) for the corporate worship of their founding ancestors, and most of their villages have more than one hall, often as many as three or four, each one serving as the focal point for a branch or sub-branch of the lineage. Comparatively few lineages or clans outside the five have ancestral halls of any size; in many, a converted house does duty as the hall, while perhaps no other lineage is able to boast of more than one hall. Wealth again is the factor which enables the five to build and maintain halls.\n\nAll of these clans observe ancestral rites on a large scale and at great expense. The major ceremony of the year is Chung Yeung, on and around the 9th day of the 9th month, when the grave of the founding ancestor is worshipped. Since these graves", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205131, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "82\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nThe earliest manifestation of the Tantric revival was perhaps a school of Tibetan studies that operated in Peking 1924-1925. Founded by T'ai-hsü and headed by his disciple Ta-yung, its purpose was to prepare people for further study in Tibet. Only a single class was graduated, most members of which got no further than the Tibetan borderlands, but at least three reached Lhasa: Fa-tsun, Neng-hai, and Ch'ao-i. They returned to China in the early 1930's.25\n\nFa-tsun became the principal of the Sino-Tibetan Institute outside Chungking. This had also been established by T'ai-hsü (in 1931) and had the same goal as his school in Peking — to prepare people for study in Tibetan monasteries but unlike the earlier school it received a government subsidy. It was perhaps the only Buddhist institution to enjoy this privilege during the Republican period.\n\nThe government displayed an even more open concern when in December 1936 the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission inaugurated a program for the exchange of Chinese and Tibetan monks. Two of the former were to be selected annually by the Chinese Buddhist Association and sent to Lhasa for five years' study, while two Tibetan monks were to be chosen by \"the local government of Tibet\" for study in China. Tibetans were brought not only to study, but to teach. Early in 1937 the Nationalists invited Shirob Jaltso, an eminent Tibetan scholar who was persona non grata in Lhasa, to deliver a series of lectures at five Chinese universities. \"This was the first time a Tibetan instructor had been provided for Chinese university students.\"26 Shirob, the Panchen Lama (also persona non grata in Lhasa), and several other Tibetan monks who resided in China at this period were accorded every courtesy (and presumably ample subsidies) by the Chinese Government. Some received official posts.27\n\nLhasa did not reciprocate. Rather naturally, it gave no political role to the Chinese who had been sent to strengthen its ties with the \"motherland.\" Nonetheless they were able to pursue their religious studies and to carry on other activities agreeable to all concerned. One of my informants, for example, had become interested in Buddhism as a young man. Although he came from a poor family in Nanking, he got to know Lü Ch'eng at the Metaphysical Institute (Nei-hsü Yuan). Lü urged him to go to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205136, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n87\n\ntemples, they were treated with the utmost courtesy and kindness. For example, in 1850 an eminent abbot near Hangchow recommended to a missionary visitor that he use an adjoining piece of land to build a Christian church. He made the recommendation, he said, despite his experience with other missionaries who, as he gently suggested, ought to \"show greater tolerance for the customs of other religions.\"39\n\nAlas! tolerance was not their outstanding trait, nor was it outstanding among the foreign tourists and businessmen, who found it increasingly fashionable to regard all things Chinese as inferior and absurd → particularly the \"bonzes.\" Since they also found that the loveliest spots in China had been utilized by the \"bonzes\" to build their monasteries, which were often the only places to stay on travels or holidays, the result was friction.\n\nThe chances for friction were less if all or part of a monastery at a low ebb had been rented outright, as was common in the Western hills outside Peking, at the foot of Omei Shan in Szechwan, and sometimes on the southeast coast. The few monks involved either vacated the premises entirely or moved to a rear building where, being grateful for tenants, they were ready to put up with whatever they had to.\n\nBut when foreign visitors stayed as guests at a prosperous monastery with a full complement of monks, friction was more likely. In 1924, for example, a doughty Philadelphian, Harry A. Franck, visited Omei Shan. Despite the prohibition on the import of meat, of which he was fully aware, he brought along several cans of it, as well as two live chickens for slaughter on the very top of the sacred mountain. As soon as he arrived, he began to bargain over the price of accommodations, thus degrading the monastery to the status of a hotel. (He should, of course, have waited until he was about to leave and then made an unsolicited gift.) Since he felt that he was being overcharged for the charcoal on which to cook his chickens, he took pleasure in making the abbot “lose face by coming himself late in the evening and pretending to verify the weighing.\"\n\nThe next day Mr. Franck professed surprise at the “half-hostile attitude towards foreigners... [of] the fat, lazy monks.” Elsewhere he calls them \"cynical-looking young loafers.\" Yet he complains that (in spite of their laziness and cynicism) they had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205143, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "94\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nI have not heard of other monasteries in China that had such wide-spreading or deep-rooted connections overseas as Ku Shan. It may have been unique. But it was extremely common for monks and lay pilgrims to go back and forth between overseas Chinese communities and the \"famous mountains” at home. Even at Wu-t'ai Shan near the Inner Mongolian border, one could find pilgrims from Singapore. In 1936, when Tai Chi-t'ao was on his way back from Europe, he stopped in Manila to lay the cornerstone of a new Buddhist temple sponsored by a group of overseas Chinese who, since 1930, had been serving as Philippines distributor for a Buddhist publishing house in Soochow. Here as elsewhere in southeast Asia, Buddhism was a link with the motherland.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 James Troup, \"On the tenets of the Shinshiu or 'True Sect' of Buddhists,\" Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 16 (June 1886), 14-16.\n\n2 Takada, Giko, Chusi shukyo daido renmei nenkan (Yearbook of the Great Harmony Religious Alliance of Central China), Shanghai, 1943, p. 10. I am obliged to Dr. Ho Kuan-chung for making this book available to me.\n\n3 Yang Jen-shan, Yang Jen-shang chü-shih i-chu (Works of upasaka Yang Jen-shang), Peking, 1923, 1:5. This temple appears to have gone out of existence at some later date, since the Nanking branch of Honganji mentioned by Takada (see preceding note) was set up in 1938. A Japanese temple in Changsha was noted by Hackmann in 1911 (German Scholar in the East, London, 1914, p. 108). This is also unlisted by Takada.\n\n4. Franke, “Die Propaganda des japanischen Buddhismus in China”, Ostasiatische Neubildungen, Hamburg, 1911, p. 159. This article by Franke is the source of most of the information given in the text, pp. 2-4.\n\n5 This episode is also referred to in Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü tashih nien-p'u, Hong Kong, 1950, p. 35-36, where thirteen monasteries in Hangchow alone were said to have become affiliated with the Honganji. More investigation is needed.\n\n6 Takada, p. 14.\n\n7 There were twenty-six Chinese delegates, according to Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 203. The official head of the Chinese delegation and Chinese vice-chairman of the conference was Tao-chieh, under whom T'ai-hsü had studied twenty years before (Yin-shun, T'ai-hsü, p. 26 ff). T'ai-hsü may be pardoned, perhaps, for giving people the impression that he was himself the chief of the delegation. (See, for example, Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 177; T'ai-hsü Lectures on Buddhism, Paris, 1928, p. 14,\n\n8 Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 179-180.\n\n9 This and other information given here on the East Asian Buddhist Conference comes largely from Young East 1.6 (November 8, 1925), 176-177.\n\n10 Tokiwa Daijo, Shina bukkyo shiseki kinen shu (Buddhist Monuments in China, Memorial Collection), Tokyo, 1931, p. 203.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205152, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n103\n\nFrom 1647 onwards, probationers were required to study either the Manchu language or the Chinese Classics. The number of probationers taking the Manchu course, however, declined as time went on. In the reign of Yung-cheng, only about fifteen scholars were ordered to read the Manchu course, the rest, about forty, took the Chinese course.9 In the next reign (Ch'ien-lung), the aggregate number of probationers studying the Manchu course was about ten each year, and even this small number would sometimes be reduced, as those who took long sick leaves would change to study the Chinese course after their return.10\n\nThe qualification for taking up the Manchu course was physical rather than literary. Only the young and the good-looking with a pleasant voice were selected. Presumably, the reason for such a choice is that probationers studying the Manchu course would have more contacts with the Emperor and senior officials than the others. They were the persons likely to be selected as masters of ceremony in official ceremonies. In the pursuit of the course, the probationers would be called upon to study the \"History of the Liao dynasty, the Chin dynasty, and the Yüan dynasty\" (Liao Chin Yüan shih), \"the Sacred Edicts of the Emperor Hung-wu, the first Emperor of the Ming dynasty\" (Hung-wu pao-hsün), the \"Daily Exposition of the Meaning of the Book of Great Learning\" (Ta-hsüeh yen-i jih-chiang) and the \"Commentaries of the Four Books\" (Szu-shu chieh-i).11\n\n12\n\nProbationers doing research work on the Chinese texts took lessons in Chinese Classics, history and poetry. Together with those reading the Manchu language, they had to sit for a final examination after three years of study. Probationers studying the Manchu course were tested on their ability to translate from Chinese to Manchu and vice versa, whereas those reading the Chinese Classics were each ordered to compose a poem of set form or a piece of irregular verse and to write an argumentative discussion or an eight-legged essay.13\n\nNotice that the final examination of the probationers laid emphasis on the literary skill of writing essays and poems rather than on administrative knowledge. This was because of the need to distinguish \"real\" from \"false\" talent among the candidates. Themes on administrative problems, useful though they might be in testing the practical knowledge of candidates when they were original,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205197, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n147\n\nThomas Braddell, James Guthrie, A. L. Johnston, W. H. Read and 'Mr. Whampoa' (Hoo Ah Kay) are traced. The setting is that of a British colonial society in its heyday; the viewpoint is rather parochial.\n\nThe author was himself a prominent resident of Singapore for nearly fifty years. He arrived there in 1864, having been told by W. H. Read that it was ‘a fine healthy place for a young man'. He dryly noted that at the time of writing (1902) the English idea that Singapore was somewhere in the centre of India was becoming less generally held.\n\nThe author writes over-modestly that his book 'will interest those only who have some association with Singapore'. It should in fact interest many today for its detailed picture of the years of growth of a great South-east Asian city-state. To take one year — 1848 — at random; we read of Chinese gang robberies, the P. & O. mail, restrictions on firecrackers at Chinese New Year, the price of gambier, the inability of the Government of India to understand the special conditions and needs of the Straits Settlements, the sending of Chinese convicts from Hong Kong to Singapore, the trade depression, interference by the Malay ruler of Johore with the movement of guttapercha to Singapore, the failure of the Balestier sugar plantation, Captain Keppel and the new harbour, the arrival of Mr. James Brooke on his way to Labuan, and Singapore as a naval station. The author remarks, in passing, that the year 1848 had also been a very exciting time all over Europe'.\n\nThe Anecdotal History was well worth re-publishing for its lively if limited treatment of an era in Singapore's history. There is an excellent index, particularly important in a work of this kind. University of Hong Kong.\n\nB. HARRISON\n\nVIA PORTS: FROM HONG KONG TO HONG KONG, Alexander Grantham. Hong Kong University Press, 1965. pp. HK$30.\n\nThe author, Alexander William George Herder Grantham, is better known to the people of Hong Kong as Sir Alexander, Governor from 1947 to 1957. His book traces his own official career from 1922 when he arrived from England as a Government Cadet, to 1957 when he retired as the Governor.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205258, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "HONG KONG MAMMALS\n\n13\n\nCarnivores\n\nvisited Hong Kong but they have not been seen now for many years. The last one was shot at Stanley during the war and its skin, now somewhat decayed, is still present in the temple at Stanley. The Shing Mun tiger of May 1965 has the characteristics of a well-planned hoax. All the prints were of the same pad and in all probability they were made by a tiger's paw on the end of a stick. That people should claim to have seen the tiger is not surprising; a large ferocious dog in thick undergrowth can be just as frightening as a tiger, especially when there is a tiger scare, and these people probably genuinely believe that they saw one.\n\nLeopards also visited the Colony until fairly recently. Both tigers and leopards are good swimmers and can travel from island to island. The last sighting of a leopard was in 1957 and shortly afterwards one was shot 8 miles inland from Sha Tau Kok. It was probably the same leopard and its skull and tail were brought back to the Colony and donated to the University of Hong Kong.\n\nToday only the smaller carnivores are present in Hong Kong: the tiger-cat or Chinese leopard cat, civets and ferret-badger.\n\nThere are only a few tiger-cats surviving (Plate 2). There are probably none on Hong Kong Island. In the wild they live mostly on rats but also catch birds and chickens. In captivity they do not fare well due to their extreme nervousness which is often mistaken for fierceness. They become so frightened that they spit and growl until they are exhausted and may die of shock. Also they are susceptible to cat 'flu and other diseases in captivity. They are however very splendid animals, being one of the most graceful and beautifully marked of all the wild cats.\n\nAnother carnivore, and one which plays an important role in reducing the rat population, is the South China Red fox. Several pairs are still living in the New Territories. The female is a light sandy colour, whereas the male is more brightly coloured with a reddish head and tail and grizzled grey flanks and legs. At a distance they resemble small wolves. (Plate 3 shows three young foxes).\n\nIt is rumoured that European foxes were introduced just before the war for hunting, but the latter was not successful. The steep Hong Kong countryside was advantageous to the fox.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205259, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "14\n\nPATRICIA MARSHALL\n\nhorses and hounds could not penetrate the shrub and the hunt club eventually gave up and was dissolved. Today local foxes face a greater peril; persistent hunting by illegal shooting and trapping. Each winter a number of young foxes, probably imported, are sold alive in the markets for food, despite Government's attempts to stop this trade.\n\nAnother mammal imported during the winter for food is the raccoon dog. It resembles the North American raccoon but in fact its nearest living relative is the domestic dog. It has never been recorded from Hong Kong but was common on the plains around Canton until at least 1914. In Russia it is encouraged and has been released in some areas to breed wild for fur. It is also useful as a destroyer of rats.\n\nIn Hong Kong this animal is often treated with extreme cruelty being confined in small cages, too small for it to stand or turn round, and may be kept for several days on food stalls before being killed and eaten. Until 1966 they were commonly seen in the markets of Hong Kong and Kowloon, particularly in Shanghai and Market streets. They now appear to be kept in backrooms and sold under the counter.\n\nA fairly abundant wild mammal in the Colony is the ferret-badger. It is a true badger, feeding on insects, earthworms, small rats and mice. Plate 4 shows the broken white markings on the head and back. Like the leopard cat, it is a retiring, nervous mammal prone to die of nervous shock in captivity, although it can be tamed if caught young.\n\nOtters were once common here but are now rare due to illegal hunting. Fishermen have always persecuted them, although the more informed are now realizing that otters in an area improve rather than harm the fishing. Research on the life history and feeding habits has shown that although otters eat fish, they eat only diseased fish. By controlling the numbers of the sick they prevent the spread of fish diseases and so are beneficial to the fish population.\n\nProtection by law of the otter (since 1938) has not been effective. If some otters were kept in a zoo or in the Botanical Gardens so that people may see how very charming and captivating they can be, a few of the poachers may be dissuaded from killing them.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205267, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "22\n\nJEN YU-WEN\n\nolder than Hsien and Ping, was also reared by Young, being the younger sister of Shih. Hsien, the 2nd son, by virtue of being the offspring of the Queen, was regarded as the legitimate heir to the throne according to Chinese tradition. After being crowned, the boy emperor named his new reign Tê Yu () beginning with the next year (1275).\n\nIn the first year of Tê Yu (1275), the Mongol army under the premier Pê Yen (16) invaded South China and after many victories marched toward the capital Lin-an in the winter. The imperial court was alarmed and evacuated the Emperor's two brothers and sister under the care of mother Young and their uncles.3 Before departure, the two princes received new titles: I Wang (1) and Kuang Wang (1), respectively. Early in 1276 the royal party left Lin-an in a hurry heading for the south. It was the beginning of an itinerary of constant flight which would last for three full years.\n\nShortly afterwards, Emperor Hsien and the Queen Mother Ch'uan surrendered to the Mongols who subsequently took them to Peking. The Mongol Emperor Kublai Khan gave the dethroned Sung Emperor the new title of Duke of Ying Kuo (). Years later he was forced to become a Buddhist monk, was banished to Mongolia and died in exile there. It was said that his own son, who had been adopted by a Mongolian prince, would eventually become the last emperor of the Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty. The Ex-Queen Mother Ch'uan became a Buddhist nun and died of old age.4\n\nWhen the capital Lin-an fell, the royal evacuees arrived at Wuchow (##), Chekiang. They continued their flight toward the south. They had to travel on foot for seven days and the two young princes were carried by their uncles on their backs all the way throughout the rough journey. After reaching Wenchow (), a city near the seashore, they stayed for about three months trying to rally loyal supporters there. A few did come, such as a high official Lu Hsiu-fu (✯✯✯) and generals Chang Shih-chieh (*) and Su Liu-i (***) each bringing soldiers along. An army of considerable size was mustered. The Premier Ch'en I-chung (1), who had deserted the court after the Mongols entered Lin-an, also reported his presence at Wenchow, which was his native city. In view of the grave situation created by the capture of the young emperor, which thus", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205268, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "THE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG\n\n23\n\nleft the country without a ruler, the ministers and generals, after consultation with their mother, the concubine Young, unanimously installed I Wang Shih as the Generalissimo of the state and his brother Kuang Wang Ping as his deputy. After a while, they decided to travel south by boat. When everything was ready for departure, the cunning premier Ch'en I-chung begged to remain behind, using the excuse that he must bury his mother who had just died in Wenchow. Everybody disliked him and took him for a coward. The impetuous and impulsive warrior Chang Shih-chieh thought up a cunning scheme: he ordered some of his soldiers to remove the coffin of Ch'en's mother and to place it on a ship. Consequently Ch'en had to follow, much against his will.\n\nIn the 4th month they arrived at Foochow, Fukien, In the next month they crowned I Wang Shih Emperor who thus became the last Sung emperor but one. He was then eight years of age. His posthumous name is Tuan Tsung, (*) by which I shall call him hereafter. From that month on, his reign was called Ching Yen (*). His younger brother Ping received the new title of Wei Wang (£), and his little sister, that of Princess of Tsin Kuo (+), while his own mother was properly honoured as the Queen Mother. They stayed in Foochow until the 11th month when news came that the Mongols were invading Fukien, so they sailed southward.\n\nAfter passing by Ch'uanchow (¥) and Amoy in Fukien and Ch'aochow (¶) (Swatow) and Chia-tsu-men (‡ƒ¶) (of Huichow) in Kwangtung, they entered the territory of Kwangchow-fu early in 1277. Passing by Mirs Bay (Ta-p'eng-wan (★*), northeast of Kowloon), the royal party probably went ashore for a short time to get a rest, since there remain a few historical sites by the names of Wang-mu chuang-t'ai (the Queen-mother's Dressing Table) and Wang-mu hsu (Queen-mother's Market). During the next two months they stayed at an island then called \"Mei-wei\". (This place at present is still unidentified.) In the 4th month (May 1277) the royal refugees landed at Kuan-fu Ch'ang accompanied by many descendants of former Sung emperors who had joined the royal party from different places along the coast.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205275, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "30 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\nthat this legend is also ill-founded, because it has been ascertained that there are at least six other Temples of Hou-wang in Kowloon and the nearby island of Lantau. Moreover, there are other Hou-wang Temples in different districts of Kwangtung, and the images worshipped in them are different deified persons. But the decisive counter-proof of Ch'en's theory is found in a book written by Chou Mi, Kuei-hsin tsa-chi hsü-chi (B), 47a in early Yuan which records that in the last battle between the Sungs and Mongols at Ya-men in 1279, Young Liang-chieh perished at sea with the Emperor Ping (successor of Tuan Tsung) and other generals and ministers.14 \n\nAnother story tells how Emperor Tuan Tsung occasionally established his court at Yu-hsien-yen on Pê-ho-shan (Lé iao), northwest of Kowloon Tsai. There was a stone that looked like an armchair. Tuan Tsung used to sit on it as his temporary throne. From that time, the stone got the name “The Royal Armchair Stone\" (Yu-tso chiao-i shih #PERM ̄ ). This is a more reasonable tradition for a historic event although there is also no proof for it. \n\nVI. THE ERH-HUANG-TIEN VILLAGE \n\nThere was yet another historical site called Erh-huang-tien Village (in Cantonese Yi-wong-tin Two Emperors' Palace Village) which was closely related to the royal visit. Amongst the many old villages listed in the Hsin-an Gazetteer was the name Erh-huang-tien but written in the form, meaning Two Huangs' Store. Ch'en Pê-tao was the first scholar to point out that this was a mistake and should be Two Emperors' Palace. (The Cantonese pronunciations of huang for emperor and huang for yellow are the same, and in Mandarin tien for palace and tien for store are the same. The error in the Gazetteer may be ascribed to intentional alteration of the two characters to avoid political trouble in the Yuan dynasty which exterminated the last two emperors of Southern Sung.) This interpretation is acceptable. \n\nA few other writers in modern times in describing the historical sites in Kowloon have likewise confirmed the existence of such a village. It has been generally taken for granted that it was so named because the last two Sung emperors stayed there for some time, or constructed a palace there. Furthermore, the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "34 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\nregular) palace, tien, was for the Queen Mother Young and was called by the name of Ts'u-yuan Tien (18. \n\nIt is reasonable to imagine that when they arrived in Kowloon their manner of life was practically the same as later in Ya-shan. The royal party with their attendants and the generals and ministers with their families went ashore followed by a number of royal guards, while the rest of the one hundred thousand soldiers had to stay on the boats. I believe that the royal party, including the mother Queen, Tuan Tsung, his younger brother and their closest attendants, were welcomed by the Salt-field Administrator, who was the chief official of the area, and accommodated in the better and more permanent houses in Kuan-fu Tsai. It is said that at the foot of the Kuan-fu Tsai Hill there was a large, flat stone which the Queen Mother used as her dressing table and hence it was called the Queen Mother's Dressing Stone, wang-mu shu-chuang shih (14†). The others had to live in the several villages and houses and huts which were hurriedly built with whatever materials were available in the area, such as bamboo, wood, mud, straw, stones, etc. No magnificent and beautiful palaces or mansions could have been built, owing to lack of time they stayed for only two months and want of the better class of building material. Such temporary houses must have spread all over the area. \n\nA close scrutiny of the earlier government maps show that the terrain in this area was very suitable for habitation. There was a brook which ran south from the northern mountainous area. There was another one running east from the valley between the two pincers on the northern end of the Kuan-fu Mountain. The two brooks converged on the western side of the Sacred Hill to form the Ma-tau-ch'ung, (i.e. stream), which then flows into Kowloon Bay. Thus there was enough fresh water for drinking, cooking and other purposes for thousands of people. It was in this large plain that the Kuan-fu Travelling Palace of Southern Sung was located (see map). \n\nIX. THE REST OF THE ITINERARY \n\nHaving encamped at Kuan-fu for two months from the 4th to the 6th, being the summer of 1277, the royal party, now threatened by the advent of the Mongols, moved on by boat with all", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205280, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n35\n\nits followers to a nearby islet, Ku-ta (†) or Ancient Pagoda, Tung-lung Island.19 In the autumn they proceeded to Ch'ien-wan (*) which is now definitely identified as Tsun-wan (now written) along the western coast of Kowloon. Two months later, the Mongol army, which had been pursuing them along the shore, began to attack. The boy Emperor sailed to Hsiu-shan (ƒ), now known as Hu-men or the Bogue. Continuously under pressure from the Mongols, Tuan Tsung passed by Hsiang-shan District (at present Chung-shan) and reached Tseng-o (#4), south of Macao, where his ship was badly damaged by a typhoon. He himself fell into the sea but was rescued. The terrible shock led him to contract a fatal disease. He was sick on board ship until the spring of 1278, when the whole fleet sailed northward back to the harbour at the mouth of the Pearl River. By that time Canton had been recaptured by some royalists and so they felt safe enough to anchor and encamp at Kang-chou which is identified as Ta-yu-shan or Lantau Island20.\n\nTwo months later he died there. His younger brother Ping succeeded him on the throne and became the last emperor of Sung. He named the new reign Hsiang Hsing (#) and the 1st year began in the next month, still 1278. In the 6th month the new emperor had to sail away with the whole fleet southwestward until they arrived at Ya-Shan of the Hsin-hui District. Finally, in the 2nd month of the next year (spring 1279), they fought the last battle against the Mongol forces commanded by the arch-traitor Chang Hung-fan (K). As a result of the defeat the whole army perished. The boy Emperor with his royal seal was tied to the body of his prime minister, Lu Hsiu-fu, who plunged into the sea, to be followed by thousands of court officials in a mass suicide. When the Queen Mother Young heard of the tragic and heroic death of the Emperor she also drowned herself, thus ending the long reign of 315 years of the Northern and Southern Sung Dynasty.\n\nBefore concluding this talk let me point out that besides the above story there is a deep and important meaning to be derived from our study of the Travelling Palace of Southern Sung in Kowloon. Throughout the Sung Dynasty, China was frequently invaded by neighbouring foreign tribes. Almost every year there was war, not only against the Hsi Hsia (the Tangut), but also, in turn, the Liao (Khitan), the Chin (Nuchen) and the Mongols.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "PRINTING: A NEW DISCOVERY\n\n41\n\nThe Korean find adds one important brick to the edifice we may call the history of printing. It does not fundamentally change the edifice, however. Everything still points, in my opinion, to the beginnings of the invention in China, and its spread outward from there, Buddhism being one of the principal vehicles for its distribution. The monks of that day were a migratory lot. It seems entirely likely that one or more of them, Chinese or Korean, made use of the novel device in the kingdom of Silla, while another, Japanese or Chinese or Korean, introduced it a few years later to Nara, then capital of Japan. It is significant and curious that, in spite of its early introduction to both countries, printing does not really become established amongst either people until three centuries later.\n\nThis is a preliminary report, based on illustrations and newspaper articles sent me by Professor Young-gyu Minn of Yonsei University, Mr. Huh Young-kwan, reporter of the Hankook Ilbo (Seoul), and Mr. K. R. Crim of the Presbyterian Mission in Seoul. One may hope that before long the Korean authorities on early printing will publish an exhaustive monograph, fully illustrated, on this important discovery.\n\nNote: In writing this sketch I have benefited greatly from discussion of the find with my colleagues Professors Chaoying Fang and Gari Ledyard, both of whom read Korean, which I do not.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "62\n\nL. G. AIJMER\n\nIllegal immigration in the countries of Southeast Asia and elsewhere seems to have been rather difficult in the post-war period. With regard to legal immigration, people from the New Territories have one advantage in their competition with the crowds of recent immigrants from China. A Hong Kong Chinese who can prove that he was born in the Colony is able to claim British nationality. In the 1950s, an increasing number of New Territories residents left Hong Kong to seek employment in Great Britain. This movement reached a peak during 1961-62 when at least 2,270 people are known to have left for work in Britain. Most of these emigrants take up jobs in the restaurant trade. The Chinese-style restaurants in Britain have boomed since 1957, at which period some 50 establishments are said to have existed in the whole country, whereas the corresponding figure today is differently estimated between 1,000 and 2,000. It is said that pre-war London had only about eight or nine Chinese restaurants, but at the present time the number in the capital city may be some 300. The Hong Kong Chinese in Great Britain are now supposed to exceed 30,000 and the whole Chinese community there is estimated at about 45,000. The main part of the Hong Kong Chinese are from villages in the New Territories.33\n\nNearly all young and middle-aged men in the area of study have left their home communities and are now working in Britain. This absence of grown men is one of the most striking features of all Hakka villages in this particular mountain area. The village scene is completely dominated by women of all ages and small children not yet in their teens. Old men are found there, but generally they seem to prefer an indoor life. Sometimes one may meet a young man on an occasional visit to his home village. Agricultural work is entirely carried out by the women. At harvest, the children assist. A few of the old men, however, also work in their fields; one is a non-emigrant in Plum Grove Village who has devoted all his life to farming, the two others are masons in Grass Field Village, who work their fields when the masonry trade is not so good. It is difficult to estimate the efficiency of the women in their work in the fields, as compared with that of men. Some elderly men do not think too much of woman-labour, but on the other hand, Hakka women have traditionally taken part in all kinds of agricultural activities, and their toil in the fields is no innovation.34 What is certain is that during this last", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205311, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "66\n\nL. G. AUMER\n\nand Hoklo fishermen operating from Ho Tung Lau across the water. He is mainly dependent on the remittances from his son working in England. It seems likely that his exclusion from the informal council is due to his low economic status. The third, 86 years old, is completely deaf and cannot communicate with people.\n\nOn the basis of the above we may generalize and say that during the transitional period the earlier, fairly non-differentiated, gerontocracy in Big Stream Village was transformed into a system, still gerontocratic in nature, but one marked by unequal distribution of power within the set of old men. Power was directly correlated with the accumulation of wealth which, in communities involved in processes of extension, was dependent on the economic opportunities pertaining to the destinations of the sojourners, and their fortune there.\n\nVII\n\nThe new phase in the extension initiated after the Pacific War took, as we have seen, a more systematic form as emigration was almost entirely concentrated on Great Britain. The difference in the new situation lies in the circumstance that the emigrants from the same village, although scattered over the whole of Britain, are still not too far away from each other to be able to keep in touch. Some of the 33 men from Big Stream Village working overseas, on an occasional visit at home, told me that villagers working in Britain in Chinese-style restaurants stay in London, Liverpool, and other places. They have frequent contacts and meet each other fairly often. Sometimes they even hold meetings.\n\nThe different solidarity groups within the major lineage at home mark off relations also in the overseas settlement. The village at home is now almost entirely dependent on the remittances flowing in from Britain. In this situation those working in Britain, who now constitute a kind of localized sub-group in the community, feel that political influence should go along with the flow of money. They are young and middle-aged men with a latent dissatisfaction with the passive conservatism of the old men still in power at home. The Village Representative is constantly blamed for his lack of interest in village affairs, supposedly reflected in his daily visits to his former place of work, the Ma On Shan Mine, where he spends his days at the mahjong table.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n75\n\nVaillant 1920, p. 85. Leaving this discussion open, there is still reason to assume that both the disturbances in Kwangtung and the Hakka expansion to the south were correlated with a search for new areas for resettlement.\n\n28 'A dreadful internecine strife, in which 150,000 at least, perished, took place between the Hakkas and Pún-téis in the south-western districts of the Canton province, from A.D. 1864 to 1866, and arms and even armed steamers, were procured from Hong Kong by both parties. Ball 1925, p. 282.\n\nA Hong Kong resident reports that the Peninsula of Kowloon presented for several days in August, 1862, the novel aspect of an animated battlefield, as the Punti inhabitants of the neighbouring villages were engaged in a bloody warfare with Hakka settlers at Tsimshatsui.\" Eitel 1895, p. 380. See also n. 27.\n\n29 \"Every year is marked unfortunately by an increasing influx of unattached and often undesirable characters from Chinese Territory, most Hakkas from the Wai Chau and Hing Ning District. It is impossible to keep track of the movements of these persons, and many of them are tempted by their opportunity of acquiring unlawful gains by means of robbery, kidnapping, 'White pigeon', and kindred offenses. It is hoped that these undesirable additions to the population will be considerably curtailed before long.\" New Territories Report 1917, p. J2.\n\n30 The quarry-men are nearly all Hakkas from Kweishin, who settle at the quarries until they have made some money and then return home.\" New Territories Report 1899-1912, p. 55.\n\n31 This type of extension might also have served as reconnaissance for a future settlement of a permanent kind. The following note from the New Territories could be interpreted in this direction:\n\nIn the 24th year of the reign of the Emperor Kwong Shu, which was 1897, there came to the Land of the Jumping Dragon a Hakka by the name of Kong Tai Kuen. Up to that time none but Tangs had lived there. Kong rented a house and became a tenant-farmer. He recommended two of his relations to come along also, but they stayed only three years and then returned to the Kong ancestral village at Li Long north of the Shum Chun river, while Kong Tai Kuen gave up farming in the Jumping Dragon Land and moved to Fan Ling, Ingrams 1952, p. 162.\n\n32 I use the word 'sojourner' in a freer sense than Paul Siu, to whom the term implies a stranger 'who spends many years of his lifetime in a foreign country without being assimilated by it;' Siu 1952, p. 34. My term signifies a person who temporarily lives geographically separated from the locality constituting his main focus of social interest.\n\n33 SCPH 1965; Hong Kong 1964, p. 30. Apart from going abroad, some young men from Plum Grove Village and Big Stream Village work as police constables in Sha Tin and Kowloon. One man from Grass Field Village works in a textile factory in Kwun Tong, New Kowloon,\n\n34 This is confirmed by other sources. For instance, the New Territories Report 1900 remarks upon the fact that 'Hakka women work as hard, if not harder, than their men,' (p. 269). An observant traveller noticed that in Mei Hsien in Kwangtung, the Hakka district where both people in Big Stream Village and Grass Field Village had their clan foci.\n\n'it seems to be mainly the women who do the hard work. They do not bind their feet. The women are strong and erect, though excessive toil begun too early in life may account in part for their tendency to be undersized... the women do all", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205372, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n127\n\nthe Four Books, and finally the Five Classics. All the boys however do not devote so much time to study; such as afterwards engage in trade or learn a handicraft usually only remain at school from two to four years, during which time they acquire sufficient knowledge of the characters to carry on business, write letters, and make out accounts, &c.\n\nIf a boy intends to devote himself entirely to study, he enters a higher school in which graduates train young men for the examinations. Such schools exist at Namtow, Sai-heong, Kap-shui-hau, San-keaou, and many other places. Kap-shui-hau ✯7k ¤, is famous for these schools, and, as the Chinese say, \"diffuses the fragrance of pen and ink.\" Many youths repair thither to study; many inhabitants of the village itself have succeeded in obtaining a degree; and several flag-staffs in it bear witness to the rank of the person over against whose dwelling they are erected.\n\nThe method of teaching observed in these schools is the following: The student is made thoroughly acquainted with the contents of the Four Books and the Five Classics. The teacher explains each passage, and the pupils are required to repeat the explanations on the following day. As the knowledge of the student increases, he is instructed to write essays on a given theme. To acquire expertness and fluency of style, the student obtains a large number of essays, which he must read and commit to memory. He is also instructed in versification. Writing essays and making verses are the two principal requirements in the examinations at Canton for the degree Sew-tsai. Arithmetic, geography, astronomy, or other sciences, are not taught, and are not considered necessary in education.\n\nThe first examination, by which no degree is obtained, is held in the district city by the \"Che yuen” ✯ ✯ — or district magistrate. About 300 young men attend this examination, and about one-half of these, who have some hope of obtaining a degree, proceed afterwards to Canton, to undergo the examination of the Foo under the superintendence of the Prefect. These examinations take place three times in two years. The number of graduates to be chosen at each examination from the applicants from the district of Sanon, amounts to ten persons, eight of whom must be Pun-ti, and two Hak-ka. There are in the district about 150 Seu-tsai† †, and the village of San-keaou boasts of having produced the largest number of them. There is a difference of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205375, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "130\n\nREV. MR. KRONE\n\ntwenty-five feet in height, twenty feet thick at the base, and ten feet at the top, but they are in many places in a dilapidated condition. There are four gates, but one of these is built up with bricks, and its opening would be regarded as of calamitous import to the mandarin; for the story goes, that about 200 years ago, a party of rebels entered by that gate and put the mandarin to death; it has been closed up ever since, and the magistrate is very careful not to have it opened lest a similar misfortune should befall himself. On the sea face there is a deep moat, and this front is farther protected by an embankment close to the shore. It is to the suburbs of this city that the name of Nam-taou is more properly applied; they stretch along the sea shore and are much more populous than the city itself, containing nearly 20,000 inhabitants. Within the city walls are the dwellings and offices of the civil and military mandarins, the magazines, the temple of the tutelary deities of the city, the hall in commemoration of chaste women and dutiful children, and other temples of less importance and pretence.\n\nThe most spacious, best preserved, and most remarkable for architectural beauty, is the temple of the tutelary deities; opposite the eastern gate is the temple dedicated to Confucius, the dignity of which is shown by the yellow colour of the tiles; this is a notable and spacious building, and connected with it are several halls, in which the names of the ancestors of Confucius, the ancient sages, celebrated mandarins of the district, with other officers who have distinguished themselves, and the good and wise people of the district, are worshipped.\n\nIn the hall where the names of those mandarins who have distinguished themselves are worshipped, there are two tablets commemorating their names; their virtuous deeds are recorded in the Sanon-che, the work to which I have so often referred. We give some instances: Wong-fan was Tou-tai in the year 1520, when there arrived certain lawless FrenchmenM, who, under pretence of bringing tribute, committed depredations and plundered the district. Tun-mun, near Castlepeak, and Macao, are said to have been particularly infested by them. They are accused of having butchered and devoured young children. Wong-fan gathered together a force of braves, and, regardless of wind and weather, made his wise plans and vanquished them. He did not appropriate the spoil to himself, but distributed it among the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205394, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "SALT MANUFACTURE IN HONG KONG\n\n149\n\nencouraged seeing the important connection it has with the food supply of the Chinese, one of whose staple articles of food is salt fish.\n\nThe Salt Workers at Tai O after 1899\n\nLin states that the solar process of salt production was only introduced at Tai O when natives of Swabue, Haifong, north-east Kwangtung, were first engaged by the salt companies. Enquiries at Tai O indicate that this was apparently about a decade after the British took over the New Territories, since a retired foreman has told me that he came here when he was 18 years old to join his father. This was about 1910. His father had come to Tai O only two or three years previously from Po Mei Heung (*) about three hours walk from Swabue (). Father and son in turn were foreman at one of the salt-fields, and I am informed that all foremen in the Tai O pans since that time have been from that place. My informant was illiterate and it is very likely his father was too.\n\nThe father had been a salt worker all his life and his father before him. In fact, the whole village of Po Mei was apparently engaged in salt-production and must have been so employed for generations. This explains why one of the Tai O salt manufacturers thought of employing people from that area. They must have gradually displaced local workers using the leaching process of salt production since in 1940, when Lin wrote his article, it appears (from the estimate given in the first paragraph of his) that the major part of the salt-pans were used to produce salt by the solar or Swabue method. These \"outside\" workers usually went back to Swabue, at will or when they became too old to work. Even in 1962, when I collected information for these notes, there were only 8 or 9 retired salt workers living in Tai O.\n\nWomen came from Swabue to work as well as men. In 1962 I spoke to a woman, married to a salt worker, who had been in Tai O for 20-30 years; and to a young man of Swabue parentage, also a salt-worker, who had been born in Tai O, whilst his parents were working there. In 1962 a few families were still working some of the pans for themselves. Each consisted of a man, one or two women and a few children. In two of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205412, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n167 \n\nlittle farming, as the island has steep and rocky sides and there are only a few places where agriculture may be carried on. \n\nAs in other little towns of this sort whose existence was founded upon the business opportunities created by the presence of a fishing fleet, the population was mixed, consisting of Punti and Hakka people from a number of districts of the Kwangtung province.23 For the most part, it was recruited from among young men from the country districts bearing introductions to fellow clansmen and relatives already working or settled on Ap Lei Chau, or else following them back to Ap Lei Chau when they came on short visits to their native place. For most of its history, men outnumbered women residents. As late as 1911, the relative numbers of males and females, including children, were 1,041 to 396. In 1897, it had been 783 to 340.24 This was because many wives stayed behind in the village and were never taken to Ap Lei Chau. In this respect, Ap Lei Chau was like any other settlement of overseas Chinese living away from their native place and under alien rule. \n\nFollowing a pattern long established elsewhere, the local people established their own \"district associations\" (鄉會) on the island in the 19th century.25 There were three of these organisations, each under a fong or 'ward' name. Membership of the Fongs was automatically extended to all comers, whether temporary or permanent residents, and irrespective of status. The odd-job coolie and the established merchant were equal members, though having adequate means and more leisure, the latter would, of course, play the more important part in the Fong's affairs: it would, in any case, be expected of him. Only women and children were excluded from membership. \n\nAt a time when the Victorian colonial administration of the Colony saw its main function in the rural areas as keeping the peace, the leaders of the three Fongs, in effect, of the Ap Lei Chau community made themselves generally responsible for local affairs. However, the need to perform special duties was apparently intermittent and spasmodic, and their most regular function was to make adequate arrangements for celebrating the birthdays of the principal gods of the two local temples, Hung Shing, the God of the Southern Sea, and Kuan Yin, the Goddess of Mercy, and the occasion of the Yue Lan Festival (盂蘭節) in the 7th moon. Each Fong took its turn to be entirely responsi-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205425, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "180\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nChildren's toys and games are not overlooked, and are detailed in the chapter on the Tenth Moon. This was the season for kite flying, often with aeolian harps attached. The forms mentioned include the flamingo, wild goose, and flying tiger, all painted with extreme care. Tun is fond of seeking motives for children's amusements and considers the kites beneficial in making the eyes clearer as they are strained to look after the mounting objects. He finds a similar value in shuttlecocks. These were made of a skin covering sewn over a copper coin, with a bunch of feathers attached to the top with a cord. When children kick them about it promotes the circulation of the blood, and keeps them warm. As a side-line the glass factories produced two forms of trumpet, one gourd-shaped, and the other of conventional type. By blowing these the young people were obliged to take deep breaths and filled their lungs with fresh air. Boys of the poorer class ground stones into small marble-like balls which they kicked about as footballs, so keeping the blood circulating in their extremities.\n\n\"Peace Drums\" sound like very modern propaganda. They consisted of an iron circlet over which a donkey skin was stretched. They were furnished with a handle like a fan, at the lower end of which was a loop with a number of iron rings. The drum was beaten with a rattan cane making a booming noise that contrasted with the jangling of the rings. Diabolo was a favourite toy, and the flanges were provided with a rectangular opening to produce a humming sound when sufficient speed was acquired. The cotton string which operated the reel was always given a twist, and some children were very skilful at operating a diabolo with only one flange balanced by a ball-shaped piece of wood.\n\nNothing in the local scene escapes the observant author, who describes fighting crickets and the seasonal birds, with notes on their training. He describes one autumn fruit, Tou Ku-niang as being “shaped like a small egg plant, red as coral, round, glassy and slippery.\" It was, he says, a great favourite with the young, and owes its name \"Fighting girls\" from the contention it arouses for its possession.\n\nThe book is lavishly illustrated with Chinese line drawings and several coloured plates, whilst inside the covers are skeleton maps of Peking, with conventional signs for places of interest referred to in the text. In addition, there are six most useful", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205430, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n185\n\nthe eyes of those who made history at that time. The bibliography is limited to \"the principal books consulted\". As a bibliography it is brief, capricious and inadequate. The following works, central to the theme of this book, were omitted from the bibliography: Arthur Waley, Yuan Mei and also The Opium War through Chinese Eyes; C. H. Philips, The East India Company 1784-1834; J. L. Cranmer-Byng, An Embassy to China (containing Macartney's journal); W. C. Hunter, Journal of Occurrences at Canton (1839) which was printed in vol. 4 of this Journal in 1964; Lo-shu Fu, A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820), 2 vols. This last book contains a wide selection of Chinese documents in translation together with ample notes and will supply future historians with some splendid source material when they come to write a full and satisfactory account of the prelude to Hong Kong.\n\nUniversity of Toronto\n\nJune, 1967\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\n***\n\n† TM & HSIN-PIEN TUI-HSIANG SZU-YEN): A 15th Century Illustrated Chinese Primer. Facsimile Reproduction with Introduction and Notes by L. Carrington Goodrich. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, pp. 56, H.K.$15.\n\nOver the past decade research undertaken by the international community of sinologists has touched on almost every aspect of China, but until now very little attention has been paid to the traditional Chinese approach in educating the young.\n\nIn producing this delightful illustrated primer Professor Goodrich has therefore performed a welcoming service by giving a lead to studies in this field.\n\nThe first stage in traditional Chinese education was always the study of the language based on preliminary manuals of instruction, the compilation of which was regarded as a separate field of study. MENG HSÜEH (*), the traditional Chinese name for such work — literally meaning \"the study of 'preliminary enlightenment'\" — was not treated as an equal branch of scholarship in China although books of this nature have existed since Han times. The aims of this type of book were: (1) to instruct students to acquire a basic vocabulary — characters and phrases;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205431, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "186\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n(2) to instill elementary knowledge of Confucian classics in the mind of the young; and (3) to familiarize children with the most widely used quotations, proverbs and stories from historical and literary writings. This booklet falls into the first of these categories.\n\nAlthough this type of work had undergone a continuous process of revision and development, some of the early texts had been kept in use since their first appearance in Han period. A few examples of Tang times can still be seen in collections of Tunhuang scrolls preserved in China and abroad. The Sung Neo-Confucian scholars first advocated and worked for a more relevant language teaching method for children and quite a number of standard work in this field were compiled during the Sung and Yuan Periods. But it was only in early Ming Dynasty that illustrations of the kind included in this primer were added.\n\nThus this slim volume will be of special value to those interested in the study of Chinese educational techniques, particularly in regard to the study of basic language teaching. At the same time it is of considerable use as a historical reference work since the characters and illustrations are drawn from everyday life, thus providing us with additional information on physical surroundings of the period. Professor Goodrich has also given us in his notes, romanizations and brief explanations of individual characters and compounds, which further increase the usefulness of the work as a small but comprehensive source book of the times.\n\nMA MENG\n\nHong Kong, 1967.\n\nCHINA: THE PEOPLE'S MIDDLE KINGDOM AND THE USA John K. Fairbank; Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass, and London, Oxford University Press, 1967, pp. xi, 145. HK$27.50,\n\nHow refreshing it is to read a volume of essays on China instead of one of the many tomes which issue from the world's presses on this abstruse country. Professor Fairbank is a famous historian, but his book shows him as what many experts at their own subject cannot manage to be, a populariser in the very best sense of the word. He has been able to distill from his many", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205475, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "12\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nwhen wealth was available because property was needed, particularly land, for their economic support. The more extensive cult organizations might indeed own not only land but other property outside the village: irrigation works for example. With a hall-land (or other property) complex a village could not only engage in more elaborate rites but a community organization could be built round it. Halls often became centres for trying village disputes, teaching the young, and conferring on matters regarding a village's external relations and those with the local government administration. Births and deaths were reported to the hall and genealogies constructed and kept there. Genealogies often contained rules and regulations for governing relations between members of villages based on kinship, some even stipulating measures of punishment. Others regulated use of common property.3\n\nMembers of a mono-lineage village could benefit considerably through the economic extensions of an ancestral hall organization. Lineage land dedicated to the ancestors might be allocated to poor farmers at low rent; used in rotation by branches of the lineage free of charge; or rented to outsiders, income being used to finance loans to needy members. Hall wealth could be used to finance education of villagers for the State examinations, potentially raising the number of scholars in the village and thus its status and power in the area.\n\nIdeally lineage affairs, certainly the rituals of the ancestral cult round which the hall was built, were under the control of senior men of the lineage in terms of generation. But such men would not necessarily be rich or scholarly since no rule of primogeniture obtained. Those controlling were likely to be the wealthy and also the scholarly of the village. The importance of scholarship and good connexions to the emergence of a hall-land complex is clearly emphasised in the literature. Managers would likely come from rich gentry families who promoted the organization and added to its property irrespective of generational position.\n\nA complex ancestral hall association would require scholars who knew the correct rituals, could write genealogies, and draw up regulations. It would need them also to meet with locally-based officials and arrange that village interests were protected (etiquette forbade those unequal in education and other attainments to meet face to face to discuss matters of mutual concern). In", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205561, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "98\n\nMORRIS I. BERKOWITZ\n\nobtained would be a good sample of households with young children but not of all households. Accepting that limitation, we sampled from this list with the intention of \"snowballing\" our sample as we continued the work.\n\nThe purpose of the household head sample was primarily for the gathering of research data but secondarily it was concerned with increasing the spread of our total effort. We had early decided to study the reaction to the resettlement of several segments of the population, divided by social status, and we used the household heads as our data source for the other statuses. We were concerned with studying families across the entire age dimension and settled (because of the known patrilineality of the Chinese family) for asking complete information about all of the members of the household head's family. The groups we were primarily interested in were: Household heads; Housewives; Children; Aged; Young Unmarried Adults; and other Household Heads without school age children. We assumed that resettlement would have different impact on different status groups and therefore each of these needed separate examination.\n\nOnce having assembled our list of household heads and randomly sampled from it, we faced our second major methodological difficulty: information contagion within the resettlement area. We developed and pretested our basic instruments on other Hakka speaking people, and then devised a plan for \"sweeping\" the resettlement area for all of our primary interviews in the shortest possible time to limit the spread of the news that research was going on and the communication through the gossip of the villagers of the content of our instruments. Two days (using sixteen interviewers) was the allowed time for the collection of the scheduled 35 interviews. More than half were completed within the first evening. The schedule itself is a bulky one, with 129 questions, not all of which, however, would be administered to any one respondent. We had trained our interviewers to be prepared to administer it in an average of 45 minutes. As it turned out, the average time for Household Head and Housewife interviews was 58 minutes (N=35). The schedules had been prepared in English, translated and practiced in Cantonese, and frequently had to be administered through the use of a translator: a total of 14 translators were used, most frequently the children or other relatives of the household head.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205569, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "106\n\nMORRIS I. BERKOWITZ\n\nof income. Twelve families have only single income sources, two from non-household head workers, four from rent only and six from wages earned by the household head, either in his own shop or through employment. Of the twenty unemployed household heads, 9 are seeking employment, the others seem to be contented with their unemployed status. An additional four women are looking for jobs.\n\nUnemployment not only has implications for family income, however; it also has great relevance to the quality of the life which the villagers are now living. The data shows rather clearly that, lacking employment, the men of the villages have found few outlets for their energies other than gambling, going to the movies, and going out to eat with other unemployed men. All of these activities require money which for men in their status must come from sources which diminish the funds available for schooling of children, food, monthly bills, and so forth. Little wonder, as shown above, that the housewives (who bear the burden of household management) show such marked preference for living under the old conditions in the villages. In a style of life in which money income is a requisite for continuing family life the inactivity of the husband is a burden: in the village it (when it occurred) had probably been only an annoyance. This is clearly shown among the four women looking for work, three of whom are trying to earn supplementary income when they have a working laborer husband, but no rental income, while the fourth has rental income, but her husband is not employed. In large measure, the burden of economic support of the family has been placed on the females by the resettlement: it is certainly not unusual for Hakka women to carry this burden, but to carry it in an urban environment and a money economy appears to have created quite a stressful situation. We can assume that more wives would be looking for employment were it not for the presence in the home of young children preventing active employment. Those wives who are working are employed doing home industry (plastic assembly dominates). This is low paid labor but, because all of them are illiterate, possibly the best source of employment available.\n\nSummary\n\nWe have tried to present a short summary paper concerning the experiences after resettlement of a group of formerly isolated", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205571, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "108\n\nMORRIS I. BERKOWITZ\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Not to be discussed here but in future work,\n\n2 Some of it very generously made available by the District Officer's Office, Taipo, which had charge of the resettlement efforts.\n\n3 I must express gratitude to those students of mine at Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, who suffered all of the indignities of field work while gathering the basic interviews. Without their help this project never could have been accomplished.\n\n4 He was not included in Table I as a household head because of his unusually young age.\n\n5 We were fortunate in having outstanding cooperation from the Principal at Lok Heung School, Mr. Wong (†), as well as the teachers and children.\n\n6 Of course, the technique of saturating a neighborhood with interviewers which we used continually in this research program never works perfectly. In each status group some people were not home or could not be located and call-back was necessary in a few cases. We are still calling-back for some of these interviews.\n\n7 The quotation represented here was made in Hakka, translated into Cantonese, and then into English. Its literalness is open to question.\n\n8 To borrow Herbert Gans' term,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205574, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "SUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY\n\n111\n\nOne day, a fellow student picked one of the volumes at random and questioned Sun on its contents. It is reported that the student was surprised to discover that young Sun Yat-sen had read the work thoroughly. In this fashion then, is built the image of the revolutionary whose knowledge of his own nation's past was firmly grounded.\n\nYet if anything at all is clear about Sun Yat-sen's career, it should be that he had no real proclivity toward history. Aside from the required Chinese part of his curriculum at Queen's College in Hong Kong, an interest in history seems to be lacking completely in Sun's formal education, which in any case eventuated in a medical degree. But even if there was some interest in Chinese history, as manifested in his hiring of the tutor, it is even more evident that his historical curiosity was not matched by an equal amount of critical acumen as he internalized what he read of it. These then are basic considerations to be taken in hand from the beginning. Any question of the influence of nationalism momentarily aside, Sun's lack of interest in history led to a ready and unquestioning acceptance of the Chinese schoolboy's idealistic self-image of Chinese history, as taught among Western subjects in colonial Hong Kong. This left him without the slightest concern for the possibility of alternative interpretations of questionable historical points or problems, and also led to unabashed carelessness with respect to the accuracy of historical references.\n\nOnly in this way can one explain the surprising and numerous overly-facile historical generalizations and outright errors to be found even in the most cursory reading of Sun's writings. Perhaps the simple comment by Sun that Marco Polo “occupied an official post under Genghis-Khan, of the Yuan dynasty,” might be overlooked even though it contains a double error (since Marco Polo served under Kubilai Khan, and there was as yet no Yuan dynasty in the time of Genghis Khan), because it is of such little importance. But Sun's claim that Cheng Ho visited all the islands of the ocean (ostensibly the Pacific) \"and even reached San Francisco\" certainly merits some notice. Incidentally, Sun was amiss on the date for this supposed expedition as well. Sun was much taken with the pat concept of China's irresistible assimilatory capability, and on more than one occasion referred to it. He noted that China was never \"enslaved\" by foreign invaders but on the contrary the latter “were assimilated by the Chinese as easily as the moving of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205592, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE STREET-CRIES IN HONG KONG\n\n129\n\ntickets are signed by the Registrar General and have a notice stamped on their back which states that crying out is prohibited in Chung-wan,* on the great road,† and on the sea side. For the first quarter of this year 1082 tickets for hawkers were issued and for the second quarter 1146.§\n\nAssuming that every hawker cries once in a minute (many do it oftener) and that, on an average, his business keeps him out of doors for seven hours a day, this will make about half a million street cries every day. Besides these licensed hawkers, however, there are about as many other persons, old and young, who cry out with the object of attracting attention to their trade. This would give about one million street cries a-day on this Island. That may seem an extravagant calculation on my part; but if some one will stand for ten minutes on any spot in the busy parts of the Chinese quarter and count the street-criers who pass by, he will doubtless become inclined to agree with the above estimate.\n\nAfter these preliminary remarks I will try to answer in a measure my friend's former question, \"What does that fellow call out?\"\n\nI do not intend to give the Chinese Street cries as one hears them, and affix a translation, though that were the easiest plan; I would rather regard them as one of the many outward signs by which we learn the life of the Chinese around us, their moral and their domestic habits.\n\nWe will listen to the cries used for selling articles of food, fruit, and various articles for daily use; to the cries of those who buy refuse, and those who offer their services for repairing; of coolies, and to those in connection with idolatry.\n\nThe Chinese generally are early risers. Most of them will get up with the sun; then they dress, after which, rich as well as poor, look out for their warm water to wash in and have some tea. But the Congee hawker has been up an hour or two before sunrise; now he sallies forth, two boxes hanging from the pole over his shoulder, each containing a large cooking pot and a small wood-fire underneath. Every hawker cooks his own particular kind of\n\n* the middle ring, i.e., the middle (European) part of the town.\n\n† i.e., Queen's Road.\n\n‡ i.e., Praya.\n\n§ These particulars have been kindly furnished by the Actg. Registrar General.\n\n[Save where stated all footnotes are by Mr. Nacken. Ed.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205617, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "154\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nRESEARCH ON FAMILY VALUES AND CULTURE CHANGE IN HONGKONG'S MODERN CHINESE NOVELS\n\n130 novels, parts of novels and short stories (simply called \"novels\" below) in Chinese language of the years 1960-67 have been analyzed. Only novels were included which have their setting in present-day Hongkong. They are printed as books, in periodicals and daily newspapers. The following data have so far been assembled. From them some preliminary observations can be made.\n\n1. Material\n\n1.1 List of authors according to origin from North or South China, occupation, income.\n\n1.2 List of newspapers and periodicals according to circulation, class of readers.\n\n1.3 Notes on readers according to sex and class.\n\n1.4 Summaries of the contents of each novel.\n\n1.5 List of the values and attitudes of the main characters of each novel according to class (upper, middle, lower) and age (young, old). Both distinctions have proved useful.\n\n1.6 Tabulation (as 1.5) of these values and attitudes, specifically arranged under the following topics:\n\nindividual versus family and group,\n\nachievement orientation versus non-achievement orientation,\n\nattitude for or against Western culture,\n\nattitude to law and morals.\n\n2. Method\n\n2.1 From some of the most widely-read publications those 130 novels etc. were selected which deal with relevant social topics as listed in 1.6.\n\n2.2 Some balance between books, periodicals and newspapers was attempted.\n\nThe sample of novels in books was balanced according to the main two price groups.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205618, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "164\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nhusband's family were Hakkas from near Tam Shui and they had then been in Ngau Tau Kok for three generations.\n\nThese accounts are selected from others known to the writer, and are intended to illustrate a feature of old village life in the Hong Kong region at the end of the last century and, no doubt, for centuries before.\n\nBy way of a postscript it appears that travelling Hakka craftsmen were not only to be found in South China. Agnes Smedley's book The Great Road: The Life and Times of Chu Teh (Monthly Review Press, New York, 1956) mentions regular visits from such persons at his home when he was young. He was born in a village near the market town of Ma An Chang in I Lung (四川) district in Szechuan in 1886. The following extracts are of interest:\n\nFrom time to time during the year, itinerant artisans left the big towns and cities and came along the Big Road, wandering from village to village to work for such families as needed their special skills. Carpenters, metalsmiths, mat weavers, cloth weavers and others, all were skilled artisans who owned and carried their own tools of trade... An old weaver, whom General Chu referred to simply as \"the Old Weaver\", came each winter to weave cloth from the cotton thread spun by the women of the Chu family. The coarse woven cloth was then dyed an indigo blue, hung on long bamboo poles to dry, after which the women cut and sewed it into garments for the family, into quilt coverings or other uses of the household... These itinerant artisans were a part of the peasant economy. Coming from the big towns or cities, they were much more advanced and independent than the peasants, to whom they brought new ideas. They were even folk historians and some of them could read and write. They lived in the homes where they worked, and each evening the family gathered about to listen to their talk... The Old Weaver who wove cloth for the Chu family each winter seems to have been a Hakka also. He was a grim old fellow with a scalding tongue who would set up his long narrow loom in the courtyard or, if it was too cold, in the kitchen, and begin his weaving... the old man's long brown hands worked as swift as light. He could weave twenty chih, some twenty to thirty feet of cloth, a day, for which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205625, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "162\n\n!\n\n:\n\nITINERANT HAKKA WEAVERS\n\nIn the course of general historical enquiries among old village persons in Kowloon and the Southern District of the New Territories, it has been established that in their youth it was a regular practice for itinerant Hakka persons, mostly men it seems, to come yearly to villages in this area some time after the second rice harvest (October-November) to weave locally-grown hemp thread into cloth. The finished product was then dyed and used by local people to make clothes, or sold to others for a like purpose.\n\nFor example, one man born in 1885 in Nga Tsin Wai, one of the old-established Cantonese villages of Kowloon, said:\n\nMost families grew hemp when I was young. It was harvested in the 8th or 9th moons. None grew in the winter as the plants needed water. My mother manipulated it into thread and it could be woven at home or sold to weavers in the Kowloon City shops: sometimes these people came to the village to buy it. We villagers usually relied on strangers to weave our hemp. Every year about the 10th to the 12th moons some Hakka people from Mui Yuen and Hing Ning [districts in North-east Kwangtung] came round the village. They would rent an empty house and stay as long as there was work for them. Then they moved elsewhere. They only wove cloth. It was generally known as tai min po (***) and was very hard-wearing, lasting for several tens of years. The villagers made clothes, quilts, mosquito nets etc., with this cloth, and most clothes were home-made at that time. I went to sea at 18 and the Hakkas came regularly up to then. I didn't come back to settle in the village until I was 45 and by that time they no longer came, no doubt because ready-made clothes were available in the shops.\n\nI came across this kind of information by chance, but was pleased to have it corroborated by what Rev. Rudolf Lechler, the celebrated missionary of the Basel Mission [which specialised in evangelical work among the Hakkas from about 1850 onwards], has to say about this subject in an article \"The Hakka Chinese\" which appeared in The Chinese Recorder in October 1878:\n\n15\n\nIn some parts as e.g. in the prefecture of Kia-yin chow, the women spin cotton, and are also able to weave the yarn into", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205629, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "166 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\ntions and answers produced an interesting picture of life among the soldiers at the Fort in the few years before they withdrew from it after Lantau and other parts of the present New Territories were leased to the Hong Kong Government in 1898. Put together they amount to this: \n\nI was 24 sui when the British came to take over Lantau. Tung Chung Fort had a permanent garrison of Chinese troops before then. I can't remember exactly how many troops there were or what the rank or title of the officer-in-charge was, but they were none of them local people. Their families lived at Tung Chung too, in several rows of brick houses outside the Fort and some inside the walls also. There was a house nearby in which soldiers or their family members were put when sick, with a burial ground behind. The garrison's provisions were brought in by ship, though they bought fish and vegetables locally at Tung Chung. There were military boats at Ma Wan Chung [where the main stream empties into the sea], about 7 or 8 of them of different kinds, but they were not under the command of the Tung Chung officer and came and went between such places as Canton [the provincial capital], Nam Tau [the district city], Shum Chun etc. \n\nThe soldiers at the Fort had a big parade each year on the 1st day of the seventh moon. It was held on the level ground beside the Hau Wong temple (1) near the beach. Inspecting officers came from Nam Tau, Shum Chun and Canton, I think. There was much drumming and noise on that day, and the troops paraded with all their weapons. The soldiers had uniforms of all sorts, and many kinds of weapons too, but there was no uniformity of clothing or equipment. \n\nThe soldiers were generally well-behaved and gave no trouble to us local people, though they did not have much to do as they didn't cultivate any fields, inside or outside the Fort. They did not ask for money, but kept watch. There was a guard station at Ma Wan Chung, though there were rarely soldiers in it. There were lots of robbers and pirates in this area when I was young. They came from", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205637, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "174\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\na factory or in petty trade, or some form of out-work, for example making plastic flowers, extremely popular since about 1960. It also affects the future of young members of the boat community since children, once living on the land, can attend school regularly.\n\nLand people have long regarded the boat people as near barbarians and have myths about their \"un-Chinese\" activities, but Miss Ward argues movement ashore will change their status generally, and in the long run the cumulative effects of all the developments connected with economic change will be to integrate the fishing folk completely into the rest of the Chinese population. Miss Ward's main work has been with the Cantonese speaking fishing folk. One might wonder, however, whether the rate of integration will be the same for the \"Hoklo,\" speaking a different dialect. Land-dwelling speakers of this dialect have still a long way to go to full integration in Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong, 1968.\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nTHE AWAKENING OF CHINA 1793 - 1949: Roger Pelissier (edited and translated by Martin Kieffer) London, Secker and Warburg, 1967, pp 532. 63/-\n\nThis book, part of a series entitled \"History in the Making\", is really a collection of short extracts, few of them more than several pages culled from numerous Western works. English, American and, usefully, (the compiler being of that nationality) French sources form the bulk of the publications from which the selection is made. The extracts are linked by a connecting narrative to form a continuous sequence of historical experience extending from the Macartney Embassy in 1793-94 to the débâcle of 1948 - 49 when the Chinese Communists took over control of all China.\n\nWhilst the narrative is, in places, open to question, this publication deserves to be widely known and read. This is partly because the books from which the extracts are taken are, in most cases, long out of print and sometimes difficult to obtain; but mainly because it provides a superb sweep of modern Chinese history, carefully assembled. The richness of the material is remarkable and the authors are compelling partly, one suspects, because of the vital nature of what lay before their eyes. The writers are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205680, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "217\n\nWEINREBE, H. M.\n\nWELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V.\n\nWILLIAMS, P. B. -\n\nWILLIAMS, Roger A.\n\nWILSON, B. D. - WILMOT-MORGAN, E.\n\nWILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M. -\n\nWILSON, Mrs. A. W.. WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Peng-Cheong*\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang\n\nWONG, Miss Sybil WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WOOD, Mrs. C. -\n\nWOOL-SMITH, Miss Judy -\n\nWORTLEY TALBOT, Miss P. E. WRIGHT, Miss B. R.\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R. -\n\nWU, Hei-Tak\n\nYANG, V. T.\n\nYAP, Dr. Pow-meng\n\nYEUNG, Walter, W. T. YOUNG, Miss Pauline -\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I. ZIMMERN, W. A.\n\n7\n\nWeinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K.\n\n4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\n10, The Albany, H.K.\n\nDept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K.\n\nc/o P.W.D. Headquarters, Central Government Offices, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\n2 University Drive, H.K.\n\n402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K.\n\n11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon,\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\nG. P. O. Box 497, H.K.\n\nRoom 204 China Building, H.K.\n\nSisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon,\n\nAddress unknown,\n\nFlat 3-C, Union Apartment, 11 Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Education, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nDept. of History, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nThe Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon, Flat A-1, 9th floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. 86C, Pokfulum Road, H.K,\n\n60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K.\n\n12 Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234. Union House, H.K.\n\nThe Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205710, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "10\n\nT. C. CHENG\n\nWhile he was Legislative Councillor in Hong Kong, Ng Choy was known to oppose the office of the Registrar-General (established 1844), also known as Protector of Chinese and later renamed in 1913 Secretary for Chinese Affairs, on the ground that it was race discrimination to force Chinese and Europeans to deal with the Government through different departments.8 During his term of office, he was a member of a very important Education Commission, appointed by the Governor Sir John Hennessy in August 1880, to study the question of raising the Government Central School into a collegiate institution, giving a higher education in English and Science. What Sir John had in mind was that Hong Kong would render a great service to China by starting a collegiate institution so that young Chinese boys could come to Hong Kong for a higher western education instead of going to distant countries like America and England. However, the Commission as a whole disagreed with the Governor. It dismissed the idea of a Collegiate Institution on the ground of cost, and pointed out that the great need of the majority of the local population was a sound elementary education. Thus it was not the province of the Government to establish, at the cost of the ratepayers, an institution that would be mainly for the advantage of a small number of wealthy members of the community.\n\nNg Choy's achievements as a Legislative Councillor in Hong Kong were by no means great as compared with some of his successors, as he held office for less than three years; but he had the distinction of being the first Chinese to serve on that Council, and since his time both the Colonial Office and the Governors of Hong Kong have agreed on the principle of Chinese membership of the Legislative Council.\n\nWhen Sir George Bowen arrived in April 1883 as Governor, he was in favour of having a Chinese member on the Legislative Council but realized that it would not be easy to find a successor to Ng Choy from \"among those qualified as British subjects, a native gentleman combining in his own person the proper social position, independent means and education\". In conjunction with the question of a permanent Chinese member on the Legislative Council, Sir George Bowen also took the opportunity of re-constituting the Council. The main differences between the old and the new Council were that a Chinese member was appointed and that the Chamber of Commerce was invited to elect a member.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205721, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n21\n\nOn Ho Fook's retirement from the Legislative Council in 1921, he was succeeded by Chow Shou-son (later Sir Shouson Chow) who, together with Sir Robert Hotung, were often referred to as the two grand old men of Hong Kong in the 1940's and 1950's.\n\nChow was born in 1862.* In 1874, he was sent, together with 29 other Chinese boys, by the Manchu Government to the United States to pursue higher western studies. This was the third of four batches of young Chinese scholars who, through the efforts of Yung Wing, were sent to America by the Manchu Government in the years 1872 to 1875.25 Young Chow was eventually admitted to Columbia University where he remained until 1881 when the Chinese Educational Mission in the United States was disbanded and all the boys were brought back to China.\n\nWhile in North America the Chinese boys, totalling 120, were under the supervision of some ignorant and stupid Manchu officials who did not understand what the boys were learning and who were not in sympathy with their activities. These officials sent back to China reports saying that instead of concentrating on their academic studies, the boys were taking part in all sorts of barbarian games and athletic activities. Worst of all, some of the boys were going out with American girls and were being converted into Christians. A report ended by a recommendation that they must be returned to China immediately, otherwise they would lose all interest and patriotic feelings towards China. This recommendation was readily accepted and the boys were back in China in 1881. Many of the boys made good use of the knowledge they acquired and turned out later to be leading engineers, railway builders, diplomats and admirals in China.\n\nChow Shou-son was at first assigned to the Chinese Customs but later became, at various times, Manager of the China Merchant Steamship Navigation Company in Tientsin and Managing Director of the Peking-Mukden Railway. He also held appointments in the Foreign Ministry and was at one time a Chinese consul in Korea. After the founding of the Chinese Republic in 1911, he came to Hong Kong to engage in business and later became Chairman of the Boards of Directors of the Bank of East Asia, the China Entertainment and Land Development Company and the China Emporium.\n\nHis family had been settled in one of the Hong Kong villages for nearly two hundred years. See JHKBRAS vol.7(1967), pp.164-166.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205728, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "28 \n\nT. C. CHENG \n\nNOTES \n\n1 During these early years, schools like the Morrison School, operated by the Morrison Education Society founded by Dr. Robert Morrison, the Anglo-Chinese School (or Ying Wah School) operated by Dr. James Legge of the London Missionary Society (Dr. Legge is best known for his translation of the Chinese classics and for his appointment as the first professor of Chinese at Oxford University in 1874), and St. Paul's College operated by the Anglican Bishop, were dismal failures whether from the missionary or from the educational point of view. In 1855, the Governor Sir John Bowring had this to say about St. Paul's College: \"For the last six years, £250 a year has been voted by Parliament to the Bishop's College for the education of 6 persons destined to the public service, and not a single individual from that College has been yet declared competent to undertake the meanest department of an interpreter's duty\n\nSee E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, London; Luzac and Co., 1895, p. 349.\n\n2 On p. 60 of Fragrant Harbour by G. B. Endacott and A. Hinton, a statement was made that Ng Choy was \"educated at the old Central School (Queen's College)\". I find no evidence to support this.\n\n3 As a result of the founding of the Government Central School (the present Queen's College) in 1862, a number of educated Chinese well-versed in both Chinese and English had been produced, who began to regard Hong Kong as their home town and who began to develop a keen interest in the welfare of Hong Kong. Thus leading Chinese founded the Tung Wah Hospital in 1870 and the Po Leung Kuk in 1880. It is of interest to note that in the 1870's, the educated Chinese actually pressed for the election of representatives to form a Chinese Municipal Board. In 1878, when the foreign community protested against Sir John Hennessy's policy of lenient treatment of prisoners, the Chinese in Hong Kong for the first time despatched an address to Queen Victoria which was in effect a vote of confidence in the Government.\n\n4 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 94. *G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 94.\n\n6 In 1862 an Institute of Foreign Languages was founded in Peking and translation bureaux were established to translate scientific books into Chinese. In 1866 the first modern shipbuilding yard was started in Foochow, Fukien, and from 1872 to 1875 four batches of selected young Chinese scholars, totalling 120, were sent to the U.S.A. to further their studies.\n\n7 General Chan (陳炯明, Chen Chiung-ming) revolted against Sun Yat-sen in Canton in June 1922. For details about this revolt, see Tang Leang-li's The Inner History of The Chinese Revolution, London, p. 140.\n\n8 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 199.\n\n9 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 98.\n\n10 After 2 years there, Yung Wing (容閎, Rong Hong) went to Yale University and was the first Chinese to graduate from that famous institution in 1854. Yung later became a famous person in the history of modern China, being responsible for the opening of the first school of mechanical engineering in Shanghai; the formation of the China Merchant Steamship Navigation Company; the translation of many scientific books into Chinese; and the sending of young Chinese scholars to the U.S.A. for western studies in the 1870's. In the case of Wong Foon, after 2 years' study in the U.S.A., he crossed the Atlantic to Scotland and entered the University of Edinburgh where he graduated with honours in medicine and surgery. He returned to Canton in 1857 and distinguished himself as a surgeon. See also Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and Western Cultures, Honolulu, East-West Center, 1964, Chapter 4, \"Yung Hung (Yung Wing) and Foreign Schemes\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA. MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n63\n\n61 Ibid., p. 154.\n\n62 Ibid., p. 159.\n\n63 Liu Wan-kuk, of Sheung Shui, later described the inaugural meeting and its consequences in the following terms. \"On the 1st of the 3rd moon (10th April), the Un Long Division made a great show of force, and stated in a most peremptory manner that if we refused to join in the resistance of the British, thousands of men from the Un Long Division with arms would proceed to level to the ground the villages belonging to the Liu, Tang and Pang families. The Sheung U Division was therefore compelled on the 3rd day (12th April) to request the Hau, Liu, Pang, Tang, Man clans to meet in the temple dedicated to a former Governor of Kwang Tung province. There it was decided to raise a small public subscription.... It was also decided that the various villages in our Division should have their trainbands (or militia) in readiness so that we should not be....powerless to check disorder. Our Division was the victim of circumstances.... Our trainband (or militia) was intended solely for the protection of the old and young in our Division.\" Translation of a statement made to the Colonial Secretary of Hong Kong, 26th April 1899, Papers. Despatches..., op. cit., p. 74. Here and subsequently, the spelling of place names and parenthetical remarks are those of the original translator. Remarks in brackets are my own.\n\n64 Correspondence ..., op. cit., p. 226. Jingals are \"long tapering guns, six to fourteen feet in length, borne on the shoulders of two men and fired by a third. They have a stand, or tripod, reminding one of a telescope being less liable to burst than cannon, they form the most effective gun the Chinese possess.\" J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, London, 1904 edition, p. 44.\n\nPage 13\n\nCorrespondence\n\n65 Stewart Lockhart described the flag as follows: \"the flag has a red border and a white centre, on which are seven Chinese characters meaning: Train band sanctioned by the Government: -Tai Kai (village), surname Man.' The village referred to.... is also known by the name of Tai Hang\n\n, op. cit., p. 180. The militia were so martial in appearance and conduct that the British at first thought they were regulars. The Viceroy commented: \"the Governor of Hong Kong suspected that they were regular troops from the fact that they had guns, cannon, and uniforms. He was not aware that the villagers of Kwangtung, in their constant fights with each other, are always erecting forts, and use guns and cannon, and wear uniforms. This is a matter of common notoriety.\" Ibid., p. 304.\n\n66 Ibid., pp. 188ff. These and similar letters were found in the T'ai Ping Kung Kuk at Yuen Long. A proclamation issued by the Council of the Yuen Long Division was also discovered. It supports Liu Wan-kuk's claim that coercion was a feature of the resistance movement:\n\n\"The English barbarians are about to enter our territory, and ruin will come upon our villages and hamlets, All we villagers must enthusiastically come forward to offer armed resistance and act in unison. When the drum sounds to the fight, we must all respond to the call for assistance. Should anyone hesitate to take part or hinder or obstruct our military plans he will most certainly be severely punished, and no leniency will be shown. This is issued as a forewarning.\" Ibid.\n\n67 Ibid., p. 171.\n\n68 Papers\n\n69 Ibid.\n\nDespatches\n\n, op. cit., p. 66.\n\nop. cit., p. 166.\n\n70 Correspondence", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205789, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "KING MONGKUT AND THE KINGDOM OF SIAM\n\n89\n\nBallestier did not meet the King and so never presented the President's letter. He was treated with little respect and left Bangkok in less than a month without a treaty or hope of one. Ballestier reported angrily to Washington that the only way to improve trade with Siam was by the threat or use of force. After he left, fear spread through the city that force might be used. Some teachers who had been instructing American missionaries in the Thai language thought it judicious to leave their employment, but all fear was soon to be removed. The old King died in 1851, and Prince Mongkut ascended the throne.\n\nIt was the beginning of a new era. From a long period of isolation, from suspicion and fear of Western merchants and sailors, Siam, in the fourth reign of the Chakri dynasty, turned to co-operation, free trade, and acceptance of the new civilisation. The change came quickly, almost as soon as the cremation ceremonies of Rama III were completed a year after his death. Emerging from a Buddhist monastery at the age of forty-seven, His Majesty Somdet Pra Paramenda Maha Mongkut, King Rama IV, proceeded to reform his kingdom and open new relations with the West.\n\nIn 1824, when he was twenty, Prince Mongkut had entered the order of monkhood. It was a custom, still sustained today, for all young men to enter the order for three or four months. That might have been the length of Mongkut's service as a monk, but just then, within two weeks of his entering the monastery, his father, King Rama II, died, and his half-brother was chosen for the throne. Mongkut decided to remain a Buddhist monk indefinitely. Out of disappointment? This may have been so, for his claim to the crown was stronger than that of his half-brother, Pra Nangklao. Mongkut was the eldest son of the King by a royal mother, and his half-brother, though seventeen years his senior, was the son of a lesser wife. However, in Siam, the succession is not necessarily according to strict rules of primogeniture, and in this instance, the choice by the Council of Nobles of Pra Nangklao seemed a wise one. He had had many years' experience in matters of state, often assuming duties for his father, who was more interested in poetry than politics. But if Mongkut was disappointed, monastic life suited him, and he remained a monk for the next twenty-seven years.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205790, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "90\n\nR. BRUCE\n\nLike Sakya-muni who became Gotama Buddha, he left the rich life of the Palace for the austerity of monkhood. His head and eyebrows were shaven, his dress was the yellow robe, his dwelling a cell in a city monastery. He shared the simple life of the most humble. Each morning he went into the streets to receive in a metal alms bowl gifts of food from the people. Each day the monks chanted the Pali sutras, studied, or practised meditation. It was a life of abstinence. No worldly wealth is allowed in the Order. It is absolutely forbidden to tell lies, to take any form of life, to gossip, to steal, to have any contact with women, to handle money, or to eat after mid-day. A monk's demeanour is important - how to stand, sit, walk, how to address people, and how to maintain that composure which is revealed in the face of Buddha's image in every Wat in Thailand.\n\nThe discipline was not irksome to Mongkut, and it became him as easily as the luxury of the Palace. He immersed himself in Buddhist studies and acquired a good knowledge of Pali, the language of the scriptures. He found in his research that there were serious gaps in the collections of texts and commentaries in Siam. At the young age of thirty-three, he had been in the Order three years. Mongkut became the Abbot of Wat Bowaniwate. He ordered many Pali books from Ceylon to repair the omissions in the Buddhist writings. But the most important part of his work as a monk was the reform and revitalising of the Order of monkhood itself.\n\nPrince Mongkut, the Abbot, found the observance of the code of conduct too slack. Some monks in Wat Po, the Temple of the Reclining Buddha, were even gambling and handling money. He set a new standard of discipline in his own Wat and then established a new sect within the Order. This was the Dharmayuta, the Followers of the Law, which survives today. The rules prescribed for this school of monks are far stricter than for the majority group, the Mahanikai, the Great Sect. Mongkut preached to the monks in his Wat and to the people, bringing a fresh interpretation of the Dharma, the Law, in place of what had become atrophied ritual. In creating a new sect among the monks, Mongkut did not bring about a \"Reformation\"; he left no cleavage among the followers of Buddhism. He re-inspired belief and disciplined practice. That this was done by a Priest, half-brother to the King and his likely successor, was doubly significant in a country where", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205794, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "94\n\nR. BRUCE\n\nnecessary for the late King? He would be welcome then, that is in 1852. At the same time he took the initiative in improving trading conditions. Monopolies were partly removed and duties on imports and exports reduced. For a moment it seemed that Siam's foreign relations could be improved without formal treaty and the British Government did not press the matter. But in fact there was much to be done, and with a new British Plenipotentiary at Hong Kong it was opportune to resume discussions.\n\nSir John Bowring was a very different diplomat from his three British predecessors, Crawfurd, Burney and Brooke or the American envoys Roberts and Ballestier. He was an intellectual, a radical reformer, a disciple and editor of Jeremy Bentham, a linguist who could prattle in a dozen languages, an ex-Member of Parliament and a writer of hymns, an inveterate talker, a man with limitless energy and a Victorian capacity for pomposity and self-glory. After a career of business, politics, writing and self-appointed diplomacy in the courts of Europe, Bowring, being short of money, accepted public office as Consul at Canton. That was in 1849 when he was fifty-seven. Some five years later he became Governor of Hong Kong, Superintendent of Trade and, most glorious of all, Her Majesty's Plenipotentiary responsible for relations with China, Japan, Siam and all countries in the Far East.\n\nBowring's five years' Governorship of the island colony on the coast of China was anything but successful. Some of his senior officials were incompetent and even corrupt, and he was unpopular among the British merchants. Worst of all he precipitated the second Anglo-Chinese war by sending warships to bombard Canton over a quite unworthy incident. But he was completely successful when he sailed to Bangkok in March, 1855, to negotiate a treaty with the Siamese.\n\nMost of the detailed business of the negotiations was done by Bowring's young assistants, his son John C. Bowring, an employee of Jardine, Matheson and Co. in Hong Kong, and Harry Parkes, his secretary, who was later to have a distinguished career as Consul at several ports on the China coast, (Mongkut referred to the young men as \"Mr. Parkes and Your Excellency's upspring\".) But it was Bowring and King Mongkut who created the favourable atmosphere which allowed progress to be rapid and the discussions congenial. It was clear from the start that the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205795, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "KING MONGKUT AND THE KINGDOM OF SIAM\n\n95\n\nSiamese were willing to have a treaty which would open up trade and increase Western influence. They had some anxiety, however, about what the Cochin-Chinese, the Vietnamese would think about the treaty. Would they conclude that the Siamese had surrendered to the British? King Mongkut asked Bowring time and again to go to Cochin-China to make a similar treaty. The King was also anxious about the kind of man who would be chosen as British Consul, if this article of the treaty were accepted. Would he be as much a gentleman as Sir John? Bowring assured him that only the best man would be appointed and that he hoped to go to Cochin-China.\n\nThe whole business for this momentous treaty was transacted in the most felicitous manner. King Mongkut and his equally intelligent Prime Minister, Praya Suriwongse, understood the issues at stake; these were not merely the details of imports and exports, the appointment of Consuls and the rights of foreigners, they were no less than the independence of Siam and the beginning of her modernization. It was much to Bowring's credit (and to Harry Parkes and young Bowring) that he was able to gain the confidence of the King, to allay his fears, and to assure the Siamese that the new policy that the treaty was launching was greatly to their own as well as to the British advantage.\n\nThe Treaty of Friendship and Commerce was signed on 18th April, 1855, less than a month after the arrival of the mission. Its first article pledged perpetual peace and friendship and the protection of the two nations' subjects in each other's countries. Article 2 provided for the appointment of a British Consul at Bangkok who would have jurisdiction over British subjects in Siam. The third article was an extension of the second, requiring that Siamese offenders should be given up to Siamese justice and British offenders to British justice, that is, the Consul. This was the system of extra-territorial rights which had recently been obtained from the Chinese after the Opium War. It was an infringement of Siam's sovereignty but it gave assurance to British subjects that they would not be exposed to the severity of Siamese justice and encouraged the setting up of business houses. This right was given up in 1909, long before its withdrawal in China, in return for the independence of Kedah and the other northern Malay States from Siam. The next three articles of the treaty were all concerned with the rights of British subjects. They could", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205809, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MING DYNASTY 'MOUNTAIN SONGS'\n\n109\n\nThis first poem begins with a common type of phrase, outside the rhythmic pattern, which identifies the speaker when special indication is needed. Some linguistic points to observe are: 1) The use of the character †, (M) tzŭ “son, child', here a verbal suffix indicating attainment of a goal or completed action. Later we will see more clearly this function as an aspect marker comparable to the Cantonese jôh *.\n\n2) Note the pun on the word 'weasel' with (M) láng chῑ 'young gentleman' substituted for the character (M) láng † 'wolf'. 3) The use of the particle (S) tē indicate an adverbial relationship in the phrase (M) chiao chiao li chῑao § hērt ·\n\n4) And finally, note how much better the cackling comes through in a southern dialect pronunciation of the phrase in note 3) above: (S) kōq kōg.\n\nII.\n\n娘兩箇並行,\n\n兩朵鮮花囉裏箇強.\n\n囡免道池裏藕嫩好,\n\n娘道沙角菱老香.\n\n\"The woman and the daughter were walking along side by side,\n\nTwo fresh flowers, which one is nicer?\n\nThe daughter says, Of the lotus roots in the pond, the tender ones are better;\n\nThe woman says, Of the lily bulbs from the sand spit, the older ones are sweeter.\n\nNote in this poem:\n\n1) The use of (M) erh meaning here 'daughter' and also functioning as a nominalizing suffix in the phrases meaning 'daughter', 'lotus', and 'lily'. There is apparently a contrast of stress for the same form in these two functions, both matching the Mandarin usage.\n\n2) The function of (M) ko both as a measure and as an attributive marker. This corresponds to the usage of a number of Chinese dialects.\n\n3) The dialect expression (S) lo-li meaning 'which one, where'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205817, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM\n\n117\n\nhad at least two houses already, and were usually expanding their land holdings at the same time. I have genealogical information on about two-thirds of the house-buyers, and only in two cases does it seem possible that the number of their sons induced men to buy \"houses\" (both were in fact ruins, on the sites of which the buyers later rebuilt). There is thus no strong evidence that the buying and selling of houses is in any way connected with family size: houses appear rather to be treated as an investment in very much the same way as land.\n\nThe paradox of the simultaneous existence of a moral prohibition on the sale of houses and its occurrence on even the scale described may be partially resolved by the fact that different houses seem to be differently regarded. The strongest attachment is felt to houses which have been lived in by and inherited from one's ancestors: houses acquired in other ways are less valued, and a significant proportion of the house-sales recorded are resales of houses bought either shortly, or in one case as much as fifty-two years, earlier.\n\nb) Renting and Borrowing\n\nI have no evidence on the frequency of renting or loan arrangements between villagers in the past, but at present there are scarcely any cases; a lack which I put down to a dislike of the insecurity of renting (as well as its cost), and the much greater prestige of living in one's own house. I only know of one house in Sheung Tsuen which was rented for a long term by a very poor widow from a wealthy neighbour; of one case in which a woman who was rebuilding the family house was allowed by a neighbour to borrow an empty house while the building was going on; and of a third case where a young man, too deranged to hold down any job for long, and too weak physically to farm, was turned out by his father, and allowed by an older uncle to live in a tumbledown shed whose owner had long since left for England.\n\nThere is a sense in which a man's retirement begins as soon as his sons start to marry: once he has moved out of the house with the ancestral tablet, a man is something of a lodger in the village. While most parents have another house into which they can move on the marriage of their son(s), I have the impression (though no actual cases to back this up) that it would be relatively", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205819, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM\n\n119\n\nthere appears to be a good chance that each resulting branch is sturdy enough to survive: even after a man marries, he may die before he has produced a son (and the frequency with which young widows have left their dead husbands' homes to remarry indicates that this was not at all uncommon: the position of a widow without a son was well-nigh impossible), or his own sons may die in infancy. That the failure of branches to develop, even after they had been provided with a suitable soil of bricks and mortar, was common, is borne out by the frequency with which two (or more) married men of the same generation appear on one domestic ancestral tablet; when a man dies after his marriage but before he has had a son and the family is divided, his name is installed on the tablet of a surviving brother, who thus gains possession of two houses. If this man produces two sons, then he may kwoh-kai one of them to his dead brother, and establish him, on his marriage, in that house;18 but in the very probable event of his own producing a single son, he is under no obligation to provide his dead brother with an heir. (If however the widow chooses to remain, and adopts a son for her dead husband, she and her adopted son have all the rights that they would normally have had.).\n\nThe institution of kwoh-kai is designed to provide an heir in cases where a man is son-less after a division has taken place; but with single sons even more common than no sons at all, this may not occur until several generations have elapsed since the division. Ideally, it should be a means whereby a son can be transferred from an over-supplied branch to one in need of an heir, and it no doubt commonly functions this way in large localised descent groups: in small groups, however, such as the people of Aijmer's two villages, it may be extremely difficult for a sonless man to find a kinsman able and willing to part with one of his sons.19 In this situation a man may indeed die son-less: only when the obligation to support a parent in old age is safely removed, a man from another branch may obtain the consent of senior kin, and any potential rivals for the inheritance, to transfer himself to the dead man's line. This will only happen, however, if the deceased has left more property than the kwoh-kai son has received, or can hope to receive, from his own father. My informants in Sheung Tsuen were very clear that unless a son-less man's property was worth having, none would be willing to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "141\n\nTHE SAN ON MAP OF MGR. VOLONTERI*\n\nOn the Centenary of the Copy in the R.G.S. Collection\n\nRONALD C. Y. Ng†\n\nIn 1860 a young Italian priest arrived in the British Colony of Hong Kong to join the Mission of the Propaganda in the Roman Catholic Diocese there. Interrupted frequently by ill health, he stayed only a few years in the Colony and in the adjoining Chinese District of San On (Hsin-An Hsien, now known as Bau-An Hsien) in the Province of Kwangtung, in preparation for a later distinguished career in northern China. Compared with those long years of successful missionary work in the capacity of Bishop of Honan, Fr. Simeone Volonteri's early efforts were little remembered and his biographer devoted only a small section in an introductory chapter to the description of his labours in Hong Kong and its vicinity.\n\nPadre Ho, a name derived from the transliteration in the local dialect of the first syllable of his surname, was a well-liked priest among the Hakka rice farmers in the District. He was a man of tremendous zeal and was reputed to have converted an entire community on an island off the coast and nine other villages to the Catholic faith. His youthful keenness and his love of the country and the people led him, together with his interpreter and colleague, over land and water to almost every settlement in the District. A most remarkable fruit of his four years' professional labour was undoubtedly the San On District Map 'drawn from actual observations', a frequently consulted historical and geographical document for those interested in the area, especially of the period before the New Territories were leased to Britain in 1898. However, his modesty dissuaded him from acknowledging directly on the map his due share of the credit in bringing to the public this 'first and only map hitherto published'. Within two years of\n\n*This article was first published in the Geographical Journal Vol. 135, Part 2 (June) 1969, pp. 231-5. It appears here with the consent of the author and the kind permission of The Royal Geographical Society who have also provided the full-scale reproduction of part of the original map that appears as Plate 15 of our Journal.\n\n† Dr. R. C. Y. Ng is Lecturer in Geography, School of Oriental and African Studies, London University.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205850, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "150 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\n“Bethesda\" was forced to close down due to the unfortunate consequences of the First World War, and as yet, I have not been able to locate the old \"Bethesda\". Where was its exact location? Are early Hong Kong Government records regarding the lease or sale of land still available for the period concerned (1860/61) and maps showing the land distribution and property rights? \n\nBeing concurrently pastor of the present German-speaking Evangelical-Lutheran Congregation in Hong Kong and chairman of the Ebenezer School and Home for the Blind, which branched off from \"Bethesda\" in 1897 specializing in the care of blind girls, I have a double interest in the question of locating the former \"Bethesda\", an institution connected with the history both of Ebenezer and our German-speaking Evangelical-Lutheran Congregation in Hong Kong. \n\nHong Kong, 1968. \n\nALBRECHT PLAG \n\nTHE COMET OF 1532 \n\nRecently, while working on the biography of Feng En (1491 - 1571) I encountered an interesting problem about a comet. But first let me make a few remarks about the man. \n\nHe came from a family settled in Hua-t'ing, southwest of Shanghai, which had originally belonged to the military category. Somehow he managed to get a sound education and achieve the advanced degree, or chin-shih, in 1526, and receive the appointment of censor in Nanking. While serving in that capacity a comet appeared on September 2, 1532, and continued to illuminate the sky for 115 days, disappearing (according to the section on astronomy of the Ming shih 27/11a) on December 26. This was no ordinary phenomenon. The comet later known in Europe as Halley's, had appeared just the year before (August 5 to September 7, 1531) and lasted only 34 days. The young emperor, Chu Hou-ts'ung (born 1507), and his entire court took it seriously. According to the theology of the day, which went back at least to the second century before our era, and probably many hundreds of years earlier, someone in high office must be to blame. Chang Fu-ching \n\n(1475 - 1539), senior grand secretary, probably following a nudge from the throne, resigned. Feng En, along with a number of other officials, did not consider his resignation enough.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205915, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "да\n\n山鞍傷\n\nHun pint\n\nYoung ping\n\nSka kolm\n\nBrak kong na\n\nTuk kezé\n\nSai Kung\n\nTazu kang\n\nflo ring\n\nWang kiung au\n\nTai pa tami\n\nLing bu\n\n*\n\nTing og\n\nMangkung nh\n\nTai kang kaj.\n\nla jant\n\nLeng\n\ntan\n\n**\n\nNa\n\n*ỹ Thrang, sheung ka\n\nfrk bang\n\nan t'au cki“\n\nkang\n\nTo ka ping\n\nTak lam eking\n\nWang una chan\n\nTiu\n\n....\n\nH\n\nPlate 15. A full scale reproduction from the original San On Map of Mgr. Volonteri, showing part of the Sai Kung Peninsula in eastern San On district.\n\n(By courtesy of the Royal Geographical Society).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205947, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "22\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nLibrary of Peiping reported on its copy of the local history of Shao-hsing-fu, Chekiang (YLTT ch. 7963). One must also mention the excellent use made by Professor Jao Tsung-i of chüan 11,907 (preserved in Peking) in his article on \"Some place-names in the South Seas in the Yung-lo ta-tien.\"8 Finally, because everyone is interested in Marco Polo and the authenticity of his record of travel, let us mention the discovery in chüan 19,418 of the YLTT by two Chinese scholars of the names of the three envoys from the Mongol court of Persia who were dispatched in 1290 to Kubilai in Cambaluc to convey the Lady Kukachin (Marco's Cocachin) to Tabriz to become the bride of Argon. Their names, rendered in Chinese transcription, correspond fairly closely with those preserved in Marco's account. His name and the names of his father and uncle, unfortunately, were not considered of sufficient importance to receive mention. Hopefully we may expect more enlightenment on China's past as these rare volumes are further explored.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 For example, Leonard Aurousseau in Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient XII: 9 (1912), and both Walter Swingle and Arthur W. Hummel in Reports of the Library of Congress, 1922-23, 1935-36, 1940, etc.\n\n2 Wang Chung-min1 has recently identified 246 of these individuals, including the three principals, in an article entitled \"Yung-lo ta-tien tsuan-hsiu jen k'ao,”†^#, Wên-shih★★ 4 (June 1965), 17 ff. (Mrs. Lienche Tu Fang kindly drew this to my attention.)\n\n3 Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient IX (1909), 828, n.3.\n\n4 Communication to the author, dated 15th Oct., 1969, from the curator, D. Zichy.\n\n5 I owe this to Mrs. Delano Young (née Yang Chin-yi) who received the information from a member of the staff of the Library.\n\n6 Extracts of books were distributed under different tone groups.\n\n7 A Study of Chiang-su and Che-chiang gazetteers of the Ming Dynasty (Canberra 1969), p. 5.\n\n8 Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies of Southern China, South-east Asia, and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong 1967), 191-7.\n\n9 Yang Chih-chiu and Ho Yung-chi, \"Marco Polo quits China,\" Harvard Jo. of Asiatic Studies IX (1945), 51. See also Yule-Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo (London 1903), I, p. 32.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205990, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "A HONG KONG BUTTERFLY\n\n65\n\nsides of the creature above the prolegs is yellow-ochre and there is a narrow border of the same colour around the head and the anal segment. The head is black. There are no processes as in the larva of Papilio agamemnon. By 9th July the smallest larva had grown from 9 mm to 15 mm retaining the same coloration. On 10th July it moulted on the surface of the leaf leaving the black skin. The length was constant at 15 mm. The larva was now apple green, darker on the back, with three narrow yellow stripes on the seventh to tenth segments, and a buff line just above the legs from head to tail. The head is celedon green with four circular black spots on the crown, and two more smaller ones at the angle of the jaws.\n\nFor observation the larvae were kept in a large glass container which, if covered, keeps the food plant fresher than the ordinary breeding cage. On opening this one morning the pungent scent emitted by the Papilionidae when disturbed was very noticeable, but no amount of interference would induce the larvae to extrude the osmeterium so that the colour could be ascertained.\n\nThe green stage of the larva only lasted four days, during which the faint yellow horizontal lines above the prolegs gradually faded out, and the apple green colour rather deepened. The full length attained was 26 mm on the eve of pupation. In all instances but one pupation took place on the underside of the leaf, and not the upperside as recorded by Corbet for L. meges. The pupa is attached by a white cremastral pad, and a very fine silk girdle which is almost invisible, holding the abdomen in contact with the leaf. The shape is very similar to the pupae of P. doson or P. sarpedon, being beaked, but the length is only 22 mm. The colour varied with the background, from yellow-green on young growth, to emerald on mature leaves. The exceptional larva spun up on the glass of the container in a vertical position, head up producing a lilac grey chrysalis. From the beak a seam runs diagonally to the base of the thorax, and another finer line marks the centre of the back for 5 mm when it bifurcates making a roughly elliptical figure to the tail. All pupation was during the hours of darkness. Emergence took place exactly seven days after pupation, but this is the hottest time of the year, the mean temperature being around 85°F. All imagines appeared between the hours of 8 a.m. and 9 a.m, standard time. Just before emergence the pupal case is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n177\n\n\"At first the people thought they would soon return and tried to stay together, but when they saw that there was no hope they began to separate. Sons were sold for a bushel of rice, daughters for a hundred cash. Speculators were able to buy people into slavery for practically nothing. Those who were young and strong were made to join the army. The authorities looked on the people as so many ants.\"\n\nThe evacuation had in fact led to more disorder on the coast than there had ever been before.\n\nIn 1663, for instance, the Tanka fishermen who were prevented from earning a living revolted all over the Canton estuary and at one time attacked Canton itself. They were defeated in this neighbourhood and retired to Mirs Bay, where they menaced the town of Tai P'ang. At the same time, a revolt was organised near Sha T'in in our region, which spread as far as Kun Fu Cheung or Kowloon City. It is obvious that these disorders must have prevented the troops from building adequate fortifications.\n\nIn spite of this, however, the evacuation lasted from 1662 to 1669. During this time, enormous numbers perished, and others were forced to go far inland to obtain food. The Topography states that only 2,172 males were allowed to remain (presumably as soldiers), and no women or children during the whole of this period. These figures include the whole of San On district, and they are perhaps exaggerated and give too ideal a picture of the effectiveness of the evacuation, such as local officials would have felt themselves bound to present, and it seems most probable that more of the population may have remained. I have heard from a source that cannot be checked that the area west of the Tai Lam Ch'ung valley was not affected. This would include most of the fertile land held by the Tang family, and it would be natural that this part of our region, which is nearer to the Canton estuary than any other, would have been less suspected than the islands and wilder parts of the mainland of helping the Ming cause. These places, except in so far as they harboured rebels, may have been entirely emptied.\n\nThis fact, if it is a true one, will explain why so many Punti villages in that area were abandoned and later colonised by Hakka. The attached map (see T'ien Hsia Vol. XI, No. 4)* shows\n\n*Plate 16 here.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206138, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n211\n\nto a local princess. Fifteen years later he hears that his mother and several members of his family are guarding the Chinese border very close to where he is. When the play starts, he is longing to see his own people again, and his wife, the princess, makes him admit the reason for his sadness to her and also his identity. She agrees to help him to get out of the barbarian camp on condition that he comes back the next day. The most dramatic moment of the play is the brief encounter between Ssu Lang and his mother and his first Chinese wife. However, he keeps his word and returns.\n\nThe second play is a farce. The philosopher Chuang Tzu tests his wife. He pretends to be dead and reappears under the form of a young handsome scholar. He seduces his wife and even persuades her to break open the coffin in which her husband lies to remove his heart to make a medicine for him. However, when the wife opens the coffin, the philosopher reappears and confounds her. She commits suicide from shame.\n\nBesides the translations, the book also includes a general introduction to Chinese opera, some photographs of scenes from the two plays, detailed explanations of extracts from Ssu Lang visits his mother (the latter have been recorded on tape and are available from the publisher), a glossary of Chinese theatre terms and an index.\n\nBy choosing these two plays, the author has presented nearly all the different kinds of Chinese opera characters (only the painted faces are not represented). Both plays are very well known and often played; for example here in Hong Kong, by the Chun Chau Peking Opera School in Lai Chi Kok Amusement Park. Ssu Lang visits his mother was, moreover, played two months ago in the City Hall by a group of amateurs; and famous airs from this opera are as well known to the Chinese as are the famous airs of Verdi to Italians. The background explanation is an excellent summing-up of what must be known in order to enjoy a Chinese opera; and if one wants to know more, one can read the Chinese Classical Theatre by the same author. This earlier book speaks in generalities, but here A. C. Scott gives two precise examples and shows how the principles of Chinese operas work in a given play.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206160, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "233 \n\nWILLIAMS, R. A. \n\nWILLIAMS, W. D. F. \n\n- \n\nc/o Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, \n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\nKing Fung Villa, 101 Miles, Castle Peak \n\nRoad, N.T. \n\nWILLIAMS, Mrs. W. D. F. As above. \n\nWILSON, Mrs. A. W.- \n\nWILSON, B. D. · \n\n+ \n\nWILSON, Miss E. M. - \n\nWINKLER, E. \n\nWONG, Kwok-long \n\nWONG, \n\nMrs. Margaret Homan \n\nWONG, Peng-cheong* - \n\nWONG, Shing-tsang \n\nWONG, Miss S. - \n\nWOO, Dr. Pak-foo \n\nWRIGHT, Miss B. R. \n\n- \n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L. \n\nWRIGHT, Dr. L. R. \n\nWU, Hei-tak \n\n- \n\nYAO, Miss Joyce T. Y.- \n\nYEUNG, Walter, W. T.- \n\nYOUNG, Miss P. \n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I. . \n\nZIMMERN, W. A. \n\n- \n\n2 University Drive, H.K. \n\n3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. \n\nFlat 104, The Hermitage, 75 MacDonnell \n\nRoad. H.K. \n\nFlat 402, 12 May Road, H.K. \n\n92-A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. \n\n39 Mody Road, 10th floor, Front, Kowloon. \n\nCho Wong, Tan & Co., \n\nChartered Accountants, Room 732/735, Alexandra House, H.K. \n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. \n\nG. P. O. Box 497, H.K. \n\nRoom 204 China Building, H.K. \n\nDept. of Education, University of Hong \n\nKong, H.K. \n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. \n\nc/o Dept. of History, University of \n\nHong Kong, H.K. \n\nc/o The Registry, The Chinese University \n\nof Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. \n\n38 Kotewall Court, Kotewall Road, \n\n6th Floor, H.K. \n\n60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K. \n\nc/o Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K. \n\nc/o Triangle Motors Ltd., Morrison Hill \n\nRoad, H.K. \n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room \n\n1234, Union House, H.K. \n\nThe Hon. Secretary (P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses, \n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206162, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "Plate 1. A young one inch long cuttlefish, Euprymna berryi, from Tolo Harbour, Hong Kong.\n\nPlate 2.\n\nA living adult cowry, Arabica eglantina, commonly found in Colony waters in association with coral patches.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206196, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "TEXT OF A LETTER SENT TO THE HON. THE COLONIAL SECRETARY ON THE SUBJECT OF A NEW CITY MUSEUM FOR HONG KONG.\n\n24th May, 1971.\n\nDear Sir,\n\nA NEW CITY MUSEUM\n\nAt a meeting of the Council of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society held earlier this year, the question was raised as to whether we, as the executive committee of a Hong Kong learned society, could, with advantage to all concerned, formulate our views on the above-mentioned subject which is exercising the minds of many residents of this Colony at the present moment.\n\nThe members of the committee were unanimously of the opinion that we should do this, firstly because the main purpose in founding our Society as long ago as 1847 was to foster the preservation, and to encourage the study, of all matters concerning the history of this part of Asia; and secondly and more specifically because in the inaugural address of our first President, Governor Sir John Davis, he urged the adoption by the young Society of two practical aims in addition to the lecture and discussion programmes usually adopted by learned societies. His suggested aims were the establishment in Hong Kong (a) of Botanic Gardens, and (b) of a City Museum. A brief statement concerning what was accomplished towards achieving these aims about a century and a quarter ago was recently made by Dr. J. R. Jones, the past President of this Branch of the Society, in his letter published in the South China Morning Post on Friday, 18th December, 1970, under the title of \"Sir John Davis, and Hong Kong's First Museum\".\n\nAfter some discussion which was purposely confined to generalities, and did not extend to the consideration of details, it was unanimously decided that we should support the proposal that the present museum should be re-organized and that the opportunity should then be taken of re-housing it in a new and specially designed building situated on a site chosen for its suitability and adaptability rather than for reasons of expediency.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206197, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "At a later meeting the committee further decided that our active support should begin by informing you officially of our views on this important subject, but in doing so, I must not give you the impression that it represents the considered opinion of the Society as a whole. That may be forwarded later.\n\nI would however like to take this opportunity of making the point which I personally believe cannot be too strongly stressed at this stage of Hong Kong's development, where one so frequently still hears the question asked: \"Why do we need a public museum?\" Those who still ask that question obviously know nothing of modern museums or modern education. We need an up-to-date museum, not because all other cities in the world worthy of the name have at least one museum and that therefore we must follow suit, but because a museum in these days is something more than a mere repository of things relating to the past; it is as much an active, integral and essential part of any system of public education as a school, a college or a university is.\n\nAny modern museum worthy of the name provides opportunities for study which are complementary to the routine courses provided by institutions of learning at all levels of education - primary, secondary or tertiary - and the real value of these complementary opportunities lies in the fact that they are of a more informal nature, and consequently allow (and indeed encourage) the development of initiative and specialization among pupils.\n\nFor this reason, expenditure on a museum project is not to be regarded as favouring the intelligentsia or a minority group; it is essential for its part in the balanced development of the young minds in the colony of all classes.\n\nThis makes it of all the more importance in Hong Kong where our youth forms over 50% of our population, because the financial provision for these educational facilities is every bit as important as the provision of recreational facilities for our young people which so much more readily captures the imagination of social workers and the readers of the headlines in our press.\n\nYours faithfully,\n\nL. T. RIDE\n\nPresident,\n\nHong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206233, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "44\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nuseless against a foe unless they are worked and guarded with intelligence, precision and judgment. Fast sailing cruisers, powerful ironclads and swift torpedo-boats are excellent weapons of defence as well as offence, but they are only tools and demand much skill, bravery, knowledge and experience in their handling. In the hands of the uninitiated and ignorant, they are clumsy and expensive toys fit only to be sunk or captured by an enemy after a brief resistance. Where will China find all the hands for her navy without going abroad for them? I am aware that the present order of things is to hire foreign instructors and establish naval schools. Indeed, the Naval College at Foochow was established many years ago, and has from time to time turned out a large number of students, and, I will add, some promising ones too. But were all the students treated properly and all promises made them kept? Were their salaries liberal, and were they punctually paid; and did their salaries suffer much diminution or become beautifully less ere they reached the several recipients' pockets? When the students were qualified, did they get all they deserved, or what had been promised to them? Were they not put under the same official despotism as the other ordinary officers? Have they not been placed absolutely at the command of and obliged to take directions from ignorant officers who have never been to sea and whose only merit consists in being high mandarins or the relations of such? Have there not been cases of desertion on account of bad treatment received, and have there been no frequent and loud complaints? Here more than anywhere internal reforms are required to induce promising young men to devote their time to necessary courses of study and training, and, when qualified, to risk their lives and all in the loyal defence of their dear country upon the raging billows. Get an efficient navy by all means, but before all get reform. Take timely warning by the naval encounter at Foochow, where so many of China's ships of war, though outnumbering the French fleet and carrying heavy ordinance, were sunk within the space of barely half an hour. Such a record should make a nation weep and repent in sackcloth and ashes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206271, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "82 \n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\ncollecting rent on over a hundred shops and houses. But in 1855, he was declared bankrupt. He had stood security for the administration of the estate of the Chinese merchant Chinam; the administrator had misused the property of the estate, and Loo Aqui had to pay up, throwing him into insolvency. However, anticipating this, he had previously transferred most of his property to his relatives. After his bankruptcy, he no longer appears as a public figure, although two near relatives, perhaps his sons, Loo Shing and Loo Chew (or as he is sometimes called \"Young Qui\") are on several of the later lists we have used to determine elite status. One of Loo Chew's sons was compradore for David Sassoon, Sons and Company in the 1870s; another son, Loo Kum Chun, in 1872 was Secretary to the Tung Wah Hospital.\n\nThe family of Loo Aqui was from Whampoa, and they were most likely Tanka or boat people. The Rev. Karl Gutzlaff, Chinese Secretary to the Superintendent of Trade, reports that \"the most numerous class who have, since our arrival, fixed themselves on the island, are from Whampoa; many of them are of the worst characters, and ready to commit any atrocity\".9 They had defied the Mandarins' edicts prohibiting Chinese citizens from supplying provisions or other services to the British forces. However, it is not surprising they seized the opportunity to make a quick profit by collaborating with the enemy. They were a secondary caste within the Chinese social structure and were deprived of certain rights. As boat people, they had had a long association with foreign shipping. In recognition of their valuable services to the British, they, along with others, were allotted land in the new town. The Tanka, on leaving their boats for land, soon put aside their distinctiveness and merged with the general population, though they long maintained control of trade in cattle, fish, and prostitutes.10\n\nHong Kong government authorities were much concerned in the first ten years of the Colony's existence about the type of Chinese who came here. Conditions were not conducive to attract substantial Chinese of respectable background, who could strengthen Hong Kong's economy by promoting local and south-east Asian trade in Chinese products. There had been some optimists who believed that the Chinese would welcome the opportunity to live and trade under an \"enlightened, benevolent government\", but they had underestimated traditional Chinese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\nTHE GOVERNMENT SERVANTS GROUP\n\n101\n\nA life-long career by a Chinese in Government service usually would not have provided opportunity for the accumulation of sufficient capital to enable one to enter the élite group. The highest paid positions were the interpreterships, but a Chinese who had sufficient competency in English to be appointed to this position could earn more in the employment of the foreign firms. However, many of the young men who received an English language education, at first in the Mission schools or the Morrison Education Society School and after 1860 at the Government Central School (now Queens College), upon leaving school became interpreters and clerks in Government for several years. But normally they did not make a life career of Government service.\n\nThere were, however, two individuals who appear on our lists who had been employed by the British Government even before its removal to Hong Kong and who continued as Government employees until their retirement. These were Tso Aon and Cheong Assow.\n\nWhen the British established their Government offices in Hong Kong the man who became responsible for all the Chinese staff in Government offices, as well as serving as compradore to the Treasury, was Tso Aon alias Cho Yune Choong alias Cho Wing Chow. His family had lived in Macao for several generations, and in 1834 he entered the service of the British in the office of the Superintendent of Trade. By the time of his removal to Hong Kong he had accumulated enough capital to invest in real estate. When he retired from Government service in 1857 without pension, he lived off the income from real estate, pawn shops and other business ventures. He died in 1874 at Macao, survived by several sons. One of his grandsons was the Rev. Tso See Kai (**) 曹思楷) Vicar of St. Paul's (born 1895, died 1928). Tso Aon's brother, Chow Yik Chong (5) alias Chow Yin Yin alias Chow Yau () alias Chow Kam Ming (alias Chow Wai Chun (R), was a large land owner and capitalist in Macao. He was knighted by the Portuguese Government, made a member of the Macao Legislative Council, and was a leader of the Chinese community in Macao. He died in 1896. His son Tso Seen Wan came", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "104\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nimposture and contemptible impudence\". He later was part of Chan Lai Tau's ambassadorial staff at Washington, and upon his return to China in 1882, he promoted the organization of the Canton and Hong Kong Telegraph Company.38\n\nAssociated with Ho Shan Chee in the Telegraph Company was a kinsman, Ho Kwan Shan (何崑珊) alias Ho Amei (何阿美),†Œ4 the Secretary of the On Tai Insurance Company in Hong Kong. Ho Kwan Shan had been educated at Dr. Legge's Anglo-Chinese College in Hong Kong, being a schoolmate of the sons of Ho Asun. Upon completing his education, Ho Kwan Shan joined his elder brother, Ho Low Yuk (何陸玉) in Australia in 1858. From Australia in 1865 he went to New Zealand to arrange for the importation of the first Chinese laborers to New Zealand. Returning to Australia, he served for a time as interpreter at Ballarat, Victoria. In 1868 he came back to Hong Kong. Here he became a clerk in the Registrar General's Office. Later he became interested in developing mines on Lan Tau Island as well as at other places in Kwang Tung Province.39\n\nThe most prominent of the Ho clan, however, was the family of Ho Tsun Shin (何遵善) or as he was better known in Christian circles, Ho Fuk Tong (何福堂).† His father had been a block cutter for the press of the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca. Ho Fuk Tong joined him there and became a student at the College. He showed scholastic aptitude and for a time accompanied the son of the senior missionary at the Malacca Station to India for advanced study. Upon the arrival of the Rev. James Legge at the Mission, a close bond was established between the two young men. Ho Fuk Tong was his junior by three years. When Legge removed to Hong Kong in 1843, Ho Fuk Tong accompanied him and was ordained as the Chinese pastor of the London Missionary Society congregation in 1846. He continued as a faithful minister of the congregation (now Hop Yat Church) until his death in 1871. He was conscientious and faithful in his service to the church, but he was also very successful as a financier. After his death there were numerous Court suits over the interpretation of his will and the administration of his estate. Some of the difficulties arose because Ho Fuk Tong held his property under various aliases. In one of the cases a barrister gives his opinion why Ho Fuk Tong followed this procedure:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206295, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "106\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nStill another son of the Rev. Ho Fuk Tong, Ho Shan Yow (ii) was a student of law. In 1897 he was a member of the ambassadorial staff of his brother-in-law, Wu Ting Fang, and became Consul-General in San Francisco, where he promoted the organization of the Chinese American Commercial Company capitalized at a million dollars.\n\nThe eldest daughter of Ho Fuk Tong, Ho Mui Ling, married Ng Choy (1) alias Wu Ting Fang (14), a young graduate of St. Paul's College. Ng Choy's father was a business man who spent some years at Singapore where he became a Christian and married a Malay woman. He returned to Canton where he put his two eldest sons, Afat and Akwong, into the Boarding School of the Presbyterian Mission. In 1851, when the California gold-fever was rampant in Kwang Tung, Ng Afat was the ringleader in stirring up the students of the school to rebel against the hold the school had over them due to bonds their parents had signed guaranteeing that their sons would stay in the school until their education was completed. The students resented being held to this agreement as they wished to try their fortune in the gold-fields. The school authorities found it necessary to dismiss Afat. He came to Hong Kong and was employed as clerk in the Police Magistracy. His brother Akwong was a more tractable student and successfully completed his course of studies. After leaving school, he too came to Hong Kong and was for a short time an Interpreter in the Harbour Master's Office, but then about 1864 became the General Manager of the Chinese edition (Chung Ngoi San Po) of The Daily Press. The Wu family was interested in promoting Chinese journalism. The obituary notice of Mr. Chiu Yu Tsun, (The Daily Press, 12 June 1908), the editor of the Chung Ngoi San Po, states that when he joined the staff of the paper in 1873 it was \"under the management of the present Chinese Minister to Washington H. E. Wu Ting Fang and his brother the late Mr. Ng Chan\". When Ng Chan died about 1890, Mr. Chiu succeeded as sub-lessee and General Manager.\n\nWu Ting Fang was only four when the family returned from Singapore. In time he became a student of St. Paul's College in Hong Kong, where he was baptized. Upon graduation he followed the pattern set by his brothers and entered Government service as chief clerk and shroff in the Court of Summary Jurisdiction.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206298, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n109\n\nWhile abroad he had been baptized and on his return he became a member of the Chinese congregation of the London Missionary Society. One of his benefactors had been Andrew Shortrede, owner and publisher of the China Mail, and for about two years after his return from America he worked for the China Mail. In 1864 mention is made of a Chinese publication known as Assing's Daily General Price Current. This was probably a journalistic venture of Wong Shing. He also served as an interpreter for the Government. In 1853 he was placed in charge of the printing establishment of the Anglo-Chinese College operated by the London Mission. He continued as manager for some ten years, when he left to join the staff of the Chinese Government School being established at Shanghai to teach foreign languages to Chinese students. However, he did not find the work there satisfactory, and after a short time returned to Hong Kong and resumed management of the Mission press. In 1872 he went to Peking to set up a printing office with moveable type for the Tsung Li Yamen. From there he went to the United States with the second group of students in Yung Wing's Educational Mission scheme. In 1858 his was the first Chinese name to appear on the roll of Jurors in Hong Kong. He was a member of the organizing Committee for Tung Wah Hospital. In 1884 he was the second Chinese to be appointed to the Legislative Council, serving until 1890. He died in 1902. His obituary mentioned his frugality and his lack of parsimony: \"His family was poor and he was taught to be frugal. He could save about $1,000 and bought land in Hong Kong... before Hong Kong business flourished....It increased ten times in value. He had the opportunity to raise rent, but he did not do so. Those who had property and could earn more ridiculed him. He had a family of children, and his expenditures increased, so that his income did not take care of his expenditures, but he still held to his idea.\"48 Realizing the advantages he had derived from a foreign education, he was among the first Chinese to privately finance the education of his children abroad.\n\nWhen the Rev. Elijah Bridgman, a missionary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, moved to Hong Kong from Macao in 1842, he had under his patronage two young men who had been his students. They had also been sponsored by the Morrison Education Society as students at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206299, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "110\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nBoarding School at Singapore of the American Board. One was Leung Tsun Tak (梁遵德) who was employed as an interpreter at the Hong Kong Magistracy. He was a son of Leung Afat (梁亞佛) an ordained evangelist of the London Missionary Society,49 The other lad was Wei Akwong (韋阿光) whom Bridgman had picked up sick and starving on the streets of Macao some years previous. Akwong, unlike the other Chinese we have been mentioning, never received baptism. At first he assisted Bridgman in his missionary work in Hong Kong, but when Bridgman moved to Canton in 1845 Akwong remained in Hong Kong. He became compradore for the ship chandlers and storekeepers Bowra and Company, but in 1855 was appointed Supreme Court Interpreter in Chinese and Malay. In 1857 when the Mercantile Bank of India, London and China opened its Hong Kong office, Wei Akwong became the bank's compradore. He retained this office until his death in 1878 and was succeeded by his son Wei Ayuk (韋亞玉) alias Wei Bo Shan (韋寶臣). Wei Akwong was a recognized leader of the Chinese community, and his name appears on numerous petitions and memorials. Like Wong Shing he sent his sons abroad to study. His eldest son Wei Yuk married a daughter of Wong Shing, and followed in the footsteps of his father-in-law by serving on the Legislative Council from 1896 to 1917.50 He was knighted in 1919 and died in 1922.\n\nThe Bishop of Victoria had under his patronage upon his arrival in Hong Kong in 1850, a young Chinese whom he had met in England. Chan Tai Kwong (陳大光) was a native of Pun Yu District of Kwang Tung, but he turned up in England in 1845 as a young man aged eighteen. How he got to England and what he was doing there, I have not been able to determine, but in 1849 the newly appointed Bishop of Victoria met him and took him under his patronage, with the hope that he could be trained as an evangelist among the Chinese. Soon after coming to Hong Kong, Tai Kwong was sent to Singapore to marry Gay Eng, also known as Sarah Hughes, a pupil in the school for Chinese girls conducted by Miss Grant. Upon his return to Hong Kong he was placed on three years' probation before ordination, but the Bishop did license him to preach to the prisoners in the Victoria Gaol. Chan Tai Kwong, however, had difficulties in adjusting to his new position. His experience in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206302, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n113\n\ncorporated as a more integral part of government, and its members may be regarded in many ways as the élite of the élite. But these developments are beyond the time limit set for this particular study.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See the studies by Chung-li Chang, The Income of the Chinese Gentry (Seattle, 1926) and The Chinese Gentry: Studies in their Role in Nineteenth Century Chinese Society (Seattle, 1955) and by Ping-ti Ho, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China (New York, 1964).\n\n2 The South China Morning Post, 12 July 1933, in column \"Old Hong Kong\".\n\n3 Colonial Office Records (hereafter given as C.O.), Series 129-12.\n\n4 The Friend of China, 6 Nov. 1861.\n\n5 George Smith, The Consular Cities of China (London, 1847), p. 82.\n\n6 Yen-p'ing Hao, The Compradore in Nineteenth Century China (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), p. 195. I have not been able to check the sources he cites.\n\n7 These were Loo King A owner of I.L. 99, LL.102, I.L. 103; Lo Lye or Alloy A owner of M.L. 16 C., M.L. 19; Loo Foon owner of M.L. 16 D.; Loo Sing A owner of M.L. 17 C.; Loo Chuen alias Loo Chew alias Young Aqui alias Loo Choo Tung owner of M.L. 16 A., M.L. 28 A., M.L. 35 A. The family lived in Aqui's Lane, or as it is now known Kwai Wa Lane† running from Hillier to Cleverly Street and lying between Queens Road and Jervois Street. Here in 1872 lived Loo Wan Kew, Loo Yum Shing, compradore of D. Sassoon, Sons and Co., and Loo Achew.\n\n8 The China Review, Vol. 1 (1872), p. 333, \"The Districts of Hong Kong and the Name Kwan-Tai-Lo\". This source also confirms the deleterious effect of Aqui's activities in Hong Kong: \"In 1843, when there were but few merchants or shop keepers, one Sz-man-king, unto whom those who were in distress, in debt, or discontented, resorted, opened a place for gambling along Chung Wan to which all among the fishing-boat people, who loved gambling, came.\"\n\n9 Quoted by R. M. Martin in his report, 24 July 1844, in G. B. Endacott, An Eastern Entrepot (London, 1964), p. 97.\n\n10 E. J. Eitel, Europe in China (Hong Kong, 1895), pp. 168-169.\n\n11 Endacott, op. cit., pp. 96-98.\n\n12 Ibid., p. 107.\n\n13 Ibid., p. 96.\n\n14 A Singapore house was a pre-cut timber house ready for assembling imported from Singapore. At the time of the gold-rush in California, a similar type house was shipped from Hong Kong to San Francisco in large numbers. The trade enriched a number of Hong Kong carpenters.\n\n15 C.O. Series 129-12, No. 97, 10 July, 1845.\n\n16 C.O. Series 129-7, 23 July, 1844.\n\n17 C.O. Series 129-3, Treasurer's Report 1847.\n\n18 The Friend of China, 5 Jan., 1856.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "120 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nrendered any useful service to the Colony, also whether, as at present controlled, there is any real danger to be apprehended from allowing such a force to be maintained'14 \n\nThe commission concluded that district watchmen performed a useful service for the Chinese community. The system was thus left unchanged and the statutory control of the Registrar General was not tampered with. The Regulation of Chinese Ordinance, No. 13 of 1888, reaffirmed the principle that 'every such watchman shall be under the control of the Registrar General'. Thus the link forged in 1866 between the Registrar General and the District Watch Force was maintained intact until the radical change in the nature of the force brought about by the District Watch Force Ordinance of 1949, which ended the life of the Chinese Committee of Management and the system of voluntary subscriptions. \n\nOsbert Chadwick in his 1882 report on the sanitary conditions of Hong Kong recommended that the duty of enforcing cleanliness should be added to the duties of the district watchmen and that, if necessary, their numbers and pay be increased. Chadwick also informs us that 'the idea was suggested to me by the Chinese'15. Chadwick, the son of the great Edwin Chadwick, recognised the importance of maintaining a body of police auxiliaries, for such watchmen could be detailed to work on tasks not normally undertaken by regular police and used where the presence of European police would engender hostility or lack of co-operation. The Chinese notables also recorded their satisfaction with their own force and in a petition asking for the registration of Chinese partners in Chinese business firms claimed they could weed bad elements out of the force because only Chinese could understand the workings of the Chinese community16. Soon the district watchmen were performing a variety of tasks17—acting as census enumerators, providing guides for census officials, tracing runaway girls for the Po Leung Kuk, intercepting young girls brought into the Colony for purposes of prostitution, engaging in detective work for Chinese welfare societies, and generally just keeping the peace in the Chinese quarters. The Head District Watchman became a figure of some importance and his salary placed him far above the run-of-the-mill Chinese artisan or labourer. Inevitably, there were reports of district watchmen receiving 'tea money' but there is no reason to suppose they were any more...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206322, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n133\n\nAffairs, and so recruitment for the force was suspended and vacancies caused by death or retirement were not filled.\n\nIn 1948 the Secretary for Chinese Affairs wrote that 'even before the outbreak of the Pacific War it was becoming evident that this system of raising money (i.e., by voluntary subscriptions) would have to be abandoned. Plans for the reorganisation of the Force were under consideration at the time when the Japanese invaded the Colony'. By the District Watch Ordinance, No. 15 of 1949, the force became the direct responsibility of government and the pay and terms of service were brought into line, rank for rank, with those of the Police Force. The Committee was not mentioned in the new Ordinance, and the names of its surviving members were no longer given in the Civil Service Lists.\n\nThe reasons for this change were never made clear by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs. But it seems reasonable to conclude that the utility of the force declined once the regular police became more professionalised. There was probably some resistance within government and the community to the idea of a few prominent Chinese controlling a private police force and, on occasions, putting it to their own use. It could also be argued that since the returned Governor, Sir Mark Young, had promised a far greater participation of the many rather than the few in public life, the need for a small body of rich Chinese to act as a key advisory body was seen as not quite 'democratic' in the new Hong Kong; moreover, a few prominent Chinese, members of the Committee, had been a little too prominent in the organisations set up by the Japanese. For these and other reasons, then, the District Watch Force and its Committee after eighty-three years of life and service to the public came to an end in 1949.\n\n—\n\nAn analysis of the District Watch Committee terminates in a number of broader sociological enquiries: the role of associations in Overseas Chinese communities and the nature of leadership in such societies. It is not my intention to pursue such comparative questions in this short and mainly descriptive paper; but of course some comparisons should be suggested. The system that evolved in Hong Kong was not imposed on the Chinese by a colonial government; there were no Congrégations or Kapitan Chinas in Hong Kong63 nor, for that matter, did secret societies supply leaders as they did in Malaya at one stage.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206356, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K.\n\n157\n\nstatue now in Victoria Park at Causeway Bay which, up to 1941, stood in Statue Square, beside the Hong Kong Club in the centre of the city.\n\nContinuing with our survey, the period from 1893 up to the outbreak of war with Germany in 1914 was one of great activity for the Hong Kong Volunteers. It was one in which a great many important persons in the local community joined the Corps and when, reading between the lines, it was not only the 'done thing' to join the Volunteers but might be remarked upon if one did not. Pressure came from the Governor himself. When the Volunteer Reserve Ordinance of 1910 was in passage, Sir Frederick Lugard ended his statement by saying \"I think that every young Englishman in this Colony ought to join the Volunteers, and every Englishman who is no longer young ought to join the force which I hope will at once be enrolled when this bill has been read a third time.\"14\n\nThe Volunteer Corps' annual inspection reports for the period are available in Hong Kong. They were printed for tabling at Legislative Council, itself an indication of an important activity. They make interesting reading and show the vitality of the Corps and its impact on Hong Kong European polite society and on the Establishment.15 As stated, the Governors of the time took a keen interest in the Corps and it was Sir Mathew Nathan himself (Governor 1902-07 and formerly an officer of the Royal Engineers) who is credited with inspiring the formation in 1906 of the Mounted Troop—known irreverently as \"Mathew's Mounted Mugs\"16—and the institution of the Volunteer Reserve Association which was eventually embodied by Ordinance in 1910. Another, more temporary, inspiration in 1899 had been the calling out of the Volunteers to assist the Regulars in repelling an expected attack on Kowloon by New Territories' villagers in arms against the British take-over, and their part in the occupation of the Kowloon Walled City later in the same year.17\n\nMuch of this resurgence in the popularity of the military—a phenomenon which is usually held to be un-British—\n\n14 Han., 1910, p. 91.\n\n15 See S.P., 1894-1908.\n\n16 Vol, 1954, p. 50.\n\nwas\n\n17 See S.P., 1900, pp. 637-638, Y.B., 1940, p. 23, and Vol, 1954, p. 43.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206359, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "160\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nBy 1940 this force had been considerably expanded to include four batteries of artillery and one anti-aircraft battery, seven machine gun or rifle companies, a mobile column consisting of two platoons of armoured cars and three of medium machine guns, a fortress signal company, corps signals and engineers, an Army Service Corps company and others. All these men were recruited as volunteers, although no doubt some of them felt that the pressure exerted upon them by events and by their fellow-men made it easier to fall in with the rest than stay away. At any rate, the Commandant was able to say in 1940 that \"the Corps is now as strong as it is ever likely to be\".21 The G.O.C., Lieutenant-General E. F. Norton clearly thought they were good in quality as well as in numbers, because in a message dated 30th October, 1940 he said that the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps was \"in an eminently satisfactory state of efficiency\".22\n\nThis was no doubt true despite rapid expansion, but only because, as the Year Books show, its leaders had long been aware of the growing danger from Japan in the east and Germany in the west. In his message for the Year Book of 1936 the then G.O.C. had made a particular point of urging on the drive for volunteers,23 and in the 1937 issue the Editorial emphasized that, however willing, young men were useless in an emergency without previous training.24 Of the drive for efficiency there can also be no doubt. The Commandant's annual report ended with the statement that the headquarters staff of the Corps \"had one object and interest..... to make the unit as efficient as possible to take its place beside the regular Army in the defence of the Colony.”25\n\nThe expansion of these last few pre-war years contains one feature of great significance: the inclusion of Hong Kong Chinese in the Corps in separate units. No. 4 (Chinese) Company was formed in October, 1937 \"with two platoons each of 30 machine gunners\"26 and No. 7 Company some time later. The Corps had been slow in this respect; although it is clear from the Com-\n\n21 Y.B., 1940, p. 7.\n\n22 Y.B., 1940, p. 4.\n\n23 Y.B., 1936, p. 6.\n\n24 Y.B., 1937, p. 3.\n\n25 Y.B., 1937, p. 7.\n\n26 Y.B., 1938, p. 47.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206381, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\nFrom a lecture by the Rev. JAMES LEGGE, D.D., LL.D., on reminiscences of a long residence in the east, delivered in the City Hall, November 5, 1872.\n\nEditor's note. The following article is reprinted from the pages of The China Review, Vol. III, (1874) pp. 163–176. Its subject, and its distinguished author, (1815-97, appointed first Professor of Chinese at Oxford, 1876) are of equal interest and require no introduction from me.\n\n[The lecturer, having stated that his main object would be to interest his hearers by a review of the progress of the Colony, almost from its commencement down to nearly the present time, and by some references to the changes which during that period have taken place in the relations of China and Japan with the Christian nations of the West, the old nations of Europe and the young nation of the United States, proceeded to say that wherever he might interject views of his own in the course of his historical survey, he claimed perfect freedom in doing so, and was ready to accord the same to others in estimating the value of his opinions. He then sketched briefly his arrival in the East in 1839, and a residence in Malacca of nearly three years and a half, which brought him to his removal to Hong Kong in 1843. From this point, he shall speak in his own person.]\n\nIn the month of May, 1843, I reached Macao, and, a few days after, came over with my family to this place. Our passage was made in a small cutter, chartered for the occasion, and I have not forgotten the sensations of delight with which, when we had passed Green Island, I contemplated the ranges of hills on the north and the south, embosoming, between them the tranquil waters of the bay. I seemed to feel that I had found at last the home for which I had left Scotland; and here has been my abode, with intervals occupied by visits to the fatherland, for nearly thirty years.\n\nThe hill-sides now occupied by the graceful terraces of our city then presented a very different appearance. But the small and rude beginnings would not have been what they were in the middle of 1843, if they had not dated from before the treaty of Nanking. The island had been ceded to Great Britain in January 1841, by", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206386, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n177\n\nIt ought always to be considerably lower than that, seeing the majority of our population consists of people in the prime of life, and we have hardly any of the deaths of the very old, and not so many of the deaths of children, which are the principal elements in the mortality at home. My belief, however, is that for young people coming out here, who will live regularly, and somewhat abstemiously rather than the contrary, the chances of their living out, and being uninjured by, the years of their sojourn, are quite as good as they would be in London.\n\nReturning from this digression on the health of the Colony, I may observe that before the end of 1843, I moved from the Morrison Hill to a house in D'Aguilar Street, that now forming the offices of Lapraik & Co. It was then a very different house from the present, and hardly half the size, but I had to pay $130 a month for it. Those were good days for parties who had houses to let. In the following year I moved to a house in Hollywood Road, which I had built, and which was subsequently for many years the Printing office of the London Missionary Society.\n\nFrom these two houses I used to walk to the Post Office which I have mentioned, when there was any arrival in the harbour by which I might expect letters. If there were any letters for me I got them; and then the postmaster would say, \"Here are letters also for so and so, and so and so, and so and so, in your neighbourhood. Please oblige me by taking them with you, and sending your coolie on with them.\" We used to get our home-letters then from Bombay by fast sailing clippers.\n\nIt was an era when the \"Lady Mary Wood\" came in with the Mail on the 13th August, 1845. She was the first of the P. & O.'s Mail steamers, and her passengers had been, I think, 55 days on the way from London to Hong Kong. And now have we not the same noble Company's steamers coming in twice a month in much shorter time, and the French steamers, and those of the Pacific Mail Company? Above all, have we not the Electric Telegraph, flashing news almost instantaneously from this to home, from home to this, Ariel-like putting its girdle round the earth? Verily the difference is great between that time and this.\n\nIn the early days there was next to no police guardianship; and the consequences were frequent disorders on the streets during the day, and many burglaries on a great scale during the night.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "178\n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nI once witnessed from my house in D'Aguilar Street an engagement between nearly a hundred Chinese coolies on each side, on the ground now occupied by the Club-house. Bamboo on bamboo, and bamboo on skull, resounded pretty equally, until the parties were obliged to give up from exhaustion. I thought that nothing wilder or better-sustained had ever been seen at Donnybrook Fair.\n\nTaking occasion to speak here on the subject of violent crime in the Colony, and affecting it, I would distinguish two eras;— that of violent burglary, and that of piracy. Not that there were not piracies in the earlier time, and burglaries in the later; but the one and the other preponderated in the two eras, and may be considered to characterize them. The former may be said to have continued down to the beginning of 1856, when a daring attack was made on several native shops at East Point. For several years, however, before that, it had been declining, owing mainly to the increasing numbers and greater vigour of the police force.\n\nThese robberies were at first conducted with an astonishing audacity. In January, 1844, to give only one instance, what is now Mr. De Souza's printing office was occupied by Mrs. White, the wife of one of the present members for Brighton, who was himself in Shanghai at the time. He was one of the early notabilities of the Colony, and founded the Friend of China, which was published here and in Shanghai for many years by very different hands. Well on the night of the 23rd January, the bungalow was attacked by an armed band of about 30 individuals. Their object was plunder; and without attempting any violence to Mrs. White or a young lady who was staying with her, they proceeded systematically to accomplish their purpose.\n\nA little down the hill were the head-quarters of a Madras regiment of which I have spoken. The young lady tripped down, and gave the alarm there, and soon a party of sepoys was led up to the scene by an officer; but the brigands stood one discharge of their muskets, and, it was said, did not flee till the ramrods were ringing in the barrels for a second, one of their number being left bleeding to death on the floor.\n\nWhen burglary on this scale could no longer be attempted with success or safety, bands of robbers attempted to carry out their attempts by tunneling from the large drains under the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "188 \n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nthe Ta-koo forts; and there were expectations of a second expedition to secure the fulfilment of that treaty.\n\nSir John Bowring left his name in Bowrington, and the Bowring Praya. He was the most learned of our governors, and I had sincerely wished that he might prove himself as mighty in deeds as in words.\n\nSir Hercules Robinson was a different man, as slow to speak as the other was ready, though he could speak well enough when moved. He began his administration under favourable auspices. The treaty of Tëentsin had given a considerable impulse to trade, and soon the concentration in the Colony of the large force for the second expedition to the North produced a great circulation of money, and increased the demand for house accommodation. Building went on rapidly; the value of ground rose immensely; fortunes were realized by many. Most of this, however, was merely a temporary and factitious prosperity, though Sir Hercules seemed to think, as many others did, that it was real, and that tomorrow would be as this day and much more abundant.\n\nMany important measures were carried through in his time. In 1860, the Chinese schools, supported by Government throughout the island, were entirely re-arranged, and I may claim to myself the merit of having pressed on successive governors the adoption of the present system, which Sir Hercules was the first to take up heartily, and give effect to. We were very fortunate in obtaining such a master to inaugurate it, and carry it out with untiring devotion, as Mr. Stewart. He has been doing a great work of education with hundreds of pupils, the benefits of which will be increasingly felt by the Colony and by China itself.\n\nSir Hercules adopted another scheme, which I had in vain recommended to one governor and another. My idea from 1844 was that the administration of the Colony would not be thoroughly satisfactory, till many of the offices in it were filled by men having a practical knowledge of the Chinese language, and a sympathy with the people. To secure the former, I advised the bringing out of young gentlemen as student-cadets, hoping that they would gradually acquire the latter also. I venture to think that the idea was sound; and it has not been fruitless by any means.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206409, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "200 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nains in Kiang-Si, the charcoal burners constitute the population of almost all the villages. The houses of these landowners may be at once recognised by the vast piles of charcoal in front of them.' \n\n** \n\nGray may be right in implying that charcoal was in great demand for domestic use at the time he wrote, but observation and enquiries in New Territories' villages show that wood has long been in general use at the kitchen stove and even in the portable earthenware stoves known as fung lo () in this area. \n\nThe observant traveller on the local hills can still find evidence of charcoal burning in the past, but first-hand information is now hard to come by. This note only deals with a few areas where I am familiar with the older local people. \n\nOn Lamma, for instance, an old person born in Yung Shue Long Village about 1887 recalls that there were a lot of charcoal burners on the island when she was a girl, mostly outsiders who employed the village women and girls to carry the charcoal from the kilns to the waiting junks or to barges towed by steamboats. These Lamma kilns were mostly situated in the more wooded south of the island, at the village localities of Mau Tat, Yung Shue Ha and Tung O. Too young to help, she followed her mother and her aunt there from their village in the northern part of Lamma. Along with other villagers, they were paid 2 cents (sin) a day for the work. \n\nOn the south coast of Lantau Island an old villager of Tong Fuk, born in 1889, recalled, as a boy, having seen charcoal burners at work near his village and on the hills above. He said that (as on Lamma) these were not local people. A few miles east, there are pits on the hills above the Pui O group of villages; but though linked by village tradition with charcoal burning, the oldest men said they had not been worked in their lifetime. \n\nIn the first few decades of this century charcoal burners were still to be seen on the hills behind north-west Kowloon, near the present Shek Lei Pui reservoir, formerly the site of a Hakka farming village of that name removed for the water scheme in 1923. An old village woman from Cheung Sha Wan, born 1892, recalls seeing them there as a young girl when grass cutting in the area. A second woman who married into another of the Cheung", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206414, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 231, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n205\n\nI was District Officer, South at the time and asked for a record to be made of the two ceremonies, which are known locally as Tun Fu (祭祀).* The first of them took place at Pak Wai village on Sunday, 17 January 1960. The second was performed on 23 March 1960. The same officer reported on each ceremony, and his reports are given verbatim. He was Mr. G. C. W. Grout, now retired. The second report was written up 19 months later, from field notes.\n\nHong Kong, April 1971.\n\nDETAILS OF A TUN FU CEREMONY PERFORMED AT\n\nPAK WAI VILLAGE, SUNDAY, 17TH JANUARY, 1960.\n\nInstruments used.\n\n1. Six 2 ft. lengths of split green bamboo about 2 inches wide.\n\n2. Three cups of wine.\n\n3. Three cups of tea.\n\n4. A rice bowl.\n\n5. A nail about four inches long.\n\n6. Packet containing money.\n\n7. Candles.\n\n8. Incense.\n\n9. A plate of steamed bread.\n\n10. A plate of oranges.\n\n11. An enamelled metal basin containing a whole chicken, a large piece of pork, pig and chicken innards, all steamed.\n\n12. Joss paper.\n\n13. Firecrackers.\n\n14. Gilt leaves, red cloth and red string.\n\n15. Two flower pots filled with sand.\n\n16. Book of incantations.\n\n17. A young live cockerel.\n\nThe geomancer started by placing the incense, the cups and the rice bowl and red packet on a table in the order shown in the sketch. The incense was then lit and water placed in the rice bowl. Two pieces of joss paper were then lit, placed in the rice bowl of water, and the nail put into it. He then took up one of the pieces of wet bamboo, passed it over the burning incense and wrote certain inscriptions on it, copying out of the book, and passed it over the incense again, the written side down.\n\nThis was repeated for each piece of bamboo. Then the red cloth was cut into strips and tied with red string and gilt leaves\n\n*The first character is doubtful,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206415, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "206\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nto the top of the inscribed bamboos. The inscriptions seemed to be in pairs, three pieces with different writing on the right and again three on the left, similarly written.\n\nAfter this was done, wine was poured in three cups and tea poured in the other three, the candles lit, and the geomancer took up his position at the head of the table and started his incantation.\n\nAfter about five minutes of prayer he seized the young live cockerel by the head in his left hand, and taking hold of the nail from the rice bowl, plunged it into the cockerel's eye. On the impact the young cockerel almost struggled free, fighting so hard that the geomancer had to tighten his grip and to push the nail in its eye once more. With a crunching noise he pierced the nail right through the cockerel's head and out of the other eye. Thereupon the cockerel ceased struggling and lay limp, as if dead.\n\nStill holding the cockerel with the nail through its head in his left hand, he ordered the Village Representative and his assistant to place the bamboos in the two pots with sand, three in each pot with a cup of tea. He sprinkled some of the blood from the cockerel's eyes on the bamboos and then nailed the cockerel on to a tree, suspended by this nail through its eyes. Joss paper was then burnt under the tree, wine was poured on the ground in front of the tree, and crackers were fired.\n\nThe geomancer then took the cockerel off the tree and more crackers were fired. Holding it in his left hand, he pulled the nail out with his right, and put some water from the rice bowl in the cockerel's blinded eyes with his finger. Crackers were set off again. The limp cockerel was placed on the ground and the geomancer then filled his mouth with water from the rice bowl and blew on the cockerel twice, hitting it on the rump at the same time. Surprisingly enough, the cockerel got up and started staggering about, not knowing where to go, as it was still dazed and couldn't see.\n\nOne of the pots with the three bamboos was then taken up by the Village Representative on the geomancer's instructions. They brought it to the end of the village and placed it under a tree chosen by the geomancer. The assistant then went with a pick and started digging into the hillside behind the village at intervals of about ten feet. Then the other pot with the other three bamboos...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206452, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "WESLEY SMITH, Peter\n\nWHITE, Robert N. - WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V.\n\n+\n\nWILLIAMS, P. B.\n\nWILLIAMS, R. A.\n\nWILLIAMS, W. D. F.\n\n-\n\n-\n\n-\n\n14 Pokfield Road, 4th Floor, H.K.\n\n12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\n58 Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K.\n\nc/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\n10, The Albany, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n243 King Fung Villa, 104 Miles, Castle Peak Road, N.T.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mrs. W. D. F. As above.\n\n-\n\nWILSON, B. D. · WILSON, Miss E. M.\n\nWINKLER, E.\n\n-\n\nWONG, Kwok-fong\n\nWONG,\n\n-\n\nMrs. Margaret Homan.\n\nWONG, Peng-cheong*\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang\n\nWONG, Miss S. WOO, Dr. Pak-foo\n\nWRIGHT, Miss B. R.\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Dr. L. R.\n\nWU, Hei-tak\n\n-\n\n-\n\nYAO, Miss Joyce T, Y.-\n\nYEUNG, Walter, W. T. · YOUNG, Miss P.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I.\n\n+\n\nZIMMERN, W. A.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n-\n\n·\n\n3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K.\n\nFlat 104, The Hermitage, 75 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 402, 12 May Road, H.K.\n\n92-A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\n39 Mody Road, 10th floor, Front, Kowloon, c/o Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, Room 732/735, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\nG. P. O. Box 497, H.K.\n\nRoom 204 China Building, H.K.\n\nDept. of Education, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o The Registry, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\n38 Kotewall Court, Kotewall Road, 6th Floor, H.K.\n\n-\n\n·\n\n60-B Conduit Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Peak School, Plunketts Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Triangle Motors Ltd., Morrison Hill Road, H.K.\n\nCity Hotels (Development) Ltd., Executive Offices, 2nd Floor, Mandarin Hotel, H.K.\n\nThe Hon. Secretary (P.O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206462, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "The other accommodation problem that required for our meetings you will remember I touched upon briefly in my report last year. The problem still exists but in a more intensified form, and there is no doubt in my own mind that Dr. Jones's oft-reiterated solution-premises of our own — is the ideal one.\n\nBut the cost of that is, at the present moment and in the near foreseeable future, far beyond our financial means.\n\nBut the recent proposal concerning a HONG KONG ARTS CENTRE may well be a practicable solution, and your Council has already taken steps to associate itself actively with this well worth-while proposal. In my view it will be one of the most important subjects on the agendas of Council meetings during the forthcoming year.\n\nCommunity Problems. It is a very controversial point as to how well advised the executive committee of an organization such as ours would be in becoming actively or even theoretically involved in general matters of community interest.\n\nThere is one field however in which your Council felt no doubt about the direction in which its duty lay, and that was in the consideration of the problem of a CITY MUSEUM which was exercising the minds of many resident members of our community earlier last year.\n\nThe members of your Council present at the meeting when this subject was discussed, were unanimously of the opinion that we could and should discuss the subject in council. For this decision there were two main reasons.\n\nPage 44\n\nFirst, because the main purpose in founding our Society as long ago as 1847 was \"to foster the preservation, and to encourage the study, of all matters concerning the history of this part of Asia; and second, and more specifically because in the inaugural address of our first President, Governor Sir John Davis, he urged the adoption by the young Society of two practical aims in addition to the lecture and discussion programmes usually adopted by learned societies. His suggested aims were the establishment in Hong Kong (a) of Botanic Gardens, and (b) of a City Museum.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "52 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\ngeneral and governors to send monthly to the Tsungli Yamen foreign newspapers, both those printed in Chinese and in foreign languages, so that we can have at our finger-tips knowledge of the situation between China and foreign countries, and so that we can become more fully acquainted with the way to reform abuses and put right our failings. \n\nA memorial from Prince Hui and others in reply was received at the travelling headquarters on 20 January 1861, and an edict was issued on the same day. As no English version of this edict appears to have been made, a translation of it follows.17 \n\nToday we have received a memorial from Prince Hui and others to the effect that they have deliberated on the memorial of I-hsin Prince Kung, and others on restoring normal conditions and on regulations for trade. According to what they said all the items recommended by Prince Kung and others have a close bearing on the circumstances and that this really is the situation. They request that we should act according to the original proposals. \n\nWe have already issued an edict appointing Prince Kung, Grand Secretary Kuei-liang, and Senior Vice-President of the Board of Revenue Wen-hsiang to be in general charge of trade with the various countries. We have also appointed Ch'ung-hou to be superintendent of trade for the three ports [Tientsin; Newchang; Chefoo]. Let Hsueh Huan continue to control trading arrangements at the five old ports as well as at the newly added ones. In their memorandum Prince Kung and others recommend that Canton and Shanghai should each send two men who understand spoken and written foreign languages to come to the capital on official service. Also that the superintendents of trade as well as the Manchu garrison commanders, the governors-general and governors, and the prefect of Peking ought to report monthly on native and foreign trade conditions at those ports and send the foreign newspapers of the various countries and should communicate [this information and newspapers] to the Board of Rites which will transmit it to the Tsungli Yamen. Let the princes and ministers instruct the Board of Rites to this effect and let the Board communicate these instructions. We also authorize young men to be selected from the Eight Banners to study foreign spoken and written languages; instruct the Russian language school's to draw up appropriate regulations and zealously supervise their lessons. Whenever anyone is able to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206514, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "56\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nIn 1878, after success in the competitive examination held by the Civil Service Commissioners in London, he was appointed a Hong Kong cadet by the Secretary of State for the Colonies. He had wished to join, like his friend E.D.H. Fraser,3 the Indian Civil Service but his address to the Civil Service Commissioners for service in India had been turned down. Lockhart was the eighth cadet officer appointed to Hong Kong after the introduction of Hong Kong cadetships by Sir Richard MacDonnell in 1861. Sir Richard had been concerned to recruit young men from Britain who would train to become interpreters, for there was a great need for such persons in the Hong Kong public service at that time. But Sir Richard's scheme was not, properly speaking, an innovation since it was closely modelled on the system devised in 1854 for supplying interpreters to the Consular Service in China. The practice in Hong Kong was for a successful cadet, who had to be between the age of 20 and 23 on the first day of his examination, to remain in Britain for one year after appointment, during which time he was required to begin learning Chinese and to attend a class for students at King's College, London, held by the Professor of Chinese at that institution. The cadet was also employed for some hours daily at the Colonial Office in the work of the Department. At the end of his year's study the cadet was examined in Chinese, and the confirmation of his appointment depended upon both his passing a satisfactory examination and on the performance of his duties in the Office. Lockhart appears to have had no difficulties in meeting these requirements.\n\nIt seems likely that the European public in Hong Kong first knew of Lockhart when they saw a notification from the Colonial Secretary, W.H. Marsh, in the Government Gazette of 1879 which simply stated: 'It is hereby notified that James Haldane Stewart Lockhart, Esq., has been appointed by Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, to be a Cadet in the Hong Kong Civil Service, and that he reported his arrival in the Colony on Tuesday, the 18th November, 1879.' Lockhart had set out from England by P. and O. steamer some time in September 1879; and, as was the form, immediately reported his arrival in Hong Kong to the Colonial Secretary. At that date it was the custom for a newly arrived cadet from Britain to spend a few weeks in the Colony before proceeding to Canton. During his brief stay in the Colony, the cadet was quizzed by senior officials, instructed as to his future", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206515, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n57\n\nduties, and shown around various government departments. Lockhart then went by river steamer up to Canton to recruit a language teacher and learn Cantonese; but at times cadets were sent to Peking to learn Mandarin, the national language, because the Hong Kong Government always needed some officials who could converse in Mandarin with Chinese officials from the North.5\n\nE.H. Parker, then serving in the Canton Consulate, tells us that: 'on the arrival in 1879 of a Hong Kong cadet (i.e., Lockhart) to study Chinese in Canton, I lent him “Old Ow”, who took the youngster up country and taught him Cantonese very well.' Ou-yang Hui 歐陽惠 -- known affectionately to several generations of cadets as 'Old Ow' was a Cantonese scholar who had once worked in a yamên in Hunan but had fallen out of favour with officialdom. Parker also says of ‘Old Ow' that Lockhart ‘always cherished a noble veneration for his memory; and, indeed, he it was who, as a cadet, first introduced “Old Ow\" to \"outer\" barbarian life'. In 1893 Lockhart wrote that 'Old Ow' 'enjoyed a high reputation among several distinguished foreign students of Chinese for his power of ready and lucid explanation'. A few years after Lockhart's return from Canton (he became a ‘passed cadet' in 1882), he persuaded the old Cantonese scholar to come to Hong Kong and obtained for him a clerical post in the Registrar General's Department, in which Lockhart was then employed. In this department 'Old Ow' soon became a venerated institution, a lovable but formidable eccentric who deeply impressed young cadets with his Mandarin airs and graces and oddities. After his death, his portrait in oils was placed in the Registrar General's Office, a remarkable tribute to a relatively humble employee of the government.\n\nLockhart soon made his mark in the Hong Kong Civil service and his rise was rapid. He was appointed Superintendent of the Opium Revenue in March 1883; Assistant Colonial Secretary and Assistant Auditor-General in August of the same year; Acting Registrar-General in 1884 and 1885; Registrar-General in 1887, a post he occupied until 1901; and Colonial Secretary in 1895, a post he combined with that of Registrar-General. But in nineteenth-century Hong Kong departments were stringently staffed. In 1884, for example, when Lockhart worked as Assistant Colonial Secretary, apart from his superior, the Colonial Secretary, there were only five other assistants: a chief clerk and four junior clerks.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206516, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "58\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nRegistrar General's Department at that date was run by the Registrar-General and four clerks. Nevertheless, within five years of his return from Canton Lockhart had become the head of a key department, the Registrar-General's Department (renamed in 1911 more appropriately as the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs).\n\nDr. Ho Kai (later Sir Kai Ho Kai) in a farewell speech in 1902 on the eve of Lockhart's departure for Weihaiwei remarked that 'in 1882 Mr. Lockhart arrived here to find Hong Kong in a depressed condition, owing to the collapse of the great land speculation that occurred during the year previous; and he found also an embittered feeling between two important sections of the community. Young as Mr. Lockhart was then, and although occupying a minor position in the Government, he at once interested himself in the welfare of the Colony, and endeavoured to promote a better understanding between the Europeans and the Chinese. The leading Chinese citizens, who had hitherto been more or less apathetic towards public affairs, came forward in comparatively large numbers and took a keener and more active interest in civic welfare. They gave the Government their full co-operation and support and gave largely to the various local charitable institutions and took a more active part in their management'.\" Ho Kai was a very close friend of Lockhart's and, needless to say, farewell speeches are normally eulogistic—they are the expression of an understood social ritual in which white must predominate over black—but in truth Ho Kai had not exaggerated the part played by Lockhart over a number of years in drawing prominent Chinese into the orbit of Government.\n\nThere were several reasons for this: Lockhart always admired the Chinese; as an administrator he saw obvious advantages in securing Chinese support for government policies; he knew that Hong Kong was changing and that the style of governing had to change if only because a Chinese business and commercial elite had emerged, and because a segment of the population could be defined as permanently resident in the Colony; he knew, too, that the future prosperity of the Colony would come to depend more and more on a Chinese bourgeoisie. But the problems faced by Lockhart by the colonial government were not unique to Hong Kong of course; they were typical of some other colonial territories, notably in Africa.10 Hence, with the collaboration of a number of prominent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206517, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n59\n\nent Chinese he was largely instrumental in reorganizing the District Watchmen Force (a body of watchmen paid for by voluntary subscriptions from the Chinese community) and he obtained the appointment of twelve leading Chinese gentlemen as a supervising committee; he remodelled the Po Leung Kuk (a voluntary association concerned with the welfare of girls and young women); and he helped in the reformation of the Tung Wah Hospital and strengthened its committee of management.11 He was active, then, in setting up a number of official Chinese committees, linked to government through their special relationship with the Registrar General's Department, of which he was head. The Registrar General in all cases was ex officio chairman of the committees.\n\nLockhart's views on the importance of the Chinese element in the population are to be found in a trenchant report he submitted in 1894 to the Governor, Sir William Robinson, 'on the subject of a petition addressed to the House of Commons praying for an amendment of the Constitution of the Crown Colony of Hong Kong.' This petition from Hong Kong taxpayers to the House of Commons owed its origin principally to the imposition upon the taxpayers in 1891 of an additional military contribution of £20,000 a year, a decision that irritated and excited particularly the European business community. In 1894 T.H. Whitehead,13 Unofficial Member of the Legislative Council and leader of the business faction, was granted six months' leave of absence from the Council and he took with him to England a petition signed by 363 members of the community — (in Lockhart's words) ‘284 British, 10 Anglo-Chinese, 3 American, 4 Portuguese, and 47 British Indians.' The petitioners sought the election of representatives of British nationality in the Legislative Council; freedom of debate for the Official members with power to vote as they desired; complete control in the Council over local expenditure; the management of local affairs; and a consultative voice in questions of an Imperial character.\n\nWith great dialectical skill Lockhart took the petition to bits and exposed the vacuity of its arguments. In his memorandum to the Governor he averred: 'Most of the taxes fall almost entirely on the Chinese. The only tax to which the British and other residents as a whole are subject in the same manner as the Chinese is the tax of 13 per cent levied on the rateable value of house", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206539, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n81\n\n21 'Despatches and Other Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong', Sessional Papers, no. 32 of 1899, p. 13.\n\n22 Ibid., p. 36.\n\n23 Ibid., p. 65.\n\n24 Ibid., p. 69.\n\n25 'Report on the New Territory during the first year of British Administration', Sessional Papers, no. 15 of 1900, p. 252.\n\n26 'Report on the New Territory for the Year 1901', Sessional Papers, no. 22 of 1902, p. 4.\n\n27 Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1921.\n\n28 Alfred Hancock and his brother Sydney were partners in the firm of A. and S. Hancock of Queen's Road, Hong Kong. In 1906 Alfred Hancock had resided for over fifty years in Amoy and Hong Kong. In the 1920s the firm had moved to Des Voeux Road and the chief partner was H. R. B. Hancock, Lockhart's brother-in-law. The firm was still active in 1940.\n\n29 The walled city of Weihaiwei, captured by the Japanese in 1894, by the terms of the 1898 Convention was not under British jurisdiction but nominally under a Chinese sub-district deputy magistrate. The British sphere of influence extended for an area of 1,500 square miles east of the Leased Territory.\n\n30 On the Chinese Regiment see: Captain A. A. S. Barnes, On Active Service with the Chinese Regiment, London, 1902; C. E. Bruce-Mitford, The Territory of Wei-Hai-Wei, Shanghai, 1902, pp. 22-24; R. F. Johnston, Lion and Dragon in Northern China, London, 1910, pp. 82-3; and Annual Report on Weihaiwei for 1906. The only servicemen left in Weihaiwei after 1906 were the small body of Royal Marines of the Island Guard,\n\n31 Johnston, op. cit., p. 82.\n\n32 L. K. Young, British Policy in China 1895-1902, London, 1970, p. 73.\n\n33 Johnston, op. cit., p. 80.\n\n34 The Weihaiwei School was opened with only four pupils in 1901 by a Mr. H. J. L. Beer. In 1903 a new school house was built near Port Edward, partly with the aid of a debenture loan subscribed by British subjects in Shanghai. The new school had dormitories for forty boys. The school, which took boys between ages of 8 to 14, was mainly for the sons of British expatriates. Pupils came from places as far apart as Mukden, Canton, Kobe, and Chungking. The school closed in 1925 when it became apparent that the rendition of Weihaiwei was close at hand. Weihaiwei's fine climate contributed to the school's success with expatriate parents.\n\n35 Johnston, op. cit., p. 96.\n\n36 Sir Reginald Fleming Johnston, K.C.M.G. (1874-1938). Johnston was educated at Edinburgh University and Oxford. He arrived in Hong Kong as an Eastern Cadet, fresh from Magdalen, on Christmas Day, 1898. In 1904, Robert Walter, Secretary to Government and Magistrate at Weihaiwei, was seconded for service as Emigration Agent at Ch'iu-wang-tao for the Transvaal Government and Johnston was appointed to take his place. In 1906 he was appointed District Officer and Magistrate and resided in the heart of the Territory. In 1919 when he took up his appointment as tutor he was Senior District Officer. In 1927 he returned to Weihaiwei as Commissioner. After the rendition of Weihaiwei in 1930 he became Professor of Chinese, University of London, and Head of the Department of Languages and Cultures of the Far East, School of Oriental Studies, 1931-37.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n181\n\nHe has also been seen as a typical standing image of a civil mandarin, when the only method of identifying him was by the title painted on his stand or pedestal. In Kalgan, as will be described below, he is depicted naked with claws, beak and wings.\n\nIn some temples, the images of deities known not to be T'ai Sui or Ying Ch'iao, are called T'ai Sui by the temple keepers, and are prayed to as T'ai Sui. Some of these misidentifications are even to be seen perched on wads of hell money. The best example of this are the distinctive images of the boat people of the Pearl River and Southern Kwangtung province which are to be seen in Singapore and Ipoh, labelled as T'ai Sui, and standing on hell-money. One of these seen in Hong Kong is an image of the Pearl River boat people, normally called the Dragon and Tiger General (*). This is an image of a young man with his right arm raised holding a sword, and his left arm hanging by his side. He wears a robe of green with an animal's face as a stomacher, and with a dragon under his left foot and a tiger under his right. On one instance only, as is to be seen in the photograph, he is to be seen labelled the \"Tai Sui who flew back\" () and is standing on a pile of hell-money. (Plate 18)\n\nFather Doré says that images of T'ai Sui in the Yangtse Valley have six arms, are bald with ear tufts, and three eyes; they wear Taoist crowns and hold in their six hands two swords, a ball and flames, a spear, and a branch of a tree.\n\nThere are thirty-six deities painted as murals on the walls of one Singapore temple, most of whom are Heavenly Masters (A B). Amongst them is Yin Ch'iao, standing, dressed in armour, but with a bare chest and with six arms holding the usual items. Marshal Yin Ch'iao appears, therefore, to be one of the 24 Heavenly Generals and also one of the 36 Heavenly Masters.\n\nIn several works he is given 10 assistants, the last four being the gods of the year, the month, the day and the hour. Their names are given as follows:\n\nLi Ping (李丙) Hwang Ch'eng-i (黃承乙)\n\nChou Teng (周登) and Liu Hung (劉洪)\n\nAll were said to have been slain at the famous battle between good and ... described in The Deification of the Gods, at Wan Hsien Chen (萬仙陣).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206641, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n183\n\n(E), Pei Chi Sheng Ti (1), the Pen Ming Hsing Chün ($*£*) who is the local earth god, and the provincial city god. All five are connected with the fate of mankind.\n\nIn a Ch'ao Chow temple in Johore Bahru, Tai Sui a youth with a scroll (***) is on the altar of Hung Chün Lao Tsu (#$ *). (Plate 20)\n\nFather Doré says that in one temple outside the South Gate of Jukao, in the Yangtze Valley, Yin Ch'iao (F) is to be seen on the right as you face him, with Marshal Ma () on the left. Both have six arms, stand on clouds, and hold swords, amulets, gourds, bells and banners in their hands. Ma has three eyes and wears a hat, whilst Yin is bare from the waist upward and has his hair in a large upswept tuft on the top of his head. Yin is worshipped here as a member of the Ministry of Thunder.\n\nOther interesting sightings.\n\nIn Lavender Street in Singapore a Cantonese temple has sixty-two T'ai Sui images. About half the images hold scrolls and are, according to the temple keeper, the administrators of the fortune; whereas the others with silken slippers, fans, bells, etc. are those who actually provide the fortune.\n\nOne image of a young man, standing with one slipper on and one bare foot, is to be seen in Bukit Purmei temple in Singapore. He is prayed to for rain, and for good crops. (Plate 21)*\n\nCarver's drawings of Yin Ch'iao\n\nA Fukienese god carver prepared, on request, drawings of many deities. From memory he drew:\n\na. An image of T'ai Sui, seated, robed like a monk, wearing sandals, a band around his hair, and holding an open scroll with Tang Nien T'ai Sui (****).\n\nb. Yin Ch'iao's father, seated astride a large, long-beaked bird, holding a fly whisk in his right hand and a seal in his left hand. He is bearded, with a Taoist top knot and crown. His robes are covered in the Yin and Yang circle pattern.\n\nc. Yin Hung(); a standing young man with a spear in his left hand, and a mirror raised in his right, which is flashing beams towards his enemies.\n\n* Plates 22-24 also relate to representations of T'ai Sui.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206650, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "192\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nof insufficient fire wood, he stuck his foot in the stove, and the flame shot up cooking the food in but a few moments. The second is no less than Li T'ieh Kuai (*), one of the Eight Immortals. One of the stories told about him is that, when he was young and very poor, his mother ordered him to go into the hills every day to collect wood but he was never able to collect more than sufficient for one day. When it rained they had none. His aunt cursed him and said they would use his legs as fuel. Now Li T'ieh Kuai had learnt some tricks from the Immortals in the hills and stuck his foot into the fire which blazed up much more brightly. His aunt shouted that she was only joking and pulled his foot from the fire. Because of this the bottom part of his leg fell off and became poisoned. The story ends by his aunt using the burnt-off leg to bank up the cinders!\n\nConclusion\n\nAlthough this Fukienese local deity is mostly to be seen, as is to be expected, in those areas of Taiwan and South East Asia where Fukienese immigrants from An Ch'i, Ying Ch'üan and the immediate surrounding areas are to be found, he is also to be found in Hainanese, Ch'aochow and Cantonese temples in South East Asia; where presumably this cult has been adopted by the other immigrant groups who wished to take advantage of his power.\n\nTai Pao(*)\n\nOne image likely to be confused with Fa Chu Kung is Tai Pao. Tai Pao is the monk Sha (*) who usually wears a necklet or waistband of skulls, but in many temples these have been lost and the black, unkempt figure of Tai Pao at first glance can easily be confused with Fa Chu Kung.\n\nTHE CULT OF THE EUNUCH ADMIRAL CHENG HO\n\nA deified hero and a Taoist Saint\n\nBackground\n\nThe intercourse between China and the West under the widespread rule of the Mongols lapsed with their withdrawal into Central Asia. The Ming dynasty emperor Yung Lo made great efforts to re-open trade routes and to expand the much diminished foreign trade by despatching between the years 1405 and 1431 A.D. seven major expeditions to the Southern Seas, commanded by eunuchs", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206655, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n197\n\nand his three small survey ships have given their names respectively to Sulphur Channel, Starling Inlet and Plover Cove.\n\nJ. R. JONES.\n\nCHINA'S EARLIEST PRINTING A NOTE\n\nLLL\n\nIn Volume 7 (1967) of this Journal I published a brief note entitled \"Printing, a new discovery.\" This told of a find in a stone stupa, standing in the courtyard of a temple called Pulguk-sa, in Korea, erected in 751, of a printed Buddhist sutra. The find was hailed by the Korean archaeologists as perhaps the oldest example of printing known, although the exact date of the printing still remains a mystery.\n\nRecently I have learned that the Chinese discovered another piece of printing as far back as 1944. (Somehow, perhaps because of the war, news of this had escaped my attention.) Known in Chinese as T'o-lo-ni ching chou (dharani sutra charm), it was unearthed in a T'ang dynasty grave site in Chengtu, Szechwan, inside the silver bracelet of a young woman. As Professor Max Loehr has written, it \"is a charm printed on a single sheet showing a six-armed Bodhisattva figure in the center of concentrically laid out Sanscrit words written in Lantsa letters.\" This is surprising, but not unreasonable. In the last half of the Tang, Chengtu happens to have developed into perhaps the chief center of printing, and, as everyone knows, by the middle of the eighth century Chinese civilization had reached one of its heights. It was the age of Li Po and Tu Fu, Wu Tao-hsüan and Wang Wei, and Buddhism was at the summit of its influence. With the demand for reduplication in every circle - Confucian, Buddhist, and Taoist - and with all the tools and techniques at hand, the printing of a highly popular charm seems natural. So it came about that there have come to light charms, printed within a few years of each other, in Korea (751?), China (757), and Japan (764-770).\n\nBibliography:\n\nChung-kuo pan-k'o lü-lu, compiled by the Peking Library (Peking 1961), pl. 1, text Vol. I, p. 7;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206668, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "210\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nUniversity Hall. The hall has accommodation for 80 students, all men. The present warden is Dr. Enoch Young, lecturer in physics at the University, through whose courtesy the Branch is able to visit this historic building today.\n\nWe shall then walk across to the Maison de Béthanie. This building, since renovated and added to, was originally constructed in the early 1870s by the French Mission.\n\nFather Caminondo who is in charge of the Maison de Béthanie has very kindly supplied the following account:\n\nAt a time when travelling was not easy and medical care not available in many mission countries, the Superiors of the Paris Foreign Mission Society decided to put up a house in the Far East for the sick and old missionaries.\n\nHong Kong was chosen for this purpose on account of its climate and medical facilities available. It must be added that at that time few places in the Far East offered the political stability and religious tolerance of the Colony.\n\nThe name of Béthanie was chosen after \"Bethany village\" of the Holy Scripture, and the inscription above the main entrance \"Lord he whom thou lovest lies sick\" is part of the message sent to Jesus by Martha and Mary when their brother Lazarus became sick.\n\nMany Missionaries availed themselves of the facilities offered by the sanatorium. In 1884, for instance, 43 missionaries stayed for some time.\n\nApart from the delightful setting, the main interest of the Maison is its chapel. This is said to be built to the same design as the former French Cathedral in Tokyo, destroyed during the war. By kind permission of Father Caminondo, we are permitted to enter the chapel and walk round it, up one side to the sacristy behind the altar, and down the other.\n\nThe chapel is remarkable for its fine furniture and fittings which apparently date from its construction. Note the sets of altar tables, of different shape and decoration, on each side of the aisle, and the large wall cupboards in the sacristy which is, as its name implies, the repository for vestments, vessels etc. used in the chapel. There are two memorial tablets to martyred priests behind the entrance doors to the chapel.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206686, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "228\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThis book is one of the gems of a vast movement. Between the two world wars, Chinese scholars took a great interest in the study of ethnology and folklore. The two most important groups were in Peking University and in the Sun Yat-sen University of Canton. After the May Fourth Movement, Chinese intellectuals fought against their traditional culture and its Confucian interpretation, and looked toward the West.\n\nEthnology was one of the by-products of this new fashion for the Occident and Science. Dissatisfied with a mere copy of Western culture, some people realised at this time that they had, in China itself, a whole culture buried in scorn, which deserved to become part of modern culture. And the movement towards a mass culture, in the early thirties, used for propaganda both by left-wing intellectuals and by missionaries, saw it as a gold mine to be exploited.\n\nThis interest in folk culture was not something new in China. In the Ming dynasty, scholars scandalously proclaimed certain popular novels and plays to be masterpieces comparable to famous classics, while the staid scholars did not even grant them the dignity of literature. Moreover, in Chinese literary history, a keen interest in folk literature has periodically risen in attempts to revive a stereotyped academism. However, in the XXth century, this movement was brought about by ethnologists, and not by avant-garde scholars of literature.\n\nThis ethnological interest had a certain influence. Several modern poets used the tone of popular songs; Lao She studied the folklore of Peking and recalled it in his novels; Wen Yi-tuo used ethnological data to explain the Songs of Ch'u and thus gave more insight into this famous anthology than philological interpretations had ever done.\n\nAmong the materials brought by Chinese ethnologists, the Choice of \"Yang ke\" from Ting Hsien is now a classic, and its translation is very welcome. It was part of a general survey made by a team on rural life in that district, situated about 128 miles south of Peking. The original meaning of \"Yang ke\" is folk songs sung while transplanting the young rice shoots. But it took on a broader sense: short operas performed by amateurs in villages, with music and singing mainly drawn from folk songs. In Peking and elsewhere, these short scenes were sometimes sung by actors on stilts, in processions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206743, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "14\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nbut moved with it to Morrison Hill where it reopened on 1st June, 1843. As already mentioned, he went home in June, 1845. This was because of the illness of his wife, who died on the journey (5). More details of Dr. Hobson's career may be found in a biographical sketch by Dr. K. C. Wong (6). It is interesting to note that prior to his return to China in 1847, Hobson married Mary, daughter of Dr. Robert Morrison, at Bath. Hobson's successor as Secretary, George K. Barton, was a partner with Thomas Hunter in the Victoria Dispensary. This also had premises in Macao, where Hunter was located. James H. Young was the junior partner in the Hongkong Dispensary in Queen's Road, the others being Peter Young (afterwards Colonial Surgeon in succession to Francis Dill on the latter's death in 1846), Samuel Marjoribanks (who was at Canton) and K. M. Kennedy. Dr. Young resigned as Treasurer and from membership in November 1845. Lastly Henry Holgate, according to Eitel, was appointed Colonial Surgeon in August 1841 by Sir Henry Pottinger, but his appointment was subsequently disallowed by the home Government, and his name does not appear in the official list of holders of that office. He presumably remained in Hong Kong in private practice (8).\n\nThese, then, were the men who guided the China Medico-Chirurgical Society during its brief existence. Of the six, Drs. Tucker and Dill died before the end of 1846, and Dr. Hobson had gone back to England, whilst Dr. J. H. Young had resigned.\n\nThe China Medico-Chirurgical Society came into existence at a meeting held at the residence of Dr. Dill on 13th May 1845, attended by eleven \"Medical Gentlemen of Hongkong.\" The objects of the Society were set out as\n\n\"1st—The bringing into more intimate intercourse [of the] Medical brethren in China, for the sake of giving and receiving information on Medical and Surgical subjects;\n\n\"2nd—The formation of a Library, where all the best periodicals and the most valuable standard medical works of the day can be had;\n\n“3rd—The discussion of topics relating more particularly to the diseases prevalent in China, and to the Native Materia Medica.\"\n\nThe annual subscription was $12. The Committee consisting of the three officers and three other members was to be elected half", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206747, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "18\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\narrangements can be made for the Society's house) one, and the same building.” Amongst the reasons which he adduced for this was that the former Governor, Sir Henry Pottinger, had reserved a plot of land \"between the Chinese Hospital [where Hobson worked] and the Gap\" for an object of this kind. A special meeting was called on 8th July (14) to consider Dr. Hobson's proposal; two supporting resolutions were unanimously adopted, and the Society expressed its gratitude to Dr. Hobson for the zeal and ability with which he had performed his duties as Secretary, and its regret on his forthcoming departure.\n\nAs befits a medical missionary, Dr. Hobson believed in actions as well as words. The Chinese Hospital where Hobson worked, as already mentioned, was moved in 1843 from Macao to the vicinity of Morrison Hill in Hong Kong, and was thus close to the Morrison Education Society's school, from which Hobson attracted pupils to further studies in scientific and medical fields (15). In this he was following a practice established by Dr. Peter Parker, the first American medical missionary who started an ophthalmic hospital in Canton in 1835. Of Hobson it is said that the attention which he gave \"to the education of young men as his assistants was amply repaid in the benefit derived from their intelligence. Some of those under his care were able to perform various operations, and one, more especially, had acquired so great an amount of professional skill that some of the European surgeons of the Colony of Hong Kong, by whom he was examined, expressed their admiration of his training\" (16). These efforts may be considered the beginnings of medical education in China and Hong Kong, though it was not until 1887 that Hobson's vision of a College of Medicine for Chinese in Hong Kong was fulfilled, long after his death, and many years later than the establishment of other medical schools in China.\n\nThe idea of a medical school was linked quite sensibly in the minds of the members of the Medico-Chirurgical Society with that of their own premises, in which could be kept a museum for specimens of natural history and morbid anatomy, and their library of medical textbooks and journals. The problem of obtaining suitable premises seems to have dogged both the immediate and the latter-day successors of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (for which however it was solved by provision of a room in the Court House, presumably through the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206749, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "20\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nother pests took their toll, the collection of the Medico-Chirurgical Society gradually became unwanted and unusable.\n\nSome remarks should be made on the incorporation of the Society into \"the Asiatic Society of China\" which soon became the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (21). First, why was such a step necessary, and second, to what extent did members of the former Society opt for membership of the new?\n\nIn the account of the origin of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (1) it is stated that the Medico-Chirurgical Society \"in accord with the contemporary spirit of inquiry and the enthusiasm for better knowledge of Asia in general and China in particular, had contemplated setting up a Philosophical Society.\" Part of this story is recorded in the Transactions, p. 62-63. Dr. McGowan of Ningpo wrote a letter which was read at a meeting of the Society on 6th January 1846, \"suggesting the addition of a scientific branch of this Society; or the formation of a Philosophical Society having a Medical Section. The matter having been briefly discussed it was the unanimous opinion of the members present... that the discussion of other scientific subjects should be left to other Bodies, of which members could avail themselves.\n\n**\n\nHowever, this resolve to go it alone was not to be achieved. It is stated in the \"Journal of Proceedings\" regarding the setting up of the \"Philosophical Society of China\" (afterwards the China Branch of the R.A.S.) that \"the number of members of a scientific body called the 'China Medico-Chirurgical Society' had been gradually diminishing, so as to render it difficult to obtain any meetings except at irregular and frequently long intervals\" (22). At the preliminary meeting held on 5th January 1847 there were eight doctors present, namely Drs. Balfour, Young, Barton, Dill, Harland, Bankier, Grant and Fletcher. Only four of these can be positively identified on the membership list of the Medico-Chirurgical Society (Transactions, p. 78), which includes 38 names—though of course others may have joined in the intervening year—but it appears that these four and possibly others had formed a splinter group sympathetic to those who favoured the formation of a \"Philosophical Society\", in the older meaning of the phrase.\n\nThere seems little doubt that the activities of the Medico-Chirurgical Society were on the wane, probably due to the death or departure of some of the more active members. Drs. Tucker,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206750, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY\n\n21\n\nDuggan and Francis Dill had died (the Dr. Dill mentioned in the last paragraph as present at the meeting on 5th January 1847 was R. Dill), Dr. Hobson was in England, and J. H. Young and Dr. Gilbert had resigned. At least nine members were not resident in Hong Kong, in addition to the two honorary members, the Earl of Auckland and Rutherford Alcock. Several of the remainder were naval or military men who had quite likely been posted elsewhere. In such circumstances it would indeed have been difficult to keep the society going.\n\nThe meetings recorded in the Transactions were held on the following dates:\n\n1845. May 13. Preliminary meeting.\n\nMay 16. Committee meeting.\n\nJune 3. President's introductory address.\n\nJuly 1. Business meeting, followed by Dr. Little's paper.\n\nJuly 8. Special meeting on Dr. Hobson's proposal to establish a medical school.\n\nJuly 15. Committee meeting.\n\nAug. 6. Dr. Dill's paper.\n\nSept. 9.\n\nOct. 7.\n\nNov. 4. Special meeting on a proposed building fund. Dr. Barton's paper on diseases of the liver. Various matters, including Alcock's letter, and clinical discussion.\n\nDec. 2. Letter from the Earl of Auckland, case studies and clinical discussion.\n\n1846. Jan. 6. Dr. McGowan's letter on a Philosophical Society, and discussion of the analysis of the mineral waters from Foochow.\n\nFeb. 6. Case studies by Dr. Dill,\n\nMar. 6. Dr. Barton's paper on Varolous.\n\nApril 7. Clinical discussion.\n\nIn the Friend of China, later meetings were announced for May 5, August 4 and Nov. 3, 1846. Thus the frequency dropped from the initial monthly (plus Committee and special meetings) to quarterly, so the statement in the \"Journal of Proceedings\" regarding the setting up of the \"Philosophical Society of China\" because of the difficulties of obtaining frequent meetings of the earlier society was justified. The successor society, on the other hand, was able to hold monthly meetings during its first year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "22 \n\nH. A. RYDINGS \n\nWe began this review of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society with some account of those who were officers during the first year of its existence. It is therefore appropriate to finish with a look at the office-bearers of the 'Philosophical Society of China”, and to note how many of them had been associated with the former society. The original office-bearers (22) were:\n\nPresident \n\nMajor H. P. Burn \n\nVice-Presidents Dr. Kennedy \n\nCouncil \n\nDr. Balfour \n\nA. Shortrede \n\nJ. C. Bowring \n\nGeneral Secretary W. F. Bryan \n\nTreasurer \n\nCurator \n\nDr. Young \n\nC. T. Watkins \n\nDr. Harland \n\nDr. Barton \n\nThere are five doctors on this list, of whom three are known to have been members of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, namely Drs. Kennedy, Balfour and Barton. The Dr. Young was probably Peter Young, the Colonial Surgeon, and not J. H. Young, who had been Secretary of the Medico-Chirurgical Society but had resigned. Dr. W. A. Harland, who read a paper on \"The Chinese system of human anatomy and physiology\" (23) at the meetings in September and October 1847, was later to become the Society's \"devoted Secretary\" (24), but is not included in the membership list of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, though he may have joined it after the list was compiled. A new set of office-bearers was appointed with the first change of name of the Society (21) and adoption of a constitution on 19th January 1847, with His Excellency Sir John F. Davis, Bart., F.R.S. as President: but that is another story.\n\nNOTES \n\n1 [J. R. Jones] in JHKBRAS, v. 1, 1961, p. 1.\n\n2 There are three copies recorded in libraries in the U.S.A., i.e. the National Library of Medicine at Washington; the Boston Medical Library; and the Library of the New York Academy of Medicine.\n\n3 Trans. China Med. Chir. Soc., v. 1, 1845-46, p. 28.\n\n4 Memoirs of the life and labours of Robert Morrison, comp. by his widow, London, 1839, v. 2, p. 148.\n\n5 Chinese repository, v. 16, 1847, p. 187-9.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "PERSIANS, ARABS IN T’ANG CHINA\n\n59\n\nManichaean whose doctrines were proposed to the court in A.D. 694.5 There were students from Japan, who, after enjoying a few years of study on Chinese classics, preferred to remain in China permanently. There were also aristocratic Tibetan youths sent by their parents for traditional Chinese scholarship. There were Khoten painters who later became great masters in Chinese artistic circles. There were Sogdians, who introduced polo to the Chinese. Above all, there were Persians and Arabs, whose activities and contributions had tremendous influence on T'ang political and social history.\n\nI\n\nMany Persians, Arabs and others lived in Tang China. The Turks, Uighurs, Tocharians, Sogdians, Koreans and Japanese for the most part lived in Ch'ang-an and the Chams, Khmers, Javanese and Singhalese in Canton. Persians and Arabs, however, were also to be found in these two places and in Yang-chou and Ch'üan-chou as well. All these foreigners in the early Tang period shared the same kind of life as the T'ang Chinese. In A.D. 714, the T'ang government had to establish a special office known as Shih-po-ssu (Superintendent of Customs) to look after the foreign affairs in Canton and in other cities along the coastal region.\n\nForeigners in T’ang China were not all law-abiding. Uighur nationals sought out Chinese businessmen and young Chinese wastrels and made shady deals with them in the capital. Persians and Arabs, on the other hand, would lure young beautiful Chinese girls to become part of their possessions and even engaged in the slave trade in Canton. Also, some of them would purposely encourage those Chinese who were in need of money to pledge their land, furniture and sacred relics for ready cash.\n\nThe Chinese pawn-shop came into being in late T’ang period and this kind of practice is believed to be the embryo of the modern pawn-shop. The moneylenders' business was regarded as a plague in the beginning of the ninth century and the emperor had to issue a decree in A.D. 822 prohibiting such practice or every Chinese in the Empire would be in debt.7 The Turks were as notorious as the others. A Turk stabbed a Chinese merchant to death in broad daylight and was rescued by his Fan-chang (Sheikh) without any...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "74\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nThe Ch'aochow Puppets in Hong Kong\n\nBeing interested in all forms of puppet-theatre, I had heard of the existence of horizontally-moved Ch'aochow stick-puppets in Hong Kong, but it took a long time to have the opportunity to actually see them performed. In the spring of 1973, the leader of the Cantonese rod-puppet troupe, Mak Shiu-tongA, invited me to watch a show near his home, at Block 9 of the Tsz Wan Shan Resettlement Estate. The Ch'aochow people of the estate celebrated the birthday of their patron saint Po-yeh-tan1 on the 27th, 28th and 29th day of the first month.* On a limited rectangular area of about 1,500 square feet there was a bamboo-shed on stilts serving as a puppet-theatre on one end (Plate I), another serving as a make-shift temple opposite to it (Plate II), with an altar on one side and an enormous paper dragon-robe on the other (Plate III).\n\nThe robe complete with boots, belt and lots of neatly folded paper money was to be burned at the end of the celebration, in order to bestow insignia of rank upon the saint in acknowledgement of his merits. The decoration of the robe varies according to the saint to whom it is dedicated. But it is noteworthy that besides the elaborate dragon in relief, pairs of phoenixes and young hornless dragons and the Eight Immortals, three pavilions with eight paper-figures are added. These figures strongly resemble the puppets which I saw later and their heads are also made of plaster. In Ch'aochow the tradition of puppetry and ceremonial figures are very closely related.\n\nThe stilts of the stage were four feet high, with a floor area of 10' x 10' (Plate I), where on the same level the musicians and the puppeteers sit and on which the puppets move (Plate IV). The puppet-stage was very small, with four chairs and a table, all with embroidered covers. The stage is created by five flaps of richly embroidered curtains called chu lien4; the middle one being short to enable the back-stage musicians to follow the performance closely. The two long side-flaps cover a puppeteer each. The decoration of the curtains complement each other to form a cosmical unity: the square middle part shows the lion with four peonies for each direction, representing the earth, the Yin. The Yang is expressed in the dragon design of the other four flaps.\n\nBehind the stage stands a small chest with three drawers—one for puppet-heads, one for headgear and one for arms or pennants\n\n* Lunar calendar.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 115\n\nand is on a hill named Hau Tei (#) king crab ground, near the village of Ch'ai Waan Kok (A) Ts'uen Waan ( ) district. The tablet has a poem engraved on it written by Paak Yuk Shim (1) a poetical genius of the Sung dynasty. He was also famous for his paintings which were highly admired among Chinese Scholars. Legends have attributed to him magical powers, and he is supposed to have appeared and disappeared in all the famous mountains from Tung Koon, San On and to the east of Kwangtung.\n\nHe received the title of \"Tsz T'sing Chan Yan” (**^^) from the emperor Sung Ning Tsung (#). Biographies of him were recorded in Tung Koon Yuen Chi (£) Ch'iu Chau Foo Chi (M) and many other books. The poem on the grave was remarkable for the curious allusions that were made in it to the future. It runs:-\n\n1. 長伸左手接星羅,\n\n2. 走攬青衣濯碧波,\n\n3. 深夜一潭星斗現,\n\n4. 裏頭容萬船過。\n\n5. 有人下得朝陽穴,\n\n6. 十三年內登科,\n\n7. 若是世人尋不得,\n\n8. 囘頭轉問釣魚哥。\n\nThis can be roughly translated as follows:\n\n1. \"Put out the left hand as far as Sing Hill,\n\n2. running as far as to Tsing I island wash it in the green waves.” These two lines refer to the position of the grave.\n\n3. \"In deep night one harbour all the stars appear.”\n\nAlluding to the lights of Hong Kong harbour in the future.\n\n4. \"Inside harbour there will be ten thousand ships passing to and fro.\n\nThe trade that was to come to Hong Kong.\n\n5. \"If any one can find the proper site of the grave\n\n6. in thirteen years' time his descendants will pass the highest degree of Government examinations.\"\n\nThis came true in so far as the Tang family were very successful in passing examinations and some of them became high officers and men of rank.\n\n7. \"If people in the world try to find, and are unable to find it\n\n8. turn your head round and ask the young fisherman.\"\n\nReferring to the grave again. When Tang Foo was finding the place for the grave the local villagers pointed out to him a stone known as the Fishing Stone which helped him to decide on the site.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206853, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "124 \n\nSUNG HOK-P’ANG \n\n1. Red raw rice cooked and shining scale fish, \n\n2. Farmers' simple good fare delicious and lasting. \n\nThe grave has two names Sz Tsz Kwan K’au ($*$*£*), Lion playing ball; and Ts'o Mei Shui Chue (44), long grass hanging down pearl. When Lai Paak Shiu was having the grave built he put a brass tablet behind the stone one, with the following words on it. \"Three hundred years hence, an ignorant young man named So (#), who knows nothing about \"fung shui”, will want to alter the way this grave faces. If he is allowed to alter it, not only will the Tang family have trouble, but So himself will have bad luck”. The existence of the tablet was unknown until the prophecy on it came true. Three hundred years later when the Tangs were having a period of bad luck and unsuccess, they decided that something was wrong with the \"fung shui\" of the princess' grave. They consulted a young man named So, and at his instigation started to alter the position of the grave. When the stone tablet was removed, the brass one was revealed and in terror So advised them to leave the grave alone. \n\nIn the 50th year of Hong Hei (R) of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1711, the Tang family were repairing the grave when they discovered several sham tombs underneath the ground. This was the custom in ancient China when burying royalty, as by this means it was hoped to prevent their enemies from desecrating the real tomb. The oldest stone tablet that we can find to-day, was put up in the 19th year of Shing Fa (A) of Ming dynasty, A.D. 1483, which gave the dates of the birth and death of the princess. In this tablet was also found the statement that the grave was first made in the 6th year of Shun Yau (*) of Sung dynasty, A.D. 1246, but there is no record of the first stone tablet nor any of the tablets erected before A.D. 1483. After the general repairing of the grave in A.D. 1712 a new stone was erected, but as the dates on the previous one were not considered to be correct, none were written on the stone. \n\nThe princess' husband Tang Tsz Ming was received with honour by the Emperor and had the title of Shui Yuen Kwan Ma (✯✯ #) bestowed on him. It was the custom in China to give the title Kwan Ma to the husband of a prince's daughter. Tang Tsz Ming's grave was made on a little hill called Fat Au Leng ( ##₪) # ). It can easily be seen to this day almost opposite the Au Tau Police Station on the other side of the road to Sheung Shui. It has recently", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206854, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN\n\n125\n\nbeen repaired and colour-washed in red and white. For a long time this grave was lost, much to the sorrow of Tsz Ming's descendants. In the 33rd year of Hong Hei (R) of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1694, Tang Lui Taan (12) of Ha Ts'uen (†) happening to read the old history of Tung Kwun came across this passage. \"Tang Tsz Ming's grave is in Kau To (A) on Fat Au Leng Shaan. It is now called Ng To (£) of San On district.\" Lui Taan reported this to a relation, Tang Ng Shaang (£) who immediately collected a party of Kam T'in men to go out to the hill and find it. They found a grave there, but on it was a stone stating that it belonged to Tang Maan Lei (£) a cousin of Tsz Ming and the first ancestor of the Ping Shaan family of Tangs. The Kam T'in men were preparing to go away disappointed, when Ng Shaang discovered another and much older stone nearby with the characters almost obliterated. He took the tea he had brought to drink, carefully washed the stone with it and found the following on it ẞ and part of the two characters Kwan # and Ma which were in Tsz Ming's title. After consultation it was decided to dig up the grave and a sham tomb with bricks inside it of a very old style were found exactly the same as in the princess' grave. At last they found the real tomb itself and Tsz Ming's bone-pot could be seen through a hole in the top. So the Kam T'in men were very glad indeed, and to show their gratitude every year about the third month, at the Ts'ing Ming () festival of worshipping at the graves of their ancestors, the Kam T'in people always presented Ng Shaang with some roast pork taken from the offerings for the husband of the princess.\n\n[3]\n\nDuring the Sung dynasty the titles of She Yan (4A) or Siu She (J) were used to address young men of high rank. As the four sons of Tang Tsz Ming and the Princess were the nephews of the Emperor they received the title of Kwok She (4) which means \"Kingdom's young men.\" The eldest, Lam (*) was known as Taai Kwok She, the others Kei (2) Waai (†) and Tsz (†) were called Yee, Saam and Se Kwok She respectively. It is the custom in Kam Tin even now for the young people to address their fathers as \"She\" instead of “Ah Dae\" (E) the Cantonese equivalent to \"Daddy.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "128 \n\nSUNG HOK-P’ANG \n\n1) as his son Hoh Wing (f) was a subordinate officer of this general. Hoh Wing was executed, and all his family punished. Hung Chi being considered a relation although it was only by marriage, was sentenced to banishment. His elder brother, who was the father of three sons, thinking him too young and ignorant and having no children to carry on his family, insisted on taking his place. So in the 26th year of Hung Mo (**) A.D. 1393 of Ming dynasty, Hung Yee went up North to Liao-tung (i★★). His banishment only lasted three years, but when he was free again to go where he liked Hung Yee appears to have been without means to get back to Kam T'in, because there is a story of his arriving in Nanking on foot, so poor that he was forced to beg in the streets and earn money by writing poems. One day a rich man named Ch'an (§) passed him in the street and noticing that his appearance and writing were those of an educated man, spoke to him and asked him his history. Touched by his story Ch'an befriended him, and made him the tutor of his children, but all the time Hung Yee longed for his own home and his own children. Eventually Ch'an suggested that if he provided him with a second wife he might be happier, so he arranged a marriage for him with his adopted daughter, Wong (*). Two years later a son was born called Kuen (§§), but after another year Hung Yee died. Then Ch'an provided the widow with money, and taking her little child, she set off to find her way to Kam T'in to bring Hung Yee's ashes back to the place of his ancestors. After many difficulties she arrived in Kam T'in only to find that Hung Yee's three sons Yam (†), Chan (14) and Yui (†) all grown up by now and not knowing anything of their father's history and second marriage, did not believe her story. Then Wong told them many old tales about Kam T'in that her husband had amused her with in the past in Nanking, and finally persuaded them to acknowledge her identity when she produced a fan with characters on it written in Hung Yee's own writing. So funeral preparations were at once made and customary rites performed in Hung Yee's honour, and Wong and her child were taken into the family. A year later the baby Kuen died and Wong was so upset that she threatened to take her life, and she was only prevented from doing so by Yam who promised to give her his son Naam K'ai () to be her grandson, that is, a son for her dead child. He also built her a house on Kwun Yum Shaan (4) where she could serve her husband's spirit tablet and study Bud-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206865, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "136\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nA few months after the festive opening of the temple, \"The Joss House Committee\" received from Government the grant of a lot adjoining the temple for the erection of a school.\n\nSometime between 1860 and 1865 a small building was built on the rocky hillside just below the Man Mo Temple. It was near Circular Pathway and Ladder Street. In the Hong Kong Rate lists its name is given at one time as \"Sam Young” Miu and at another time as \"Sam Sing\" Miu. The 1878 Rate has the notation \"removed\". This is clearly another temple.\n\nEitel states that the Tai Wong Temple in Spring Gardens was in existence at the time of the British occupation of Hong Kong. If so, title to the Queen's Road East property on which it is built was not obtained until 1847. Lee Fun-wei, a compradore, then obtained a Crown Lease for Inland Lot 257. In 1852, Lee Muy, \"carer of Joss House\", was witness to the transfer of a nearby house. He may be the same as Lee Amoy, \"formerly a butcher, but now of no occupation”, who obtained a court order in 1864 prohibiting Lee Fun-wei from selling or further mortgaging the temple property. In the following year the two parties exchanged properties. Lee Amoy conveyed to Lee Fun Wei a lot with five houses and in return received Inland Lot 257 with \"Joss House, dwelling house and building erected thereon\". Lee Amoy immediately mortgaged the temple property to Delfino Noronha, a Portuguese printer, for $1,500. The mortgage remained unpaid, and in 1869 Noronha sold the temple to a committee composed of Tam Achoy, Ho Asik, and Lee Yuk Hang. It thus passed out of the private ownership of the Lee family to the representatives of the Chinese community.\n\nIf Eitel's statement is correct, that the temple on Queen's Road East at Spring Gardens was in existence before the British occupation of the Island, its proprietors the Lee family may have been settled in the Spring Gardens area, now better known as Wanchai, before the occupation. When Crown Leases were issued for land in this area in 1847, several members of the Lee family secured lots.\n\nA notice of the Hung Shing Temple at Ap Lei Chau written by Mr. James Hayes appears in Vol. 7 of this Journal. The date of the bell in the temple is given as 1773. As we have noticed Eitel states the temple was built about 1770. Information on when and by whom it was built is given in a court case reported in The China", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206871, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "142 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nbeaten back by the soldiers who had bunches of rattan in their hands which they used pretty freely, and both the gates were now closed. \n\nThe Mandarins having put on some official robes seated themselves under a shed at the street end of the alley and 40 or 50 yards from the spot where the crosses had been erected. Gradually the people began to increase on the house tops and the crowd in the enclosure was \"rattaned\" into a ring round the crosses, leaving a gangway open for the passage of the culprits when they should arrive. In the front row of the ring were several quite young children, also on the house tops. \n\nA more than usual noise at the gate now warned us that something was coming and soon, with a row and a rush of the crowd, the unfortunate men were brought in. They were each carried in a basket by two coolies, they had fetters on their feet and their arms and hands were firmly bound behind them, and a strip of wood with some Chinese characters on it was stuck in the clothing at the back of their necks. This, we were told, proclaimed their crime and the punishment to be inflicted. Both were young men apparently under 30 years of age. The first was crying in a sort of idiotic manner which made me think there might be some truth in what we were told, that sometimes they were “drugged” before execution. If this was so, however, the second man had not been affected by his dose: he had a wild defiant look about him which he carried to the last. Arrived at the crosses, the baskets were set down and the men helped out and placed one up against each cross. \n\nWe now knew that instead of being beheaded they were to undergo the horrible death of being cut to pieces—called \"Ling Chih\"—one for killing his father and the other—the determined one—for killing some female relation; the latter case being from what we could gather, manslaughter according to English ideas. I forgot to mention that shortly before their arrival on the scene the executioners came each carrying, wrapped up in an old cloth, a bundle of swords and knives which, when unwrapped, were left out on the nearest convenient pots. The process of lashing them to the crosses took a long time, and the wretched men were very roughly handled. They had to be so placed on stones that their shoulders reached just below the cross pieces. Then they were bound to the crosses", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n145\n\nning among other matters the subjugation of the non-Chinese tribes of the interior.*\n\nAt the age of 71 he was appointed Vice-President of the Board of Civil Affairs in Nanking and later Vice-President of the Censorate. He died in great poverty in 1587 aged 74, his friends defraying the cost of his burial.\n\nIn November 1965 the editor of the Shanghai Wen Wei Pao, Yao Wen-yuan, who was also a left-inclined literary and theatre critic, published an article in which he criticised an historical drama \"The dismissal of Hai Jui\" written by the then Deputy Mayor of Peking, Wu Han. Yao's article was the opening volley in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution which created such turmoil in China and purged so many of the senior communist cadres including Wu Han himself. Yao rose quickly and by 1969 was sixth in the leadership of the Chinese People's Republic only to slip to a lower position at the 10th Party Congress in August 1973. Yao, still a member of the Politbureau, is reported to be the son-in-law of Chairman Mao and a close associate of the radical Madame Mao.\n\nWu Han's historical play which cost him so dearly was criticised by Yao as an analogy of Mao's treatment of his \"loyal minister” Peng Te-huai, the Minister of National Defence purged by Mao in 1959. P'eng had been very outspoken in his opposition to two of the things closest to Mao's heart, the Great Leap Forward and the establishment of the People's Communes.\n\nHai Jui is well known to many Chinese as the minister who steadfastly opposed corruption. A legend told to me in Singapore by an elderly Buddhist nun recounted how Hai Jui as a very young junior official had been posted to the Swatow region (Ch'aochow) where a group of tyrannical landowners together with the local magistrate's police runners were terrorizing the people. The legend then told of Hai Jui's fight, first against his local superiors in support of the poor, later against the Prime Minister and finally against the Emperor himself. Hai Jui was forced to commit suicide, she said, to compel the Emperor to take notice of the problems of the masses and for this he was deified by the subsequent Emperor and is now one of the patrons of the Ch'aochow people.\n\nSee, in part, Herbert A. Giles, A Chinese Biographical Dictionary (London and Shanghai, Bernard Quaritch and Kelly and Walsh, 1898) pp. 242-243. Also W. F. Mayers, The Chinese Reader's Manual (Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, and London, Trübner and Co., 1874) pp. 45-46. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206883, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "154\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nMCMULLEN COLLECTION OF BILLS OF LADING\n\nAs stated in the Hon. Librarian's report, printed on page 11 of this issue, the most important accession during the year was the collection of nineteenth century bills of lading formed by Rear-Admiral M.A. McMullen, C.B., O.B.E., R.N. (Rtd.),* The bills are for various consignments to and from China ports, and there is a brief description of the collection on p. 37 of the printed catalogue of the Library of the Branch. A calendar with index has been prepared by the Hon. Librarian.\n\n*This was obtained as a gift for the Branch through the offices of Dr. J. R. Jones, Past President of the Branch. The following text of his letter to Mr. Rydings, our Hon. Librarian, explains how this came about:\n\nH. A. Rydings Esq.,\n\nThe Librarian,\n\nThe University of Hong Kong.\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nDear Rydings,\n\nOld Bills of Lading\n\n3 Abermor Court, 15 May Road, HONG KONG.\n\n25th April, 1972.\n\nTwo years ago I had some discussions with Mr. J. G. Young of Messrs. Andrew Weir and Company Limited of Baltic Exchange Buildings, 21 Bury Street, of London E.C.3. concerning a number of bills of lading dating from the time of the Canton Regime. They include Bills of Lading from Jardine Matheson and Company Limited and their predecessors, Magniac and Company and Augustine Heard and Company and others trading in Canton and later in Hong Kong.\n\nThey were owned by Admiral McMullen who wished to find a suitable home for them and I considered that they were of great interest historically and otherwise, and of special interest to Hong Kong, and I have accepted them in the name of the Royal Asiatic Society. I enclose a package concerning these documents and hope that the Society will accept them.\n\nYours sincerely,\n\nJ. R. JONES.\n\nP.S. The owner of the collection of the old bills of lading was Rear Admiral M. A. McMullen who entrusted them to Mr. J. G. Young of Messrs. Andrew Weir and Co. Ltd. with whom I was put in touch by Mr. H. B. Neve, formally of the Bank Line (China) Limited of Hong Kong. Amongst the collection Jardine Matheson and Company appears twice, once as receivers of 10 chests of Opium, whilst Gilmans are also mentioned as shippers of 100 half chests of tea from Shanghai to Hong Kong. There is also reference to Macondray & Co. who are presumably related to the Arm of that name now operating in the Philippines.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206898, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nYING-YAI SHENG-LAN \"THE OVERALL SURVEY OF THE OCEAN'S SHORES' [1433] Translated from the Chinese text; with introduction, notes and appendices by J. V. G. Mills. The Hakluyt Society, Extra Series, No. 42, pp. xix, 391. Cambridge University Press, 1970. £11.50 U.K.\n\nWhen the Emperor Yung-lo died in 1424, the Ming dynasty had reached the height of its power. Chinese fleets commanded the eastern seas, and foreign potentates as far west as Egypt acknowledged the suzerainty of the Emperor. Between 1405 and 1433 a remarkable eunuch, Cheng Ho, as outstanding a seaman adventurer as any produced by Elizabethan England, commanded seven overseas expeditions, and visited over thirty countries. Chinese naval, and consequently trading, hegemony extended from Japan to the east coast of Africa.\n\nThe expeditions usually extended over two years. Setting out from the neighbourhood of Nanking in the autumn, powerful fleets, including sixty or more 'treasure-ships', and twenty-eight to thirty thousand men, moved down the Yangtze to the mouth of Liu creek (near Shanghai), where organisation was completed; thence to an anchorage near the mouth of the Min river in Fukien province where the ships waited for the favourable north-east monsoon. Java, Palembang, Malacca, Ceylon, Calicut, and Hormuz in the Persian Gulf, were regularly visited. On some occasions, detachments from the main force called at Arabian and at East African ports, sailing southward as far as Malindi. On the fourth expedition (1413-15), Cheng Ho was accompanied by a young Chinese interpreter Ma Huan who, on the basis of observations in the course of succeeding voyages with the 'grand eunuch', contributed perhaps the most important record of life and manners in south Asia by any traveller before the arrival of the Portuguese.\n\nYing-yai Sheng-lan, introduced in two parts, the first describing the expeditions under Cheng Ho, and the second discussing Ma Huan and his book, may have been first published in 1451. Its author died about ten years later, scarcely better known than his book which never acquired a wide circulation. Ma Huan claimed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206901, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "172\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThere are emperors, princes, ministers, generals, scholars, officials and the corresponding female parts, their sons and their daughters. They are dressed in gorgeous costumes and they sing and speak in a very literary language, and artistic voice, which even for ordinary Chinese is difficult to understand. As a contrast there are the common people, the servants and soldiers, who are dressed mostly in a simple dark gown and often appear as clowns with a white patch painted into the middle of their face. They speak in the common Peking dialect, sometimes even making rude jokes, in order to amuse the public and give it a chance to relax between listening to the very strenuous singing parts. This can also be found in the traditional western theatre. However, Miss Halson does not mention this technique of contrasting the two groups of society in behaviour, appearance and language, and does not give any background to the social groupings and their relationships, and to the examination system of Imperial China, all of which are absolutely essential for any understanding. Scott, at least, touches on the subject in his introduction.\n\nMiss Halson divides the roles into four major forms: male, female, painted-face roles and comic characters, with their subdivisions of young and old, military or scholar, attributing to them appearance, acting and voices. The book is illustrated with ten plates, very artistic brush-drawings by a Japanese artist called Ishizuka; these show ten different characters which give the reader very good impressions of the appearance of the actors. Scott also has about 10 sketches, beautifully done by himself, but not systematically chosen or arranged.\n\nScott tries to describe a subject in a very detailed way, whereas Miss Halson only touches upon subjects, giving only a few examples. For instance: under the section of costumes Mr. Scott gives all the major forms with all their subdivisions and their Chinese names, often as many as ten. Miss Halson only introduces the major costumes, but she has the advantage of having a detailed technical drawing of each. There is, for example, the costume representing an armour, worn by generals and commanders. It has four flags or pennants sticking out at the back of the neck. The costume is very stiff and heavily embroidered, consisting of a front and back-flap, the latter cut into stripes; there is a tigerhead-design on the front, the arms are tight, as this actor has to perform acrobatics. Scott's description is already more interesting; he says that there is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206902, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n173\n\na fish-scale design all over the dress. But neither points out that the shiny most bluish satin simulates the metal of the armour and the scales simulate the plates of the armour. The back-flap is cut into strips and they obviously look and are arranged like tail feathers; feather-strips are hanging down from various parts of the costume. The generals bristle and ruffle their feathers with every movement, and while fighting they look like an enormous flustered phoenix in attack.\n\nMost opera costumes have so-called water-sleeves of white thin silk attached to the actual sleeve. They are like cuffs, open at the seam, and when they hang down, they almost reach the floor. These sleeves play a very important part in the technique of acting. Miss Halson only describes a few sleeve-movements like: using the sleeves to hide in embarrassment, or thrown up in bewilderment, that they are used as a muff in winter and as a fan in summer. Scott explains 100 different sleeve-movements and tells by which character they are used: e.g. in T'ou hsiu the two sleeves are flung out together, to the right, whilst the face looks left, which symbolizes making a decision or anger and is only performed by the Ching I or demure young woman. I would like to add that these sleeves are found in Chinese costumes already as far back as the Han dynasty about 2,000 years ago. The cuff was not added to the sleeve, but the sleeve itself was very long. It can still be seen in the blouses worn by Tibetans. In the art of Chinese dancing, the flowing of the sleeves are such an important part, that movements are often only directed to produce the desired flow. It expresses the Chinese love for flowing lines, very well known from their brush-strokes. Actually in both books I feel the absence of linking the descriptions of the appearance with its cultural background.\n\nAll faces are made up in Peking Opera. Older people and middle-aged ones have a natural make up, young men and women have the middle of their face powdered white, cheeks and eye-lids are deep magenta. But the most striking are the multi-coloured painted faces. They are only for male parts: warriors, generals, ministers and officials. Miss Halson suggests an origin for these: branded criminals tattooed their scars to disguise the marks. This is very far fetched. Her second explanation is that the actors wanted their faces to stand out. Any make up is of course to this end; but she did not hit the simple truth. Masks were used before the great step forward was taken when, recognizing the disadvantages", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206903, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "174\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nof a mask, they painted the features of the masks right on the face. The mask cannot change its expression, it lacks the spirit of the eyes and is lifeless, it hinders the speech and even more the singing, as is the case in the stagnant Japanese Noh-play. Mr. Scott does not give any background at all, but names the 15th century as the beginning of painted faces and gives them as the origin of the Japanese Kabuki make-up. He also says that their design is according to the Chinese rules of physiognomy.\n\nThe subject of painted faces is very extensive: a book published in Tai-wan a few years ago contains a thousand varieties of painted faces*.\n\nTurning to other aspects, the Peking Opera stage is empty except for a table and 2 chairs. If a chair is placed on a table, it means a mountain, and can be used to indicate, for example, a general addressing his army. Rain, wind and storms are indicated by black or blue flags of thin silk, which are carried over the stage. Carrying a horsewhip means that this person is riding, a military order is indicated by a small triangular flag, 2 square flags with a wheel-design indicate a carriage and so on.\n\nBoth authors describe in more or less detail the system of the Peking Opera schools. It is surprising how few people know that we have such a school here in Hong Kong. 40 children are trained in this school, some as young as 6 years old. They get up early to train their voices, then comes the teacher for acrobatics, then opera parts are rehearsed. In the afternoon, they study general subjects, and in the evening they go to the Lai Chi Kok amusement park to give their daily performance.\n\nIf you want to take the chance, which is so easily available, to see this intriguing type of opera, you should also spend a few hours with Elizabeth Halson's short guide. This book really does fill the newcomer's need for a comprehensive, well-ordered, introduction enabling him to enjoy and appreciate what he sees in the opera; though not yet what he hears, like Chinese enthusiasts who go to the opera in order to hear it.\n\nHong Kong, 1973.\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nChang Pe-chin: Chinese Opera and Painted Face, Taiwan, Mei Ya Publications, Inc. 1969.\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206922, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "TRANSACTIONS\n\nOF THE\n\nCHINA-MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL-SOCIETY,\n\nFOR THE YEAR 1945-6.\n\nPRESIDENT.\n\nALFRED TUCKER, Esq.\n\nSECRETARIES.\n\nB. HESSON, Esq., M.B.\n\nGEORGE K. BARTON, Esq.\n\nTREASURER & LIBRARIAN.\n\nJ. H. YOUNG, Esq.\n\nCOMMITTEE.\n\nFRANCIS DILL, Esq., M.D.\n\nGEORGE K. BARTON, Esq.\n\nHENRY HOLGATE, Esq.\n\nVOLUME I\n\nVICTORIA, HONGKONG:\n\nPRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE \"HONGKONG GAZETTE,\"\n\n1\n\n1846.\n\nPlate VIII. The title page of the first Transactions of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society. 1846.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206925, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "Plate XI. Hai Jui on a Teochew altar in Singapore, January 1970.\n\n(By courtesy of Major Keith Stevens)\n\nPlate XII. Tour to Thailand, February 1973; some of the members\n\ntaking part.\n\nFrom left to right: Mr. H. M. Weinrebe, Mr. D. M. Goodbody, Miss R. E. Carlson, Miss P. I. Young, Mr. R. O'Hara, Mrs. M. O'Hara, Mr. Michael Smithies (tour leader and Hon. Secretary), Miss Moira Knowles (Hon. Secretary from April 1973), Mr. J. S. Anderson, Mrs. W. C. Mao, Dr. P. W. C. Mao, Mr. B. S. McElney, Mr. Hownam-Meek, Mrs. K. Kesterton, Mrs. Hownam-Meek. Not in photograph: Mrs. L. H. Evans, Mr. R. J. Faulkner, Mr. A. H. Forsyth, Mrs. B. Laufer, Miss Lim Laye Tin.\n\n(Photograph by courtesy of C.P.A.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206942, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "forgotten, left or resigned, and to yourselves. During the year however we gained ninety-six new members-- eighty-eight ordinary, three student, and five life members, bringing our total net membership now to 610: the highest ever recorded. Three ordinary members also transferred to life-membership during the year, and nineteen of our new members were enrolled during the last month alone.\n\nTHE FUTURE\n\nWe are aware that some members join because of a new type of activity started by the Society, and we now ask new members to express their particular interests when they join. We will endeavour to cater for various interests as far as we can. We do, in fact, plan to have more local and overseas trips during the coming year and we also hope the Society might be able to do something for young people in Hong Kong who are becoming increasingly interested in local history and culture. Our field visits enable members to meet one another, and for this evening's dinner we have arranged a buffet so that more social interaction is possible. Please let us know if you prefer this arrangement. Please let us know also if you would like to help us arrange any particular activity— perhaps a field trip or if you would like yourselves to give any talk to the Society.\n\nACKNOWLEDGEMENTS\n\nIt remains for me now to thank all those who have assisted us during this year: our many speakers; organisers of excursions and field trips; those contributing articles for the Journal; the Council for its time and support; and as always our auditors, Wong T'an and Co., and Mr. Bridges, British Council Representative, and his staff, for the facilities they provide.\n\n26th March, 1974\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206969, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "34 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nMayréna was joined by Father Guerlach, a missionary who had lived in the Moï region for many years and spoke several local dialects. On 3 June 1888, the members of the confederation accepted a constitution drawn up by Mayréna, which made him king. It is suggested by Marcel Ner1 and other scholars that Mayréna owed much of his success to his skill at prestidigitation, for the Moï were extremely superstitious and accepted his tricks as a sign of moral excellence and divinity. \n\nMayréna by a surprising turn of fortune had become Marie, King of the Sedangs. The new kingdom was named after the Sedangs simply because this tribe formed the most populous element in the confederation of Moï tribesmen. He made Mercurol, the middle-aged, malaria-riddled adventurer from Saigon, the Marquis of Henoui, and created a number of orders of chivalry. His most fanciful creation was the Order of Merit pour récompenser les lettres, les arts, les sciences, l'industrie et le dévouement à la maison royale. It is difficult to understand for whom this order was intended since the Sedangs were totally illiterate. His Annamite mistress—Ahnaïa20—became Queen of the Sedangs, but although the official religion of the kingdom was now Catholicism, the young Ahnaïa resolutely refused to give up her pagan practices, much to the disgust of the missionaries who had foregathered at Mayréna's capital, Kon-Djeri, where the royal palace was a primitive hut above which, however, the royal standard fluttered. \n\nMayréna led his warriors into several campaigns against recalcitrant tribes with varying success; but his real problem was not one of warfare but of money. He lacked the means to live in the style which he now felt was his due. It was the search, therefore, for financial support which led him to Hanoi and Haiphong and in November 1888 to Hong Kong. \n\nThe Marquis de Morès21 \n\nAntoine-Amédée-Marie-Vincent-Manca de Vallombrosa, marquis de Morès et de Monte-Maggiore, was born in Paris in 1858. Unlike Mayréna, he was of noble blood. His ancestors, the Spanish Mancas, had been granted feudal estates in Sardinia in the fourteenth century. The family remained based in Sardinia until the early nineteenth century when the Marquis' grandfather settled in France. Morès received the conventional education of one of his class; he was first tutored by an abbé, then sent to the Catholic", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n45\n\nthe Sedangs, a warrior chant. Mayréna was in full dress uniform, complete with multiform decorations. He was saluted by the other European passengers, who inclined their bodies, and he responded with a military salute. Present were the ennobled and happy industrialist and several rich young men from the Brussels haute-bourgeoisie. The chaplain was a former curé, who had been unfrocked for immorality. And so Mayréna left Europe for the last time.\n\nThe voyage out was mostly uneventful, though Mayréna drank far too much and was often indiscreet enough to talk about his past with his courtiers. Court etiquette was strictly enforced aboard ship --- Buckingham Palace rules at table - except when brief forays were made ashore at Port Said, Aden and Colombo; then the King assumed his incognito as the Comte de Drey. On 18 April 1890 the Sachsen anchored in Singapore harbour.\n\nWhen Mayréna stepped ashore he was at once stopped by a courier from the French Consulate and told that the Consul wished to see him urgently. At the Consulate he was greeted politely but informed that the French Government now claimed rights over the territory of the Sedangs, that he was therefore no longer King, and would be arrested if he set foot in Indo-China. Mayréna, after much argument, returned to Ralph's Hotel, where his officials and courtiers had lodged temporarily, and informed the party that the Sedangs had revolted and that it was impossible to proceed to his kingdom. The group, it appears, were not surprised by the turn of events. They had enjoyed a splendid ocean vacation at the expense of the rich industrialist, Mayréna's backer, but had no desire to seek martyrdom among the savages of the Moï country. At the end of the week the party - court chamberlain, chaplain, other officials and passengers - all returned to Antwerp by the Sachsen. Mayréna stayed on in Singapore. There was little else he could do.\n\nMayréna's sojourn in Singapore is not well documented, though Soulié claims Mayréna met in that city a European he had known formerly at Haiphong, a companion of Miss Dahlberg's brother, who was now domiciled on the island of Tioman and making a living by collecting birds' nests, those of the sea swallow, for the Chinese market. Mayréna decided to accompany this trader back to Tioman, because the island was under the jurisdiction of the Malay State of Pahang, and once settled there he felt he could not be extradited to either France or Indo-China, where he would have had to face trial assuredly for treason.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n53\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Sir William Des Voeux, My Colonial Service, 2 vols., London 1903. Sir Frederick Lugard, Governor of Hong Kong 1907-1912, also found that 'entertaining was an essential part of governing. Hong Kong Government House was used as a high-class hotel, restaurant and sports club by many of the hundreds of passengers who left their ships to write their names in the Governor's book...socially more exacting were the many distinguished foreigners and Eastern potentates-Chinese and Japanese princes, Indian Rajahs, the Governor of the neighbouring Portuguese Macao, foreign admirals who had to be visited in their warships and later entertained in turn at Government House; ambassadors en route to or from Tokyo or Peking, and many lesser functionaries.' See Margery Perham, Lugard, vol. 2, London, 1960, p. 289.\n\n2 My Colonial Service, vol. 2, p. 234. Sir William Des Voeux (1834-1909) was Governor of Hong Kong from 1887 to 1891, in which year he retired from the colonial service.\n\n3 14 November, 1888.\n\n4 15 November, 1888.\n\n5 16 November, 1888.\n\n6 22 November, 1888.\n\n7 William Van Driesche was the third generation of his family to serve the Morèses. The children used to call him Mr. Willie.\n\n8 There are several photographs of Morès in Donald Dresden, The Marquis de Morès: Emperor of the Bad Lands, Norman, Oklahoma, 1970, and in Charles Droulers, Le Marquis de Morès 1858-1896, Paris, 1932. Morès was six-feet tall, lithe, ramrod-straight, muscular, with a needle-pointed waxed black moustache. He looked every inch a d'Artagnan.\n\n9 Richard Manca, Duke of Vallombrosa, born 1834, married the daughter of the Duke Des Cars, conqueror of Algeria. He had three children, of whom Morès was the eldest.\n\n10 Op. cit., vol. 2, p. 234.\n\n11 Ibid., p. 235.\n\n12 Ibid., p. 235.\n\n13 The Hong Kong Daily Press, 24 November, 1888. The Governor was accompanied on his trip by his wife, young daughter, and James Russell, the Chief Justice. The Colonial Secretary, Frederick Stewart, administered the government in Des Voeux's absence.\n\n14 The China Mail (1845-1911) was edited by George Murray Bain from 1879 until 1908(?).\n\n15 It is not surprising that Des Voeux took a great interest in his betters since promotion in the colonial service in the nineteenth century depended to a large degree on knowing people in high places.\n\n16 No full-scale study of Mayréna has been published as yet; the best book is probably Jean Marquet, Un Aventurier du XIXe siècle: Marie Jer, roi des Sedangs, 1888-1890. Hanoi, 1927; but Maurice Soulié, Marie Jer, roi des Sédangs, 1888-1890, Paris 1927, is amusing though really une vie romancée. The most penetrating essay on Mayréna is that by Marcel Ner, 'Marie Ier, roi des Sedangs: essai sur la psychologie de l'aventure”, Extrême-Asie, Revue Indochinoise (Hanoi), no. 21, March 1928, pp. 397-407 and no. 22, April 1928, pp. 491-498. There are many references to Mayréna", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207011, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "\"OH FOR THE JOYS OF ENGLAND\"\n\nLT. ORLANDO BRIDGEMAN'S LETTERS FROM CHINA AND HONG KONG, 1842 - 1843\n\nROBIN MCLACHLAN*\n\nLieutenant Orlando Bridgeman was a minor participant in British activities in China in the early 1840's. Mention of this quite unimportant subaltern is not likely to be found in any of the dozens of histories and memoirs narrating the First Anglo-Chinese War and the early years of Hong Kong. However, Orlando Bridgeman has left us his own personal record of his sojourn in the Far East in the form of several entertaining, if somewhat illegible, letters preserved in the archives of the Nottingham County Record Office.1** His correspondence home provides the rare opportunity of seeing what life could be like in the Far East for a very homesick and bored young British officer on his first overseas service. The impression that Bridgeman gives of life in China and Hong Kong is quite different from the more romantic and adventurous picture provided by more experienced and hardier souls. For Bridgeman, his time there was little more than an adventure in misery.\n\nLimited biographical information on Orlando Bridgeman can be gleaned from Hart's Annual Army Lists and Burke's Peerage.2 His full name was Orlando Jack Charles Bridgeman; he was born in 1823, the younger son of Captain Orlando Henry Bridgeman (1794-1827) and his wife, Selina. Both parents were the children of British aristocracy; his father was the third son (of four) of Baron Bradford and his mother was the daughter of the Earl of Kilmorey. The careers of the four sons of Baron Bradford comply with the popular stereotype of careers followed by the sons of eighteenth and nineteenth century British nobility. The eldest son, of course, succeeded to the family title; for the second, third and fourth sons there were careers in the navy, army and church respectively. Following their schooling at Harrow, both Orlando Jack Charles Bridgeman and his brother, Francis Orlando Henry, followed their\n\n* Mr. McLachlan is a member of the Department of Far Eastern History at the Australian National University.\n\n**The notes to this article will be found at the end.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207012, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "BRIDGEMAN'S LETTERS FROM CHINA AND HONG KONG\n\n77\n\nfather's footsteps and entered the army by purchasing commissions, the usual practice then. Our Orlando, (the name has been a popular choice with the Bradford Bridgemans since the seventeenth century) purchased a commission as an ensign in the 98th Regiment of Foot on July 2, 1841.3 Within six months, Orlando Bridgeman and his regiment were on their way to the war in China. In March of 1843 he was promoted to lieutenant.\n\nThe letters Bridgeman sent home were addressed to his sister, Selina, who at the time of writing was travelling the European continent in the manner of the fashionable young lady of her day. Only nine of the letters have survived, seven of which were sent from China or Hong Kong; the other two letters, which were also the first two, dealt with the voyage out to China via the Cape of Good Hope. Judging from the contents and dates of the letters it is quite possible that more were sent but have since been destroyed or lost. As one would expect in letters between brother and sister, much of the correspondence deals with family affairs, the condition and whereabouts of mutual friends, Selina's travels on the continent and like matters. After discussing such affairs, Orlando would then go on to recount to his sister details of his life in the not so mysterious and rather boring orient.\n\nSoon after his arrival in China, Bridgeman and his regiment took part in the expedition up the Yangtze to Nanking. His only letter about the war, written sometime in August, records its successful conclusion.\n\nYou can have no conception of the general joy this affords. We are all very seedy. I myself am done up. The 98th are landed and have been for some time, and are encamped near the city of Nankin, more to recruit our health than anything else, as we have been suffering a good deal. Now that it is all over, I do not mind telling you all about it. We have had cholera very badly in the Regt. On our first landing to attack Tsing-kiang-foo* it attacked us and in less than three weeks we lost over one hundred men. Many others are still very ill from the effects of it and the regt. is a mere skeleton from the number of sick in hospital. We were only able to land three hundred and fifty strong. Do not let this frighten you or my mother, as all is nearly over, and the men are fast getting strong.4\n\nChinkiang,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207025, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "90 \n\nG. J. BELL \n\nInfluential contacts in London and Washington—usually naval officers whom he had first met as young men and who had subsequently attained high rank—would be called upon to ensure that the gifts were promptly regularised and confirmed. By these means he succeeded in getting radars, radios and associated equipment for all three Observatories—Zikawei, Hong Kong and Macau. It is remarkable that although cut off from the mainstream of meteorological research during World War II, yet he taught himself to understand and service new and complex radar sets. \n\nIn 1954, at the age of 68, Fr Gherzi moved to the United States of America, staying briefly in Saint-Louis and New Orleans before moving in 1955 to the Observatory of Geophysics in the College Jean-de-Brébeuf, Montreal. He occupied the post of Director of Research in the Observatory and maintained his interest in the measurement of solar radiation, ionospheric soundings and atmospheric electricity. Although no longer engaged in routine weather forecasting he still went out of his way to communicate with ships' officers and in his last letter to me, in 1969, he enclosed a photograph of himself on the bridge of the Leonardo da Vinci (See plate 51 to this Journal). \n\nFr Gherzi contributed an article to Weather on the 'Derivation of the word \"Typhoon\"' (1953) and he would be delighted to notice that 13 years after his long letter to the Editor on 'Unrealistic Weather Maps over Continents' (1954) the same point should again be made in a paper in Weather (Walker 1967). Fr Gherzi received international recognition for his work in so far as he was honoured by membership of the Pontifical Academy of Science and the Academies of Science in both Lisbon and New York and, of course, he was made welcome in observatories in the Far East and North America. However, nothing gave him more pleasure than to be in contact with, and of help to, mariners and aviators whom he served so well and so long.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207107, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "172 \n\nSUNG HOK-PANG \n\nHe then returned to the capital, and stayed in General Ngai's house where he was able to make friends with many famous scholars. He wrote a book named \"Yin t’oi san ngai” \n\nwhich had a preface written by Ts'oi Shing Yuen ## Noi Kok Hok Sz a political minister of high rank. Three years later Tang passed his Tsun sz degree, and was appointed district magistrate of Lung Yau Yuen in Chekiang province. \n\nTang Man Wai was of a kind-hearted disposition and some say that through this the wall of T'aai Hong Wai was built. The story goes that when Tang passed his Sau Tsoi degree he was sent to Kwai Shin district, now Wai Yeung, to collect the rent due on cultivated lands, belonging to his family property. While there he came across a young man named Lei Maan Wing * hanging upside down as a punishment. On asking the reason why, Tang learnt that Lei had contracted gambling debts and was unable to pay them. Tang was sorry for the young man, paid all his debts and was able to use his influence in obtaining a military post for him. This happened during the end of the Ming Dynasty. Later on when the Manchus drove out the Mings in the North and the Ming Emperor Wing Lik✯✯ had retreated to Kwangtung, Lei was a colonel under Cheung Ka Yuk ✯ who was fighting against the Manchus. When Cheung was defeated in battle in the 4th year of Shun Chi A.D., 1647 of Ts'ing dynasty, and drowned himself, Lei, who was with him, fled with about a hundred soldiers. Gradually many of Cheung's soldiers were able to rejoin him, and with a strong army he attacked both Tung Kwun ✯✯ and San On ✯* districts. He drove out the Manchus, and made his headquarters in what is now known as the New Territories. One of Lei's camps was situated in the district round K'ei Lun Wai LP'ing Shan A and T'sing Leung Fat Yuen ****. Before the latter, which is a nunnery, was built, the locality had been known as Ying P'oon Tei, \"The ground of the camp,\" and while the building was in progress the workmen dug up many old coffins which were supposed to be those of Lei's soldiers. Among them was found a general's sword, broken in many pieces. Anyone going to Kwun Yam Shaan to visit the Ling Wan monastery would notice half way up Taai Mo Shaan, far above the cultivated land, a stretch of hillside that has been terraced and flattened out in some former time. This is supposed to have been another of Lei's encampments. Lei burned and pillaged, and most of the \n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207110, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n175\n\nfound in Wing Lung Wai where his portrait in military officer's uniform is to be seen.\n\nTang Ming Luen, the son of Tang Kuen Hin, was another military officer. He was a very powerful man with exceptional strength in his arms. When he was young and before he studied the military arts, he came across, one day, two water buffaloes fighting in a road. The people standing by were unable to pass and yet could do nothing to separate the animals. Tang Ming Luen, seeing this, seized each buffalo by the horn, wrenched them apart, and stopped the fight. It happened that a newly passed Kui Yan named Tang T'in K'ei, who came from Tung Kwun district, was visiting Kam T'in to worship at the ancestral hall, and, according to old Chinese custom, to report the good news of his degree to his ancestors. He witnessed Tang Ming Luen's feat of strength and greatly admiring him, he encouraged him to study for the army, giving him ten taels of pure silver sycee as a reward. Tang Ming Luen passed his Mo Sau Tsoi in the 25th year of Ka Hing, A.D. 1820, and the Mo Kui Yan in the following year.\n\nThere is another story that Tang Ming Luen dug up some hidden treasure in his orchard, which was near Sui T'au Ts'un. To the North of the garden, there was a large banyan tree and close by it a rock covered with creeping plants. On dark days, it was said that a light used to shine near this rock and at a distance, it appeared like a big white horse. One day, Tang told a labourer to dig a hole for planting a fruit tree in a corner of the garden where a lot of long grass was growing. In doing so, the man dug up a large earthenware jar with a lid on it, which was full of silver sycee. He seized a handful of them and started to carry them home, but at once, his eyes became dim-sighted and he was unable to see his way. Thinking that it must be a punishment for trying to take money that did not belong to him, the man put the coins back in the ground, and his sight recovered at once. When he told Tang of his discovery, Tang had the ground thoroughly dug, and many more jars, each full of silver coins, were found.\n\nTang Kuen Hin was born in the 20th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1755, and he built a school called So Lau Yuen in Shui Tau Tsuen, one of the Kam T'in villages. This building has a curious carving inside, rather like the face of a clock with Roman lettering on it, the origin of it being unknown. Another building called Ch'eung Tsun Yuen was built by one of his descendants.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207112, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n177\n\nwhen he had finished, he received a good appointment in a Government post.\n\nThe examinations that it was necessary to pass before a military post could be obtained, were similar to these, the name of each one being the same with the prefix of mo; thus mo sau tsoi, mo kui yan etc.\n\n[6]\n\nIf one walks through Kam T'in Market (#w†), turns to the right, and reaches Shui T'au Village (§‡) a fifteen minutes walk will bring one to an old bridge, which is mentioned in the San On Record book (*) and which is held in much respect by the New Territories people, as an example of filial duty done by a good son of Kam T'in. The bridge is called Pin Mo K'iu (1⁄2✯✯) \"bridge for the convenience of my mother,\" and it was built in the 49th year of Hong Hei (A) A.D. 1710 of Ts'ing dynasty, by Tang Tsun Yuen (2), a nineteenth generation descendant of the \"Five Yuens.\"\n\nTsun Yuen was born in the ninth year of Hong Hei, A.D. 1670 and died in the ninth year of Yung Ching (£), A.D. 1731. The original home of his family was in Shui T'au Village (¿k ši††) but his mother, who was a widow, moved to T'aai Hong Wai (✯✯ ¤) with her two sons. When Tsun Yuen married he rebuilt the old house and returned to Shui Tau but his mother stayed on with her younger son in T'aai Hong Wai as there was not room enough for them to live all together. But every day the mother wanted to go to Tsun Yuen's house to see her young grandsons, and to get there she had to cross the stream. Tsun Yuen used to go to the stream at a certain hour each day and wait there till she came, and wading into the water, he would carry her across on his back. The visit ended, he would escort her to the stream again, and take her across. When the tide rose it was sometimes too deep for him, so he would stay with his mother on the shore and wait with her till the tide fell and he was able to get across. This went on for a long time but he had made up his mind that, although he was poor, he would save up his money to pay for the building of a bridge, and at the end of six years he was able to do so, much to the admiration of the Kam T'in villagers. The elders in later years often used this story when teaching the young people, as an example of a good son.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207113, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "178\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\nThere is a stone tablet near the bridge with an inscription carved on it which can be roughly translated as follows: --\n\n\"My grandfather's official name is Kam(); the name for his friends to call him by is Kui Haam(&). My father's official name is Ch'ung Kwong(★★) and the name for his friends to call him by is Wai Cheuk(). My mother's surname is Wong(#). My mother bore Tsun Yuen (myself) and my younger brother Yin Yuen(£). We two brothers were unlucky, in our youth we were without a father to rely on. My mother lived alone as a widow, and had to practice economy and diligence. She gave us good instructions every day and night. Now when Tsun Yuen (myself) grew up, I married a wife named Ch'an() being ashamed to be a useless son, but fortunately I begot two sons, the eldest named Tung Ping(#) and the younger Shing Tak(). At that time there was peace at last with the bandits and in the 43rd year of Hong Hei(A) in Kap Shan() year I rebuilt my dwelling house at my original home in Shui T'au village. My younger brother and my mother did not come back to the home, but they still lived in T'aai Hong Wai, on the other side of the stream. My mother paid great attention to her baby grandsons, day and night she came to see them, and kept on coming backwards and forwards from her house, each time having to bear the difficulty of crossing the water, and obliged to hum the song of \"The difficulty of crossing the water\" as she passed. Therefore I have exerted myself to build this bridge for the convenience of my mother, and give it the name of Ping Mo(£#), (to convenience my mother). If anyone says that I build it to relieve many people, in the hope of obtaining happiness, I do not dare to have such an idea.\" (See plate 38),\n\n\"Hong Hei(a) 49th year, in Kang Yan(P†) year. Winter month, lucky day, Tang Tsun Yuen erected this stone tablet.\"\n\nThe following is a rough translation of another reference to the mother of T'sun Yuen, written by Tang Wai K'ui(✯✯).\n\n\"My Tso Pei(int) (deceased grandmother), Wong, was the wife of my ancestor, Wai Cheuk(2). When she was twenty-one years of age, her husband died. She cherished her fatherless children, and maintained her purity in poverty. When the children were young she bore great fatigue to nurture them, and when they grew older she taught them in a proper way. She always kept on friendly terms with her neighbours, so that they all admired her highly.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207114, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n179\n\nWhen she reached the great age of seventy-two, she maintained her apartment in the same neat and tidy manner as when she was young.\n\nI have the most humble honour to record the above,\n\n(Signed) TANG WAI KUI,\n\n26th generation descendant of \"the Five Yuens.\"\n\nThe most ancient Ancestral Hall to be found in the different villages of Kam T'in is Loi Shing Tong (✯✯✯) (see H.K.N. VII p. 250 and VIII, plate 8).* This hall is in Shui T'au village, and was built for the 11th ancestor, Tang Kwong Yue (). In recent years a tablet was discovered which had been hidden by furniture in one of the rooms for such a long time that its existence was forgotten. It records the date of the building of the hall and can be translated, roughly, as follows:-\n\n\"Our ancestor Tseung Luk (X) planned to build an ancestral hall for our ancestor Kwong Yue. He was successful and the ancestral tablets have been fixed in the hall from the 40th year of Hong Hei, A.D. 1701, up till now. The building is in ruins, and Shing (*) (myself) and others think that as it was erected by our early fore-fathers, we ought to repair it. Owing to the limited ancestral fund, it is difficult to do this, but I (named Shing) and all my brothers, cousins, uncles and nephews are pleased to subscribe money towards the expense, and even the descendants of the ancestors Shing (*) and Yan (g) are pleased to help.\n\nThe subscribers are as follows:\n\nYiu Kong (#) subscribed one tael and two mace Sz Taan (BF @), one hundred and fifty taels.\n\nSz Yue (tô) seventy-five taels.\n\nSz Yuk (+), ten taels,\n\nSz Shing (of), two-hundred and fifty taels.\n\nK'ei Yuen (M), sixty taels.\n\nSz Tsaan (*), sixty taels.\n\nT'ing Suen (), eight taels.\n\nSz Yue ($), sixty taels.\n\nKin Lung, 47th year repaired, and this stone tablet fixed.\n\nThe virtuous, meritorious descendant Tseung Luk was the one who started this Hall. The virtuous, meritorious descendant Sz Shing was the one who took charge of the work of repairing it.”\n\n* See Plate 34 at rear of this Volume.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207125, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "190\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nUNUSUAL TREES IN HONG KONG\n\nCinnamomum cassia Blume: Cassia-Bark Tree (Chinese Cassia)\n\nThis tree is a South China species, but does not occur naturally in Hong Kong, nor commonly anywhere in Kwangtung Province with which the New Territories adjoin. Its distribution is confined to Kwangsi Province and the west of Kwangtung Province, where it is grown commercially on a considerable scale, providing the raw material for the well-known commercial product “cassia bark”.\n\nBefore 1952, no cultivated C. cassia had been recorded in Hong Kong; however, in 1952 it was found that three cassia-bark trees were growing at three hermitages near Castle Peak Temple - one tree at each hermitage. These three trees, together with nursery stock derived from them, are the only living specimens so far known in Hong Kong.\n\nSince C. cassia is such a rare and unusual tree in Hong Kong, it is intriguing to note its significance in the gardens of the hermitages. How old are these trees and why were they brought to these hermitages? It was learned that they were grown from young seedlings brought from Kwangsi about twenty years ago, and that they were planted, not for commercial purposes but because of the cassia tree/hermit connection.\n\nHermits often consider themselves to be on a different plane from ordinary men and they like to keep something as a symbol of dignity in their company as a means of emphasising this. C. cassia is associated with the qualities of gentleness and sacredness, in the Chinese view, and these qualities form a source of inspiration and delight to the hermits. The presence of a cassia-bark tree in such a place is believed not only to enrich its grounds, but also to be symbolic of spiritual purification for those staying there. This is the reason why the cassia-bark tree has made such a dramatic entry into Hong Kong and why it is considered to be of such importance by the hermits.\n\nThe tree is easily confused with its two allied species, namely C. camphora and particularly C. burmanni both of which are found in Hong Kong. However, one can easily separate the camphor tree C. camphora from C. cassia by the bark which is rough on the former while that on C. cassia is smooth. The leaf shape is used to distinguish C. burmanni from C. cassia; on C. burmanni the leaf is pointed, while that on C. cassia is truncate.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207126, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n191\n\nThese three trees have been regarded as the sole source of propagation material of C. cassia outside its natural habitat during the last two decades, and they have been much prized, and are the subject of considerable interest by an overseas company dealing in essential oils.\n\nThe species can be propagated either by air-layers or by seed. If propagated by seed, satisfactory results can be obtained only when seed is collected in a well-matured condition and immediately air-dried for 2/3 days after collection before sowing. Soaking and removal of the pericarp prior to sowing will improve germination,\n\nYoung seedlings have been raised in the forest nursery from the seed collected from these specimens in successive years. Trees of sapling stage have been established in Castle Peak Demonstration Plantation and Tai Po Kau Forest Reserve. In view of its rarity, it is advisable that more of this species should be planted in suitable localities in the New Territories and Hong Kong Island.\n\nD. C. SHEN\n\nLike the foregoing note, this also appeared in Wildlife Conservation Newsletter, No. 14 (October 1971), and is reproduced here with due acknowledgements.\n\nTRADITIONAL FARMING TECHNIQUES AND\n\nTHEIR SURVIVAL IN HONG KONG\n\nFarmers in Hong Kong have very old traditional skills and techniques in farming passed from father to son for many generations.\n\nSince the end of the Northern Sung Dynasty in 1127 A.D., due to invasion of the Tartars-Mongolians and Manchurians who broke through the Great Wall one after the other, numerous people have moved from the north into South China. Some of them developed the sparsely populated land with their technique of subsistence farming.\n\nLater, in 1898, the land population of the present New Territories of Hong Kong reached about 90,000. In 1905 the British Crown confirmed that there were 354,277 separate plots of agricultural land comprising 40,738 acres. The average size of the lot", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207129, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "194\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nof rice varieties were selected by the growers. The first group was sown in early March, transplanted in April and harvested in July. The second group was sown in mid-June, transplanted in August and harvested in November. The seeds were sown in a nursery which enabled the grower to sow the seed for the late crop before the harvest of the early crop. Seedlings were transplanted in puddled soil. Weeds were tramped in the wet mud with bare feet. Most of the local varieties matured from 100 to 135 days. The crop was reaped by sickle and dried under the sun. The grain had to undergo the process of winnowing before storage.\n\nThe land was prepared through ploughing and harrowing by draft animals, usually cattle. The plough was made of three pieces of wood with an iron head and shear, and the harrow was made of iron similar to a rake, with ten teeth of about 12 inches long spaced 4 inches apart, and a wooden handle was fixed on top of two iron rods extended from the toothed bar. These implements were light and small and could be carried conveniently by a farmer from one field to another. They are still in widespread use.\n\nVegetables planted for subsistence farming were: Preserved Mustard, Chinese Radish, Leaf Mustard, Chinese White Cabbage, Spring Onion, Sweet Potato, and Taro. Any surplus of these vegetables was preserved either by sun-drying or by salt.\n\nAt the end of the last century, the demand for fresh vegetables increased, due to the increase of population in the local towns or markets. Fresh vegetables for cash were produced in the suburban areas. In addition to the above-mentioned species, the market gardeners produced a much wider range of vegetables, namely Flowering Cabbage, Chinese Kale, Chinese Gourds, String Bean, Lettuce, Tomato, Spinach, Chinese Celery, etc.\n\nLichi, longan, tangerine, pummelo, wangpei, guava, and banana were the important fruits grown in this territory. Generally, fruit trees were planted in the vicinity of the villages. Lichi, tangerine, pummelo, and guava were propagated by air-layering; longan by approach grafting; wangpei by grafting, and banana by separation of young suckers to maintain the quality of the fruits. These techniques of fruit tree propagation have been used since before 544 A.D. (Ka 533-544 A.D.) A large number of small orchards was established in the early twenties of this century. They adopted close planting and used longan and lichi as shelter plants.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207130, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n195 \n\nto protect the under-growth, such as citrus which cannot withstand typhoons occurring in the summer months. \n\nLiquid extracts of tobacco, derris root, and tea seed cake were sprayed by a simple syringe made of bamboo to control insect pests. The other means of control were light traps to catch June beetles and moths, and paper bagging to protect gourds and fruits from damage by wasps and fruit flies. Hand picking was employed to control insects on crops cultivated in smaller areas. Some farmers even used chicks of less than 10 days old to pick aphids and small larvae on young vegetables grown on the bed of the flood furrow irrigation system. Most varieties of rice showed some resistance to rice-stem-borer which was also controlled to some extent by natural parasites. Not much attention was given to the control of plant diseases. Crop rotation was necessary when insect pests and disease damage became serious. \n\nCattle and buffaloes were kept mainly for draught purpose. When the animals were not busy at the farm, they grazed on wild grasses on the hillsides and returned to the cattle sheds in the evening. Cattle manure and bedding materials, mostly straw were collected and piled up in a yard. Thus, the cattle not only helped the farmer in land preparation, but also collected plant nutrients in the form of grass from the hills to enrich the cultivated fields. \n\nPigs were kept for turning kitchen waste and crop refuses into edible meat. Sows and their litters were allowed to range freely in the village. Weaners were fattened in pens from which sunlight was excluded. They produced porkers with soft spareribs to meet the market preference. Some vegetable growers kept a small herd of pigs by utilizing the vegetable wastes as feed, and collected the manure for the crop. Sows were served by travelling boars. The local breed of pig is characterized by short body, fine bone and big belly which have been selected by using feed of low nutritional value such as sweet potato vine, rice bran, vegetable waste and swill. \n\nA farmer in early days could hardly keep a big flock of chickens with the limited surplus of grain produced from his farm. The chickens ran free to search for grass seeds, worms and other insects in the soil around the village. They were fed with some grains shortly before they returned to their nests in the evening. Thus, the growth rate of the chickens, in general, was very slow.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207144, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n209 \n\nto Dr. Peter Young of the Hong Kong Dispensary, but Dr. Young was prevented from building on it by the Governor's Notification of 10 April 1843, that no further building was to continue until after the signing of a Treaty determining the future of Hong Kong as a British possession. Both of the lots were later resumed by Government and a Police Station was built on the site. \n\nAcross the Queen's Road and on the sea front from “Jorrock's Hall\" was the business establishment of Gillespie operated in Captain Thomas Larkin's godown. Here he sold general provisions and goods suitable for trade with the Pacific Islands. Larkin's Godowns were just west of another extensive range of buildings called the Albany Godowns. They were built to store the goods of Chinese merchants, but they were not a financial success and stood empty or partially used for a number of years. Finally the land reverted to government in 1847. In 1855 both Larkin's Godown and the Albany Godowns were resold by Government and in the 1860's they were used for McGregor's Barracks by the Military, giving the present McGregor Street its name, \n\n(3) VISIT TO OLD WESTERN DISTRICT, SATURDAY, 8 JUNE, 1974 \n\nRoute Instructions \n\nMeet at Chinese Recreation Ground, Possession Point (the British flag was raised here in January 1841). \n\nEnter Possession Street and visit: 1) Offices of the Tung Kwun Trade Assn. (including the roof, from which an excellent view can be obtained); 2) The Foo Lung Restaurant (2nd and 3rd floors only). \n\nThe Tung Kwun District Commercial Association, as the Tung Yee Hop Tong, was founded in 1893. There are several interesting photographs and inscriptions in this office. \n\nFrom there the group will go along Fat Hing Street — a lane with many embroidery stores in it to the Shun Tak District Commercial Association at 67, Queen's Road, West. The Association owns the whole building and its office occupies the 2nd floor. The interior is practically the same with photographs, furniture and inscriptions as provided in 1915 when the Association was founded. The Association dates in fact from much earlier, around 1875, under the name of a Tong or 'Hall' (****).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207166, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n231\n\nfinal shape of the object. e.g. the legs of the horse are pasted with clay to the body. This is then burnt in a furnace, fired with diesel oil. The time and temperature differs for different pieces of ceramic. The piece is then glazed with various colours, dried and burnt again. After the second burning the piece is ready for the market.\n\nAlthough it is hard to give an exact burning time for the object, this process is usually divided into 2 sections, slow and fast burning. The slow burning method is used on thick pieces of ceramic and has a burning time of about 27 hours. For a thin piece, a burning time of about 14 hours is employed; this is known as fast burning. Many factors are involved and the above figures are only a rough guide. The main factors involved are the humidity of the air, the water content of the clay and the thickness of the piece of ceramic. Making ceramic requires patience as the job should never be rushed. Time must be spent on every individual piece and the combination of burning time and temperature must be close enough to perfection, otherwise the work will crack and a low quality piece is produced. A scientific approach is required to understand the property of the clay and its variation, and an artistic inclination to give it that “special” finish to the ceramic.\n\nMr Lam has a total of 160 different moulds, and new pieces are added as new assignments come in. He copies the basic shape from books, magazines, and museum pieces. He specialises in Tang burial figures—Tun Huang Temple guardians, mythical animals, Kuan-Yin figures, Tang horses, vases, roof tiles and other roof decorations. In the Tang dynasty figures, only 5 colours are used: green, brown, yellow, orange and greenish-yellow (egg and spinach). Collectively these are known as the 5 colours of Tang Ceramics, and are produced from metal oxide e.g. green from copper oxide, yellow from iron oxide.\n\nThe number of craftsmen working in the factory depends on the size of the orders. They were mostly trained by Mr Lam in the past, although quite a few of his \"past pupils” have branched out to start their own business. He doesn't like to train young people because of that reason and feels, too, that it is hard to find young people who are really interested in this art.\n\nThe number of assignments has decreased recently from both Hong Kong and overseas market, due to the increase in cost of production resulting from the increasing cost of raw materials and the setback in the world economy.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207184, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\n249\n\nLIFE MEMBERS:\n\nSU, Dr. Chung Jen TAN, Khek-seng\n\nTANG, Mrs. Madeleine\n\nTANG, Sir Shiu-kin, C.B.E.\n\nTHOMAS, L. F.\n\n155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1st floor, H.K.\n\nA-1, Villa Monte Rose, 7th floor, 41A, Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\n8C, Grenville House, 1, Magazine Gap Rd., H.K.\n\nThe Kowloon Motor Bus Co. (1933) Ltd., Room 1701, Central Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, Prince's Building, 22nd floor, H.K.\n\nTON, Mrs. Chen Chu-ching St. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nTORRIBLE, G. R. WATSON, K. A.\n\nWEINREBE, Harry W.\n\nWERLE, Helga\n\nWESLEY-SMITH, Peter\n\nWHITELEGGE, D. S. WILLIAMS, Roger A.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mr. & Mrs. W. D. F.\n\nWINKLER, Mrs. E WONG, Peng-Cheong\n\nWOLF, John\n\nYOUNG, Miss Pauline\n\nc/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nc/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K.\n\nWeinrebe & Pennell Ltd., Room 805, Bank of Canton Building, Des Voeux Road, H.K.\n\n3, Wood Road, 6th floor, H.K.\n\nDept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n58, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K.\n\nDept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n1, Riante Rive Apartments, 14 Milestone, Castle Peak Road, N.T.\n\nFlat 402, 12 May Road, H.K.\n\nWong, Tan & Co., 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nP.O. Box 147, H.K.\n\nThe Peak School, Plunkett's Road, The Peak, H.K.\n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207198, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\n263\n\nWILKINSON, Miss A. M. Sisters' Quarters, Flat 605C, Queen Mary Hospital, H.K.\n\nWILLIAMS, B. V. - c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K.\n\nWILLIAMS, P. B. 10, The Albany, H.K.\n\nWILLIS, D. N. 35th floor, Connaught Centre, H.K.\n\nWILSON, B. D. Flat 2D, 30, Plunketts Road, The Peak, H.K.\n\nWILSON, J. K. Flat 3D, Man Kei Toi, Pak Sha Wan, Sai Kung N.T.\n\nWISBEY, Miss Glenda c/o Poste Restante, G.P.O., H.K.\n\nWONG, Kwok Fong 92A Pokfulam Road, 1st floor, H.K,\n\nWONG, Miss Marion 8, Fung Tai Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nWRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nYEUNG, Walter W. T. 60B, Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nYOUNG, Dr. Frances M. c/o The Bishop's House, 1, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. Irene 12, Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nZIMMERN, W. A. G.P.O. Box 837, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207261, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "A HONG KONG SPIRIT-MEDIUM TEMPLE\n\n21\n\ndubbing themselves \"the 19 Brothers\" formulated plans for the construction of a new temple in Kwun Tong. With the assistance of leaders from the wider Hong Kong Chiu-chow community they managed to effect peaceful occupation of 4,000 square feet of Crown land immediately behind blocks 18, 19, and 20 of the new estate. The new site was dedicated in 1963 and at the same time the local cult was incorporated as a branch of the predominantly Chiu-chow syncretic cult known as \"Tak Kaau The Virtuous Teaching.\"\n\n10\n\nToday, Tai Wong Ye gives evidence of being one of the most popular, if not prosperous, temples in Kwun Tong. It boasts approximately 200 ritual associates known as \"tan sang,\" claims nearly 1,000 worshippers a month, and at the time of original field research was serviced by four spirit-mediums. Members of the temple association are virtually unanimous in attributing the cult's success to the efficacy of their \"kei tung,\" especially the senior one who was first possessed in the Lo Fu squatter village. Below we discuss in more detail the role of \"kei tung\" and the personal characteristics of those who perform that role at Tai Wong Ye Temple.\n\nTai Wong Ye Temple: The Spirit Mediums\n\nAs mentioned above the mediums who serve the Kwun Tong temple are known by devotees as \"kei tung.\" In a literal sense the term refers to a young man who does \"spirit writing,\" i.e., the first character, \"kei,\" means the process of spirit writing as performed in a basin filled with sand, and the second character, \"tung,\" indicates a young man who assists in ritual activity. In combination the characters may be used in their literal sense of one who only does spirit writing or they may be used for a spirit medium. Even though mediums are able to do spirit writing, it is by no means necessary that one be a medium to perform that ritual. Henceforth in this paper we shall employ the word \"kei tung\" with sole reference to the type of mediums who service Tai Wong Ye Temple.\n\nTo date Jordan has published the most detailed study of the Chinese \"kei tung,\" devoting special attention to life history events relating to the initial experience of spirit possession. Like shamanistic religious specialists elsewhere, the \"kei tung\" insists that he has been chosen by the deity rather than vice-versa. The initial possession experience ordinarily occurs at a time of personal crisis and is manifested by behavior that the actor is unable to interpret.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207299, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "INCIDENT: H.K. MERCHANTS & BEI. CO.\n\n59\n\nvolumes on official documents, 1 should prefer to accept his version as more likely. From a wide reading of Morse's Chronicles I have found other instances when a threat from the E.I.C. supercargoes was sufficient to make the Canton officials allow the fleet to sail or trade to reopen; but never the next day. The officials always needed some means of delay and therefore of saving face.\n\nBy way of comparison a similar incident involving Lindsay's only son, Hugh Hamilton Lindsay, in 1831 is worth looking at. Hugh Hamilton Lindsay entered the East India Company's service as a young man and passed through the various ranks until by 1831 he was a supercargo. This story begins in May 1831 when the Governor suddenly and unexpectedly ordered that part of the factory's grounds be destroyed, a linguist put in chains and a Hong merchant sent to gaol. The supercargoes received a copy of an imperial mandate ordering them to comply with a restatement of all the existing restrictions on foreigners. The Select Committee decided to warn the Chinese authorities that if they persisted in enforcing all the regulations these would be resisted, even if it meant withdrawing from trade at Canton. The members of the Committee decided to send Hugh Hamilton Lindsay to Canton (they had recently returned to the E.I.C. premises in Macao for the summer) to hand over the keys of the Company's factory to the Hong merchants for them to deliver to the Governor, with a letter to the effect that they would no longer rent the factory while they were not safe from intrusion and destruction, and if no steps were taken to remedy the situation then trade would be suspended on 1st August 1831. The description of Lindsay's efforts to deliver the letter and the keys is given in Morse, Chronicles, Vol. IV, pp. 282-3. Lindsay didn't manage to persuade the Hong merchants to deliver the letter, but eventually the officer in command of the troops of the district, who customarily received petitions presented at the gates, accepted the letter and the keys of the factory. But he simply handed them to a Hong merchant with the order “None are to be received\". The dispute dragged on till the end of 1831 and occupies as far as page 323 in Vol. IV of Chronicles.\n\nIn the following year Lindsay was given a more congenial commission by the Select Committee. He was sent in the E.I.C. ship Lord Amherst (350 tons), with a cargo of various English cloths, for which he was to find out the probable demand and the prices", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207315, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES ON CHIUCHOW OPERA\n\n75\n\nfrom the cock's comb is sprinkled over stage, backstage and musical instruments. These two actors are in military costume and sometimes have painted faces. One is fiercely brandishing his trident against the invisible evil spirits. They are followed by another person holding a red bucket, who throws handfuls of rice mixed with salt and black beans in all the directions in which the cock's blood is dripped.\n\nAfter they visit the percussions they go to the front of the stage, where in the middle a staircase leads down to the auditorium. There they bow three times to the deity sitting in the temple facing the stage. This is the end of the ceremony (see drawing on p. 73).\n\nWhile the 'p'o-t'ai' ceremony is in progress the old man in charge of the patron-deity shrine directs the actors to light joss-sticks and bow and kotow in front of the shrine.\n\nThe cock used in the p'o-t'ai ceremony is either set free or bought at a high price by those who raise chickens, as such a cock guarantees success.\n\nBefore the ceremony starts a warning is given that children should leave the area and avoid seeing the ceremony, as they may be frightened or even terrified. They may be shocked for life or instantly drop dead.\n\nAfter the performance there is also a short ceremony performed by two actors who portray the young man's and young girl's role. There is no music at all, they walk very fast over the stage and utter a text the words of which are known only to the initiated and are taboo to the rest of the actors. The same is true for the words uttered at the p'o-t'ai ceremony.\n\nThis troupe does not eat beef, and should its actors eat beef on a day on which they perform, they may suddenly feel very ill on stage. If this is the case they drink a bowl of water mixed with black vinegar, which will make them vomit the beef. They then bow before the shrine backstage, ask forgiveness for their mistake and promise never to do it again. Whereupon they feel better and can go on performing. The troupe's cook never serves beef, only fish and pork, salted vegetables, peanuts and rice-gruel, typical of the Chiuchow cuisine.\n\nMost Chiuchow opera troupes venerate Tien Yüan Shuai Bi General T'ien, but although the Sang Ngai opera troupe's shrine,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207316, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "76\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nwhich has the shape of a miniature temple, has the three characters Han-lin yuan embroidered on its red curtain; it is not General T'ien who is sitting behind the ever closed curtain, but the San t'ai-tze lao-yeh\n\nthe 3 princes (Mu-ch'a, Chin-ch'a and No-ch'a).* \n\nThe birthday of the San t'ai-tze lao-yeh is celebrated yearly by this troupe with special performances in the first month of the Chinese calendar in the public housing estate Tung Tau Tsuen ✯✯, not far from the airport, where a whole community considers the San t'ai-tze as their patrons.\n\nAt this birthday celebration in 1976, between 9 and 10 p.m. a man suddenly came running to the temple facing the stage and donned the costume prepared on the table. No-ch'a is usually represented as a young boy: his hair tied in a bob over each ear, with his feet on fire-wheels. The man, a medium, is believed to be an ordinary man who might have never thought of No-ch'a. But on his birthday the god (here No-ch'a) will possess a person who will then only act as a medium. The man or sometimes a woman will get up from his bed, if he is sleeping, or from the table if he is eating, and rush to the square where the festivities are held without talking to anyone. Sometimes 3 people appear being possessed by the 3 princes. If the god in this temple has proved to be particularly efficacious (ling) then this event is expected and the respective clothes for the god are already prepared on a table specially marked with a green bamboo 3m high attached to its leg. The costume for the god is usually put into a flat round basket and a weapon is placed beside it. The medium puts on No-ch'a's costume, a yellow silk blouse and trousers and on the head he puts a band with the two hair-knots attached, shaking all the while and aided by those who have expected his arrival. When dressed the medium takes up the weapon, a solid spiky iron-ball on a chain, and wields it against his own body, beating his back and chest, perhaps to prove that he is actually possessed by the god.\n\n* Doré, Chinese Superstitions, Taipei 66, Vol. 7, p. 413 and Vol. 9, p. 111; E. T. C. Werner: Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, page 247.\n\n† Such a bamboo is also fastened to the roof of the stage or where rituals for the dead are held: it indicates the presence of spirits or marks the place to which spirits are invited to come.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "80\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nThe girl comes out of hiding, and the fortune-teller takes her to safety.\n\nSU LIU-NIANG (SIXTH DAUGHTER SU) *** Drama in 10 acts, lasting about 3.4 hours.\n\nDramatis personae: Su family: Uncle, the eldest of the Su clan Mr. Su and Mrs. Su, their daughter, Liu-niang (6th young lady),* her maid, T'ao-hua, 1 girl-servant and 2 man-servants\n\nAct I\n\nyoung master Yang young master Kuo\n\nand his wet-nurse cousin of Liu-niang\n\nTao-hua the maid comes to the river returning from Hsi-lu\n\nwith a parasol, gay silk trousers and jacket, her hair in two knots one over each ear garlanded with flowers, the temple hair hanging down in two long strands which are adorned with coloured silk-strings. She calls the ferryman [old man-servant type with white beard], who arrives rowing with an oar. There are no other stage props. The movement of the boat is all indicated by mime.\n\nT'ao-hua hides behind the parasol fooling the ferryman and suddenly surprises him by showing her face. Then she pretends to be afraid to jump on the ferry, so the old man tries hard to bring the boat closer. With a wicked smile she jumps on the boat with all her strength, causing it almost to turn over. They perform a beautiful dance to balance the boat and she pretends to be terribly frightened.\n\nThey then start chatting and T'ao-hua proposes to sing a couplet each, composing it as they go along. But which of them first says things that are wrong or cannot rhyme has lost. The old man starts, \"In the first month all flowers bloom...\". T'ao-hua carries on, \"In the 2nd month the cotton tree blooms\" and so on.\n\n*The names of sons and daughters of important families (those with high doors) in these operas are called, for example, Su Liu-niang, meaning the sixth daughter of the Su family. The parents Su have only one daughter, but she is still called the sixth daughter because she is the sixth girl born in this generation to all the brothers of Mr. Su. The same is the case for Wu-niang meaning 5th daughter, called such although she is the only child of her parents. Ch'en San is the third (son) of the Ch'en clan. The term 'niang' is an address for a young lady, whereas the word 'chieh' 'sister' is used for a girl of humble birth.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES ON CHIUCHOW OPERA \n\n81 \n\nuntil the 12th month. Then it is the ferryman's turn again and he happily goes on, \"In the 13th month.\" but T'ao-hua catches him, \"Haha! You have lost because there is no 13th month”. They argue but he cannot win, and now they realise that the current has taken the boat too far downstream. This is a most delightful scene, a fully choreographed dance with the music based on Chiuchow folk tunes. The music and the dance are fresh and cheerful. This opening shows characteristic features of Chiuchow opera; it is beautiful, lighthearted and full of songs and dances. \n\nAct II \n\ntakes place in the garden of the Kuo family's mansion in Hsi-lu. Hsi-lu is the native place of Mrs. Su who is of the family Kuo. As she has only one daughter Liu-niang she always sends her to Hsi-lu to study and to play in the company of her cousin Kuo Chi-ch'un, with whom she has fallen in love. Liu-niang decided to declare her love to him today. She carefully drops a jade-pendant, and when she hears his steps, hides and lets him search for a while, and then throws a flower at him. He now expresses his understanding of the purpose of this meeting, but she of course denies it, blushing with embarrassment. He finds the jade-pendant, and realises how earnest she is about her feelings. So he cannot hold back any longer the news that he is leaving to sit for the civil examination; but they vow that when he comes back they will happily stay together like two butterflies. T'ao-hua appears and watches this scene, and jeers at them. The young lady takes a pin from her hair and asks T'ao-hua to act as go-between, then she hurries away. T'ao-hua gives the pin as a betrothal gift to the cousin, and asks him to take up the question of marriage seriously after his return. Then she follows her young lady. \n\nAct III \n\nThe eldest member of the Su clan visits Mr. and Mrs. Su, and urges them to think of marrying off their daughter. He has a very good match in mind, namely the son of the Yang family who is not only very well-to-do and young but has already passed the District Civil Examination and can call himself Hsiu-tsai (elegant talent). Mr. Su is indeed very pleased to hear of these prospects, and agrees wholeheartedly to this match. \n\nAfter the eldest of the Su clan has left, Mrs. Su accuses her husband of dealing with such an important matter too lightly; agree-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "84\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\npromises the wet-nurse that, if he becomes a mandarin, he will erect such a monument to her chastity, whereupon the wet-nurse cries. Asked why, she answers that this is not possible and that his father knows very well why.\n\nAct VI\n\nThe eldest of the Su clan together with the Hsiu-tsai Yang come to visit Mr. and Mrs. Su. Mr. Yang, whom the parents see now for the first time, is very aggressive and accuses his parents-in-law of being responsible. Mr. Yang makes a very bad impression on them, being ugly and of mean character. They are determined to get out of this marriage contract. But Mr. Yang threatens to take them to court. Mr. Su finds it difficult to answer why he does not want to keep his word. How can he and his wife confess that their daughter has fallen in love and that they support her romantic choice? It would be against all rules of decency. So they repeat the fact that she is their only child and still so young, and that the Yang family is living so far away. But Mr. Yang argues that she is already over 16, which is the right age for a girl to marry.\n\nT'ao-hua is also present and argues with Mr. Yang with her quick and sharp tongue. The parents are pleased to get help against this ruffian, but the eldest Su is appalled. \"How can you allow your slave-girl to have a say in your affairs?\" he asks. At this point the parents realise that this is against all the rules, and they send T'ao-hua away.\n\nHowever, the eldest of the Su clan is annoyed by the arrogant behaviour of Mr. Yang. He asks him to leave and let him handle this awkward matter. When the three of them are alone, the parents try again to persuade the eldest Su to help them to get out of this contract, and start to explain why. But the eldest does not want to listen, and states what a shame it would be for the whole Su clan if the daughter is allowed to follow her own inclination. The eldest finally forces the parents to send their daughter to the Yang family's house on the next morning. The eldest Su exits with a content 'haha', as the mother is scolding the girl's father, saying that it is all his fault.\n\nAct VII\n\nThe daughter Lu-niang in her chamber is desperate at the news that she has to be married tomorrow to the Yang family. When", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "86\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nching the room they find the parting letter on her desk. The mother starts wailing, cursing her husband. They call the servants to check the house, and the two male servants return and report that they found the back-gate open. They panic, and the wet-nurse rushes out to inform the groom's family.\n\nAct X\n\nThe servants lead the way with lanterns to the river. Mr. and Mrs. Su are followed soon after by the eldest of the Su clan, and by Mr. Yang and his wet-nurse. Then the group meets T'ao-hua and she joins in the search. Mr. Su now accuses Mr. Yang of having pushed their daughter to commit suicide. Mr. Yang reads Liu-niang's last letter but is not impressed. Perhaps it is a trick to avoid the marriage. He will not believe it until he has tangible proof.\n\nAfter walking in many circles they come to the bank of the river, where a servant discovers the shoes of Liu-niang. The parents wail and scold Mr. Yang, and finally the old ferryman approaches with his oar. When asked whether he had seen Liu-niang, he answers that he did not see anybody, but heard a big splash. Whereupon the whole party decides to return home.\n\nThe ferryman calls back T’ao-hua and triumphantly tells her that he can now finish the couplet of the 13th month, because every so many years there is in fact an intercalary 13th month. And on this gay note the play ends, providing the reason why this opera is colloquially called \"T'ao-hua Crosses the River”.\n\nAct VIII is the climax of the play and Act IX and X the anti-climax.\n\nFOOTNOTE\n\nChiuchow Opera and Peking Opera\n\nThe repertoire of Chiuchow opera contains plays taken from the Peking opera, as well as plays based on Chiuchow's local traditions. Ch'en San Wu-niang and Su Liu-niang are both typical Chiuchow operas which have no parallel in the Peking opera. Both are elegant and refined literary operas, with a very strong local flavour in the treatment and development of the subject, and in the music and performance style.\n\nIn a Peking opera the hard laws of society, the five relationships instituted by Confucius, are more important than human happiness; and in Peking opera the same plot would have quite a different dénouement, most probably with a tragic end. How would a well-kept young lady ever dare", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207337, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n97\n\ntrouble with police) had embarked for the Far East. But a significant proportion were always local recruits; they were simply lower-class women forced into prostitution because of poverty. The case of Bridget Montague, convicted in 1873, at the age of 23, of running a clandestine brothel is illustrative. Bridget, a Californian, had married a Portuguese storekeeper in San Francisco. Her husband took her to Hong Kong where he abandoned her. She went to live with an Irish barman from the Crown and Anchor, a tavern in Queen's Road. A year later her bibulous Irishman was sentenced to two months' imprisonment for public drunkenness. Homeless and penniless yet again, she took lodgings with a young Portuguese widow from Macau, who had been formerly kept by a policeman. The two women, now lacking male protectors, went into business as full-time prostitutes. Convicted, together with the Portuguese widow, Maria Roza, of running a clandestine brothel, Bridget was fined $50, or one month's imprisonment, and compelled to undergo medical examination for a period of six months.15\n\nA life of prostitution was the common destiny of many European women deserted, abandoned or widowed, whose husbands or protectors were, or had been, policemen, turnkeys, inspectors, overseers, or employed in similar occupations. Prostitution was the only occupation that allowed a destitute European woman, if reasonably young or attractive, to support herself, for there were no jobs available in Hong Kong for uneducated European women, and precious few, apart from work in mission schools, for the educated. Bridget Montague, for example, after conviction and payment of fine, went back to work as an independent prostitute, took a beachcomber as a lover for a time, and then disappeared from Hong Kong.\n\nIn 1877 there were about 17 European prostitutes known to the police, but probably many more operated covertly as occasional or part-time prostitutes. There were also working transients, mainly French women, on their way to Shanghai or Yokohama. In the 1870s the number of prostitutes increased, mainly from a great influx of such women from San Francisco. At the turn of the century with the growing respectability of the European population in Hong Kong and a growing feeling that Europeans had to prove their moral worth as missionaries of Western civilisation in the East, the government took steps to reduce by deportation their numbers.\n\nApart from prostitutes, Hong Kong always had a small number of seedy adventurers, gamblers, swindlers, impostors, petty criminals\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207340, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "100 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nbesides music-halls and lodging-houses, the haunts of vagabonds well known to the police.19 \n\nThe spectacle of Jack Tars, returning from the grog-shops of Tai Ping Shan and Sai Ying Pun, tipsily and rowdily weaving their way along Queen's Road, affronted respectable Britons. A Wesleyan missionary complained in 1894 that the colony was always upset by the arrival of a fresh man-of-war whose crew once ashore would behave like wild animals. \"They drink like fishes,\" he complained, \"ride round the town in rickshaws, making night hideous with their shouts, eat over-ripe fruit from street stalls, are stricken with cholera, and die in a few hours.\" He insisted that for soldiers and sailors (and possibly for most others in the East at the present moment) \"total abstinence is a duty\".20 \n\nThe Wesleyan missionary, a fervent supporter of the temperance movement, misunderstood the reasons for excessive drinking among servicemen in Hong Kong. It was not due to innate depravity or irreligion. Soldiers and sailors drank because of the tedium, the hideous boredom they had to endure as pariahs in Hong Kong. They were totally excluded from polite European society; there were no young white women of their own class to walk out with; there were few entertainments, except lugubrious church or mission functions, provided for them. Off duty the only pleasures available, apart from a climb up the Peak, a jaunt in a sampan, or a visit to the Botanical Gardens, were the drinking dens and brothels of the more welcoming Chinese quarters of the town. \n\nSailors, in particular, led almost completely isolated lives in the Far East. News from home could take months to reach their ships. Often they spent over a year without going ashore on leave. Walter White, a ship's painter, joined H.M.S. Scout at Sheerness in 1859, left England in that year and did not return from service on the China Station until 1864.21 His experience was typical. He spent New Year's Day, 1862, in Hong Kong and put up at the European Hotel, a hostelry overlooking Tai Ping Shan. From the verandah of his hotel, he wrote home, \"you can sit and look down upon the teeming, squalid living, jangling and evil smelling Chinese quarters.\"22 But it was in this teeming quarter that White and his naval companions were obliged to spend their evenings of leave, \n\nMajor Henry Knollys epitomises the life of the British gunner in Hong Kong in the 1880s thus:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207349, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n109\n\nin the main it is a limited number of English words used more or less according to Chinese idiom, and also mispronounced. The fewest possible number of English words is used.35 The widespread use of this lingua franca prevented Chinese and Europeans from even remotely grasping the subtleties of each other's culture.\n\nThe amount of social contact, outside work and the market place, between Europeans and Chinese must not be exaggerated, for both groups enjoyed a healthy contempt for, and misunderstanding of, the other. W.A.P. Martin, at that time a Presbyterian missionary, relates that when he stepped ashore at Canton in 1850 he was greeted by a hooting mob 'who shouted Fanqui, fanqui! Shato, shato! (\"Foreign devils! cut off their heads.\")'36 L.C. Arlington, of the Chinese Maritime Customs, claims that, even in 1891, when a foreigner passed in his chair from Shameen (the foreign concession quarter in Canton) through the native city the coolies would shout out 'Take him to the execution ground'. No foreigner, he continues, be he white, Indian or Japanese, could escape the contemptuous term ‘foreign devil'. 'It was shouted at you from the tops of houses, from alleyways, and from courtyards.'37\n\nDespite the language barrier, a working class European did not find it too difficult to establish a liaison with a Chinese woman. In the early days, such women were found usually among the Tanka boat population, a pariah group that populated the fringes of the Pearl River delta region. A few of these women achieved the status of 'protected' woman (a kept mistress) and were, sometimes, well provided for by their paramour, such as a ship's captain. In time, a considerable number of police, overseers, tidewaiters and others, entered into alliances, even marriages, with local women, since, of course, there was always a scarcity of marriageable young European women in Hong Kong.* But mixed marriages were condemned by Taipans; the partners were ostracised by polite European society since a mixed marriage clearly stigmatised a European as an outcaste. Such racial attitudes became more rigid toward the end of the century.\n\nAlthough some Europeans lived with or even married Chinese women, it does not follow that such social arrangements provided\n\nSee Carl T. Smith's interesting article on one of these Tanka Women in Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 46, June 1969, 13-17 and 27.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207382, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BRIAN MORTON & P. S. WONG\n\npower. There is thus an advantage for an oyster farmer to possess a large family. Usually every member of the family participates in the work. Male members usually handle the more laborious procedures such as the laying of the cultch, the transfer of the oysters from one bed to the other and the harvesting of the oysters for resale. Female members may also participate in this work especially those young and strong enough--but more often they are in charge of separating the oysters from the cultch and the shucking and selling of the oysters. Younger members of the family assist with domestic chores.\n\nIn Deep Bay, the oysters are cultivated in the traditional manner i.e. by bottom-laying (*). This method involves the laying of cultch (*) on the muddy bottom to collect the oyster spat (#). The set oysters are then left to grow for one or two years in the breeding ground (*) before being transferred to the deeper fattening ground (†) for an additional period of one or more years prior to harvesting (#).\n\nElsewhere in the world various materials are used as cultch for the collection of spat. These include stones, shells, bamboo sticks (Cahn, 1950), lime coated roofing tiles or egg-crate fillers, cement dipped wood veneer rings or old fish nets (Needler, 1941; Quayle, 1969) and even sticks of the mangrove, Aegiceras majus (Roughley, 1922). In Hong Kong some ten years ago, rocks and shells (Plate 14; A, B) were most commonly used as cultch. The supply of rock from nearby shores has, however, been virtually exhausted. Consequently stones are now being replaced by concrete tiles (*) (Plate 14; C, D) or concrete posts (Plate 14; E, F). Stones and oyster shells of appropriate size and thickness are still collected and reserved as cultch whenever available. The oyster shells are first cleaned and placed in the sun for weathering prior to being used. Concrete slabs are made artificially at a cost of HK$500/10,000 (in 1974). Old concrete slabs or posts which remain unbroken after the oysters have been detached can be reused. They are cleaned to remove all fouling organisms and then dried in the sun.\n\nThe most important and labour intensive stage in the bottom-laying method of oyster culture is the collection of the spat (**). In Deep Bay oysters spawn from March to September when temperatures are high and salinities are low (Mok, 1973). As a consequence the cultch has to be laid within this period. However,\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n157\n\nIn the Colony trade went on and there was much talk of the value of Hong Kong to Great Britain as a provider of foreign currency through its commerce. The fine young men in civil life in Hong Kong, prevented from travelling to join the forces at home, like many others, found it hard to reconcile the argument in favour of acquiring foreign currency with their knowledge that a large proportion of the goods exported found its way to Japan. They were all keen members of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps. It may be claimed that our trading policy delayed Japan's entry into the war, but to many it seemed that economic and strategic considerations were at cross purposes.\n\nI came in contact with Indian troops in the Colony mainly in an individual professional capacity when my surgical services were needed, but I imagine they were subject to the same effects of garrison duty as were the British troops. Garrison duty has never in any army provided a satisfactory training for active service, and Hong Kong provided yet another example of the truth of this. Once the arrangements for manning the defences were mastered the Island and the New Territories gave little scope for the most ingenious commander or space in which he could exercise and retain the interest of his troops. This left sports to absorb, by no means completely, the youthful energies of strong young men. Many of these had been received as friends in families in Hong Kong, some had contracted stable relationships with women but many had little to occupy themselves when off duty. I well remember seeing men flushed from their games trying to get into the China Fleet Club on the Victoria waterfront. They were obliged to shoulder their way physically through the crowd of Chinese and Eurasian women seeking them as companions. Not all of these were attractive, but girls of these races are among the most beautifully shaped that, in a wide experience, I have ever met. Co-habitation with a high proportion of these girls led to venereal infection and some men sought satisfaction in their own sex. Alas, this did not safeguard them from infection. Another hazard was malaria. About October 1941 the army manned the defences in an exercise and following this a substantial number of soldiers contracted malaria and needed treatment in hospital. Before many had regained strength after the fever, the army was deployed during the phase which led to open war. I pay high tribute to the spirit and the readiness with which these men met the call. Everyone who was\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "158\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nthought fit to fight was discharged from hospital, but there must have been many of those manning the mainland defences whose legs felt weak and shaky following the fever and anaemia of the disease as they covered the hilly and terribly uneven country they were called on to defend,\n\nThe news from Europe, North Africa and the United Kingdom during 1940 and the first part of 1941 was very bad, while the stories of the German advances in Russia after June 1941 added to the general depression. In October 1941, two battalions of Canadian infantry, the Winnipeg Grenadiers and the Royal Rifles of Canada, disembarked in Hong Kong. With these came a number of Canadian Army Medical Officers, with Major John Crawford in charge, and two Canadian Army Nursing Sisters. The sight of these strongly built young men was momentarily, and quite irrationally comforting, but this feeling was soon replaced by astonishment that anyone should have dreamed that reinforcements of this order could possibly have altered the situation. In the event the Japanese attacked before the poor Canadians, who were not even accompanied by their transport, had time to settle down and they merely added to the numbers of casualties incurred and prisoners taken by the enemy. In February 1941 it might have been agreed that there were no ships available to withdraw the troops from Hong Kong, but in October of the same year ships were found to bring in more.\n\nI have chronicled my own thoughts on the situation in Hong Kong in the years leading up to December 1941 only to give some idea of the position as it appeared to one individual and as a background to an account of the events which followed. I do not know that these thoughts were shared by many others though it would be strange if they were not. There was certainly no defeatist spirit abroad and the general feeling seemed to be one of some confidence in our ability to hold the Japanese for a time. I imagine that many shared my own feeling in 1941 that since I could not change the situation I would have to put up with it. And so, on the morning of 8 December 1941, Dr. J.W. Anderson, who had most generously shared his house with me, and I stood at Magazine Gap and had a spectacular grandstand view of the short Japanese air attack on Kai Tak airport by the end of which no British planes remained able to fly. Together he, now a Major R.A.M.C., and I moved into", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207429, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n189\n\nof men employed on duties connected with the storage, preparation, cooking and distribution of food showed losses of the same order as those displayed by men employed on other work.\n\nDistribution of food\n\nUntil our situation stabilised towards the end of 1944 on a ration strength of about 200 patients and staff, the method of distributing cooked food caused many difficulties. After our nursing sisters left, the nursing orderlies in charge of wards carried on in the traditional manner, drawing the ward entitlement of food from the kitchen and serving the appropriate portion to each patient on a full diet. An even distribution was a skill which some of these young men did not readily acquire, and there were endless complaints of maldistribution in wards. After food prepared for the meal had been issued from the kitchen, none remained there from which to make up shortages.\n\nThe first solution was to appoint in each ward a patient whose standing with his fellows was good, and he was given the duty of drawing and distributing the ward ration. This man was not required necessarily to have senior service rank. For example, one was a Dutch naval petty officer, another was a well-known member of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps, some were British and some Canadians. These men eventually came to exercise power and to maintain discipline in wards, and they were of great value to medical officers in charge of wards, to the sergeant major, and to me.\n\nEven this measure, however, did not completely restore confidence, and eventually wards and messing units drew their dry rice from the store according to the numbers in their messes into their own containers, in which it was then cooked and served. This measure brought about a further improvement, but it was not until the era of reduced numbers and of stability, for the most part in health and improved rations, that the problem was really overcome.\n\nOfficers on the staff had their own mess throughout. They were nine in number in Bowen Road, reduced however to six when we moved to Kowloon. In Bowen Road, this mess had a tiny electric stove with two rings in a small adjacent annexe, which in peace time had served the orderly medical officer when he was resident on duty. The mess was under the charge of a very efficient sergeant of the Royal Scots, Robert Lockie, who had been wounded and had been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207431, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n191\n\nof course I was responsible. Only on one occasion was I accused of a misuse of stores myself. In a community the size of ours, in the disturbing atmosphere of the early year or two, I suppose I was lucky not to meet more accusations of my own shortcomings. Anonymous letters diminished and eventually disappeared as the policy of spreading responsibilities took shape and of course as conditions improved.\n\nIn this account I have given much space to the problems of general messing of patients and staff for this was the most important general matter which affected everybody. Ordinary complaints as to quantity and quality of food were openly and freely made and as speedily forgotten by most of our population. There were some, a few only, whose recurring complaints made life miserable at times for all those in the supply line.\n\nArrangements made by our friends in Hong Kong\n\nEven now I do not know the whole story about the food supplies which arrived at the hospital as gifts from our friends in Hong Kong. I repeat here the hope that Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke will find it possible to relate this in detail for it was he who originated the system. A short account of this remarkable man is necessary. He was Director of Medical Services in Hong Kong at the outbreak of war and was deeply committed to the welfare of Hong Kong Chinese citizens of all classes. He had reorganized the medical services in the Colony and had a formidable reputation as an advocate in any cause that he took up. He sought nothing for himself; he liked his own ways of doing things and often enough these did not commend themselves to others. Courage, pertinacity and not a little guile allowed him usually to carry the day. His wife and very young daughter were in Hong Kong with him, and were not evacuated to the Philippines and later to Australia with other service and civilian wives and families in July 1940. His view was that if the families of Chinese and other races for whom the Hong Kong government was responsible were not to be evacuated then his own family would also stay in the Colony. In this decision his wife backed him up fully.\n\nBefore the Far East war, following representations by the Japanese Foreign Office a Japanese doctor named Eguchi came to study on the spot the medical and health arrangements in the Colony. Colonel T. Eguchi next appeared as the Director of Me-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207454, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "214\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nserve for Japan?\". We either left this particular question unanswered or replied that we were unwilling to serve for Japan. One young man who had put down roots in Hong Kong before the Far East war, in answer to this question gave a detailed account of his qualifications which were substantial. As the replies passed through my office I saw his answer and persuaded him to leave this question blank in a new form which I gave him and I left him to tear up his own original completed form.\n\nEach month all in hospital received what we called necessities. The items varied but as a rule there were a couple of cakes of coarse soap, an envelope of tooth powder, a packet of toilet paper, and a fandoshi. This last looked like a triangular bandage and was tied round the waist, the point being passed back between the legs to be secured to the waistband behind, thus preserving the decencies. From time to time there would be an undervest or stockings or a toothbrush. In September 1942 we were able to restart our gramophone concerts broadcast to the wards during permitted hours after a stoppage which had lasted for several weeks. Also in September we equipped and opened a barber's shop served by men who could shave those unable to do so themselves. Thereafter growing beards, an affectation much in favour soon after our surrender, but already dying out, was forbidden! Ten Canadian combatant soldiers who volunteered for the job came to us as orderlies. Two wounded Chinese members of the H.K.V.D.C. whom we had been caring for were removed by the Japanese. By this time they were reasonably fit to leave and we were told that they would be released in the town. I only hope this was so.\n\nIn October '43 all our staff received ten yen each from the Red Cross Society and we began to receive three or four copies daily of the Hongkong News free. We were also given twelve X-ray films, and having previously been given glass for windows but having no putty, we eventually obtained a supply of thin wire which our sappers made into nails and re-glassing broken windows began.\n\nOn the afternoon of 26 October a single American plane flew low over the harbour and rose steeply to the north to disappear over the Kowloon hills. There were further raids during the nights of 27 and 28 October. No bombs were dropped, but thereafter I thought it wise not to remove the ‘Mimi Lau' concrete blocks protecting the ground floor wards on the harbour side. At this time we had beds on every verandah in the hospital in order to gain as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207496, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "256\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nOn 4 August Mr. Zindel carried out a Red Cross inspection of the hospital together with Colonel Tokunaga and his staff, the whole lasting only about twenty minutes and I had no conversation with him. At this time we had been receiving small quantities of fresh meat at weekends and this had gone on for a few weeks before meat was replaced by salted fish, the first fish we had had for a long time. In early August the weather was remarkably cool, dull and showery with the wind varying from S.W. to N.E. The barbed wire was now being brought closer to the hospital and excluded the playing field. We had two dangerously ill patients on 7 August and we received a drum of diesel oil from Saito via our engineers.\n\nMr. Sims was able to repair a burned out high tension cable on our X-ray set and I noted that we put an extra lock on the linen store, a further indication that active trading was still going on. The last Red Cross supplies we had received came in on 29 June and we were running short. Our wheat stock was exhausted and we stopped cooking buns but continued to produce a so-called cake each week and bread made from rice and beans was issued every second day. The Japanese issue of cigarettes for workers which had been due on 20 July arrived on 8 August and Saito told me that wood for fuel was very difficult to get and asked me to economise. We had made two attempts without success to make a wood saw from iron bedsteads. We had now a working party wiring and installing a water supply and a lavatory in the school sports pavilion for the use of the Japanese. We were given 186 small towels, enough for one to each person in hospital and the remainder were raffled. By now the hospital was tired of the lack of news, but remained fairly cheerful except for the blight of three patients on the dangerously ill list. On 15 August one British patient died, thus making the fifth death which had occurred in the Central British School. On 16 August we had a funeral, and a young bull was sighted in the hospital compound but just escaped us. On the same day my diary contains a note to the effect that the war was over, news which reached us via the guards. It is rather remarkable that the official surrender had been made only the previous day in Tokyo. I tackled Saito directly, asking for news but he replied that he had none, though he did promise to tell me as soon as any was available. Next day I asked Saito again in the morning for news and was answered very brusquely that he did not understand my question.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207529, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 297, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\nAttached to Staff -- Table 2\n\nRfm Archibald\n\nPrivate Rfm Baxter\n\nCambon\n\nPrivate Caruso\n\nRfm Davidson\n\nPrivate Frankiewicz\n\nPrivate Kashton\n\nPrivate Kohut\n\nRfm Woodridge\n\nCorporal Young\n\nRfm Snively\n\nO.S. French\n\nQ.M.S. Hamlen\n\nB.S.M. Lobban\n\nC.S.M. Collings\n\nSergt. Lockie\n\nCorporal Carter\n\nP.O. Waardenborg\n\nCanadian Army\n\nR.N. R.A.S.C. R.A.\n\nH.K.V.D.C.\n\nR. Scots\n\nR. Sigs.\n\nR. Netherlands Navy\n\nAppendix \"D\"\n\nRoll of QAIM.N.S. and Canadian Nursing Sisters, British Military Hospital, Bowen Road (Incomplete)\n\nMiss E. M. B. Dyson\n\nMiss Mirian Beaman\n\nLieut (Miss) Kay Christie - Canadian Service\n\nMiss Gwendelene Colthorpe\n\nMiss Mary Curry\n\nMiss Freda Davis\n\nMiss Molly Gordon\n\nMiss Brenda Morgan (Killed)\n\nMiss Margaret North\n\nMiss Kathleen Thompson\n\nMiss Daphne Van Wart\n\nLieut (Miss) May Waters Canadian Service\n\nMiss Joan Whiteley\n\n289\n\nNotes:--\n\n1. To my great regret I have not got the names of the members of the Hongkong Auxiliary Nursing Service.\n\n2. The two members of the Canadian Service were repatriated to Canada in November 1943.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207540, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 308, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "300\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nJ. A. Prescott\n\nH. A. Rydings\n\nC. T. Smith\n\nPhotographers\n\nSouth China Athletic Association, Photographic Group:\n\nButt Chak-yu 畢澤宇\n\nHoh Wing-chan 何永燦\n\nJimmy Kwok 郭天志\n\nLai Yat-fung 賴一峰\n\nLau Cho-chak\n\nTam Yee-yin 譚以仁\n\nTong Wai-hang\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society:\n\nH.A. and J.W. Rydings\n\nH. Werle\n\nHong Kong, 1975.\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nBOAT PEOPLE'S CEREMONIES OBSERVED AT ISLAND HOUSE ON 5TH AND 31ST JANUARY, AND 16TH NOVEMBER, 1975*\n\nThe following notes were provided by Mr. David Akers-Jones, Secretary for the New Territories and a member of this Society, whose residence is at Island House, Tai Po. The island Yuen Chau Tsai (AMA), connected by causeway to the main road, has long been a centre of the boat population. Ed.\n\n(I) 5th January, 1975\n\nA motorized sampan motored slowly round Island House from the bridge to the shelter used by the small in-shore fishing boats on the other side of the Island House causeway. On board a group of six young women were pretending to pole the boat along, wearing plaited red wheel-hats. Another girl was beating a gong, creating a tremendous noise, another standing in the bow facing aft was beating a drum in a frenzied manner, and on the roof of the\n\nPlate 18 illustrates these notes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207541, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 309, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n301 \n\nsampan an elderly woman with thinning hair dressed in black with an empty red \"mei dai\" was urging the polers on with a straw fan, and another middle-aged woman was also pretending to pole the sampan along. They were all exerting themselves to the utmost and generally behaving in an extreme manner with exaggerated gestures and shouting as they went along. Another boat accompanied them with only one person \"poling\" it. When they reached the boat anchorage, the gonging continued, and the two women on the roof began to shadow-box and then to grapple and wrestle with one another. Eventually the elderly woman went down on to the fore-deck, and then she and the woman on the top deck began to push and pull at one of the poles in a vigorous manner until eventually the woman on the roof herself came down on to the fore-deck. There was a brief interval during which some of the younger polers then engaged in mock fights which were almost obscene in their intention. Then the elderly woman and the other began their mock fighting again and eventually collapsed together struggling on the deck and went in under the cover of the sampan. At one stage an empty red bucket was, it seemed, symbolically emptied over the front of the sampan.\n\nIn the middle of all this there was a wedding ceremony, and I think that all the preceding activities were connected with it. But I was particularly struck by the frenzied, almost ecstatic and unseemly behaviour of the women.\n\n(II) 31st January, 1975 \n\nAbout a week later after the ceremony described in my note of 5th January 1975, I witnessed a similar ceremony but this time performed by the owners of intermediate-size boats.\n\nThe ceremony followed a similar pattern, but in this case there were two actual sampans without motors, which were propelled by a team of oarsmen, using small poles rather than oars and manipulated in a rhythmic way rather like the way a dragon boat paddle is manipulated. Both teams of rowers, six in each boat, were dressed in a sort of deep blue uniform, and one team consisted of young women and the other of older women. When they reached what I assumed to have been a wedding boat, it was contrived that the older women reached the target first, and that they then together with the women on the boat tried to keep off the young women. These attempts lasted for quite some considerable time with much", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207544, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 312, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "304\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\npatrons of musicians and sketched them without either crab decorations or the dog. The main brother was shown holding a fan in each hand whilst the other two stood beside him with two attendants. Later in this Note, you will see that one of Chief Marshal T'ien's titles is Wu Tai Yuan Shuai. Père Doré described Wu Tai separately and sketched him as a young man with green twigs behind the ears, a large crab on his forehead, a tiny Taoist crown on his bald head and dressed in loose-fitting robes. Wu Tai, according to Doré, was accompanied by two male and two female attendants. This would appear to be the southern provinces' temple version which Doré did not realize was a manifestation of Marshal T'ien.\n\nThere are, as one would expect, many variations in characteristics in Ch'aochow and Fukienese carvings. For instance, occasionally he is represented as bald, or the front of his hair is shaven in Ch'ing fashion making him half-bald; in others he has a long queue or two long pigtails; sometimes he wears a military helmet or a scholar's cap, and in some images he has a black cock under his other foot. In several places he is represented as a youth standing on one foot with both arms raised in a dramatic, theatrical stance, and in others he is standing stolidly, with both feet together holding one or two swords. A sketch of T'ien To Yuan Shuai by a Singaporean Fukienese god carver depicted him with a red face, staring eyes and dressed in scholar's robes. (Plate 21). An actor, one of a company of Ch'aochow players in Bangkok, explained that they only had a tablet in their portable shrine, and that their image with only one crab painted on his forehead, was permanently in a temple. He told me that the single crab on the forehead meant that T'ien was the patron of actors, whereas others with the crab on the mouth represented the middle brother of the T'ien trio who is only prayed to for good health.\n\nIn one sighting in Ipoh, in North Malaya, Marshal T'ien was wearing armour, carried a sword and bell, but was barefoot and had a crab painted on his mouth. He was known to the temple priests to have been a vegetarian monk from Ch'aochow, insane as a child who had cured himself and is now worshipped for a similar cure by parents of the mentally sick. (Plate 22).\n\nAbove his image on a small backstage altar of a Foochow opera troupe in Singapore, was the carved inscription ‘Ministry of Wind", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207546, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 314, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n306\n\nh) Feng Huo Yuan T'ien Yuan Shuai (風火院田 元帥)\n\ni) Wu Tai Yuan Shuai (五代元帥)\n\nj) Chung Lich Ta Yuan Shuai (忠烈大元帥)\n\nk) Lei Hai-ch'ing (†)\n\nVarious Sightings\n\nTien the Marshal of the Wind and Fire Ministry\n\nMarshal of the Five Dynasties\n\nThe Great and Loyal Marshal\n\nSee Werner's story below. I have never seen nor heard this title in any temple in Taiwan and South East Asia, nor in any book on these places.\n\nIn Anking on the Yangtze in the thirties, the three gods of the actor's guild were T’ien (□) To (†) and Kuo (#)*\n\nIn 1971 there were at least five temples dedicated to Chief Marshal T’ien and the three Tien brothers in Taiwan. One of these was in Taipei and one in Changhua (title 'c' in the list above) and another in Taipei, one in Tainan and one in Yunlin (title ‘a' above).\n\nAccording to a Penang (Malaysia) temple keeper and a Hsinchu (Taiwan) devotee, prior to 1949 the cult centre of this Taoist heterodox (*) cult used to be at Ch'uanchow (*), Fukien.\n\nLegends\n\nNumerous legends surround Chief Marshal T'ien. One basic story has already been recounted by Miss Werle. Variations and other stories include another recounted by Werner who, like Père Doré, failed to connect Marshal T'ien with Wu Tai Yuan Shuai, Marshal of the Five Dynasties (5#†) whom he calls the 'God of the Musicians'. Werner continued,\n\n\"this god had his origin in a practical joke played by his school fellows on a young scholar who lived in the time of the Five Dynasties (907-60 AD). Whilst he was taking a siesta they drew a picture of a crab on his forehead and stuck two willow branches (sometimes represented as pheasant's tail feathers) behind his ears. When he awoke he was so chagrined that he\n\n4 Shryock: The Temples of Anking: Libraire Orientaliste: Paris 1931, p. 163.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207547, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 315, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n307\n\ncommitted suicide'.... \"This spirit, honoured at Foochow under the name of Wu Tai Yuan Shuai is the same as Lei Hai-Ch'ing (*) of the T'ang dynasty worshipped in several cities in Fukien. The character Hsieh (), crab, has approximately the same sound locally as Hai () the sea, and the willow branches symbolize Verdure, Ch'ing (†). Lei Hai-Ch'ing was a musician and is popularly referred to in the district as Marshal. He died cursing robbers, and for that reason temples were erected to him. Thus the young scholar become apotheosized owing to this play on words having the same or similar sounds. He is represented as attended by two male and two female instrumentalists holding respectively a mandolin, a lute, a violin and a tambourine. To evoke the spirit, his image is placed on a raised platform, its forehead is dabbed with red, it is prayed to and candles and incense burnt before it. The priests kneel in front of it, and then rise, skipping about with dishevelled hair and staring eyes. Crying out that the Spirit has come they scratch their tongues and write charms with the blood. When incense has been lit in the four corners of the room everyone can ask the spirit for what he wants, and the answer is explained by the accompanying musicians. He is frequently prayed to remove abscesses, boils etc. from children'. \n\nI can confirm the latter from medium practices in Singapore, and looking back to the sighting in Ipoh referred to earlier he is also a deity worshipped for a cure for mental diseases in children. \n\nThe following legends were told to me by devotees :— \n\na) Tien is the deification of a rich patron of actors in Foochow city (or Soochow) who lived in the fifteenth century. b) As a handsome child, the youngest son of three, he constantly played pranks on others. An ugly sister-in-law in a fit of pique drew a crab around his open mouth whilst he was asleep, and as a result his soul which had left his body to roam was unable to return. He complained to the Jade Emperor (1) who out of pity adopted him and allowed his soul to inhabit his body again. His mouth was open, incidentally, because he was an unwanted child, thrown out as a babe and suckled by animals! \n\nc) Prince T'ien of Foochow lived for pleasure. He was once sleeping with the wife of a local businessman and awoke to \n\nPage 315\n\nPage 316", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207549, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 317, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n309 \n\nwith Taoist exorcisms and are performed at wedding ceremonies to obtain from Heaven the happy union, using the ritual of a local Taoist folk religion heterodox cult of the Three Ladies' (三娘). The 'Three Jesters' are called by the puppeteers the \"Three Brothers' (三兄弟) or, individually, the Great, Second and Third Wang Yeh.* \n\nSchipper then explained that he and his informants had made many conjectures in order to identify the Three Jesters. He believed tradition links the Three Brothers (Three Jesters) with the Three Tien Brothers and thus with Tien To Yuan Shuai, and this seemed to him to be better founded than other conjectures. He continued that the identity of T'ien is extremely confused, and claimed that T'ien is reputed to be the master of T'ang Emperor Ming Huang (唐明皇) and to have taught the actresses of the Peach Garden (梨园), popularly believed to be the first academy of the theatre. Iconography, he said, represents T'ien the puppet as the 'laughing lad', similar to T’ien To Yuan Shuai. \n\nSchipper observed that when the plays are of the northern Fukienese type, the Three Jesters are identified with T'ang Ming Huang, the patron of the theatre of North China. When the play is Southern Fukienese or Ch'aochow, T'ien To Yuan Shuai (Chief Marshal T'ien) is the patron, and the Three Jesters are identified with him. The T'ang Emperor is also often referred to in Taiwan and South East Asia, where he is also accepted as the God of Actors bearing the title of the Imperial Prince or King of the Western Ch'in (Hsi Ch'in Wang Yeh, 西秦王爷) or Hsi Ch'in Lao Wang Yeh (西秦老王爷), or, on Taipei and Keelung altars just as Hsi Ch'in Wang (西秦王). (He is called the King of the Western Ch'in because of his exile in Szechuan, in Western China). His image is more colloquially referred to as The Young Gentleman (小哥) and less respectfully as The Old Boy (老郎). Schipper agreed all this might seem highly incongruous, but, he continued, the tradition which links the 'Three Brothers' (The Jesters) with Tien To Yuan Shuai (Chief Marshal T'ien) seems, as we said earlier, better founded than others. \n\nWang Yeh \n\nSchipper has linked the Three Jesters with the Fukienese epidemic gods by the title of Wang Yeh. He also noted the legend \n\n* More often than not Wang Yeh (Imperial Princes) in Fukienese communities are epidemic deities.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207558, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 326, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "318\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\neverlasting as the Southern Mountain (a classical allusion symbolizing the “realm of longevity”). Providence has showered blessings of prosperity upon the family and bestowed her posterity with divine qualities. Here are gathered the young and the old to offer her their greetings and celebrations. May she live long like the evergreen pine-trees. Her descendants, who devote themselves to academic studies or engage in husbandry, have come forth with their fervent blessings of the \"Nine Similes\" [a psalm from the Book of Poetry].* Your mother, sitting in the North Hall, is presented with auspicious peaches [the \"fruit of longevity\" in Chinese legend]. She radiates with the spirit of the Dragon and the vigour of the Horse. Assembled at this Birthday party in this sumptuously decorated hall are honourable guests, all from noble and dignified families (Scribbled by Sun Ying-suet).\n\nHong Kong, 1976.\n\nFRANCIS SHAM AND JAMES HAYES\n\nHƯNG HȮM (£): AN EARLY INDUSTRIAL VILLAGE IN OLD BRITISH KOWLOON.\n\nBritish Kowloon was ceded in March 1860. Its population at that time was around the few thousand mark, and its growth was steady over the next twenty years. In 1881 the population numbered 9,021. Thereafter the population rose sharply and by 1897 it was 26,402, of which 19,202 were male, (Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485).\n\nThe increase in the Kowloon population from 1860 on may be attributed to the establishment of industrial and manufacturing concerns, that undoubtedly owed their existence to the presence of nearby Hong Kong, then making great strides towards its establishment as a great entrepôt and commercial and financial centre. Among them the Hong Kong Whampoa Dock Company set up its yard at Hung Hom in the 1860's, the Cosmopolitan Dock began at\n\n*The \"9 Similes\" (*) from the Book of Poetry()\n\n(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)\n\n如山如阜,如同如陵,如川之方至,以莫不增,\n\n(6)\n\n(7)\n\n(8)\n\n如月之恒,如日之升,如南山之壽,不騫不崩,\n\n(9)\n\n如松柏之茂,無不爾或承 [FSYS]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207618, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "166\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nin Sheung Yiu, Tsak Yue Wu, Tai Mong Tsai, She Tau, Shek Hang, Tai Long, Wo Mei, Nam Wai, and Ho Chung.1\n\nFinally, the pirates must not be omitted in any discussion of the early history of Sai Kung. It would seem that, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the pirates were most rampant in the outer reaches of the region. Seung Sz Wan and Hang Hau Village kept two guns on the two arms of the bay to be directed against pirates. Madam Lau of Seung Sz Wan remembered that the pirates once came into the village, and took away the villagers' pigs. In Tan Ka Wan, there were bandits in the late 1920's and 1930's, and the young men had to keep watch regularly.1\n\n15\n\nUp to the early 1900's, despite the economic development, Sai Kung was not yet in any strict sense a \"district\". There is no indication that the villagers of the time thought of the area that is now Sai Kung District as a single territorial unit. Crucial to the creation of the district was the founding of Sai Kung Market.\n\nSAI KUNG MARKET AND ITS TRADE\n\nThe San On Gazetteer of 1819 did not consider either Sai Kung or Hang Hau to be a market. Unlike other markets in the New Territories, periodic market gatherings were not held here at any time. As Mr. Yau T’aam Shang explained it to us, \"Sai Kung in those days was not a market; it was a moorage inlet.\"10\n\nIn 1835, Lai Tak Yau, a Tanka fisherman who sometimes served as pilot for Western sailing boats, took by force some four thousand dollars from one that was hit by storm. Out of this, he spent over a hundred dollars to settle his debts with the general store San Ue T'aai on Leung Shuen Wan. He went on a shopping spree, and spent more than a hundred dollars on Peng Chau and Cheung Chau, buying silk goods from the shops in the latter place. He left most of the balance with a certain Wong Yau Kwong, of Kowloon, a Tanka boatman who owned a large fishing boat and moored at Fat Tong Mun. Wong, in turn, went to San Ue T'aai, and purchased four hundred and fifty dollars' worth of provisions, and then, because he thought", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207651, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "24\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n43 See Ono Giichi, War and Armament Expenditures of Japan (New York, 1922), 57-58, 70-71, 140-144, 273-277, and Ono's Expenditures of the Sino-Japanese War (New York, 1922), 120-126; also Oshima, 372-375, 376, note 18.\n\n44 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 219-220; Yamagata, \"The Army,” 107-108; British Public Record Office, W.O. 33/34, Captain Trotter, \"Some Remarks on the Army of Li Hung-Chang;\" Rawlinson, 190.\n\n45 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 219, 221; see also Rawlinson, 202-203; Thomas William Ayers, Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 164-189, 204-215.\n\n46 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 218-219; Cavendish, 721.\n\n47 Cavendish, 711, 713-715, 719-723.\n\n48 Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions,\" 157, note 135.\n\n49 See Fairbank, et. al., “Economic Change,\" 20-21; Hsü, The Rise of Modern China, 527-534. On the more positive side of the ledger, consult Ernest Young, \"Nationalism, Reform and Republican Revolution: East Asia: Essays in Interpretation, 160-162; Hsü, The Rise of Modern China, 535.\n\n50 See, for example, Hatano Yoshihiro, \"The New Armies,” in Mary Wright, ed., China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913 (New Haven and London, 1968).\n\n51 Paul Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T'ao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 4, 148-149.\n\n52 See Kublin.\n\n53 Smith, \"Foreign-Training:\" Ralph Powell, The Rise of Chinese Military Power, 1895-1912 (Princeton, 1955), 245-246, 262. An interesting question is whether the Manchus could have preserved their power, and even enhanced it, by undertaking meaningful military reform at the central government level. Although vested interests in the army were pervasive and solidly entrenched, one cannot assume that what happened to the dynasty in 1911 would necessarily have happened in the same way had the Ch'ing government initiated reforms in the 1860's and 1870's comparable to those undertaken by the dynasty in the early 1890's. By the beginning of the twentieth century, anti-Manchu sentiment was a powerful ideological weapon, at least in part because the Manchus had proven so totally incapable of protecting Chinese interests against foreign encroachments. But during the Tung-chih period, anti-Manchuism was no real issue at all.\n\n54 Dwight Perkins, \"Government as an Obstacle to Industrialization: The Case of Nineteenth-Century China,” Journal of Economic History (1967), esp. 486, 492.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207654, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n27\n\nwith the exception of the many studies of Hakka and the so-called \"boat people\" of Hong Kong. (Aijmer, 1967; Kani, 1967; Cohen, 1968). Some studies, while discussing ethnic divisions in overseas Chinese communities and the functions of ethnic associations, do not provide an intensive analysis of the dynamics of inter-ethnic interaction, the psychological processes inherent in subjective feelings of ethnic identity, or the processes involved in the maintenance or erosion of ethnic solidarity. (Skinner, 1958; Crissman, 1969). One exception to this is a recent study of Chinese ethnic occupational specialization and interaction in Sabah, Malaysia. (Han, 1971) One of the earliest discussions of ethnicity based on research in Hong Kong focused on ethnic cognitive categories as verbalized by 'Tanka' boat people (Anderson, 1967). More recently Blake examined inter-ethnic interaction and political-economic participation in a small market town in the New Territories of Hong Kong, (Blake, 1973) and Michael Palmer examined the interplay of religion, ethnicity and politics in several villages in N.T. (as yet unpublished). Greg Guldin's (as yet unpublished) study of Fukien youth in North Point, Hong Kong Island, in 1974-75 was the first attempt to examine ethnicity in an urban area. The increasing interest in the study of ethnicity in Hong Kong is partially the result of an increasing concern in anthropological studies with ethnicity and is also a reflection of a well-established trend for young American anthropologists to undertake studies in urban multi-ethnic communities.\n\nEthnic Stereotypes in Hong Kong\n\nIt is difficult to describe general stereotypes of ethnic groups that would be applicable to all categories in Hong Kong, in that the members of different ethnic groups may attribute dissimilar characteristics to a particular ethnic group in question. Attributed characteristics may also be expected to vary with the socio-economic and education level of the respondents. Further, we would expect to find that the ethnic groups considered important to a particular person depend not only on his personal experiences and interactions with other ethnic groups but also on the ethnic composition of the localities where he lives and works. For example, the classification of ethnic groups relevant to a person living in a fishing village may include categories which are not significant to a person living in a government housing estate. These \"superfluous\" categories\n\n1 The applicability of the urban/rural dichotomy to Hong Kong will be discussed below.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207663, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "36\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nThe 1961 Census and 1966 By-Census include \"place of origin\" and \"usual language\" as variables and cross-tabulate them with a number of other variables, including age, education, number of children, place of residence in Hong Kong, length of residence, etc.1 The two variables are not cross-tabulated, however, with occupation and income. The only sources of information concerning Teochiu occupational structure are unpublished data from the 1971 Census, provided by Mr. M.C. Leong of the Census and Statistics Department, and data from Teochiu publications.\n\nTables III and IV provide occupational information from the 1971 Census. The first category in Table III includes unemployed women and children. Many of these women, who may have been represented as unemployed housewives to the census interviewers, are in fact doing piece work in their homes. The largest category is \"craftsmen production workers and laborers\" which reflects the large number of Teochiu semi-skilled factory workers and coolies, and represents 20% of all employed Teochiu. The next largest category is \"clerical and sales workers\" which represents over 29,000 workers, followed by \"service, sport and recreation workers\" (17,581), transport and communication workers (9,460), and then the smallest significant category — administrative, executive and managerial workers (8,826). The large number of transport workers recorded in the census reflects the fact that probably a majority of mini-bus drivers in Hong Kong are Teochiu.\n\nTable IV classifies economically active ever married men by occupation. The same ordering of categories is found in this table as in Table III. It should be noted that many unmarried, young men and women are employed as unskilled and semi-skilled workers in large factories. These tables suggest a preponderance of Teochiu in relatively low paid and unskilled jobs. Unfortunately, the occupational classification presented in these tables do not include ownership of businesses, particularly ownership of small shops, small workshops or flatted factories, and large-scale factories. There are numerous Teochiu owned light industrial firms, including plastic factories, machine tooling factories, garment factories, aluminum factories, as well as many import/export trading firms, banks and financial companies, stock companies, insurance companies and restaurants (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1961; Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971).\n\n1 A more extensive analysis of the census statistics appears in my dissertation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207670, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n43\n\nin private housing and at higher socio-economic levels. Certainly many Teochiu businessmen are heavily committed to Teochiu commercial networks and there generally appears to be a positive relationship between age, psychological orientation to Teochiu identity, and primary interaction with Teochiu. One pattern that does apply to all Teochiu, regardless of social class and educational level, is the tendency for most Teochiu youth born in Hong Kong to abandon any commitment to a Teochiu identity. They feel, and this to a large extent reflects the attitudes of their parents, that an ethnic identity is largely irrelevant to their lives. Rich and poor parents alike have told me that Teochiu-ness is entirely irrelevant to life in Hong Kong today, and that their children must concern themselves with the problems of living in Hong Kong, particularly getting an education and a good job.\n\nThis de-emphasis of ethnicity in socialization is reflected in the fact that many Teochiu born in Hong Kong and now aged 20 years or less are unable to speak Teochiu, although they may be able to partially understand Teochiu when it is spoken by others. This is reflected in Table V which categorizes the Teochiu population according to usual language. The columns of interest are those labelled \"Cantonese\" and \"Hoklo\" (the latter is defined by the 1971 Census as all Min languages, including Teochiu). The relative percentages of those Teochiu whose “usual language” is Cantonese decreases in the higher age groups. Table VI presents these percentages according to age groups. There are questions which arise concerning the use of the expression “usual language\" when the census questionnaires are administered. It is difficult to know what respondents think when asked this question but Teochiu have responded to my questioning with the reply that they use Teochiu in some contexts and Cantonese in others. It is questionable whether only 52% of Teochiu aged 55 and over consider Teochiu to be their usual language. In any case, it is clear that age is generally related to usual language and I would suggest that this is primarily due to the inability of many young Teochiu to speak Teochiu. The latter have or are attending schools in which the medium of instruction is Cantonese and/or English; this is also true of all Teochiu secondary and primary schools in Hong Kong. They are also more likely, at least in the resettlement estate intensively studied, to have more non-Teochiu close friends and to marry non-Teochiu.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207706, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\nLUK + 79 Kit Yeung FUNG\n\nDistrict District Hui Lai District CAPITAL Chiu Pu NiNG District YOUNG District\n\nMap 3. Hui Lai District. Circles represent Villages.\n\n(Source: Kwangtung Province Geography, Vol. 1).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "\"PATTERNED BANDS\" IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG\n\nSignificance\n\n87\n\nDifferences in the design, colour, and pattern of bands are not random or solely a reflection of the weaver's preference. They also serve to express aspects of the wearer's identity. Their colour signifies the woman's marital status. According to my Tsuen Wan informants, silk bands which are predominantly pink or red, and white cotton bands with pink or red patterns are worn primarily by young married women. Older married women may wear red bands, but may also wear those with black patterns. Unmarried women wear those which are predominantly green, blue, or purple. Thus, a woman's marital status is obvious to all. As one man stated: \"When we saw a woman's patterned band, then we knew how to address her.\"\n\n8\n\nPatterned bands were also used to express the regional affiliation of the wearer. In pre-revolutionary China, the clothing and ornaments of the gentry were relatively uniform throughout China, reflecting the participation of the gentry in China's national literate tradition, and their residence in the towns. In contrast, the dress of the peasants, whose lives were more narrowly bounded by their local areas, varied by region, the people using their clothing to express their local identity. Such differences in dress are still visible in the New Territories, patterned bands being particularly used by Hakka people for this purpose. My informants described clear regional differences in styles, the regions being named by their market town -- Tai Po, Tsuen Wan, Yuen Long, Shatin, Sai Kung. Differences are indicated less by the patterns of the bands than by their colour combinations, and by the length and thickness of their tassels. There are also subtle differences in other aspects of dress which vary by market area. I have not yet systematically researched these differences and can only report what my informants stated and I observed. The information is by no means complete, and may be oversimplified, especially for Yuen Long, which is a socially complex area.\n\nTsuen Wan\n\nTassels of bands very long and thick, of silk. Band mounted inside hat so that nothing of it is visible except the tassels. Headcloth relatively short and wide, and apron relatively long and wide, untrimmed. Patterned bands may be worn on both apron and hat. Headcloth fastened with white band, or no band.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207716, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "\"PATTERNED BANDS\" IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG\n\n89\n\ntinued to wear the style of dress and patterned bands of their own native areas.\n\nMore broadly speaking, these aspects of women's dress and adornment serve as an assertion of Hakka identity. It is primarily Hakka women in the New Territories who wear patterned bands, the black-fringed hat, and small ornamental aprons. They also use distinctive forms of jewellery. There may be some use of these forms by other groups and individuals, including speakers of some variants of Cantonese, but they are most generally characteristic of the Hakka.\n\nWith the modern development of Hong Kong and heavy immigration, regional and ethnic distinctions are breaking down, so that these differences in dress are now less significant, and indeed are unrecognized by many people. In Tsuen Wan, only the most elderly of the indigenous Hakka people still wear traditional clothing. Virtually all can speak Cantonese, and intermarriage with Cantonese people is common. Patterned bands are rarely worn, and many of the young people know nothing about their existence, much less the technique of their manufacture. They are astonished to find that their mothers have this skill. The middle-aged and elderly women still have some treasured bands secreted away in their dowry chests, however, and the way in which they show them and talk about them demonstrates the significance they had until two or three decades ago.\n\nThis is not yet true of the more rural areas of the New Territories. A visit to the market towns of Tai Po, Yuen Long, or Sai Kung will show these traditional forms to be still in use among older women, with some available for sale, although it is unlikely that they will remain as these areas develop into urban centres like Tsuen Wan. Patterned bands are also still being made and worn in Tung-kuan County, Kwangtung, not very far from Hong Kong, according to visitors to a Hakka brigade of a commune there.12 Another visitor saw a different variety still in use in T'ai-shan county, in another part of Kwangtung.13\n\nA large collection of these bands exists at the National Minorities Institute in Peking, according to the anthropologist Fei Hsiao-t'ung.14 However, they are kept there as examples of minority handicrafts, specifically from the Yao, Miao, and Tung peoples. Dr. Fei said that they are also known in Tibet. As the backstrap", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207727, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "TIN-YUKE CHAR\n\nand by boat to Honolulu, arriving on October 29, 1881, after a tour of nine months and eight days. The harbor of Honolulu was crowded with people welcoming the safe return of the King. The Royal Hawaiian Band played \"Home, Sweet Home.\" Arches entwined with flowers spanned the streets. The Chinese merchants of Honolulu erected a triumphal arch at the intersection of King and Fort Streets. As King Kalakaua mentioned in his July 3rd letter from Rome, \"The trip appears as if a mixed panorama and a dream. We have seen Emperors, Kings, temples, and pagodas until one gets apparently confused which end to commence and where and how it will be finished. So many varieties of the people, the different nationalities, the customs and scenery of the places we have visited that have made our travels so pleasant.\"\n\nAs one historian commented, \"The trip had been a great experience. Kalakaua had stood where Alexander the Great had stood and Julius Caesar, and Napoleon; and the foremost rulers of his own day had welcomed him with cannon salutes and guards of honor. Pomp and circumstance agreed with Kalakaua. He came home, more convinced than ever that a king should rule as well as reign.\"10\n\nAnother result of the King's tour was the legislative approval of his proposal to provide education in foreign countries for selected Hawaiian youths. This progressive policy was inspired by what he observed on his journey. One of the students sent abroad was Kapaa who went to China in 1883. The Reverend Andrew Happer in Canton was asked to be Kapaa's instructor and guardian as evidenced in the March 7, 1883 letter from Walter Gibson, then Hawaiian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to F. Bulkeley-Johnson, Hawaiian Consul General in Hong Kong: \"that Mr. Kapaa's visit to China is made in pursuance of a resolution of the Legislature, providing for the education of Hawaiian youths. His Majesty the King desired that one of these should proceed to China and there study the Chinese language and customs. I, therefore, invoke your good offices on behalf of young Kapaa, who has been selected for this career, and shall be obliged by your placing him where he can learn the dialects (Cantonese and Hakka) chiefly spoken by the Chinese who are here, and the written language, acquiring at the same time familiarity with Chinese manners and ideas. I am, of course, anxious that while pursuing this course of study, Mr. Kapaa should not lose such European culture as he has acquired.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207740, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "CHAN LAI-SUN AND HIS FAMILY\n\n113\n\nand then in Ningpo, mentions Ruth and her friend Christiana A-kit in the Annual Report of the London Tract Society for 1847:\n\nI have two young women Indo-Chinese converts, who, fleeing from persecution, joined me in this country [Batavia]. They have applied themselves to the study of the English language since their arrival in the north, and one of them in particular is thirsty for the intelligence which that language opens out to her. Her desire for information has reference especially to religious subjects.\n\nAs we shall note A-tik's home after her marriage to Lai-sun was what nineteenth century missionaries called “pious\", but piety was connected with a concern for a modern education for Chinese girls and for some years she taught in the missionary school in Shanghai.\n\nA missionary educator visited their home at Shanghai, and her account published in 1857 in the American Episcopal Church journal, Spirit of Missions (v. 22, p. 350), gives evidence of the manner in which they combined their western type education and connections with the Chinese community in which they lived.\n\nAt the time of the visit Yung Wing, later the initiator of the Chinese Educational Mission in which Lai-sun participated, was a guest in the home. The missionary visitor noted that Yung Wing greeted her \"with quite an American air”, though he had to admit he had forgotten her name. When Yung Wing, even then interested in education, asked if he could visit the girls' school under the missionary's charge, she politely turned him down as she felt that since the girls were so modest and unaccustomed to a male presence at the school, it would unduly upset them, but she turned to Mrs. Chan and her friend Christiana A-Kit, wife of Kew Teen-shang, and asked their opinion on the matter. They said they never objected to associating on social and friendly terms with Christian gentlemen. \"But\", said Kit, \"when merchants or other heathen men call to see Attee's husband, she always retires.\"\n\nYung Wing remarked, \"When I was in the United States as a student, I often visited young ladies' seminaries and they never objected, in fact, I think they rather liked it.”\n\nThe missionary lady took the occasion to probe a little deeper into the attitudes of American educated Chinese, posing the question,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207741, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "114\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\n“And you liked the manners and customs of the women in the United States?”\n\n\"Oh, yes\".\n\n\"And having returned to China, how is it? Are you diligently seeking for a young lady with bound feet for a wife? one who must stay at home because she can't walk?”\n\n\"No, indeed\", Yung Wing said, adding with a touch of humour that he wished for a wife who would be able to run with him should ever the need arise.\n\nThe conversation had struck a sensitive issue for these Chinese who had been trained in values different from their contemporaries. With some feeling, Lai-sun's wife spoke out.\n\n\"How can this cruel custom be abolished, when Christian women, by binding their own and their children's feet, are handing it down to future generations?\"\n\n\"Aside from religion\", remarked Yung Wing, \"the practice is barbarous, cruel and atrocious.”\n\nTheir changed attitudes toward certain aspects of Chinese life were not only reflected in their conversation but also in the furnishing of their home. The missionary lady comments on the Chan's “nice parlor” fitted out with both foreign and Chinese furniture. \"Most conspicuous was a very nice organ, with which the good man accompanies himself in singing the songs of Zion.”\n\nChan Lai-sun died on 2 June 1895 in Tientsin. His obituary, published in the North China Daily News, on which his son Spencer was a reporter, was republished in the Hong Kong Daily Press (12 June 1895). In addition to the biographical data given by Mr. Char, there is an account of his early business connections in Shanghai. He first entered the firm of Messrs. Bower, Hanbury and Company, where he became a close friend of Mr. Thomas Hanbury, one of the partners. He then set up his own business in partnership with Mr. H. E. Clapp of the firm Clapp and Company, but the venture was not a success, so Lai-sun joined the staff of Viceroy Tso Tsung-tang at Foochow, where he was appointed instructor and subsequently superintendent of the Foochow Naval School. He left the school to become a member of the Chinese Educational Mission in 1872. Returning to China in 1874, he then joined the staff of Viceroy Li Hung-chang.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207742, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "CHAN LAI-SUN AND HIS FAMILY\n\n115\n\nHe served as chief secretary at the Chefoo Convention in 1876, and until the time of his death assisted at the many transactions Viceroy Li had with foreign powers. He was to have joined Li in his mission to Japan after the Sino-Japanese War, but Li excused him saying, “You are old and so am I; but I have to go because there is no help for it.\"\n\nAt the time of his death Chan Lai-sun was survived by his widow, two sons and two daughters. He was predeceased by his son William and a daughter. The death notice of his widow, who died at the age of 92 on 17 Jan. 1917, was published in the Chinese Recorder (v. 58, p. 258). Her son Spencer T. Lai-sun had died only thirteen days before.\n\nSpencer had been educated at Queen's College, Hong Kong, before being taken to the United States by his father at the inauguration of the Chinese Educational Mission in 1872. He and his elder brother, Elijah, attended Yale. According to his obituary (South China Morning Post, 23 Jan. 1917), Spencer had an “extraordinary command of English” and was remarkably well informed on Chinese affairs, being one of the first to forecast the gravity of the Boxer Uprising. He was simultaneously on the staff of a Chinese language newspaper, the Hu Pao, and of an English language paper, the North China Daily News, both published at Shanghai. In 1911 he abandoned his newspaper career and as an expectant Taotai joined the staff of Viceroy Tuan Fang at Nanking. Early in his career in 1885 he undertook a special mission to India. When a reporter of the Times of India interviewed him, he was impressed with Spencer's European style clothing and the absence of a queue, for the latter he was said to have been given special permission by the Chinese authorities.\n\nDuring his school days in Hong Kong, Spencer had become acquainted with the family of the Reverend Ho Fuk-tong, being most likely a regular attendant of the Chinese congregation which met in the afternoons at Union Church. He married Ho Man-kwai, the daughter of the pastor. She died in Shanghai in 1894 at the young age of twenty-eight, leaving a young daughter, Daisy.\n\nThe other two daughters of Chan Lai-sun married Europeans. The husband of the eldest daughter was a Danish ship captain, N. P. Andersen. He had seen service in the Taiping Revolution and had a long career in the Coast Staff of the Chinese Customs. He was somewhat older than his wife and married in middle age.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207746, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 119\n\npoint to Feng as the more active leader in the movement's initial phases. An account given of him by a deserter from the Taiping army and a former member of Gützlaff's Chinese Christian Union, published in The Hong Kong Register, 27 September, 1853, states that when he met Feng in Kwangsi, they recognized each other as fellow members of the Union. According to the account, Feng had studied under Gützlaff. I have carefully gone over the rather detailed reports Gützlaff sent back to Germany reporting the activities of the Chinese Christian Union, hoping that he might have mentioned Feng, but I was unable to find him named. Gützlaff, however, does report trips made by his workers into Kwangsi, where they preached and distributed tracts. These reports were published in the Calwer Missionsblatt and Gaihan's Berichte.\n\nWhen Hung Hsiu-ch'uan left Roberts and Canton in the late spring of 1847, he travelled to Kwangsi in search of Feng, arriving there in August. In the Journal of Roberts published in the Southern Baptist Missionary Journal, vol. 2, no. 10 (March 1848), under date of 25 June, 1847, Roberts states that two of his followers were appointed to visit the inquirer Hung in a different province.\n\nSeveral efforts were initiated to bring the families and followers of the Taiping leaders to Kwangsi from Kwangtung, but the plans were frustrated by the authorities. Some were caught and imprisoned, others scattered and fled. The friends and relatives of the leaders of the Taipings were rooted out of their native districts and at the same time cut off from the troops of the Rebellion as it advanced from Kwangsi to Nanking. Some appear to have had branches of their clan settled in Hsin-an District, adjacent to Hong Kong. Many of the people moved in and out of Hong Kong. These movements left traces in the reports and records of the Missions, but they are not complete enough to provide a comprehensive account.\n\nThe various adventures and travels of Hung Jen-kan before he reached Nanking in 1856 are documented in the writings of Jen Yu-wen. For an English language account see his The Taiping Revolutionary Movement (New Haven, 1973). A few additional details are provided by missionary archival sources.\n\nIn 1852, Hung Jen-kan was brought to Hong Kong by a young tailor from Lilong (Li-lang) in Hsin-an District. He was the grandson of a clansman of Hung, who had befriended Jen-kan in his wanderings. The grandson Fung (Hung?) Sen1 had been under", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "124\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nlished there in a responsible position, he wrote to Li Tsin-kau inviting him to join him. Tsin-kau set off for Nanking but turned back before arriving there, because, as he claimed, he had heard alarming accounts of the religious and moral aberrations of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. On his return to Hong Kong, he was taken on by Lechler as a helper in his ministry to the Hakka population in Hong Kong.\n\nLi Tsin-kau continued as a valuable assistant in the Basel Mission in Hong Kong, serving as a catechist until his death in 1885. For some years in the 1860's he was a travelling preacher, using Hong Kong as his home base. His mother, wife and children, and a younger brother joined him in Hong Kong and all of them became members of the Basel Society congregation on High Street, Saiying-poon. In 1858, he mentions a brother, Schiu-siu, in California. The Eighth Report of the Berlin Society, for the years 1861 and 1862, mentions A-tat the unbaptized brother of the Basel Mission helper Lichenko.\n\nLi Tsin-kau after his initial efforts to join the Taiping forces spent the remainder of his life serving the church in Hong Kong. However, his friend Hung Jen-kan became an important figure in the Taiping government under the title Kan Wang. Before assuming this political role, he also was a valued assistant in the Protestant Mission work in Hong Kong. While Li Tsin-kau worked among the Hakkas under the direction of the Rev. Rudolph Lechler, of the Basel Missionary Society, Hung Jen-kan worked with the Rev. Dr. James Legge, of the London Missionary Society, among the Cantonese speaking population.\n\nDr. Legge took an interest in the Taiping movement and saw within it a potential for providing a turning point in the relation of the Christian church with the whole of China. In the summer of 1853, he sent two of his assistants to Shanghai to open communication with the Taiping government so as to prepare the way for a missionary to enter Nanking. The delegation consisted of a long-time assistant in the London Missionary Society, Keuh A-gong, alias Wat Ngong A, and a young theological student of Dr. Legge's school, Ng Mun-sow. Their efforts were unsuccessful, so after spending six months in Shanghai, they returned to Hong Kong.4\n\nWe have already noted the unsuccessful effort of Hung Jen-kan and Li Tsin-kau to reach Nanking by way of Shanghai in 1854. Upon returning to Hong Kong, Jen-kan became a language teacher", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207754, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 127\n\nstyle befitting relatives of one of the Taiping Kings. To celebrate his second marriage, Dr. Legge and his new wife entertained their Chinese friends and associates at a feast of twelve tables with some thirty courses. Mrs. Legge remarks in a letter dated 24 August, 1860, that “Sy-poe seemed very desirous I should honour his table\n\nWe had a letter from the Rebel King, he congratulates Dr. Legge on his marriage.\" Sy-poe is not mentioned again by the missionaries, but in 1871, Dr. Legge states that his son came to the Mission house requesting a recommendation for the position of a watchman. Legge states, \"He is an honest-looking lad — but alas, that the glory of the Taipings should thus have passed away”\n \nReports in the Archives of the Basel Missionary Society mention Fung Khui-syu, born in 1848, \"son of a Taiping King\". He must be Hung K'uei-yüan alias K'uei-hsiu, the son of Hung Jen-kan.\" He was employed by the Society as a teacher; first on the mainland, but then, because of the danger to him and his family created by his former association with the rebellion, he was removed to Hong Kong to teach in the mission's Girl's School at Sai Ying Poon.\n \nIn 1873 a marriage was arranged by Mrs. Lechler between Fung Khui-syu, then teaching at Tshong-hang-kang in Hsin-an district, and one of the older girls in the Society's boarding school at Hong Kong. The bride Tsen A-lin, alias En-min was an orphan. As a young girl she had been sold by her mother in Shanghai and had been brought to Hong Kong to work in a brothel; but she had been found wandering in the streets by a member of the Basel Society congregation and was brought to the Mission House. In 1865, at the age of twelve, she was enrolled as a student, and was baptized in 1870, when she received the name Lin, meaning compassion, in place of Tchuy-khuyk (Ch'iu-chü), meaning autumn chrysanthemum.\n\nIn 1878 a large part of the congregation of the Basel Mission Church at Shau Kei Wan, Hong Kong, emigrated to Demerara, British Guiana. Fung Khui-syu went with them. The 1885 Yearly Report of the Rev. Lechler states:\n\nIn Georgetown is a Chinese Church and one of our emigrants has been placed there as Pastor. He is the relative of the former rebel king Fung Syu-tshen, and himself, at the time of the Government of Taipings in Nanking, was made king. He found his way to Hong Kong and was received at our table. I sent him", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "128\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nlater to Lilong, where he served under Brother Bellon in the boy's school. Because of his relation to the Rebel King, it was difficult on the mainland so he came to Hongkong until 1878, when he emigrated with those of Shaukiwan.\n\n14\n\nA search of the records of British Guiana might provide details of his later career.\n\nLechler's Day Book under date 12 January, 1871, mentions a visit from Tsau-phoi, a member of the Fung family of Tsim Sha Tsui, and on 18 February, 1871, he notes that Fung A-lin from Tsim Sha Tsui returned to the Girl's School at Sai Ying Poon. It is probable that Fung Tsau-phoi and Fung A-lin were the son and daughter of \"a former Rebel King\", who is referred to in the records of the Girl's Boarding School of the Basel Mission at Sai Ying Poon. A report dated 10 July, 1866, lists as a student Lyu Tsya, aged eighteen years, \"betrothed to a son of a former Rebel King, who long has put away the crown, baptized by the Berlin Missionary Hanspach in her home.\" Also listed is Fung A-lin, the small sister of the young man. She had been enrolled in 1865, aged seven years. Her mother was a widow and a Christian.\n\nKeeping in mind that the Hakka version of the surname Hung was written Fung, and that the entries in Lechler's Day Book were written in a very illegible script, it may be that Fung Tsau-phoi is the same as Hung Tsun Fooi mentioned in T’ai-p’ing t'ien-kuo shih-shih jih-chih Appendix, p.24, as present in Hong Kong after the fall of the Taiping government.\n\nTwo relatives of Feng Yün-shan, a twenty-one year old nephew A-sou and his fourteen-year old cousin, accompanied the Rev. Issachar J. Roberts to Shanghai in 1853, in an attempt to reach Nanking. A-sou was baptized by Roberts at Shanghai. The Baptist Missionary Rev. Matthew T. Yates became acquainted with the two boys, but in his book The Tai Ping Rebellion, he mistakenly states that they were brothers of Feng Yün-shan.\n\nFung A-sou found it impossible to reach Nanking, so he came down to Hong Kong. From here he went up to Canton where he became a teacher to an American missionary. But he became ill, and returned to Hong Kong where he died on the 21 August, 1855.\n\nThese accounts of some of the events in the lives of friends and relatives of Taiping leaders and their association with the missionary", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207757, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "130\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\n4 London Missionary Society Archives, London, England (hereafter given as L.M.S.A.), South China Box 5, Folder 3, Jacket C, letter of Legge, 26 Sept., 1853, and Jacket D, Yearly Report of the Hong Kong Mission, 25 Jan., 1854. For a brief notice of Keuh A-gong see my article, \"A Register of Baptized Protestant Chinese 1813-1842, Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 48 (Dec., 1970), p. 24. For Ng Mun-sow see my article, \"Dr. Legge's Theological School\", ibid, No. 50 (June, 1971), pp. 16-22.\n\n5 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 2, Jacket C, letter of Legge, 28 Jan., 1869, and Folder 1, Jacket A, letter of Wong Foon, 8 May, 1857. Another missionary estimate of Hung Jen-kan is the testimonial the Rev. John Chalmers sent to the Rev. Rudolph Lechler, Basel Missionary Society Archives (hereafter given as B.M.S.A.), Vol. IV, 1857-1862, letter dated, London Mission House, Hong Kong, 24 Dec., 1857: “I have great pleasure in giving my testimony to the Christian character of Hung Jin, the relative of Hung Sew Tauen, who, since his return from Shanghai in the year 1854, has been in the employment of our mission; first as a Christian teacher, and afterwards as a preacher and assistant missionary. His general behaviour has been such as becomes the Gospel; the work which we have given him to do, he has always executed to our satisfaction and not only so, but his zeal for the promotion of the cause of Christ has been marked. He is a young man of superior abilities, and I hope he may yet be honoured to labour successfully in the preaching of the gospel to his countrymen for many years.\n\n6 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 1, Jacket B, letter of Chalmers, 5 June, 1858.\n\n7 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 1, Jacket C, letter of Legge and Chalmers, 11 Jan., 1859, with enclosure of translation of letter of Hung Jan: \"Translation of Hung Jan's last letter, sent from Shanghai by Mr. Muirhead, who received it from a Chinaman who had been with Lord Elgin's expedition up the Yangtze. He wrote in 170 or 180 miles on that river below Hankow.\" Letters from \"Shau Kwan, Nan Gan [both on the north boundary of Kwangtung], one from the capital of Keangse, one from imperialist camp at Yaou Chow [in north of Keangse]\" are mentioned as having been written by Hung Jen-kan.\n\n8 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 2, Jacket C, letter of Legge, 24 Aug., 1860, and Folder 3, Jacket B, letter of Legge, 14 Jan., 1861.\n\n9 L.M.S.A., South China, Box 6, Folder 1, Jacket A, letter of Legge and Chalmers, 14 Jan., 1857.\n\n10 L.M.S.A., Legge Family Papers, letter of 28 Mar., 1861 and 24 Mar., 1871.\n\n11 For identification of Hung K'uei Hsiu see Jen (Chien) Yu-wan “**太平£Ø*^£$*M”, (Record of Visit with Descendants of the Taiping Hung Family) ***@** (Taiping Kingdom Miscellany), No. 4, and * Lo Hsiang-lin, (Historical Sources for the Study of the Hakkas), (Hong Kong, 1965), p. 409,\n\n12 B.M.S.A., Hong Kong School Report, 14 Feb. 1875, \"Teacher Schui Thin will shortly change places with Fung Khui-syu in Tschong Hang Kang, because the last as a son of a Tai Ping Rebellion King, cannot stay anymore in the mainland without danger to the life of himself and family.\"\n\n13 B.M.S.A., Hong Kong School Report, 16 Apr. 1873, and Die Evangelischen Heidenboten, Jan., 1866, letter of Lechler, 2 Oct, 1865.\n\n14 B.M.S.A., Chinese Mission Yearly Report 1885. The ship Dartmouth left Hong Kong 25 Dec., 1878 and arrived at Georgetown, British Guiana on 17 Mar., 1879. Among its 516 emigrants were seventy Christians.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "132\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nThe fourth son, Li Shen-en alias Li Syong-kong, was baptized in Hong Kong in 1859. Following the footsteps of his father, he served as Catechist in the Sai Ying Poon Hakka Congregation from 1883 to 1888. He then emigrated to Sabah, North Borneo, where, under the auspices of the Basel Missionary Society, he organized a congregation of Hakkas. He married Lin Loi-kyau, a daughter of Rev. Lin Khi-len. She was a teacher at the Girl's Boarding School at Sai Ying Poon from 1882 to 1894.\n\nLi Tsin-kau had one daughter, Li En Kyau, born in 1860 and baptized as an infant. She attended the Sai Ying Poon School and also taught there from 1877 to 1902; in addition, she did volunteer church work among the women.\n\nThe services rendered by the several generations of the Li family to the congregations and schools of the Basel Society well repaid the initial interest and attention given to the young Li Tsin-kau when he first turned up in Hong Kong in 1853 as one displaced because of his connection with the leader of the Tai Ping movement. Details of the family are largely taken from Archives of the Basel Society and a mimeographed Geschichte der Hongkonger Gemeinden kindly lent to me by Mr. James Hayes.\n\nJEN YU-WEN'S ADDITIONAL NOTES\n\nProfessor Jen Yu-wen (MX), the eminent and lifelong historian of the Taiping rebellion, has kindly added the following notes:\n\n(1) Feng & Gützlaff\n\nAside from this account [i.e., from the Hong Kong Register, 27th September 1853], there were a few others alleging that Feng, having been taught and baptized by Gützlaff, was a member of his Chinese Christian Union (4). Nevertheless, I find great difficulty in believing this story. First, there is no documentary evidence supporting it. Secondly, a careful checking on the time that Gützlaff founded and promoted the Union since 1844 does not permit Feng, who went to Kwangsi with Hung Hsiu-Ch'üan also in 1844, to come to Hong Kong to establish any relationship with Gützlaff, as Feng was at the same time busy running the affairs and directing the activities of the God-worshippers' Association in Kwangsi. There is no persuasive evidence that Feng and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207760, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS\n\n133\n\nGützlaff ever met each other in 1848 when Feng returned from Kwangsi and stayed in his native place for a short period to wait for the return of Hung Hsiu-ch'üan. I cannot see how the fable started. It may be that some members of the Union did join the Taiping army and recognized superficially the similarity of the organizations of Feng and Gützlaff with practically the same contents in their teachings, thus misunderstanding the identity of the two groups; and thus, Feng was mistaken for a fellow-member of the Union. All in all, this problem needs further study and intensive research before a conclusive answer can be obtained.\n\n(2) Li Tsin-kau ($£$)\n\nAccording to Hamberg's account, Li Ching-fang (***) was Hung Hsiu-ch'üan's cousin who lived in Lien Hua Tang (##) in Hua-hsien where Hung taught. The Tai P'ing pamphlet T'ai Ping T'ien Jih (***ŋ) identifies him. Hung first studied Liang Fa's pamphlets seriously with him.\n\nW. Oehler, Die Taiping-Bewegung (1923), asserts that Ching-fang was the grandfather of Li Tsin-kau. For certain reasons I believe Ching-fang was more likely the father, as Tsin-kau was seemingly too young to befriend and discuss such serious matters with Hung.\n\nThe late Rev. Chang Chu-ling (✯✯✯) told me a very amusing anecdote about Li Tsin-kau. After establishing his capital in Nanking, Hung Hsiu-ch'üan ordered Tsin-kau to recruit followers in Kwangtung. Tsin-kau failed in this mission but went north personally. When he arrived at Shanghai on the way to Nanking, he heard that the God whom Hung saw in his visions years ago wore a black robe. He thought that God, the True God, should be dressed in white, and therefore what Hung had seen was really the Devil. The result was that he turned back to Hong Kong immediately without attempting to see Hung again. (See my Taiping Tienkuo Chuan-shih, pp54-55, notes pp58-59) This story corroborates with the account Carl Smith found (p. 124), but the call to come to Nanking might be from Hung Jen-kau rather than from Hung Hsiu-ch'üan.\n\n(3) Hung Jen-kau (Shield King †1##)\n\nAt last, the question 'who financed Hung Jen-kau's trip to Nanking?' is solved with Carl Smith's finding that the London", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207780, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46 153\n\n4. Addition of centrifugal fan blowers to give some supercharge to the engine. These were belt driven from the engine front drive pulley. They were obtained as part of an American-designed and manufactured producer gas kit and were about the only components which stood up to the service required. The amount of petrol used for starting was small and a charcoal truck would normally use about 2 gallons for a 500 km. 3-4 day run. It was thus possible to haul 1000 km. tons with a minimum use of imported fuel and maximum use of the local resources.\n\nConclusion\n\nThe physical and quantitative part of the Units' transport work has been outlined in this paper. It is hoped that this record can be made more accurate and detailed by further research. If the transport work had not been done, many would have died who were cured. However, perhaps equally valuable was the training given and example set by the Western members in terms of systematic maintenance and driving care. The image, held by many Chinese at that time, of the Westerner as missionary, doctor, educator, or businessman; one who in general gave directions for others to carry out, was somewhat changed by the sight of young men working with their Chinese colleagues and employees, greasing steering, repairing engines and coaxing recalcitrant trucks over the roads of West China. It was an educative experience for all those involved and showed the value of practice over precept in the establishment of efficient working methods.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 These included a 26 hour, 606 mile drive from Lashio to Rangoon to clear medical supplies from the docks, 7 trucks loaded with medical supplies as part of the last convoy out of Rangoon on March 6, 1942; and a group of members, attached to Dr. Seagrave's Medical Unit, made the trek out of Burma to Assam in the party commanded by General Joseph W. Stillwell. Medical work with Chinese and Indian troops and civilians coming out of Burma into Assam continued there until the end of 1942.\n\n2 It is appropriate to mention briefly the direct medical work of the Unit. This consisted mainly of Mobile Surgical Teams (MST) attached to Chinese Army hospitals and treating military and civilian patients. These teams usually consisted of about eight people: two surgeon/physicians, one anaesthetist and two nurses, a dispenser, a handyman/mechanic and a business manager/quartermaster. The first of these MST was stationed at Walchow in Kwangtung in mid-1942 when forces were concentrated for a projected attack on Hong Kong. Most of the MST worked in Yunnan and the Salween front.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207825, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "198\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nwhich only a very few would eventually scale. (At the time of the British assumption of power there were roughly 100,000 people in the New Territories; it was then established that there were over three hundred schoolmasters in the area.) Most of the pupils in the country schoolrooms attended for only two or three years, but some of them managed to stay long enough to lay the foundation which, built upon in town academies, formed the basis for the classical education demanded of graduates.\n\n14. There can be no doubt, from our general knowledge of Kwangtung during this period, that the scholar-gentry (shan sz: 'shen-shih') created by the examination system and its attendant institutions formed in San On a category of 'natural leaders' for the countryside. The scholar-gentry were not the formal headmen of recognised administrative units; far from it; their status in society was too high to allow them to occupy so humble a position. They could not be subjected to routine control by the county magistrate (although he had a certain responsibility for keeping young scholars in order), and the authority they enjoyed within their local communities rested precisely on their ability to speak with a privileged voice to the magistrate and those standing above him in the official hierarchy. They were not necessarily large landowners, but in the nature of the case they were not peasants (nor, except rarely, the sons of peasants), their economic strength being based in general on income drawn from rents, interest on loans, and sometimes (despite the apparent contradiction between gentry status and officially despised commercial activity) business. Culturally they were the elite of their society. Socially they made themselves responsible for initiating and maintaining public works which in the eyes of the bureaucracy were a matter for local enterprise; so that it is possible (although I have seen no evidence to support my guess) that their disappearance in the twentieth century brought with it a decline in the care of bridges, paths, public buildings, and so on, in so far as the responsibility for these works was not taken over by the new government.\n\n15. The scholar-gentry would have vanished from the New Territories scene—or, more correctly, faded to the sad remnant now sought out by research workers and otherwise largely ignored—even if British rule had not been extended from Hong Kong. The examination system came to an end in 1905, several years before the final collapse of the Empire. British administration made far", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207854, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n227\n\nhis wife to bury him in the crucial spot when he came to die, which in good time she did, wrapping him in a mat because she was too poor to pay for a coffin. Time passed and her son grew up to become a great scholar. Summoned by the Emperor to Peking he made the long journey north. On the way the boat he was travelling in got into difficulty but was saved by a god in a nearby temple. The people with whom the young scholar was travelling honoured the god for his help, but he refused to do so, going so far in arrogance as to strike the god on the head with his fan. Eventually he reached the capital and after a while returned home in triumph. He then showed himself so overbearing, especially in his behaviour towards his maternal uncle, that his mother rebuked him, reminding him that his father had died a humble death and had been buried in a mat. The scholar agreed to rebury his father in a fitting manner, but when he came to search for the body it was not to be found. While men were fruitlessly hunting for it round the spot indicated by the widow, the god whom the scholar had insulted appeared in the guise of a stranger and advised him to throw lime into the duck-pond, whereupon the body would appear. The scholar took the advice. The body rose at once to the surface but along with it came nine dead fish, only one of which had its eyes open.\n\nNine bright possibilities, that is to say, had been stored away in the fung shui; one of them had been realised in the success of the scholar — and that was now at an end; the others were ruined. (When I recounted this story to a Chinese friend in Singapore he capped it with one in which a passing scholar, on being told of the enormous success of a family which had stolen another family's fung shui and acted cruelly towards its members, sat down by the stolen grave and lamented. If such people could prosper by the principles of Earth, where were the principles of Heaven? He had hardly spoken when lightning smashed the tomb and put an end to the fortunes of the wicked family.)\n\n61. I have already referred to the tomb of Sun Yat-sen's mother in Pak Fa Lam. I was taken to see it by a part-time geomancer. (He looks like an old-fashioned scholar. In his youth he was a graduate student at a famous American university and held some official post in Canton until the arrival of the Japanese. He now teaches in Hong Kong). His analysis of the site was briefly as follows. The high peak at the rear is excellent; it stands for authority and power. The front aspect is also very good; there is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207862, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 250, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n235\n\nwho have been held to have spoilt a fung shui may be asked to pay for a tun fu. Some people suspect that the sums of money handed over in payment cover more than the fees of the ritual expert, but I doubt whether any great fraudulent profits are made. The victory scored over the 'intruders' by the very fact that they have been forced to acknowledge their 'trespass' and make it ritually good is a big enough compensation. A vital claim has been vindicated.\n\n70. Will fung shui last? I suspect that from the very beginning officers of the Administration have detected signs of growing scepticism and confidently awaited the spread of modern enlightenment. Contemporary administrators are probably less tempted to the facile optimism of their predecessors of a generation or so ago, but one can hear it asserted that the young people of the New Territories today no longer believe in fung shui. If this were so the Administration could look forward to an imminent surcease of its anxiety. But I am not convinced that modern education by itself deals fung shui a deadly blow. Metaphysical beliefs supported by social props are not easily wafted away by the book learning of schools. There are unbelievers in the New Territories, but I suspect that scepticism, if it is at all thorough, stems from their having been prised loose from the grip of their society. Urban Chinese can easily stop paying attention to fung shui if they choose because they are free from the social pressures which, in a rural community, they would be forced to take into account. Living in the city they are not so closely dependent on one another that the actions of one can be held to affect the lives of the others, and they can more easily escape the consequences of neighbourly disapproval. In a village which is still a self-contained community people are tied to one another in a complex web of relationships. Conformity is produced as a response to a multitude of obligations and sanctions; it is not the result of a mere mechanical uniformity. One has to live fully within a village or get out. If, therefore, I am accused of harming my neighbour's fung shui and he is supported by others in his contention I must give way. If my village thinks generally that some outsiders have encroached upon its geomantic privileges, I must join in the reaction. And every response of this kind reinforces my neighbours and me in our faith. (I may believe that in my own case I have been hard done by, but this does not undermine my belief in the assumptions from which my neighbours are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207868, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 256, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\nT\n\n241\n\ntions on foreigners will block any spectacular expansion. It may be that New Territories Chinese in Britain will gradually diversify their occupations – they have begun to do so finding their way step by step into a multitude of industries and jobs. And it is possible that a disintegration of the restaurant pattern of settlement will have important consequences for the assimilation of the migrants and their ties with home. So far the tendency has been for the unsuccessful to lose touch with their people at home (by failing to send money back and to return), and for the successful to maintain close ties. A man works a few years, sending money home, especially when his fare has been paid off, and saving for a trip back to Hong Kong. He then goes home for a while. If he is unmarried he uses his holiday as an opportunity for getting a wife. The break over, he returns to the United Kingdom to resume work. (I have seen emigrants' passports which show this pattern of work and return. Now that passports have to be produced in Hong Kong in connection with applications to be admitted to the United Kingdom it would be a comparatively simple matter for the authorities to keep statistics showing how long men stay abroad and where they have been. It would be very useful information.) The restaurant business itself acts as an insulation between the migrants and the people among whom they make their living. They are caught up in their own forms of social grouping (domestically and otherwise). Many of them return to Hong Kong knowing no more than a few words of English (as kitchen-workers they will not have needed to speak to a non-Chinese); most of them cannot conduct a conversation in that language. A few hundred young women have gone to Britain from the New Territories in recent years to join their men (I have been given a figure of 300), so that a measure of isolation is assured for even some of those who set up family life. A few men have married, some bigamously, or formed liaisons with local women in Britain. If what is true for many minority groups in present-day Britain holds also for the Chinese, then such unions are not necessarily a link with the wider society, for the women often become a part of the small social island into which they have moved without throwing a bridge across to the mainland.\n\n79. I have heard speculations about the role to be played by returned migrants in the social life of the New Territories. There is talk of their being so worldly-wise and sophisticated that they may come to form a difficult category of people to deal with. My im-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207871, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 259, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "244\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\namong them is very irregular, even when allowance is made for the differences in size between the communities. There are clearly specialisations here, and sets of comparable statistics for other areas would be a necessary preliminary to a study of why, despite the fact that overseas migration has been very general in the New Territories in recent years, some communities have not contributed to it or done so on a very small scale. This problem has often been raised in studies of emigration from southeastern China, but it has never been thoroughly gone into, and it would be a pity if the opportunity to study it in the New Territories were missed.\n\n82. Why do people emigrate? New Territories men do not go abroad to make a new life or even, it would seem, to see the world. They, like millions of men from Fukien and Kwangtung before them, have sought a way of earning a better living; they have not intended to settle abroad (whatever later circumstances and opportunities may have suggested or dictated) and have hoped to be able to return home with enough money to sweeten their old age. Although, as we have seen, a few hundred New Territories women have gone to the United Kingdom to join their men, the general character of the migration has been male. In an ideal pattern, men go abroad, earn, remit money, and return. But a large-scale exodus of able-bodied men entails some serious consequences for the social and economic life of the people left behind. In some areas of the New Territories the absence of young and middle-aged men is so striking as to be obvious even to the casual observer. Inferences from the census data are not easy to draw, because the absence of men from the old-established communities may be marked in the figures by surpluses of men among the new population, but the 1961 data show significantly that of the five Districts Sai Kung has the lowest ratio of males to females (951:1,000) and that within the Tai Po District Sai Kung North and Sha Tau Kok stand out very sharply as areas with low ratios (794 and 782 respectively, whereas the ratio for the District as a whole is 1,019). Moreover, Sai Kung has had a low ratio over a long period (859 in 1921 and 800 in 1931). (See K.M.A. Barnett, Hong Kong, Report on the 1961 Census, vol. II, p. 25, Tables 110 and 111. Population figures, by sex, for individual villages and settlements are available from the 1961 census, although not published in the Report; they provide a valuable guide to the communities from which male emigration has been heaviest, although again, the presence of new", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207872, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 260, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 245\n\npopulation in the figures often makes detection difficult). Large numbers of able-bodied men being away, the women must assume new or at least increased responsibilities. Now it would seem that New Territories women, both Punti and Hakka, play a very active role in agricultural life. (It was not so everywhere in China, nor even throughout the south-east). And it may be that their agricultural skill is not only a consequence but a cause of the absence of the men. (I also raise the question whether in the past the agricultural roles of women were more noticeable among the Hakka than the Punti, and whether, in turn, male emigration was in earlier times promoted more strongly among the Hakka by such a difference). But however competent the women, a heavy draining away of male labour, when it cannot be replaced with hired hands, must impose a considerable strain on the women who stay at home. To see a woman ploughing the fields with a baby at her back suggests many questions about the conduct of her domestic affairs. But it is not simply a matter of her economic duties being increased; if men are away some reallocation must take place in the social roles of the household; family life is affected; even the control of community affairs may pass partly to women. One study in the New Territories (see Miss Jean Pratt's paper in The Eastern Anthropologist, vol. XIII No. 4, 1960) has already approached this subject, but it is a fit topic for several detailed enquiries, for, apart from the theoretical problems it raises in sociology and demography, it has many welfare aspects in the field of marriage, the care of children, and social control.\n\n83. It seems to me to be important to study both ends of the movement to the United Kingdom. The migrants there are very far from being cut off from people at home, and their problems have a direct bearing on New Territories life. Stories of gambling losses and debt circulate widely. Talk of unemployment and the abuse of labour by restaurant owners upsets families with young men away. How the Chinese in Britain organise themselves, adjust themselves to their strange surroundings, and make use of the opportunities open to them are questions which deserve careful study. I have a Chinese graduate student under training in London who is interested in the problem, and if all goes well he should be able to produce a valuable study of it. As for the New Territories themselves, I think that the best material will come from community studies, because the effects of migration need to be studied in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207884, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 272, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 257\n\n97. These are general points made with reference to the Chinese family in its traditional form and conditions. What kinds of family units are to be found now in the New Territories? The 1961 census figures for household size (which can be roughly equated with family size) show that the most characteristic size is about 4 to 6 people, that there are many smaller ones, and that units larger than 7 are few. To take an example (which I have conveniently in my notebook): the following figures are for the household sizes in the Tai Po census area (i.e. Tai Po District) in respect of units which occupy whole concrete, brick, or stone houses—that is to say, where housing conditions approximate the most to tradition. (See Census, vol. II, p. 12, Table 020).\n\n \n Household Size\n Numbers of Households of Each Size\n \n \n 1\n 1,299\n \n \n 2\n 1,441\n \n \n 3\n 1,655\n \n \n 4\n 1,839\n \n \n 5\n 1,773\n \n \n 6\n 1,550\n \n \n 7\n 1,174\n \n \n 8\n 759\n \n \n 9\n 401\n \n \n 10 and over\n 612\n \n \n Total\n 12,503\n \n\nThe units are typically small. How is it that there are so many households with 2 persons and (despite the contradiction in terms) 1 person? There is of course a refugee element in these figures (but it would have been much bigger if we had taken the data for people living in wooden houses or shacks), but they do not account for all cases. Under what conditions are single-person 'households' found? When will a young married couple set up on their own? What economic significance is to be read into the forming of small units generally? Are small units in fact economically independent, and do they contain an element of people who are poor and can no longer rely on support from outside the unit? That is to say, if we start by defining the family as a unit which lives by itself we have then to enquire into the social and economic ties maintained between its members and the members of other such units with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207969, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "177\n\nsome families in the village also jointly slaughtered a pig and divided the meat at the Koon Yam Festival and on the 18th of the First Month. This worship-society was also organized on a rota system. Pak Kong also had the Yap Woh T'ong, a common property trust for the ten lineages that first settled in the village. Repayments, with interest, received by the T'ong were lent out to members of these lineages on the 4th of the First Month every year. On the same day, the accounts of the previous year had also to be settled. There was also the T'ung Heng She, which was apparently responsible for the employment of a martial arts teacher who taught the young men of the village.41\n\nTable 3. The She P'aai (社牌) at Pak Kong*\n\n(This wooden tablet was found in the Lok Ancestral Hall, Pak Kong Village)\n\n \n 凡 期諛列著年每\n \n \n \n \n \n 切而\n \n \n \n \n \n 勿\n 正\n 行\n 月\n \n \n 月\n זיין\n 建\n 切\n \n \n -+-\n 事\n 九\n 務\n \n \n 十五\n 社\n 頭 月\n 廿五五\n \n \n 四\n t\n 火\n 水\n \n \n 冰\n 金\n X駱李駱 ×灶癸幅 ×安韋勝\n \n \n \n 駱駱駱駱 乙志\n 泰強 貴林\n 李駱李 九\n 駱駱駱\n \n \n 駱鄭李駱 泰灶 T 喜拿九牛\n \n \n \n \n \n 駱李\n 鄭德光\n 鄭駱駱駱 有樹石 泰錦錦\n \n \n \n 劉鄭駱鄭 天振炸 灶灶 廷業保安\n 石記耀\n 錦紹 生元初\n 金林\n \n \n 駱駱駱 世火太 牛九祥\n 鄭鄭\n 和忠\n \n \n\n* Plates 4-5.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207970, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "178\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nTable 3. (Translation)\n\nFront:\n\nAnnual festival 19th First Month, 15th Second Month, 23rd Third Month, 5th Fifth Month, 14th Seventh Month, 24th Twelfth Month, Tung Chi in Eleventh Month, Night of 30th Twelfth Month; she t'au (leaders of the she); ALL THOSE WHO LIVE IN PAK KONG VILLAGE HAVE THE RESPONSIBILITY TO SERVE THE AFFAIRS AND PUBLIC INTEREST OF THIS VILLAGE; work collectively for the achievements of this village, do not follow the Monroe [Doctrine].\n\nBack:\n\nGOLD Cheng Tso On, Cheng Chung, Lok Tso Po, Cheng Woh, Cheng Chan Ip, Lau T'in T'ing; WOOD Lok Shek Kam, Lok T'aai Ts'eung, Lok Shue Kam, Lok Foh Kau, Lok Yau T'aai, Lok Shai Ngau, Lok Tak Kwong; WATER Lok Ting Ngau, Lei Lam, Lei Kau, Lok Kam, Cheng Tso Ning, Lok T'aai Hei; FIRE Lok Tak Lam, Lok Shiu Ch'oh, Lok Lam Kwai, Lok Kam Uen, Lok Chi K'eung, Lok Shang, Lok Uet T'aai; EARTH Lok Fuk Shing, Lei Iu, Lei Kw'ai Cheung, Lok Kau Kei, Lok Tso On, Lei Shek,\n\nIn a slight variation, in Tai Po Tsai (near Tai Mong Tsai) and Wo Mei, instead of collecting money to buy the pig at the time it had to be slaughtered, villagers bought a piglet at the beginning of the year and participating families took turns to feed it during the year. By the end of the year, it would be slaughtered, and the meat divided. In Wo Mei, the five lineages of the village also gathered into the Ng Woh T'ong for matters that affected the entire village.42 Less formal but not less important were the \"marriage clubs\" (lo p'oh wooi) found in many villages, such as Mang Kung Uk and Hang Hau, consisting of the unmarried young men of the village. The young men of the club were obliged to help the bridegroom during wedding ceremonies, and they themselves would be helped when their turn came. In general, village ceremonies, not only weddings but also funerals, required the participation of members of the village, including those outside the immediately affected lineage. It was commonly understood that on these occasions members of the village had the right and duty to participate and to help.\n\n43", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207979, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "largest, and most famous of the New Territories' Chinese kinship groups being settled in the area for over 900 years. Notes were again provided and will be published later in the Journal.\n\nThe December tour of Sri Lanka was very comprehensive and included a number of archeological sites not usually possible to visit in a short tour by the average tourist. We were fortunate enough to obtain the expert guidance of Ms. de Silva who volunteered to lead the tour and Ms. Berger who helped make many of the arrangements. I know that some members found the housekeeping side a shade more primitive than they would have preferred but I think that we compare favourably with many tourist agencies arranging accommodation from Hong Kong and providing a great deal more guidance and variation than does the average tour. It is not always possible to see places off the well-worn commercial track and enjoy all the facilities of the modern commercial world, to some extent these objectives being mutually incompatible. However if any members have suggestions as to how to improve the arrangements and take in the more unusual kind of visit—of course, in the same length of time—we would appreciate very much hearing from them, and this goes also for members who would themselves like to arrange a tour on our behalf.\n\nIn February a young exponent of the classical dance of South India gave a talk illustrated with the basic dance movements and related gestures and expressions. Also in February the tour of Borneo took place, participants visiting Sarawak, Brunei, and Sabah. The tour was very fortunate in gaining the help of people associated with museums in Sarawak, Sabah and Brunei who also provided unsolicited hospitality. I would like particularly to acknowledge our gratitude to Mr. Lucas Chin, Curator of the Sarawak Museum, Mr. P. M. Shariffuddin, Director of Museums, Brunei, and Mr. David McCredie, Curator-designate of the Sabah Museum.\n\nOn February 16, Mr. Chuang Shen of Hong Kong University's Department of Chinese talked about newly discovered rock engravings in China, and made comparisons with findings and techniques of engraving in many other parts of the world. A tour of the Chinese porcelain exhibition at Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, took place also in February—or I should say three tours—for so popular was this event arranged in connection with the Arts Festival, that three different parties had to be arranged for our members. Dr. Michael Lau, Curator of the Museum,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208010, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "STANLEY INTERNMENT CAMP, HONG KONG 1942-1945 33\n\nTweed Bay Beach provided pleasure for many internees. During the summer months they were allowed to swim there, under guard. During the summers of 1944 and particularly 1945, however, many had to forego this pleasure as it required walking down and up a very steep flight of stairs and many simply did not have the energy due to lack of food.\n\nAlthough the Japanese had meticulously planned their capture of the Colony, apparently they had not formulated plans for dealing with the enemy civilians. Not only was it several weeks after the surrender until the internees were interned in Stanley Camp, but once they had been interned, the Japanese had little to do with them. A few necessities, namely a minimal amount of food, were provided, but the internees were left to run the Camp themselves. They soon began forming committees. The three main national groups — American, British, and Dutch — remained independent but did cooperate on such matters as welfare and medicine. At the beginning of internment, there were approximately 2400 British internees, 300 Americans, and 60 Dutch. Being such a large majority (and after repatriation in June 1942, only about twenty Americans remained), the British really ran the Camp. Five committees were elected, and each struggled with similar problems of food, housing, medical matters, etc. It is of interest to note that very few Government servants were elected to serve on these committees because there was strong anti-Government feeling in the Camp, largely due to the blame most internees put on the Government for the quick surrender of the Colony. An internee wrote:\n\nThe first impulse that ran through camp would, on a larger social stage, have been called revolutionary. On every side, by almost every mouth, the former leading men of the colony were bitterly denounced. They were held to blame for what had happened in Hong Kong. Along the camp roadways where people gathered to gossip, one heard the same angry talk of the government servants' complacency, stupidity, and shortsightedness.*\n\nThe Governor, Sir Mark Young, was not interned in Hong Kong. The next highest Government official in the Colony was the Colonial Secretary, Franklin C. Gimson, who remained in the city for the first few weeks but did go to Camp to attend meetings from time to time.\n\n* See also H. J. Lethbridge's article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208028, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "The Return Journey \n\nA JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946 \n\n51 \n\nA 'political' question arose about our return trip. The 18th Group Army had, as previously mentioned, a Chungking office and extra staff were needed for this. Would we be willing to transport 40 passengers in our otherwise empty trucks from Yenan to Chungking? The questions the request raised are obvious: being a pacifist organization we did not, on principle, carry troops or military supplies. What complication would this raise with the KMT Government in Chungking? Or the Hsi-an Command? I asked if a message could be transmitted to FAU Headquarters in Chungking putting the problem and asking for instructions. Meanwhile the Unit Headquarters in Chungking had received the same request from the 18th Group Army Office there and they had asked for a message to be transmitted to me, telling me of the request and saying in effect 'Use your own judgement'. In the event neither message was received. Yu Chin-lung and I used our own judgement and we set out on February 22nd with our 40 unarmed passengers under Major Chiang and including two young women comrades. \n\nThere was some alarm and excitement when we reached the 'border'. The outpost sentries waved us on, but did not inform their colleagues in the main guard house that we were coming. No doubt someone then shouted that there was a motorised attack by the 8th Route Army; there was a smart turnout of machine guns, rifles, etc. into defensive postures and magazines were slapped into place. We stopped the trucks and Yu Chin-lung and I walked down the road endeavouring to preserve a becoming Quaker calm and hoping no one was enthusiastic about target practice. It seemed a long 50 yards. Documents were produced for ourselves and Major Chiang produced his, and after tea and apologies on both sides we went on. \n\nAs we came down out of the hills to the Yellow River plain the weather broke and snow swirled down. If this had come a day earlier it would have been most difficult since the road was so rocky and full of pot holes that a snow covering would have led to accidents. \n\nIf we had maintained a low profile coming up, we positively crouched on the way back after crossing the border. I slipped into Hsi-an on my own and called at the Methodist Mission for any letters. Meanwhile Yu Chin-lung had got the trucks loaded on the train and we set off for Pao-chi through the night. Two young", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208030, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946\n\n53\n\nit helped prevent disappearance of vital parts of the trucks (and also the precious cargo) and one did not have to contend with the intelligent West China bed bugs which were liable to infest the inns.\n\nReturn to Chungking\n\nComing through the passes and down into Szechuan the first signs of spring appeared, the delicate pale green of the young willow leaves and the rich red earth contrasting with the dry, dusty, harshness of the Shensi countryside. Most of our passengers had not, one gathered, been to Szechuan before and were seeing all this fabled richness of the province for the first time. Crossing the Fu River ferry at Mienyang brought us into the plains and we came next to Ching Mo Kuan (Green Pines Pass) where the main customs and control station for Chungking was situated. This was another place where we had anticipated difficulty, especially if the negotiations had taken a turn for the worse since we left Yenan two weeks before. We pulled up near the barrier and everyone stayed in the trucks. We kept the engines running while Yu Chin-lung and I took our documents for checking to the duty officer. When asked what passengers we had we truthfully replied \"Forty members of the 8th Route Army\" which he solemnly wrote down and then chopped our pass. We were in the trucks and handing this to the sentry before the officer could report to higher authority. So, much relieved, we drove on to Chungking, off-loaded our passengers outside the city and then returned, via the upper ferry, to our South Bank base. Distance covered about 3200 kilometres in a travelling time of 32 days and, apart from our initial crash, no accidents, and few roadside repairs.\n\nThree days after our return we were again entertained by the 18th Group Army and General Chou En-lai personally thanked us for what we had done. Later we were invited to send medical teams up into the Border Region working directly with the medical authorities there. The FAU/FSU continued after Liberation and the last member left China in 1952.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208067, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "90\n\nK. G. STEVENS\n\nand in another temple with a carved wooden coiled snake in the middle of the group. In one Macau temple four of the Five Demons have very cheeky, European children's faces. This is because the original heads of the images had been so badly burnt by candle and incense heat that the temple keeper had substituted European doll's heads.\n\nApart from the background sheet of titles and the image of the Local Wealth God and those of the Five Demons already described, there are some five other items and images which may feature in Under Altars. As with every temple disposition there does not appear to be any firm rule as to where or how each image or item should be placed within the altar.\n\nThere are many conventions, but none without the exception. The first group of items consists of wooden or stone images of living animals or creatures, the most popular being cockerels, dogs and snakes. No keeper was prepared to say why these creatures are depicted.\n\nSecondly, there are several Gods whose images are seen in Under Altars in addition to being on normal altars. The most popular and easily the most common of these is Marshal Chao, a Wealth God who is also called the \"Marshal of the Dark Altar,\" Hsuan T'an Chao Kung-ming Yuan Shuai (#). Chao's image is relatively standard, and was very common in temples throughout China. He is a ferocious general, seated astride or seated with a foot on a tiger; or standing on a tiger; with his right hand raised holding a magic whip (a knobbly-bladed sword). He was spotted on one occasion in one temple only with a long folded white strip of paper and a short strip of hessian laid across his head. We will briefly refer again to Chao. Others include Tzu Wei Hsing Chun (***), The Star God of the Planet Venus, and Hua Fen Fu Jen (✯✯✯A), the Powder Maiden (who preserves a girl's beauty). The face of the latter image is coated with cosmetic powder by young girls and she is frequently bedecked with strings of imitation pearls as offerings. The connexion between the Powder Maiden and the rest of the altar escapes explanation, and the answer from temple keepers has been that it is simply custom. There are also numerous other unidentified individual images unconnected with the altar which have been placed there by ignorant temple keepers or worshippers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208118, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHOW LONG ISLAND\n\n141\n\nslowly in the widening bay, pushing a dark ripple before her. A sampan with three powdered and giggling girls drifts by, and as it passes, one sings in high quavering falsetto the first verse of a love song; then the second is sung by her companions. A young man sitting in his boat in the deep shadow of a junk's high stern answers the call, singing the third verse of the song, and the two boats glide together, and disappear towards the shore. \"Another silly fish caught and ready to be landed!\" But here is our little yacht with the cabin lit up and the wrinkled mahogany face of our boat boy gravely smiling a welcome. We tumble aboard and form our own animated group about the rice bowl while he withdraws to the bow, and sits there silent, still, waiting for the night wind and the tide.\n\nThe Mooncake Festival\n\nThe historian of Long Island has not yet appeared. He must be a Chinese, for no European can be sure of understanding the real meaning of the institutions and customs of a Chinese community. But until that historian appears, and perhaps to induce him to come forth and correct the presumptuous foreigner, here is an eye witness's account of a spring feast at Cheung Chow written from memory and the notes of a careful observer, Mr. A. C. Franklin.* It must be understood that the latter is not to blame for any inaccuracies in the following account.\n\n+\n\nOn a day in May, looking from Hongkong towards the Island, through a good pair of glasses we see a new building towering above the houses and temples, and we decide to visit the island and investigate. The ferry starts from the immediate and unsavoury neighbourhood of a loading shoot for the town garbage. The ferries are crowded and frequent to-day, gaily flagged and decorated. Everyone on board is in holiday mood, laughing, eating, talking, and behaving rather like a good-tempered Bank Holiday crowd at home. There seem to be parties of visitors, teams of some kind, and there is an image in a chair on the lower deck. It is not being treated with any particular awe and reverence, indeed it seems more like a mascot than a holy thing.\n\nOnce out of the harbour we encounter nothing of special interest until we turn into Cheung Chow Bay. Here is a cheerful sight. The whole fleet is in and the bay is full. The heavy brown mat\n\nMr. Franklin followed the author as Registrar, University of Hong Kong, 1913-18. — Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208128, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "MEMORIES OF THE DISTRICT OFFICE SOUTH \n\n151 \n\nof 1926 at Taipo, when in a large matshed on the reclamation there the New Territory elders treated Sir C. Clementi and the leading members of the Service to a big banquet and speeches, the leading feature being that except for the sharks' fin soup all the food came from the New Territory and its waters. The points I remember best are: a bowl of air-bladders of Sargassum seaweed, which I found quite palatable; a game of chai mui in which the late A. E. Wood took part; the collapse under me of two bentwood chairs in succession, which helped to relieve the boredom of the European element and perhaps others.\n\nDuring my periods in office I made an attempt to get the Chinese communities and villages owning forest lots to look after them and to plant trees. Free seed was distributed and planting instructions given, and a forest guard appointed to supervise and watch results. The difficulties of forest conservation in such scattered and isolated areas were certainly formidable: one was that the boat people could land almost anywhere and steal trees; another, that the grasscutters who annually collect fuel in autumn are quite likely to cut and take young seedlings: to say nothing of true disease and caterpillar infestation, often very serious. One bad case was at Tai O, where an entire hillside was laid bare at one swoop by its licensee instead of being cut in stages, and I told him to get it replanted. I don't remember the sequel, as I was transferred not long after. The denuded hillside faced west, and lay across the Po Chu Tam creek from Tai O market. Another great difficulty was to find forest guards who would do their job: a former A.D.O. North once minuted 'Where forest guards abound, there do abuses much more abound!'\n\nThe careful investigation of applications to use land was more than once impressed on me by experience. Desire to develop apparently unused land may mislead a D.O. into sanctioning the spoliation of an object of natural beauty, the monopolizing of an area in common use by a village community, or such damage to hill slopes as to cause villages or fields to be flooded with mud and soil wash, or the erection of a gimcrack structure of bad concrete instead of a brick or stone village house in harmony with its surroundings. Proposals for forest development may turn out to be schemes for evicting villagers from areas where they hold forest rights; though proper forest lot maps should make such schemes impossible. An instance of an application designed to monopolize an area already", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208130, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "MEMORIES OF THE DISTRICT OFFICE SOUTH \n\n153 \n\nOccasionally the D.O. was called on to do special jobs outside his district. One such job I did at the Land Officer's request in 1930 or 1931 was to enquire into the holdings in Stanley village, to discover who the various lot owners were; this meant a good deal of domiciliary visitation in searching for lot boundaries, and looking for owners who might turn out to be in Macao, Australia, or Panama, and were not infrequently in their graves. This was necessary because the Land Office had no demarcators, and the Land Officer knew law but not Chinese: and the village was to be replanned and modernised. I hope the right people got the compensation, whether in land or cash: I never heard anything over the arrangements.\n\nThe collection of revenue from the District, excluding lots held directly from the Government as Inland Lots granted through the Land Office, was always a most important duty of the District Officer. The Crown rent was collected both at the District Office and at various outstations, chiefly Tai O, Cheung Chau, Tsun Wan, and the small police quarters at Yung Shue Wan on Lamma. The outstation collections were done by a shroff accompanied by an Indian constable, and in the remotest places the Water Police gave their assistance. As a rule I believe the Water Police brought back the shroff and the money, though I think the ordinary ferry conveyed him to the scene of action. The collecting was done at the local police stations. It always began about the end of July, after the first rice crop, and went on at full blast till about October: defaulters were dealt with early the next year. Licence fees for forestry, squatters' fees, and pineapple plantation licence fees were usually paid before midsummer at the District Office.\n\nIn 1925, the year of the big Communist-inspired Nationalist general strike, the office shroff was transferred on promotion. His substitute was a young fellow fresh from the Treasury, who took advantage of the disturbance and the preoccupations of his superiors to embezzle part of the receipts, and finally absconded three months after the strike began. A former District Officer South remarked to me later that he had always been worried by the possibility of this kind of thing happening to him, and the almost total impossibility of keeping a tight check on shroffs when frequent absence from the office, sometimes all day, is part of the D.O's duty. Luckily his security just covered his defalcations: and another shroff in the same racket was caught out by me and part of his loot recovered.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208166, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n189 \n\nyoung people from Shing Mun planned to take property from Shek Lei Pui and they sent a note saying when they would come and what they wanted. Shek Lei Pui was very frightened. So some went to Tsuen Wan and told them. Sixty or 80 young men got together and hid around Shek Lei Pui and waited for the robbers. More than ten robbers came and were caught. The people took them to Tsuen Wan but didn't want to kill them. Finally, they put them in a big boat and took them to Nam Tau. But at Kap Shui Mun, one prisoner stabbed a Tsuen Wan man in the leg and escaped, and then swam to shore. They took the rest to Nam Tau. The escaped man went back to Shing Mun and said all the prisoners had been killed except himself. The people of Shing Mun were very angry and attacked Shek Lei Pui with weapons. They beat them because they gave no warning, and took all their property. But some Shek Lei Pui people escaped to Tsuen Wan and said the rest were all killed. Then more than 200 Tsuen Wan natives got together and marched to Shing Mun and fought there.\n\nThe Shing Mun story, on the other hand, is quite different. It blames the war on the jealousy of the Tsuen Wan villages, especially Lo Wai, whose people tried to levy charges on Shing Mun persons passing through their territory to sell pineapples in Tsuen Wan Market. Pineapples were a prominent local product and said to be quite lucrative.\n\nThere may well be something in the Tsuen Wan version, however, because a local lineage now living in Middle Kwai Chung had formerly lived in the hills to the north east in a place called Lan Nai Tong (MW). An 80-year-old man told me that they left there because of attacks from Shing Mun ‘about a hundred years ago' and settled in a less remote and exposed position, near existing villages in Kwai Chung. He also took me to the site of the old settlement, though it is overgrown with tree plantations and there is nothing to see there other than some old graves of his lineage and some of their abandoned paddy fields. The \"Shek Lei Pui” of the story may well relate to their long-deserted and now little-known settlement, since it is the area place name as well as that of another village.\n\n* I have since received the written account reproduced below at Pp 197-198.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208200, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n223\n\nsity so many and interesting cases as in these 2 hours in your hospital\". Cancer, sarcoma, psychosis, compound fractures, eye diseases, bone tuberculosis, kidney affections (probably exaggerated by Chinese drugs), the most malicious skin and venereal affections, complications from opium smoking (demanding difficult operations on the urinary tract), infectious diseases, meningitis, malaria, tropical and parasitical sickness, snake bites, elephantiasis and monstrosities have also been treated here.\n\nGenerally speaking we treated one third of all our patients free and one third at reduced fees. On the average the cost of drugs paid by the patient is 19 cents per visit. We have been generously supplied by British drug firms with Sulphanilamide and so have had the means to help with the most advanced scientific methods.\n\nOn the 4th of December 1938 we received our first victims from air raids, the 18th was the next with 10 very bad cases; one boy 10 years old died in the arms of his mother when she brought him in with his back completely torn off. We operated that day and night, and the next day, without pause. We were extremely sorry to lose two more lives; one a girl 14 years old with 10 wounds through her intestines, and a young woman with different large abdominal wounds. Another young woman got a bomb splinter in her face and lost her right eye and 5 teeth. We were able to provide her, after recovering, with an artificial eye and 5 gold teeth, so she looks quite nice again. We also had a mother with several small children who had an open splintered fracture of the lower jaw bone, a 10 inches long wound in the abdomen and a compound fracture of the left heel, also some other smaller wounds, 15 all together. We removed a dozen splinters from the jaw, and to our great joy she recovered and can use her mouth and can walk again normally. We had not only wounded from bombing incidents as the planes very often came down and machine gunned the fishermen in the junks and sampans, or small gunboats approached the coast and fired on the people. An old fisherman with an arm splintered by 5 bullets we were able to release as cured after some months.\n\nIn contrast to a former rather suspicious attitude of the authorities towards a foreign-run hospital is the present appreciation of the civil and army leaders. We have the honour to have the head of the local government now as a member of our Committee of Management.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208204, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n227\n\nonly able to do so at high tide. At the same time the plane dropped lower and made narrow circles over the town. The Middle School lies just behind the hospital with the Preparatory School on one side and as the plane flew low over one of the buildings a small machine gun opened fire on it. The plane immediately came back, and having thoroughly inspected the position dropped a bomb which blew up a house near us, the machine gun again opened fire and this time the bomb was not so accurately placed and unfortunately fell in our garden, breaking down the wall and making a deep pit about 12 feet within our hospital premises. The plane after dropping a few more bombs flew away, and we found on inquiry that the gunboat with the 2 motor launches had also retired after setting fire to several junks which however had been deserted by the occupants. After about half an hour the plane again returned and released several bombs over the town one of which hit the middle school, demolishing one of their houses alongside our precincts breaking down more of our wall, shattering most of the glass in the doctor's house and covering the garden with broken bricks, large fragments of bomb shells and dust.\n\nAs far as we know there has been nobody injured. Although we had repeated alarms the plane did not return until 2.30 p.m. when it dropped 4 more large bombs on the Middle School compound, completely demolishing 2 more large buildings.\n\nThe only good result from this episode was the fact that our young new doctor took fright and ran away in spite of his contract.\n\nSeptember 12th, 1939\n\nWe have many air raid alarms during the day and sometimes during the night, but the planes pass over us to other destinations.\n\nMy family arrived in Hongkong August 25th, but has not yet been able to get here. I am glad to have them out from Europe under the present circumstances. They like to have a rest after a long and adventurous journey. They are staying as guests in the Bishop's House.\n\nPlease continue your prayerful support of our work in China and do all you can to help us.\n\nYours sincerely,\n\nEUGEN MILCH.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208221, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 260, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "244\n\nLIFE MEMBERS:\n\nTHOMPSON, P. J.\n\nTHROWER, Prof. L. B.\n\nTHROWER, Dr. S. L.\n\nTON, Mrs. Chen Chu-ching\n\nTORRIBLE, G. H.\n\nWATSON, K. A.\n\nWAUNG, Dr. W. S.\n\nWEINREBE, H. M.\n\nWERLE, Ms. Helga\n\nWESLEY-SMITH, Dr. P.\n\nWHITELEGGE, D. S.\n\nWILLIAMS, R. A.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mr. & Mrs. W. D. F.\n\nWINKLER, Mrs. E.\n\nWONG, Peng-cheong\n\nWONG, Kwok Fong\n\nWOLF, J.\n\nYEUNG, Walter W. T.\n\nYOUNG, Miss Pauline\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nJohnson, Stokes & Master, 10th & 11th Floors, Alexandra House, Chater Road, Hong Kong.\n\nFlat 6B, University Residence No. 6, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nFlat 6B, University Residence No. 6, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nSt. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong Club, Hong Kong.\n\nLammert Bros., Pedder Building, Hong Kong.\n\n1903 Hang Chong Building, 5 Queen's Road, C, Hong Kong.\n\nWeinrebe & Pennell Ltd., Room 805 Bank of Canton Building, Des Voeux Road, Hong Kong.\n\n3, Wood Road, 6th Fl., Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\n58, Mount Nicholson Gap, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\n1, Riante Rive Apartments, 144 Milestone, Castle Peak Road, N.T.\n\nFlat 402, 12 May Road, Hong Kong.\n\nWong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, South China Building 3/F, 1 Wyndham Street, Hong Kong.\n\n92A, Pokfulam Road 1st Fl., Hong Kong.\n\nP.O. Box 147, Hong Kong.\n\n60B Conduit Road G/F, Hong Kong.\n\nThe Peak Road, Plunketts Road, The Peak, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208277, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 1, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "180\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nearthgods, and the decennial ta-tsius (festivals to thank the gods and feed the ghosts). Besides these festivals, births, weddings, and deaths, also called for celebration.47\n\nMany of these festivals are still celebrated, but some of the rituals which used to mark them are no longer practised. In the Mid-Autumn Festival, for instance, it used to be common practice for women and young people to sit outside their houses at night and repeat certain lines until one of them went into a trance.48 After mid-night, on the Tsat Tse Festival, villagers gathered water, which could be preserved in a jar and used as medicine throughout the year.49 Temple celebrations were hardly as well endowed before World War II as they are today. In the place of the operas that are presented to the gods nowadays, there used to be puppet shows only except at Sai Kung Market, which alone could afford opera pre-war.50 Feasts were essential to all celebrations. At temple festivals, each worshipping group held its own feast; at grave worship ceremonies, lineage members ate together at the graves, and for all other festivals, each family celebrated on its own. Feasts at weddings and funerals were open to all villagers from all of the villages in the same neighbourhood alliance.51\n\nCelebrations were meant to be colourful. They fulfilled the need for entertainment in village life at a time when other forms of popular entertainment were unknown as well as expressing deeply ingrained religious beliefs.\n\nThe musical culture\n\nSinging was an important ingredient of village life. At weddings, brides sang for \"several days and nights\" to express their sorrow at having been \"forced\" into marriage. At funerals, women relatives keened to express their grief, and to recount their relationship with the deceased. \"Mountain songs\" were sung between young men and young women. In some villages, the singing of these \"mountain songs\" was institutionalized, so that it was understood that Sha Kok Mei, for instance, would sing \"against\" Pak Kong in an annual \"mountain song\" contest. Punti, Hakka, and the boat people, all had their own songs. In addition, there were professionals, who came into the villages to sing for money. Quite a few villagers still remember the little clappers these singers carried.52", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208331, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n100 Powell, 56-59; Peake, 20-22; Wang, Huai-ch'in, 363; etc.\n\n39\n\n101 Wang Chia-chien, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 1, 8; Powell, 235-236.\n\n102 Chinese Times, April 30, 1887; Ayers, 118.\n\n103 See Ernest Young, \"Nationalism, Reform and Republican Revolution,\" in James Crowley, ed., Modern East Asia: Essays in Interpretation (New York, etc., 1971), 160-162; Yoshihiro Hatano, \"The New Armies,” in Mary Wright, ed., China in Revolution (New Haven and London, 1968), and Powell, passim.\n\n104 For abundant documentation on the dilution of traditional values and loyalties at the Tientsin Military Academy, see Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 9, 11-12, 19-20, and notes, Li Hung-chang had pointed out the need to study the Classics and History \"in order to strengthen the root,\" but Wang claims that the students tended to adopt a foreign-worship mentality, ignored China's legendary heroes, and (in the words of a contemporary critic) neither discussed the virtues of integrity (chih) and duty (i), nor knew of honesty (lien) and shame (ch'ih). Cf. Chou Sheng-ch'uan's army song (Sheng-chün hsün-yung ko), CWCK, \"supplement,\" 1: 50-52b.\n\n105 The evidence, contained in CWCK, remains to be gathered systematically, but even a brief glance at Chou's nien-p'u and his extensive writings suggests these conflicts.\n\n106 CWCK, 1.4: 30-47b, esp. 33b and 37.\n\n107 Ibid., 1.1: 20a-b; 1.1.1: 10a-b; 1.1.2: 15b, 19b-20, 23b (on bullets and rations), 40b-41; etc.\n\n108 CWCK, \"introductory chuan (Chou's nien-p'u)\" 31b-56 passim. Ironically, after Chou's death, the Sheng-chün was employed in work on the grounds of the Tientsin Military Academy. Chinese Times, May 28, 1887.\n\n109 For Chou's concern with positive attitudes toward the military, see CWCK, \"supplement,\" 1: 20b-21, 22b-23, 50-52b. For Chou's esteem for civil status, see CWCK, \"introductory chuan,\" 57n. Cf. sources cited in note 72.\n\n110 These tensions were not, of course, fully resolved — but neither were such tensions in the West. See Barnett, \"The Education of Military Elites,\" esp. 21, 27, etc. On the emphasis on technical education at the Tientsin Military Academy, see the sources cited in note 104.\n\n111 Ernest Young, The Presidency of Yuan Shih-k'ai (Ann Arbor, 1977), 58-59.\n\n112 Ibid., 56.\n\n113 Powell, 160.\n\n114 Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 8; Biggerstaff, 63.\n\n115 Young, Yuan Shih-k'ai, 56-64; Powell, 79-81; Jerome Ch'en, \"Defining Chinese Warlords and Their Factions,\" Bulletin of the London School of Oriental and African Studies, 31.3 (1966), and especially Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 12-19, which discusses the careers of over 60 individuals from the academy. Young, 56, notes that of thirty \"leading military participants\" singled out by Liu Feng-han for \"their subsequent prominence in the early republic,\" twenty-five had attended the Tientsin Military Academy before joining Yuan Shih-k'ai at Hsiao-chan (in the period 1895-1899). See Liu Feng-han, Hsin-chien lu-chün, 113-125.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208332, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "40\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n116 I have discussed many of these problems in Mercenaries and Mandarins and \"Foreign-Training,\" 215-223 and notes.\n\n117 Powell, chapters 2-8; Hatano, \"The New Armies\"; Young, “Nationalism,\" etc.\n\n118 Powell amply documents this point. See also the discussion by Sue Fawn Chung, \"The Image of the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi,\" in Paul Cohen and John Schrecker, eds., Reform in Nineteenth-Century China (Cambridge, Mass., 1976), esp. 105-106.\n\n119 For the importance of ideology in other areas of reform, however, see K. C. Liu, “Politics, Intellectual Outlook, and Reform: The T'ung-wen Kuan Controversy of 1867,\" in Cohen and Schrecker, Reform.\n\n120 See Wang Chia-chien, cited in note 104; also Rawlinson, 89.\n\n121 See note 104; also Ayers, 111.\n\n122 The civil service examination system continued to be a nearly irresistible lure to the best minds of the empire, and even Li Hung-chang encouraged foreign-trained military and naval personnel to seek identification with the civil service. See Rawlinson, 203. Biggerstaff, 85, maintains that vested interests were more pervasive in military organizations than the navy.\n\n123 On these problems, see Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins, chapter 9.\n\n124 See Smith, \"Reflections\"; also Liu and Smith, \"The Military Challenge.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "QINGMING FESTIVAL IN CENTRAL CHINA\n\n63\n\nwill have had close associations with rice production, the festival being focused on the theme of the transplantation of the young shoots. My suggestion was that the visit paid by the ancestors to the world of the living might be regarded as return visits in response to the visits paid to the dead by the living at the Qingming festival. Qingming is an occasion for visiting the tombs of the dead. Again, it may be hypothesized that the autumnal festival of Chongyang implies another visit to the ancestors. Qingming is correlated in the agricultural calendar with sowing, Chongyang with harvesting. In such calendrical events ritual concerns with ancestry become fused with practical interests in rice production. I suggested that we may look upon the calendrical system of at least Central China in terms of the following scheme:\n\n \n Qingming\n Duanwu\n Chongyang\n New Year\n \n \n Ancestors producing\n Ancestors reproducing\n Ancestors stop producing\n Ancestors not producing\n \n \n Sowing\n Transplantation\n Harvest\n Festival\n \n\nIn this essay, I will try to carry this argument one step further by way of a close examination of such data as we have on traditional life in the Dongting Lake area in Central China, which concern the spring celebration of the Qingming festival.\n\n3. The Grave Rituals\n\nThe main ritual focus of Qingming is the ancestral graves.10 In Wuling, people prepared wine and food which was brought to the graves. The latter were swept with bamboo branches. Bamboos were inserted in the graves, and on these branches were hung paper money. This practice was called biao fen 'top branch grave' or perhaps 'to mark the grave'. Another note tells us that the women of that town went out on strolls and ‘climbed the graveyards' 上塚.2 In Tauyuan 桃源, it was recorded that people made ji 祭 offerings on the graves before the Qingming day. They erected top branches, biao, presumably of bamboo, and hung paper on them.13\n\n12", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208409, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\nI\n\n117\n\nThe distinctive feature of the family in China is its cohesiveness. One finds in it a unity of energy, of time and of space that has almost no parallel in any Western institution or in Western society. In fact, it is difficult for Occidentals, long trained in a theory of individualism, adequately to conceive of the strength of the family tie in China. Individualism induces in our society a centrifugal force rather than the centripetal pull characteristic to Chinese life. The intensity of this family cohesiveness must be emphasized because it explains many aspects of the Chinese family which bear directly upon the question of village government in China.\n\nUnity of energy is forcibly indicated by a consideration of the economic organization of the family in the face of a terrific struggle for existence which is characteristic of rural life in many parts of China. One might suppose that so intense a battle for a bare subsistence would tend to make every individual fend for himself. Except in the most extreme circumstances this is the opposite of the case. The entire productive energy of the individual is expended for the family unit, and all family resources are pooled for the common benefit. Even those individuals who reluctantly migrate for the dual purpose of adding to the family income and reducing the number of mouths to be fed from the family land, do so for the sake of the family good, and are as much members of it still as those remaining at home. Even the sale of female children, which undoubtedly still occurs during severe famines, can be partly explained as a sacrifice for the good of the whole group.\n\nAnother example of unity of energy is the well-known fact of the complete backing which a promising young scholar might have expected from his family under the old examination system. There was a thoroughly utilitarian motive in this support, for the scholar, once he made good, was expected to bring both honors and material gain to his family. The organization of many crafts on a purely monopolistic family basis, where the whole economic fortune of\n\n1 The enormous increase in population during the Ch'ing dynasty, with the attendant disastrous famines in almost all parts of China, has proved to be a force strong enough to exert a loosening effect upon the cohesiveness of the family system. This tendency has been, however, not toward the entire destruction of the traditional family system, but toward decreasing the size of the family unit. Cf. Buck, J. Lossing; Chinese Farm Economy, p. 335.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208412, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "C. MARTIN WILBUR\n\ngoes on in his social environment. He feels morally responsible, and realizes that he may be held legally so, for the behavior of the members of his family certainly, and to some extent of all his neighbors.\n\nIII\n\nThe general structure of the Chinese family is pyramidal. This is true both for the largest unit, the clan, and for the smallest group, the individual sex family. At the head of each family unit stands an individual usually called Chia-chang (家長). It is of value to consider the attributes of this Chia-chang because he is the basic unit of village government, the link between the family and the larger group of neighbors. Moreover, he is the prototype of the village elder, who stands somewhat in the same legal and psychological position in the village as does the Chia-chang in his immediate family. The customary, ethical and legal sanctions which reinforce the Chia-chang reinforce also the village elder. There is no more perfect example, in fact, of the generical relationship between the family and all other social institutions in China.\n\nIn the simple sex family the father is usually Chia-chang, or after his death, the mother, if the family is still dependent upon the parental grouping. It was found that in Ching Ho, a village just north of Peiping, of 371 families only ten had women as family heads, and of these nine were widows. In the \"larger family\" which covers several generations living together by common consent under one roof as a single economic unit, the principle is more complicated. Su, quoting Chinese legal sources, gives the following order for succession to the position: grandfather, grandmother, great paternal uncles, their wives, father, mother, paternal uncles, their wives, elder brothers, their wives2. This systematic order is sometimes broken when the individual who would properly become incumbent is judged to be too young or of questionable character or ability. These qualifications of age and character are most important, and carry over into village government as well. Certainly no system of family or village control could be efficient without some modification from the rigid rule set down by law.\n\n1 Ching Ho a Sociological Analysis; p. 43.\n\n2 Su; op. cit., p. 48; from: Ta Ch'ing Lü Li, sec. 88; and Provisional Civil Code, art. 1324.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208421, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n129\n\nas a basis of authority and to facilitate administration. The value of this visual representation of status, linked with the most solemn religious ceremony, can thus readily be seen.\n\nThe ancestral temple is the seat of clan government. An elder, who derives his position from his relation to the clan line, is usually the chief executive of the temple. He should be the eldest son of the oldest branch of the family. This requirement is conditioned by two other factors: age and ability. If the candidate in line is not aged, a member of the older generation in the clan,1 he cannot hope to command the respect from the whole clan which is necessary for true leadership. The weight of the filial piety attitude, with its emphasis upon respect for age, will be against him rather than in his favor. Likewise, unless his ability is recognized, it is difficult for him to succeed to the position. This ability may have been shown as an arbitrator and peace talker, or by clever administration of family property. Thus wealth might, and often does bring the necessary respect. Education is strongly in an individual's favor, for the educated members of the kin-group are always respected almost as oracles of wisdom. Negatively, if the aspirant is known to be a rascal, or grossly ignorant or incompetent, he will be unable to take or hold a position of elder in his clan. Thus, while the position is definitely and legally fixed in customary law, at the same time this legal basis can be modified in practice whenever it is necessary. This is quite natural, for in the final analysis the incumbency rests upon popular approval, the very office itself, with all its properties, being an attribute of a rural customary society.\n\nThe term of office is likely to be indefinite, lasting as long as the incumbent continues to command the respect and approval which brought him his position. But local customs differ, and his position may be fixed for a certain number of years only, or until a definite age limit is reached.2 In some cases, indeed, there may be no one particular individual who is recognized head of the clan except at times of worship when one person performs the ceremonies.\n\n1 This is no mere redundancy. It might very conceivably occur that the eldest son of the oldest branch would be a young man, and not at all a member of the older generation in the clan. The difference is between absolute status and age.\n\n2 In Phenix village the age limit for responsibility is seventy years. Kulp; op. cit., p. 108.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208431, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n139\n\nvenue. As with the ancestral halls, described above, the village temple usually owns some farm land which is rented out at a profit. Village markets, held in the temple courtyard, form a source of revenue, since all outsiders must rent stalls. Revenue comes into the temple also from small contributions of the superstitious folk, who visit it to seek some benefit from the presiding deity. Much of the village budget is made up, however, of self-imposed taxes (Hui Ch'ien), and voluntary contributions solicited from the wealthy members, usually for some specific civic betterment. In theory, under the Manchu dynasty, certain sums were supposed to be returned to the village from their general government taxes for the purposes of education, as set down in the Ta Ch'ing Hui Tien (...), but these seldom, if ever, did find their way back.\n\nAn annual festival in honor of the patron of the temple is the chief social event in most villages in China. The responsibility for the management of this normally falls upon the temple council. Theatricals, side shows, and feasting mark these occasions. The religious side of the carnival has largely disappeared; usually, it is merely a grand social period, a time of relaxation and merry-making for young and old. Interrupting the normally dull routine of village life, it is of some psychological importance as a social safety valve.\n\nThe duty of properly policing the village is also the charge of the temple council (when it is not handled by the Ti-pao). Every household is expected to supply a man for a certain number of nights a year, but more usually, a contribution of money is given to pay for the service by regularly employed individuals. Civic duties such as lighting dangerous corners and repairing walls, roads, canals, and boat landings, when these are ever done, are the responsibility of the village temple. The main task in this connection may be the solicitation of funds from door to door.\n\nSuch charitable duties as supplying free medicine, burial, food, and clothing, when not taken care of by the clan, are the concern of the temple council, as is the supplying of educational facilities when these are lacking.\n\nIn short, all financial and administrative matters which concern the village as a whole, rather than any individual group, are handled by the village temple. As Kulp reports for Phenix village, \"Gene-\n\n1 Ibid., p. 65.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208449, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n157\n\nof approximately 2437 inhabitants. It differs from typical rural villages in at least three respects: it is very young, having a history of only about fifty years; it is rather a grain market town with many stores than an agricultural community; and it is really a suburb of Peiping, lying just north of the former capital, and its whole economic, political and social life is highly colored by this fact.\n\nAt present there exist in the town two sets of political organizations: the old type established by the people themselves, and a more recent type set up by provincial or Kuomintang authorities. The two sets of organizations function simultaneously, and each seems to be weakened by the presence of the other. Of the first type is the village self-government of the traditional kind, a Chamber of Commerce composed of the leading merchants, and an Association of Farmers for the Protection of Crops.\n\nIn 1915 a district self-government movement was started. The term is not exactly accurate, however, since all the officers were appointed from among the various heads of villages by the county government or by the governor of the capital district of Peking direct. This organization worked with the cooperation of the traditional village governments, and seems both to have supplemented and coordinated them.\n\nIn 1919 the provincial authorities decided to remodel the system of self-government after the Shansi plan. According to this system, which is almost identical with the plan adopted later by the Central Government, five and twenty-five families were to be gathered into groups each with a chief. One hundred families or more were to constitute a village with a village head. Above the village there was to be a district office under a leader who would serve as a link between the self-government of the villages and the officials of the county government. This district head was also to serve as chief of the local police.\n\nThis theoretic plan was not so democratically carried out. In Ching Ho the selection of the village head was not made by popular vote in a mass meeting, as was supposed to have been done. Only the leaders of the village were present, no vote was taken, and the office was assumed by the associate of the former village head. Nor was the district head elected, his office being taken temporarily\n\n1 Ibid: chapters seven and eight, p. 96-121. The following description is taken from this section of the book.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208457, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n165\n\nany contingency of administration which faced the small and self-contained villages of the rural districts in which the great mass of the Chinese people dwelt.\n\nAuthor's note: On rereading this effort of an aspiring young Sinologue in Peking some 45 years ago, the author realizes how quaint it must seem today for the \"state of the art\" is far advanced since then, with a proliferation of on-the-ground studies of Chinese rural life done by sociologists and social anthropologists in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. They provide concrete information on village governance richer than all one could find in 1933, C.M.W., 15 October 1979.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nI. WORKS CITED IN THIS PAPER.\n\nAddison, James T.; Chinese Ancestor Worship: a Study of its Meaning and its Relations with Christianity. No place, Chung Hua Shen Kung Hui, 1925.\n\nAlabaster, Ernest; Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law and Cognate Topics, London, Luzac, 1899,\n\nBazin; \"Recherches sur les Institutions Administratives et Municipales de la Chine\" (Journal Asiatique. 5th Series, vol. 3, 1854, p. 6-66; vol. 4, 1854, p. 249-348), (The two papers are differentiated by the Roman numerals I and II.)\n\nBishop, Carl W. Man from the Farthest Past. New York Smithsonian Institution, 1930. (Smithsonian Scientific Series, vol. 7.)\n\nBishop, C. W.; \"Prefatory Note on the Worship of Earth in Ancient China.\" (Excavation of a West Han Site. Shanghai, no pub., 1932, p. 1-20.)\n\nBishop, Carl W.; \"The Rise of Civilization in China with Reference to its Geographical Aspects\" (Geographical Review, Oct. 1932, p. 617-631.)\n\nBoulais, Guy; Manuel du Code Chinois. Shanghai, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1924. (Variétés Sinologiques 55.)\n\nBuck, John L.; Chinese Farm Economy; a Study of 2866 Farms in Seventeen Localities and Seven Provinces in China. Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1930.\n\nChen Huan-chang; The Economic Principles of Confucius and His School, 2 vols. New York, Columbia, 1911.\n\nChina National Government. The Civil Code of the Republic of China. Translated into English by Hsia, Ching-lin: Chow, James L. E.; Chang, Yukon, 2 vols. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1930-31. vol. 2.\n\nChina Year Book 1932. (Woodhead, H. G. W. Ed.) Shanghai, North-China, 1932.\n\nChinese Repository. See: \"Clanship Among the Chinese.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208461, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN China, 1933\n\n169\n\nHsu, Leonard S.; Study of a Typical Chinese Town. Peiping, Leader, 1929.\n\nHsu, Leonard S.; Poverty and Population in China. Rome, Instituto Poligrafico Dello Stato, 1932.\n\nJamieson, George; \"Tenure of Land in China and the Condition of Rural Population\" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 23, 1888, p. 59-174).\n\nJernigan, Thomas R.; China in Law and Commerce. New York, Macmillan, 1905.\n\nKiang, Kang-hu; \"The Chinese Family System\" (The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 152, 1930, p. 39-48).\n\nKou, Ki-young; La Sous Prefecture Chinoise; Etude de son Administration Actuelle, Origine — Organization — Services. Shanghai, Aurore University, 1930.\n\nKuo, Wen-kuen; \"A Critical Exposition of the Essence of Chinese Family Law\" (Chinese Social and Political Science Review, vol. 1, no. 2, 1916, p. 21-36).\n\nLee, F. C. H. and Chin, T.; Village Families in the Vicinity of Peiping. Peiping, China Foundation, Social Research Department (Bull. no. 2) 1929.\n\nLi, Chuan-shih; Central and Local Finance in China. New York, Columbia, 1922.\n\nLiu, D. K. and Chen, Chung-min; \"Statistics of Farm Land in China\" (Chinese Economic Journal, vol. 2, no. 3, 1928, p. 181-213).\n\nMaspero, Henri; \"The Origins of the Chinese Civilizations\" (in Smithsonian Institution. Annual Report for 1927, p. 433-452. (Bishop, Carl W., translator.))\n\nTao, L. K.; \"The Chinese District Magistrate\" (Chinese Social and Political Science Review, vol. 1, no. 1, 1916, p. 56-68; no. 2, 1916, p. 48-61).\n\nTao, L. K.; \"A Chinese Village Community\" (Journal of the Anglo-Chinese Friendship Bureau, vol. 2, no. 3, 1917, p. 25-35).\n\nTawney, R. H.; Land and Labor in China. London, Allen and Unwin, 1932.\n\nWilliams, S. Wells; The Middle Kingdom. Revised ed., 2 vols.; New York, Scribners, 1883.\n\nYen, James Y. C.; The Mass Education Movement in China. Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1925.\n\nYen, Kia-lok; \"The Basis of Democracy in China\" (International Journal of Ethics, vol. 28, 1918, p. 197-219).\n\nA SELECT LIST OF NEW PUBLICATIONS IN CHINESE TEXT ON RURAL GOVERNMENT (關於“村治”之中文新書目錄選)\n\nThis bibliography was drawn up by the National Library of Peiping. In order to get both a smooth and an accurate translation", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nBROOK'S GECKO FOUND IN MACAU\n\n191\n\nIn an earlier note (Romer, 1977, p.232) I recorded the first known occurrence of Brook's Gecko, Hemidactylus brookii Gray (Reptilia: Sauria: Gekkonidae) in Hong Kong, and outlined the known geographical range of this species throughout the world. The purpose of the present note is to add a further record of the occurrence of this lizard in the geographical area of southern China.\n\nThrough the enthusiasm of a young herpetologist (Mr. Stephen J. Karsen) who visited the Portuguese territory of Macau in June 1979, I received for identification three geckos which he collected there during his visit. They are females, one adult and two sub-adults, and all belong to the species Hemidactylus brookii. They had been found under stones near the Hotel Bella Vista. In Mr. Karsen's view, based on geckos seen (but not captured) in other localities, this species may be well established or even common in Macau.\n\nMany species of reptiles, besides Brook's Gecko, have been widely distributed in the world by Man either unintentionally or deliberately. The main interest in the present instance is the scarcity of records of this species in China. As to whether the Brook's Geckos which breed in at least one locality in Hong Kong were introduced from Macau, or from elsewhere, is a matter of conjecture.\n\nREFERENCE\n\nRomer, J. D.\n\n1977 (printed 1978) Reptiles New to Hong Kong. J. Hong Kong Branch R. Asiatic Soc. 17, pp.232-234.\n\nHong Kong,\n\n15 July 1979\n\nJ. D. ROMER", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208606, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "36 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\ntions were flying thick and fast from both sides. Everybody was happy and elated, and when we retired it was with the thought of arising the next day to celebrate the glorious Feast of our Blessed Lady, Her Immaculate Conception, and to make preparations for our trip to the missions. \n\nDecember eighth in the Far East and December seventh in the Western world! Maryknoll at Stanley rose as usual. Masses and breakfast followed and shortly after we were electrified by the report that Kai Tak airport had been bombed at 7:45 and that the Pan American Clipper which brought our new missioners had been destroyed. WAR! And Hong Kong is in the news! Being eleven miles over the mountains from Hong Kong we had, of course, heard nothing of the bombing, and were inclined to believe that the whole thing was a hoax of some kind. But soon we were entirely disillusioned when the radio flashed news of Pearl Harbor and when shortly after tiffin the planes flew over Stanley and dropped a few bombs to the west of us, apparently over the sea. We tried to get news from Hong Kong over the telephone but nobody seemed to know just what was happening. We anxiously gathered around the radio and tried to pick up what news we could. Evidently, war was on in earnest and America and we were involved. \n\nAbout five o'clock in the afternoon, our telephone jangled and we heard the voice of His Excellency, Bishop Valtorta, saying that all his Italian priests had been interned by the British Government, and that he would like to have Father Downs come to help him out at the Cathedral. His priests were given only a short time in which to pack up their personal belongings and were immediately taken away to a destination which was not disclosed to the Bishop. Father Downs hastily packed his suit case and caught the half past five bus for Hong Kong, and it must be confessed, with no little trepidation. The trip to the city was a tense one. Along the route the bus was stopped periodically by the British sentries, inspected and finally diverted by way of Aberdeen, instead of the usual Happy Valley route. The whole city, too, was tense, and though the downtown streets were crowded, there was fear and uneasiness everywhere. \n\nAt the Cathedral were His Excellency, Father Rosello, a Spanish priest attached to the Cathedral and Father Craig S.J., from Wah Yan College, as also a few young Chinese priests. His Chancellor,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208626, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "56\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nSzeliga and Michael were not tied up, being I supposed considered neutrals. As we were being questioned back and forth—the Japanese being evidently very much puzzled by our motley group—our passports were demanded, and after being examined were thrown on the ground in front of us.\n\nDuring all this questioning the battle was going on, and now and then we heard the whistle of a rifle bullet just over our heads, probably coming from the British defenders on the hill just below the fort (for the Japanese were now concerned with an assault on this last bastion). Also to our left in front of a Chinese house a Japanese field piece was barking intermittently and we could see soldiers keeping in the lee of the walls as they passed by from position to position. Also, as we were being questioned, we saw Lt. Lawrence and his three brother officers who had been with us led past and down a little declivity towards the Convent wall. As he passed Lt. Lawrence whispered: \"I'm sorry for any trouble I've caused you” and disappeared around the corner of the embankment. Shortly after, we heard shouts and screams. The four officers had been untied amid a cordon of fixed bayonets and I distinctly saw one, a young fellow, run toward us, only to have Japanese soldiers point a bayonet at his stomach and the poor fellow turned and ran back, with a look of agony in his eyes. It was all over within a few seconds, and just in front of me I saw a Japanese stoop down, pick up a little grass, and coolly wipe off the point of his bayonet.\n\nLater we learned from Chris Wong, our office clerk, that he and some of our servants had been compelled to dig a trench and bury the bodies of these brave fellows. They also buried other bodies of Canadian and British soldiers who fell on our property. The question in our minds was, were we destined to a like fate? Brother Thaddeus, who knew a little of the Japanese language, heard the soldiers say: \"Kill them! Kill them! They are soldiers in disguise!\" But he did not convey that knowledge to us at the moment.\n\nFinally, after about a half an hour or so, we were ordered to stand up and were led away, this time retracing our own tracks and ending up in a garage at the rear of a Chinese house just below our own hill. Here we were herded like cattle in a pen and once inside, with the sliding doors closed, I think we felt like a herd of cattle. It was intended for two cars, but for some time apparently it had been used merely as a gardener's storehouse, for scattered around", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n121\n\nlyze our feelings. We regretted leaving our many friends in Camp, yet were glad to get out to freedom. What would we find in Hong Kong? Would we be allowed to go to the interior of China? Where are we going to stay in Hong Kong? There had been some talk of our staying with the Bishop in his \"Little Seminary\" and again some mention of Bethany at Pokfulam. So there was an element of mystery and of adventure in our trip that day.\n\nAll went well until our truck reached the top of the Wongneichong Gap on the Happy Valley Road. Here there was a barrier and we were stopped by a gendarme, who demanded that we get out of the truck and have our baggage inspected and examined. We were preparing to do this, when Mr. Yamashita, the young Japanese gentleman in charge of Camp affairs, who was sitting with the driver, got down and tried to explain the situation. It seems that the gendarmes had not been informed by the Foreign Office that we were being released, and the officer in charge of this post gave Mr. Yamashita an unmerciful tongue lashing while he, Mr. Yamashita, being a civilian, stood at attention, bowed repeatedly and never answered back a word. At length, when the officer ran out of breath, we were allowed to proceed, without having our baggage examined.\n\nWe then went into the city, stopping finally at the Queen's Road entrance to the former Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank Building, one of Hong Kong's newest and most imposing structures, and now occupied by the Japanese Foreign Office. Once inside, we saw Sister Paul and Sister Famula who had already very kindly arranged for our temporary passes. The Sisters were most helpful to us during our first free days in Hong Kong as we felt just like innocents abroad.\n\nAfter securing our passes and arranging for our baggage, Sister Paul told us that our new home is to be Bethany with the French Fathers, but that before going there we were to have tiffin at the Holy Spirit School. We walked up Queen's Road and then up onto Caine Road, feeling rather strange and out of place, but we reached our destination without any misadventure. At the Holy Spirit School we sat down to a real dining room table, with real dishes and knives and forks and most important of all, with some real food, for which we have to thank the Sisters and Mrs. Leong, the wife of our genial friend, the manager and owner of the Metropole", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208707, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n137\n\nThere were 450 Catholics in Stanley out of a Camp population of 2,500. Catholic Action had been established in 1942 and the laity now took over much of the work which was previously done by priests and Sisters. Laymen directed the choir; young women taught religion classes in the Camp school. Clubs were organized for boys and girls of different age groups and the young people acted as their Counsellors.\n\nDue to the interest of the Irish Jesuit Fathers, who sent us books, the Camp had a Catholic library of over 100 good Catholic books, besides many pamphlets. To bring the books to as many as possible, branch libraries were established in various parts of the Camp, and Catholic Action members made a special effort to distribute books to families.\n\nFrom the grouping of the buildings, the Camp came naturally to be divided into three main districts, and active Study Clubs for men and women were formed in each district, which were like separate neighborhoods, though distant from one another by only a few hundred yards. A total of thirty-two Study Clubs, Catholic Action Groups, or Children's Clubs were organized in the Camp by Catholic efforts.\n\nIn addition to the strictly Catholic Clubs, we sponsored Clubs for all the boys and girls of each district, regardless of creed. Catholics and non-Catholics cooperated as Counsellors for these Clubs, and some of them were very successful.\n\nEach Christmas and Holy Week, the Catholics presented plays; this was one branch of literature that the library did not have, so we wrote them ourselves. At other times during the year, the Catholic young people presented some very good plays as well.\n\nThe Catholic people organized socials, of which two, during the last Christmas and Easter seasons of the Camp, were agreed by non-Catholics as well to have been the most successful the Camp had seen. For the Christmas social and Christmas tree, the young people produced marvelous toys, especially sewn ones. Mickey Mouse, Teddy Bears, and Donald Duck came to life out of odds and ends of cloth and fur.\n\nFrom the beginning of the Camp, we were able to say Mass daily. What was called the Central Social Hall was made available each morning and on Sundays for the Catholics. All the windows", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS LIFE IN PRESENT-DAY TAIWAN\n\n(c) Taoism\n\n181\n\nTaoism, as a religion nowadays, is hard to define; it is much more than Buddhism caught up in popular religion and very often identified or confused with it, not only by students of Chinese religions but by believers as well. Examples are lists of temples in Taiwan, where temples are identified either as Taoist or Buddhist, with the rare exceptions of Confucian temples and ancestral halls. If we see the folk-religion as a separate category, then Taoism as such should be stripped of all the folk-religious elements and seen in its purity. In that case, only a few temples can be identified as Taoist, and the Taoist religion has thus basically to be identified with the various sects of Taoist priests. The matter has become more complicated since the institution of a Taoist Association in 1950. This is organized and run by Taoist laymen but has requested and obtained membership among many temples of the folk religion (in many temples, one can see the metal membership plates on the wall).\n\nThe Taoist priesthood is divided into 3 (or 4) sects: the ling-pao, cheng-yi, or t'ien-shih and san-nai sects. The cheng-yi sect, or the sect of the Heavenly Master, has been trying for a long time to control the Taoist priesthood of all sects to unify them (and collect their dues). The 64th successor to Chang Tao-ling, living in Taipei, confers ordinations and promotions all over the island. However, as over the centuries, candidates to the priesthood (often hereditary) are not well trained in Taoist philosophy: they start their instruction as apprentices of a particular master, but throughout their training, they usually do not go beyond learning to recite the sacred texts and performing the various rituals. There are, happily, exceptions to the rule, and a fascinating example is Master Chuang of Hsinchu city, who is not only a master of rituals but performs the esoteric meditations of inner alchemy as well.\n\nIn Taiwan, there are no Taoist monasteries where priests live as celibate monks, although there seems to be a movement of return to the ancient model: in one temple in Kaohsiung, the Tao-Te-Yuan, a group of young women have been ordained as Taoist priests and have made the vow of celibacy. The same temple also organizes study sessions for laymen to foster a deeper understanding of Taoist philosophy. As in Buddhism, the laymen again are promoters of a more serious involvement in Taoism.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS LIFE IN PRESENT-DAY TAIWAN\n\n185\n\nDue to modern education and a more scientific approach to life, many tenets of the average religious beliefs of the people are now being questioned or even rejected.18 This is perhaps most noticeable among the younger generation, but is certainly not restricted to them. When anthropologists describe the religious beliefs and practices of China, they actually present an idealistic state of affairs: these are the beliefs and practices of the group as a whole or even of a minority amongst the whole community. The degree of participation varies greatly for individual members. An example is my observations made at a temple festival in Feng-yüan. Many of the morning worshippers were older ladies accompanied by a younger woman: obviously mothers-in-law with their sons' wives. It was quite hilarious to notice how the younger women were gradually introduced to the correct procedure of worship and sacrifice; they obviously did not know the rituals. As young adults growing up in a gradually secularized society they most probably rarely visited temples, but once incorporated into their husbands' families, they had the new duty to learn the rituals and continue the family traditions.\n\nReligion therefore is still meaningful for the community as a whole. Although the degree of acceptance of doctrinal beliefs may differ in each individual, the group as a whole maintains the religious rituals: they are a means of group celebration to manifest joy and social coherence and therefore they remain meaningful and even necessary for the mental health of a population ever more pressed by the demands of an industrialized age.\n\n3. Characteristics of religion in Taiwan\n\nIt is hard to define characteristics of an entity that is so wide and encompassing as Chinese religion, but it is worth trying, as long as one keeps in mind that it is a subjective appraisal, open to criticism. Many characteristics of religion in Taiwan are probably generally Chinese and have already been observed and analysed in the past. If that is the case, I shall merely mention it but not go into detail. Some characteristics, however, even if they are pan-Chinese, need further attention since they may be even more striking for modern Taiwan, or since they have not been sufficiently analysed in the overall context of Chinese religion. One such characteristic that I see as basic and most essential with regard to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208810, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 267, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "240\n\nTAN, Mr. Khek-Seng,\n\nA, 11th Floor,\n\nElegant Garden,\n\n11 Conduit Road,\n\nHONG KONG\n\nLOCAL LIFE MEMBERS\n\nTANG, Sir Shiu-Kin, CBE,\n\nThe Kowloon Motor Bus Co. Ltd.,\n\nRoom 1701 Central Building, HONG KONG.\n\nTANG, Mrs. Madeleine,\n\n8C Grenville House,\n\n1 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG.\n\nTHOMAS, Mr. Louis F.,\n\nc/o Lowe, Bingham, & Mathews, Prince's Building, 22/Fl., HONG KONG.\n\nTHOMPSON, Mr. P. J.,\n\nc/o Johnson, Stokes & Master,\n\n10th and 11th Floors\n\nAlexandra House,\n\n16-20 Chater Road,\n\nHONG KONG\n\nTHROWER, Prof. L. B., Flat 6B,\n\nUniversity Residence No. 6,\n\nChinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin,\n\nNEW TERRITORIES.\n\nTHROWER, Dr. Stella, Flat 6B,\n\nResidence No. 6,\n\nChinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin,\n\nNEW TERRITORIES.\n\nTON CHEN, Mrs. Chu-Ching, 3-D Chesterfield Mansion, Kingston Street,\n\nHONG KONG,\n\nTORRIBLE, Mr. Graham Robert,\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club,\n\nHONG KONG\n\nWATSON, Mr. K. A.,\n\nc/o Lammert Bros.,\n\nPedder Building,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nWAUNG, Mr. William Sikying,\n\n1903 Hang Chong Building, 5 Queen's Road C.,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nWEINREBE, Mr. Harry M., Fairfield Enterprises Ltd., 1404 Bank of Canton Building, 6 Des Voeux Road C., HONG KONG.\n\nWERLE, Ms. Helga, 3 Wood Road, 6/Fl., HONG KONG.\n\nWESLEY-SMITH, Mr. Peter,\n\nSchool of Law,\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, HONG KONG,\n\nWILLIAMS, Mr. Roger,\n\nDept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mr. B. V.,\n\nHong Kong Housing Authority, Housing Authority Headquarters, 101 Princess Margaret Road, KOWLOON.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mr. & Mrs. W.D F., 1 Riante Rive Apartments,\n\n141 Milestone, Castle Peak Road,\n\nNEW TERRITORIES.\n\nWINKLER, Mrs. E., Flat 402,\n\n12 May Road, HONG KONG\n\nWONG, Mr. Kwok Fong, 92A Pokfulam Road 1/Fl., HONG KONG.\n\nWONG, Mr. Peng-Cheong, Wong, Tan & Co.,\n\nChartered Accountants,\n\nSouth China Building, 3rd Floor, 1 Wyndham Street,\n\nHONG KONG,\n\nYEUNG, Mr. Walter W. T.,\n\n60-B Conduit Road, G/F,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nYOUNG Miss Pauline, The Peak School,\n\nPlunketts Road, The Peak,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nI\n\n¦\n\n|", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "WATT, Mr. James,\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nChinese University of Hong Kong,\n\nShatin,\n\nNEW TERRITORIES.\n\nWATT, Mr. Mo-Kei, Cheong K. Co., Cheong K. Building,\n\n84 Des Voeux Road C., 2/Fl., HONG KONG.\n\nWEN, Dr. Ch'ing-Hsi, Rhenish Church College, 30 Hereford Road, KOWLOON.\n\nWHOLEY, Mr. J. W., Agriculture & Fisheries Dept., 393 Canton Road, KOWLOON.\n\nWILLIS, Mr. David Nye, H.K. Tourist Association, Connaught Centre, 35/F, HONG KONG.\n\nWILLOUGHBY, Prof. P. G., 59 High West,\n\n142 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWILSON, Mr. Brian D., Flat 2D,\n\n30 Plunketts Road, The Peak,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nWILSON, Mr. D. C., 2 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWILSON, Mr. James K., Economic Services Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nWIN, Mr. Oliver,\n\nSuite 1, 13th Floor.\n\nImperial Building, 58-66 Canton Road, KOWLOON.\n\nWINKLER, Mrs. Rowena, C 62 Carolina Gardens, 30 Coombe Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWONG, Miss Marion,\n\n8 Fung Fai Terrace, Happy Valley, HONG KONG.\n\nWONG, Mr. Siu Lun, Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nWOODS, Mrs. Rowena, c/o Flat 18, 9/F, Block I, Scenic Villas, Victoria Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWRIGHT, Mr. D. A. L., c/o The Hong Kong Club, HONG KONG.\n\nWRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R., Dept. of History,\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nWYMAN, Mrs. Pamela, 23B Ventris Road,\n\nHappy Valley,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nYEUNG, Mr. Michael Wing Chiu, 12D, 80 Gloucester Road, HONG KONG.\n\nYOUNG, Mr. Richard, The British Council,\n\nEasey Commercial Building, 255 Hennessy Road, HONG KONG.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. Irene, 12 Bowen Road, HONG KONG.\n\n253", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208858, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1979\n\n(Covering the period March 27, 1979- March 23, 1980)\n\nI am pleased to report tonight on your Society's activities over the past year and on our ongoing projects. During the period we organized twelve lectures which, because so many members and most of your Council are away from Hong Kong in the high summer season, were arranged mainly for the Spring and Winter months. There were two overseas excursions and one local tour. Let me briefly review the lecture programme first of all:\n\nTalks to the Society\n\nIn April 1979 two lectures were given. The first had Dr. Margaret Ng as our speaker: well-known in Hong Kong for her newspaper column, and also as a social philosopher concerned with different facets of the Chinese world-view. She spoke on \"A Chinese theory of Discontent\". The other speaker in April was Professor Rulan Chao Pian who talked to us once before, in 1975. She is presently visiting professor in Music at the Chinese University of Hong Kong and her talk, entitled \"A Musicological trip to China”, was related to a recent visit to China where she had lectured to the National Academy of Musicology at Peking.\n\nIn May Mr. Leonard Rayner lectured on \"Communism in the Association of South East Asian Nations”. Mr. Rayner who moved to Hong Kong from Singapore a few years ago is a journalist and perhaps best known to us for his regular column in the South China Morning Post. In June Professor D. W. Y. Kwok, who has been Director of the Asian Studies Programme at Hawaii for the past six years, spoke on \"The New Culture Movement in China”. Also in June, Dr. John Young of the Extra-Mural Studies Department of Hong Kong University, lectured on \"The Hong Kong-Canton Connection, 1905-1925”, at the same time sharing his experience with us of a research trip to Canton and pointing out the archival research opportunities which exist in that city. In October Rev. Carl Smith talked on \"The Amateur Dramatic Club (founded 1860) and the early history of Dramatic arts in Hong Kong.\n\nSince the new year we have had a relatively full programme. In January there were two lectures: one by the Rev. Father Harold Naylor who spoke on \"Wah Yan College; a case study of an Anglo-Chinese school directed by an Irish Jesuit\". Father Naylor has\n\nX", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208862, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "The Photographic Survey\n\nIn addition to the Journal, we are pleased to announce that a publication entitled Hong Kong, Going and Gone will appear during this year. It consists of a selection of 85 photographs from our photographic survey project, with accompanying text pointing out some of the architectural and historical features of the items depicted. Order forms will be sent to members nearer publication date. The photographic survey has continued during the year with the cooperation of the Antiquities and Monuments Section of the Urban Services Department, and especially Dr. Solomon Bard. Work on the Western part of Hong Kong Island's urban area has been completed; over 200 buildings and other sites have been photographed, and in addition various important locations elsewhere in Hong Kong have been covered. The total number of prints on file is in excess of 2,000. A good deal of clerical work in making these photographs fully accessible remains to be done and the organizers of the survey, Tony Rydings, Ian Diamond, Carl Smith, and Dr. Bard, are always glad to hear of volunteers with time to spare for this task.\n\nThe Library\n\nMr. Tony Rydings, Hon. Librarian, has tabled a separate report but I would like to comment on certain points. One is the steady but selective increase of our stock of books and periodicals and their protection by suitable binding or re-binding. Our library now forms a very important collection in Hong Kong of works for research into all sorts of matters concerning local history and other specialist studies. Many of our books are difficult to find in other local collections — certainly those available outside the Universities. I thoroughly recommend a visit to the Arts Centre where the main part of the collection is located to see what we have, or better still, the purchase of our library catalogue and supplements. The other point is that quite a few items in our collection come from donations by members and friends of the Society. This year I would like to add my thanks in particular to Miss Pauline Young, and Dr. James Hayes, and to the British Council, with which we have been associated in one way or another for some several years. Their contributions are gratefully accepted.\n\nxiv", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208866, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "# THE LIBRARY OF THE HONG KONG BRANCH\n\n# ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\n# REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1979-1980\n\nIt will be seen from the income and expenditure account to be presented by the Hon. Treasurer that expenditure on the Library, itemised as \"Purchase of Books\", shows a substantial increase over the previous year. Part of the amount shown in fact represents the cost of binding the many volumes of periodicals which we receive in exchange for our own Journal. These form a valuable part of our library, and will be a lasting asset in years to come.\n\nThe number of volumes purchased totalled 27, compared with 35 in the previous year, but donations increased from eight to 18 volumes, of which 13 were from the British Council. Other donors included Dr. J. W. Hayes, and Miss P. Young, and to all of these our thanks are due. These additions brought the size of the collection as at 29th February 1980 to:\n\n| Category | Number |\n| ----------------- | -------------- |\n| Books* | 605 |\n| Pamphlets | 49 |\n| Bound periodicals | 565 in 427 vols| \n| Total | 1,081 |\n\n*including 39 in Chinese.\n\nTwo new exchange arrangements were initiated, as a result of which we shall receive the Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs and Ching Feng.\n\nUse of the Library continues at an improved, but still modest, rate. Only a few members appear to appreciate the wide range of materials in the collection, in which nearly everyone should find something of interest.\n\n17th March, 1980.\n\nxviii\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nHon. Librarian", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208916, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "46\n\nJIANN HSIEH\n\nground could no longer maintain links with their native places. Psychologically, this must have enhanced their eagerness to establish traditional associations aiming at the seeking of identification. Although mainland China is now (1980) becoming stabilized, those who had established and supported the voluntary associations still cannot return to their native places for a happy life. On the contrary, during the past years they have started their careers in Hong Kong and made a life far better than any they ever had before. As a result, their voluntary associations have become both temporary \"native places\" for expressing their nostalgia and communication centers for doing business.\n\nAs mechanisms for perpetuating and preserving a particular culture, the Waichow Hakka associations are facing a series of problems which may handicap their further development. Problems which the informants often mentioned in interviews are the alienation of young people from the associations, the leaders' old age, the small number of members, etc. In my opinion, all these are superficial phenomena and are not essential aspects of the problem. For instance, it should be noted that the traditional Chinese associations were in any case the preserve of seniors not juniors. Moreover, as societal complexity increases, associations organized according to new principles will surely attract a large number of young people. From my point of view, the most serious problems facing the Waichow Hakka associations may be summarized as follows:\n\n1. Because of their long history of migration, the Hakka, as a minority Chinese group among the Chinese, have had a strong sense of group solidarity. In order to adapt to a new environment effectively, they often concentrated in particular areas and maintained very clear group boundaries with other Chinese (Lo, 1933: 65). The single-surname Hakka villages set up in the New Territories during the Ch'ing Dynasty may be regarded as typical examples. However, as I pointed out before, this is not the case for the Waichow Hakka who came alone after 1949 and thus scattered everywhere in Hong Kong and Kowloon. The patterns of both migration and settlement deter them from having a full participation in association activities. In addition to their limited kinship networks and dispersed rather than nucleated settlement pattern, high physical mobility in Hong Kong also hinders a stable linkage between the association and its members and makes established", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208993, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SOCIAL & CULTURAL HERITAGE IN N.T.\n\n123\n\nof whom (for example) one wants to make a complete linguistic survey (which would coordinate well with the kind of ethnographic mapping that Dr. Wang Sung-hsing was describing), and another of whom has already been invited to initiate comparative studies of Taoist and Buddhist ritual here and in Taiwan. Only last week I was discussing the possibility that two other established scholars, whose international reputation was gained from their work in Taiwan, may perhaps consider coming to fill in some of the gaps in our knowledge about Hakka and Hoklo communities. At least three very promising younger anthropologists are planning to come here too—two of them Chinese and one French. Last, but far from least, there is the potential of our new Department of Anthropology and our established Department of Sociology and its counterpart at Hong Kong University, and the often excellent and extremely enthusiastic fieldwork of our students which Tam Yue-him mentioned and which David Faure is already using to such advantage. And there are a number of other local resources.\n\nNow, although it is so immensely rich in social and cultural traditions the New Territories is a small area. Given hard work, money, good coordination and planning now, it should be possible to obtain an almost complete record during, say, the next five or six years. If we can do this historians, social anthropologists, and, I hope, sociologists together — we shall then have something that does not exist for any other comparable area of China, and which now never can exist anywhere else.\n\nBut that is only the first aim. The second is just as important. There is little point in merely collecting information. It has to be interpreted, written, and published. So far, the great mass of the published work on the New Territories has been written by academic writers for academic readers. Thus, not only is it scattered in different places and in need of being brought together, but also it is simply unavailable to the people who ought to read it. What is the use of discovering our cultural heritage without also making it available to its true heirs—the present and future generations of the people of Hong Kong and (dare I say it?) China and the world? (But especially our own young people.) This means that the stuff that is already known and the material that we are still collecting must not only be written but re-written for the general reader. That is the second aim of the work I want to do.\n\nJ", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208994, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "124\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nLast year the Pang clan village of Fanling held its great ta chiu. It happens once every ten years. The film you saw at the beginning was taken there, and many of the photographs on display too. I was lucky enough to be able to spend nearly all the days of the ta chiu in Fanling. To my surprise, I found myself constantly being greeted and spoken to in English -- not in Hong Kong English, but in the different local dialects of different geographical regions in the United Kingdom. The speakers ranged in age from 3 to 25 years. All were children of the restaurant emigration which has taken place since about 1953. With their parents, they had come back for the occasion. To this village of less than 3,000 inhabitants, more than 500 people had come back by air at great personal expense. Asked why they had spent so much money, the parents all gave the same reply: \"We want our children to know our customs and traditions\"; \"We want our children to know....\" A similar thing happened in Ho Chung in December, and this year the villages of the Lam Tsuen valley expect the same. These people understand about personal identity; they know the immense value of the intangible; and they can still experience their cultural heritage. But whether the future will allow them to continue to do so we cannot tell. Even if it does (which I think rather unlikely) there are already far, far larger numbers of young (and older) people in our towns who have no chance at all of experiencing the intangibles of their cultural heritage at first hand. The only way they can be given even a small part of what is, after all, their right to their own past is through the kind of work that historians and anthropologists have done and are still for a short time able to do in the New Territories.\n\nMost of you will not know that I am both the oldest and the pioneer social anthropologist in Hong Kong. It is a fact—now I suppose an historical fact—that I started the whole thing off, way back in 1950; and I have spent most of my academic life teaching, reading, researching, and writing about it. It is my hope and intention to continue this kind of work and, in cooperation with my historian friends, help to see it through to a triumphant conclusion sometime before the year 1990. That is why I accepted an invitation to come to the Chinese University, and, to answer the question I set at the beginning, that is also my justification for daring to speak to such an audience as this on the cultural heritage of the New Territories.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209026, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "156\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nremoval to the housing estate, to ensure that a full scale excavation programme could begin in late 1980. Thereby, through uninterrupt-ed intensive work, we hoped to make up part of the lost time.\n\nIn the interim one other incident which showed the strength of village feeling about the fung shui hill occurred in November 1979. In this case, a demolition contract had been let for the houses in the old Chung Mei and Lo Uk villages. The Rural Committee and the village elders had agreed, but unexpectedly there was opposition when the contractor began to move his bulldozer into position to start the work. This time, it came from the young men of the village, and we were informed by the Rural Committee Chairman that they could not be persuaded to agree.\n\nUpon investigation I found that it was not (in the main) the demolition which was being objected to, but rather the route by which the bulldozer was to obtain access to the old village sites. This was over the face of the same fung shui hill that had been causing the prolonged delay, and naturally it was being objected to.\n\nI greatly wished the contract to proceed, on the principle that, when you are dealing with villagers, it is bad to go back on a deci-sion reached with their leaders, besides having to explain to the Finance Branch of the Government Secretariat the claims from the thwarted contractor. However, when I saw how things were, and being mindful of the wisdom of not interfering with the hill, I instructed staff to take the bulldozer by an alternative route. This would still open bare earth on the hillside but it would be out of the sight of the villages, which was what mattered, and it would be on a route to be formed for roadworks at a later stage. In a meet-ing held in my office, the twelve or so young men who had insisted on accompanying the elders, were perfectly agreeable to this solution and the demolition continued.\n\nThe end of the story is quickly told. The residents of the four villages moved into the new public housing accommodation when it was ready for occupation, the Project Manager (P.W.D.) was able to let his contract, and the successful contractor was at last able to carry out uninterrupted major excavation of soil from the hill-sides. There was trouble at the seashore where mariculturists had to be moved to enable a pier to be built and a channel dredged for the barges that would take away the soil to the Tsuen Wan Bay reclamation: but that is another story!\n\nHong Kong, June 1981\n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209112, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1981\n\n1\n\nI am pleased to report, tonight, on your Society's activities over the last year: on our lectures, expeditions, publications and other projects, and on membership. I start with the lecture programme.\n\nLectures to the Society\n\nLectures during the year covered topics concerned with Chinese natural science, law, culture and society, and history, most of the material presented being based on original, sometime on-going, research, and the emphasis this time being on Hong Kong itself. We opened, however, with a film and short talk from Mrs. Peggy Craig on the culture and people of Rajasthan. This was in connexion with tours Mrs. Craig was arranging to Rajasthan later in the year. In May, a talk was given by Professor Ho Peng Yoke, who was a physicist at one time working with Joseph Needham on his Science and Civilization in China, and who had recently taken up the Chair in Chinese at the University of Hong Kong. He spoke on science and technology in ancient China.\n\nIn June Professor Allyn Rickett spoke on Chinese law and thought. Professor Rickett is in charge of Chinese Studies in the University of Pennsylvania and in the \"fifties had the dubious participant-observation experience of being caught up in the penal system of China when, while engaged in research, he was arrested and imprisoned for four years. Miss Barbara Ward, an old friend of the Society, spoke in November on the \"real\" boat people, the Tanka fisherfolk, whose way of life — literally on their boats as a floating population — is rapidly disappearing as they are becoming housed ashore. Also in November we welcomed Miss Betty Wei Peh T'i, whom many of you will know from her column \"Sweet and Sour\" in the South China Morning Post. Miss Wei, who had just completed her dissertation on Juan Yuan, Governor-General at Canton (1817-1826), spoke on her researches into his work.\n\nIn January Dr. Mary Turnbull, who has lectured to us several times, spoke on Clementi, one-time Governor of Hong Kong, and his relation to the Chinese revolution. Dr. Turnbull is with the History Department of Hong Kong University. In February Dr. John Young of the Extramural Department of Hong Kong University (Hong Kong U was well represented this year) gave us a second lecture. His topic was Sun Yat-sen.\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209116, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "Seven. Again I appeal to all who are changing their addresses or leaving Hong Kong and want to transfer to overseas membership to notify us of the change. Occasionally we receive a protest from a member who has moved that he is not receiving notices, and we usually discover that he has not informed us of his move. You still need to inform us even if you know somebody on the Council who is aware of the change - this information does not automatically reach those who address and send out mail.\n\nLibrary\n\nTony Rydings has tabled a separate library report so I will not dwell on library business, but would like to remark our pleasure at the increase in borrowing during the year: it is nice to know a library is actually being used. The new catalogue should be out fairly soon and we hope it will further encourage use. I would also like to take this opportunity of thanking donors of books during the period: Hong Kong University, Dr. James Hayes; Professor Ho Peng-Yoke and Dr. S. C. Young, founder of Kyung Hee University, Seoul. Since the Librarian's report was written we have also received over twenty books and several issues of periodicals from the Editor of the magazine Orientations. Details will be included in next year's report but again I take this opportunity of extending our thanks for the many excellent additions to our collection.\n\nIt remains, finally, for me only to thank everybody who has contributed to our activities this year and whom I have not mentioned by name -- our auditors, lecturers, expedition organizers and those helping to distribute our publications for sale. Thank you all very much indeed.\n\nMarjorie Topley", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209120, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "# 9\n\n# HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT FOR 1981 - 82\n\nFor the period 7th November to 18th January the Library was inaccessible to members, owing to renovations to the 15th floor of the Arts Centre. Nevertheless it is good to record an increase in borrowing of books during the year. In order to encourage even more use, a revised edition of the published catalogue of the Library is in active preparation, and will be put on sale in the near future.\n\nBecause of the great deal of time required to prepare this catalogue (upwards of 100 man-hours), and because I am also engaged in the indexing of vols. 11-20 of our Journal, the usual routines have fallen behind, and no books have been added to stock since the last report. This is particularly regrettable as we have in fact received rather more gifts than usual, including the following: 12 volumes on Korea (as part of our exchange arrangement with the University of Hong Kong), one from Dr. James Hayes, one from Professor Ho Peng-Yoke, and one from Dr. S. C. Young, founder of Kyung Hee University, Seoul. Several volumes have also been purchased, while our collection of bound volumes of periodicals continues to grow as the result of exchanges for our Journal. Some gaps in the back sets have been filled, mainly by the University Library from its duplicates. The holdings list of periodicals for the new catalogue will contain nine new titles compared with that in the 1978 catalogue supplement; on the other hand, two exchanges have been discontinued.\n\nExcluding those recent additions which have yet to be catalogued, the present stock is\n\n \n Books*\n Pamphlets\n Bound periodicals\n \n \n 670\n 56\n 635 in 477 volumes\n \n\n1,203\n\n* including 48 in Chinese\n\nIt is hoped that the present shortage of shelf space for our books in the Kotewall Library of the Arts Centre will soon be overcome by additions to the furniture there.\n\n15th March, 1982\n\nH.A. Rydings\nHon. Librarian", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209123, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "12\n\nSTEPHEN MORRIS\n\ndetermined by the fact that the two people were neighbours or strangers, kinsmen or not, of equal or unequal rank. And in addition they were, of course, either male or female, and young or old. Within the social order an individual's behaviour was regulated by the elders acting under the adet, which was thought to be changeless. In the symbolic order an individual's behaviour was also regulated by the adet administered by the elders who, in this field, were helped by other experts thought to know more about the rest of the natural order of the universe than was fitting to a dignified aristocrat.\n\nIndeed, the main premise underlying Melanau thought was that the universe is held together in a system of natural order, and that if that order was disturbed, whether inadvertently or by deliberate foolishness, trouble would follow; and, until the cause of the disorder was diagnosed and steps were taken to restore proper order once again, the trouble would remain. The rules governing the behaviour of the members of the different ranks to one another in the human social order was as much an aspect of the universal adet as the behaviour of a man to animals or spirits; and improper behaviour anywhere brought disorder, often in the form of illness.\n\nTo finish this brief sketch of the Melanau view of the world, of which men shared only a part with a variety of other beings, I do need to say a little more. For a Melanau his village lay at the centre of his social and symbolic worlds. Beyond the village were the forests, the hills, the sea, and other rivers whose inhabitants, human, animal, vegetable, and supernatural were, or were believed to be, at best indifferent to humans and at worst really dangerous. Above this world is the overworld and below the underworld. These worlds were thought of as countries, as rivers, like the river on which a man's own village was situated. The over- and the under-worlds were more elaborate than I have described and consisted of seven separate worlds above and seven below this our middle world; but the essential point is that each one was by and large a replica of this one, and like it was inhabited by humans, animals, plants and spirits. Since mythical times there have been barriers between these different worlds; and though spirits can still travel freely from one to another, humans, except for special ones like shamans, cannot. One of the underworlds is the Land of the Dead (likou matai); it is also fenced off and once a soul has passed its guardian the soul cannot leave the land of the dead. Ghosts are those unhappy souls who for one reason or another have not been allowed in and wander unhappily and dangerously between two worlds.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209202, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "# THE CHINESE CHURCH, LABOUR AND ELITES AND THE MUI TSAI QUESTION IN THE 1920'S\n\n## CARL T. SMITH\n\n### Introduction\n\nThe events leading up to the passage by the Legislative Council of Hong Kong of Ordinance No. 1 of 1923, entitled, “An Ordinance to Regulate Certain Forms of Domestic Service\" interested me as an historian of the Hong Kong Protestant Church. It was the first time Chinese Christians in Hong Kong had worked as a group on a social question. Previously individual Christians had written or spoken about public issues, but the organisation of the Anti Mui Tsai Society in 1921 was the first major effort of a large body of Chinese Christians to campaign for social change. Of added interest was the enlistment of the labour unions to support its efforts and the active part women took in the campaign.\n\nDr. Sun Yat-sen in planning the Revolution of 1911 had received the support of secret societies and other groups whose members were from the labouring class. After the revolution some of these elements began to organise as modern labour unions. In the 1920's their desire to express themselves, gain benefits and be recognised as a political force was strengthened by the success of the Russian revolution. Communist organisers were particularly active in Canton. In February-March 1922, the Seamen's Union conducted a successful strike in Hong Kong.\n\nAt the same time that labour was asserting itself, there were efforts by women to change their traditional status in Chinese society. One of the features of the fight against the practice of buying domestic servants was the support given by the Chinese members of the recently organised YWCA under the leadership of Mrs. Ma Ying-piu. The mui tsai question involved the misuse of young girls and the conduct of their mistresses. It was to be expected, therefore, it would attract the concern of enlightened women. Other than the organisation of the wives of the Directors of the Po Leung Kuk (Society for the Protection of Women and Girls) as a committee to visit the Society's Home and check on its management, there was no active participation by women on the side of those who wished to preserve the system.\n\n### I\n\nPage 105\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209203, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "92\n\nCARL T SMITH\n\nThe establishment of the Chinese Republic in 1911 brought with it a group of leaders who held liberal ideas on social issues. A disproportionate number of these were Christians or had been trained in Christian schools. There were numerous connections between these officials in the Canton Southern Government of Dr. Sun and the Christians in Hong Kong.\n\nAnother facet of the events described in this paper is the clumsy manner in which the Colonial Office and the Hong Kong Government dealt with the problem once it was publicised. They had been quite content to tolerate the custom throughout the years, although some administrators were aware of the abuses inherent in the system. When questions were raised in Hong Kong and England about the system they immediately assumed a defensive stand.\n\nThe Colonial Office depended on information supplied to it by the Hong Kong Government. The local administration in turn relied heavily on the opinions of those \"respectable\" Chinese whom it recruited as its advisers. Then as now, these were the wealthy merchants, landowners and professionals. They did not represent the masses of the people. Their role as leaders of the Chinese community, however, was seldom challenged by the silent majority. It was a surprise to them and to the Government when an aggressive opposition suddenly emerged. This opposition was also led by \"respectable\" Chinese, some of whom were wealthy, some of the middle class, but practically all Protestant Christians who were motivated by the moral values of their faith and by enlightened ideas of the age.\n\nTheir activity did not ingratiate them to Government. A daughter of one of the leaders of the Anti Mui Tsai Society told me her father always felt Government continued to hold his position in the Society against him for many years.\n\nThe Mui Tsai System\n\nThe purchase of girls for domestic service was a long-standing Chinese custom. The children who were bought and thus became a part of the household were given the familiar name \"little sister\", mui tsai. However their lot was not always as pleasant as their name. Much depended on the kindness of the master or more especially the mistress. As very young children their duties were to run errands, fetch articles, pick up dropped fans, etc., or they might be placed under other servants to perform household tasks. As they grew older their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209212, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE CHINESE CHURCH, LABOUR AND ELITES AND THE MUI TSAJ QUESTION IN THE 1920'S 101\n\nmight otherwise starve or live in extreme poverty by providing it with food, shelter and clothing. It benefited the parent of the child by providing him with money so he could sustain the other members of his family. The manifesto claimed, however, that this was not charity, because \"in charity the dispenser must show sacrifice and the character of the recipient must be preserved\". The parent who sells his daughter is devoid of charity, and anyone who buys is helping to destroy one of the most sacred of human bonds. To call the system charity is in the opinion of the manifesto \"hypocritical and absurd”.\n\nThe proponents of abolition were very sceptical that propaganda would convince owners of the girls to improve their situation, \"To promote a society of mui tsai owners for prevention of cruelty without assisting those liable to ill treatment to liberate themselves is like formation of a league of cats in the interest of the mouse\". The Anti's, as we shall see, had no hesitation, however, about using a barrage of propaganda to promote their own cause.\n\nThey were firmly convinced that the only way to prevent ill-treatment of mui tsai was by the abolition of the system, not through a society for their protection. They set forth several proposals to bring this about. All documents of sale should be cancelled. The purchase price previously paid would be regarded as an advance to the parents of the girl and she should continue to work for a period to be determined by a commission appointed by Government.\n\nA temporary industrial home should be established to train the girls in self-support. Into this home could be admitted young children whose former owners may have found them troublesome to keep or difficult to manage. It would also be a home for those self-supporting girls who were temporarily out of work. Gradually former mui tsais would become hired servants or factory workers. To aid them in finding suitable jobs an employment agency should be established.\n\nWhen the documents of sale are cancelled the mui tsai should be informed they are now \"yung mui”, that is servant girls. Until the girls had served out the time determined by the commission they should be under the supervision of inspectors, \"preferably of the gentler sex\".\n\nIn conclusion the manifesto made an appeal to the better nature of its readers,\n\nIt is the duty of a civilized community to raise its fellow citizens out of a state of degradation and oppression. When those who have a claim to our sympathy happen to be helpless", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209215, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "104\n\nCARL T SMITH\n\nto prevent mui tsai from seeing the Secretary for Chinese Affairs.\n\nThe fourteen member committee composed equally of members from the Protection Society and the Anti Mui Tsai Society met with the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, Mr. Hallifax, to formulate suggestions for drafting a Bill for the abolition of the mui tsai system. In June 1922 their report was sent to London with a comment by the Governor that he did not think the suggestions were an altogether satisfactory solution.\n\nThe members of the Committee representing the Anti Mui Tsai Society were:\n\nMr. Joseph Mau-lam Wong (1897 - 1869), compradore of Messrs. A. S. Watson and Co.\n\nMr. Charles Graham Anderson (1889 – 1949), a Eurasian, manager of the International Savings Society of Hong Kong, also newspaper reporter.\n\nNgan Kwan-yu, Government vernacular teacher of the Gap Road School later Head-master, Congregational Church Primary School, Ladder Street.\n\nHung To-fei\n\n―\n\nRev. Wong Oi Tong (1888 – 1941), for forty years pastor of the Rhenish Church, Bonham Road.\n\nDr. T.P. Woo (1878-1941), medical practitioner.\n\nDr. Yeung Shiu-chuen (1878 – 1950), dentist.\n\nAll were members of Protestant Churches.\n\nThe members of the committee representing the Society for the Protection of the Mui Tsai were:\n\nMr. M. K. Lo (later Sir Man-kam Lo) (1893 - 1959), son of a compradore of Jardine, Matheson and Co. and son-in-law of Sir Robert Ho Tung. He was a solicitor.\n\nMr. Tsun-nin Chau (1893 – 1971), son of a shipping and insurance magnate, Chau Shiu-ki. A cousin of Sir Sik-nin Chau. By profession a barrister.\n\nMr. Wong Kwong-tin (1879 - 1936), son of a wealthy Chinese merchant. He was a Supreme Court Interpreter when young, later Manager and Director of Kai Tack Land Investment Co., Manager of China Specie Bank, Manager of Chinese Stock Exchange, etc. A Roman Catholic.\n\nIp Lan-chuen (1865 ...), one of founders of Chinese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209230, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY AND KINSHIP TIES AMONG URBAN CHINESE FAMILIES IN HK\n\n119\n\nTable 6 Community Environment Compared With Previous Residence\n\n \n Aspects of Environment\n Better\n Same\n Worse\n Total\n No Response\n \n \n Groceries Department Stores\n 52.6%\n 27.0%\n 20.3%\n 99.9%\n (3)\n \n \n Neighbour\n 39.5%\n 51.3%\n 9.1%\n 99.9%\n (17)\n \n \n Security\n 76.7%\n 22.5%\n 0.7%\n 99.9%\n (3)\n \n \n Quietness\n 69.8%\n 13.2%\n 17.0%\n 100.0%\n (3)\n \n \n Air\n 93.1%\n 4.5%\n 2.4%\n 100.0%\n (1)\n \n \n Health-Care\n 49.9%\n 34.4%\n 15.7%\n 100.0%\n (13)\n \n \n \n 44.8%\n 30.0%\n 24.5%\n 100.0%\n (417)\n \n\nThe Oi Man resident interviewed was therefore a person whose after-work social life was closely tied to home, family and the neighbourhood. There should be little wonder that he saw more of his neighbours. But that did not displace the importance of \"close relatives\", for Oi Man families maintained contact with many of them.\n\nNOTES\n\n1. R.E. Mitchell, Family Life in Urban Hong Kong, (Taipei, 1972), p. 430.\n\n2. F.M. Wong, \"Family Change,\" in Chung Chi College, A Quarter Century of Hong Kong, (Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1977), pp. 47-68. Citation from p.64.\n\n3. D. Podmore and D. Chaney, \"Family Norms in a Rapidly Changing Society: Hong Kong,\" Journal of Marriage and the Family, 36(1974), pp. 400-407. Citation from p.405.\n\n4. Statisticians at the Research and Statistics Section at the Housing Department were most helpful in the sampling process. Mr. M.K. Cheung, Senior Statistician, and Mr. Dominic Leung, are particularly to be thanked. The samples were formed by systematically selecting 1 in 12 tenant-households.\n\n5. See the following: John H. Goldthorpe et al., The Affluent Worker in the Class Structure, (Cambridge University Press, 1969); M. Young and P. Willmott, Family and Kinship in East London, (Baltimore: Penguin, 1964).\n\n6. Angela K.S. Kan, \"A Study of Neighbourly Interaction in Public Housing: The Case of Hong Kong,\" in Luke S. Wong (ed.) Housing in Hong Kong: A Multi-Disciplinary Study, (Hong Kong: Heinemann Educational Books, 1978), pp. 160-182.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209241, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "130\n\nTA ACTON\n\nearnest students of all ages doing the homework impossible to do in crowded one-room flats) The report suggests that even though land-based jobs had increased awareness of the need for secondary education, drop-out rates of those who started on it remained high because of the physical difficulties in the way of studying. The F.M.O. schools are not, however, mentioned in the report, nor have I seen any F.M.O. comments on these findings.\n\n38\n\nThe report of the survey concludes that the plight of the poor boat-people is an indication of a more general social malaise, the devil-take-the-hindmost atmosphere of Hong Kong. They suggest that the Government should accept responsibility for re-settling the casualties of the mechanisation of the fishing industry from which the rest of the community has benefitted. In the long term, a better understanding of the Shui-sheung-yans' needs was required by the housing authority, who should plan in accordance with forecasts about the manpower needs of the fishing industry. The Department of Agriculture and Fisheries should extend the availability of its loans so that less initial capital is required of the borrower. New fishermen's villages could be built by the Housing Department, and the Labour Department and the Education Department should co-operate to increase the general levels of education and training in industrial skills. In the short term, the report urges immediate improvements in safety, rubbish collection, sanitation, and disinfection. Regular checks on boat safety should be made by the Marine Department. The Urban Council should provide study rooms for children, and the Education Department evening literacy classes and industrial training.\n\n39\n\nThe report spurred a campaign which gained wider sympathy. In January 1979 a coach-load of boat-people were arrested on their way to take a petition to Government House. Children as young as seven years of age were finger-printed and charged with illegal assembly, although magistrates refused to proceed with the case against those under the age of 12. The adults, social workers, students, a Catholic missionary and Shui-sheung-yan, were found guilty, but discharged.\n\nAfter this incident, however, the groundswell of liberal support for the boat-people diversified into a general civil rights attack on the Public Order Ordinance itself. This has left the boat-people to fight their housing struggle by themselves, with the help of a few community workers linked to SoCO, such as Fr. Cunbo Franco, an Italian Roman Catholic priest actually living on a boat in the Yaumatei typhoon shelter.\n\n40", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209246, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "EDUCATION AS A BY-PRODUCT OF FISH MARKETING\n\n135\n\ndiseases. This preaching, and a number of healing miracles, enabled a church to be started among the Cantonese-speaking Shui-sheung-yan in Sha Tau Kok, a small port that straddles the China-Hong Kong border. After 1949, when the original church was closed by the Chinese authorities, a new church was established on the then uninhabited island of Ap Chau; and around it a new village drawing on Cantonese-speaking fisherfolk from all over the north-east of the New Territories of Hong Kong was established, which has steadily improved its prosperity to the present day. The villagers live in rows of new cottages, built with overseas assistance. In the middle, there is a square with chairs and tables shaded by trees, a meeting room, and a separate church building with a high roof, plain whitewashed walls, and hard benches, like the older type of country Nonconformist chapel in Britain. Here the villagers, led by the village elder who is also the pastor, meet for prayer and Bible study at 6 a.m. and 7 p.m. every day, except on Saturday, when they hold their main services of the week. Then many young people who have had to take jobs in the urban area come back for the day, even though there are now congregations in other parts of the territory. On Sundays, people go down to Hong Kong to do their shopping.\n\nThe decline of the numbers involved in fishing, despite the start of sea fish-farming, has also led to substantial emigration. This phenomenon has also occurred in other fishing villages, such as Kau Sai.* In fact, while no more than 500 Ap Chau islanders remain in Hong Kong, there are some 800 now in Britain, mostly restaurant owners or workers. Philip Chan, son of the village elder of Ap Chau, now attending an inter-denominational Bible college in Edinburgh, put it: 'In Edinburgh, you can see Ap Chau in miniature.'**\n\nThe observation of John Wesley, that the sobriety and hard work consequent upon religious revival bring prosperity within a generation, is now borne out in the well-appointed church that has been converted from an old, stone-built scout headquarters. This prosperity does not seem, however, to have lessened fervour, as the church, which in Hong Kong has for some years not been to any extent a proselytising one, is now making plans to evangelise among other Chinese restaurant workers in Britain. Its meetings in Britain are always in the afternoon, convenient for waiters, as its Hong Kong service hours are for fishermen.\n\nNevertheless, in Britain as in Hong Kong, at present, apart from a few Malaysians, its membership is largely Shui-sheung-yan, and it crosses the divide between poor and rich. Although based on a religious mobilisation, it has, therefore, an ethnic character of a kind. It is the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209275, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "164\n\nWEI PEH-T'I\n\nGovernor-General of Yunnan and Kweichow. By this time he was over sixty, a venerated official who had served three reigns. He was an author and scholar of distinction. He had a solid reputation abroad as a pragmatic and honest official. His family was large and despite the loss of a young daughter under tragic circumstances in 1823, by his own assessment he was pleased with his Canton years. The grain storage was full. Fortifications and new examination facilities were constructed. Other public buildings and historical sites were restored, and, of course, the famous Hsueh-hai-t'ang Academy was a reality. The seas were free of foreign war vessels, and at least on the surface, and for the time being, foreign traders and hong merchants were under control. It was not until more than a dozen years later that British commercial interests were able to garner support from their government to challenge the Canton system by force.\n\n1\n\nNOTES\n\nJ. K. Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast, (Cambridge, Mass., 1953), p. 55.\n\n2\n\nThe Chia-ch'ing Emperor's accusations were communicated to Juan Yuan through court letters. See, for instance, Kung-chung-tang – CC 019639 (Palace Memorials, hereafter referred to as KCT). Similar charges were levied against Juan Yuan by the Tao-kuang Emperor in KCT – TK 000013. Both emperors were angry at Juan Yüan because they felt that he was not doing enough to suppress secret society activities in the provinces under his jurisdiction. J. K. Fairbank, op. cit. p. 20; on the other hand, cited Juan Yüan as an example of the \"intellectual unpreparedness for Western contact\" on the part of Chinese officials of the early nineteenth century.\n\nMay, 1818. H. B. Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635–1834, (Taipei reprint edition), III, 316.\n\nSelect Committee Reports on the East India Company and Trade with China 1821-321, Parliamentary Papers, (Irish University Press edition), 36:540.\n\n5 Chinese Repository, II: 71–72 (June, 1835).\n\n7\n\nDraft Biography, Palace Museum No. 1266(1)\n\nLei-t'ang an-chu ti-tzu chi, 5:106-11 (Chronological account of Juan Yuan's life by his students) hereafter referred as Ti-tzu chi.\n\n8 Hsin-hui hsien-chih (Local gazetteer of Hsin-hui district) 12:16. This is a rather liberal translation.\n\n10\n\n9\n\nYen-ching shih-chi, (1820) compiled by Juan Yüan, II:7:24-25b.\n\nI am grateful to Father Benjamin Videira Pires of Macau, who took me to visit the fort in December 1979, just as the fort was being converted into a tourist hotel. Father Videira is the author of “As Fortalezas de Cidada, em 1741”, in Comunidade, a newspaper published in Macau.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF\n\nDR. SUN YAT-SEN'S\n\nADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG\n\nNG LUN NGAI-HA*\n\n2\n\nOf the many studies on Dr. Sun Yat-sen's ideas and works, his letter presented to Li Hung-chang has received relatively less attention.* There were in the past, doubts as to whether the letter was written by Sun himself, as he made no mention of it in his autobiography and the presentation was an appeal to a Ch'ing high official for reform, which might appear to some as inconceivable. Yet, studies from contemporary sources such as the works of Feng Tzu-yu and Ch'en Shao-pei3 confirm that in February 1894 Sun did leave Canton for Tientsin to present a letter to Li Hung-chang, then governor-general of Chihli and one of China's most influential exponents of modernization. In fact, in the pamphlet written by Sun himself after the kidnap incident in 1896, he mentioned twice his attempt to petition the Ch'ing Government for reform. The letter has now been generally accepted as one of the earliest documents we have by Sun himself, showing that while his anti-Manchu sentiments and revolutionary tendencies had germinated in the 1880's, he nonetheless shared some of the notions of the reformists of the time. In view of the fact that during these early years in the formation of his political ideas, Sun had stayed in Hong Kong, where he received much of his formal education, it is worth finding out how much of Sun's proposal in the presentation to Li was nurtured by what he had seen and experienced here.\n\nAt the opening of the presentation, Sun described his educational background so as to claim knowledge which he considered was essential for the modernization and strengthening of China,\n\n\"I have obtained a British medical degree from Hong Kong. As a young man, I had been educated abroad and acquired general knowledge of Western languages, literature, politics, customs, mathematics, geography, physics and chemistry. I paid, however, special attention to their (Western) ways of\n\n* Dr Ng lectures on Hong Kong history at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209281, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "170\n\nNG LUN NGAI-HA\n\npart in affecting the social and political attitude of the students. The Anglo Chinese schools in Hong Kong were modelled on the Western pattern, in their curriculum, textbooks and teaching method. In addition, Chinese students here had frequent contact with British school-masters and fellow students of different nations and religions for starting from 1867, the Central School was opened to students of all nationalities and the enrolment included English, Portuguese, Americans, Japanese, Indians, Filipinos and others. The interflow of ideas and experience went on in their daily intercourse not only through formal lessons but also through simply being mixed in a class, in their recess and games. The interchange of ideas was further facilitated by the publication of a school magazine, which contained not only school news, but also interesting articles by staff or students.\n\nAs a youth and student, Dr. Sun Yat-sen spent his most formative and impressionable years in Hong Kong, and learnt much that could serve as a stimulus to his political awareness. It was never the intention of the Hong Kong Government to include any political content in the school curriculum. Care was taken, in fact, to avoid arousing any national sentiment among the Chinese students, and Chinese history was not taught in government schools. Yet, in a number of ways, some more subtle than others, the curriculum did stimulate political awakening and ideas of reform. In the Central School, topics like \"Patriotism\", \"The Follies of Foot-binding\" and \"The True End of Education\" were often set for English composition. Lessons on the history of England, such as the growth of parliamentary government or the Industrial Revolution, might directly or indirectly activate the minds of the students on the problems in China. What would a young man from China think of his local magistrate when he read about the municipal council in England, the rising influence of the merchant class, or the workers in the West, knowing how humble peasants fared in China? The impact of these lessons of course depended very much on the personality and mind of the individual. This explains why the Central School produced during these years officials of the Ch'ing court, reformists, as well as revolutionaries.10\n\nHong Kong from the mid-nineteenth century onward was an important centre for the publication of journals and newspapers containing news and articles from Hong Kong, China as well as the West. The more important early newspapers were the China Mail, the Hong Kong Daily Press and the Hong Kong Telegraph.11 These papers formed the important backbone of the China coast newspapers of the time.12", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209292, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "BRO. TSUNG LAI SHUN IN MASSACHUSETTS\n\n181\n\nThe entry for the following year is identical, with the three addresses changed to \"34 Bay street.\" For 1875-6 it is simply:\n\nLaisun Chan, Chinese commissioner of education, house 34 Bay street\n\nThe following incomplete newspaper extracts indicate the effect that our brother had on the daily life of Springfield residents just over a hundred years ago.\n\nCHINESE RESIDENTS RECALLED, THE LAI-SUNS AND THEIR CHILDREN.\n\nA Picturesque and Interesting Family Who Lived in Springfield 25 years Ago. They Now Dwell in Shanghai.\n\nMany of the older residents of the city, and not a few who are unwilling to consider themselves old yet, will recall Mr Lai-Sun, the Chairman, who with his wife, and six children made his home in Springfield about 25 years ago. Mr Lai-Sun came to this city as a member of the commission appointed by the Chinese government to take charge of the Chinese youths who were to be educated in this vicinity. The head man of this commission was stationed in Hartford, but Mr Lai-Sun, acting as guardian for several of the young Mongolians, came to this city and homes were found for his wards in this neighbourhood.\n\nThis remarkable and picturesque family (for they continued to wear their Chinese costumes and to live up to many of their racial customs) are recalled just now by the news of an honor which has recently been bestowed upon one of the daughters by the Chinese government. The woman in question (who is now Mrs N.P. Anderson, living in Shanghai) will be remembered as Miss Annie Lai-Sun. She has recently been given an “imperial tablet” as a recognition of her services to the Chinese people in establishing a branch of the Red Cross society for work among the wounded during the recent war between China and Japan. Just what this tablet is we are unable to say, a copy of the Daily China Times containing a description of the memento and its significance having failed to reach this office. Our informant concerning the presentation of the tablet is Revd R.G. Keyes of Water... who roomed with Mr Lai-Sun when the latter was a student in Hamden college in Clinton, N.Y., about 50 years ago. Mr Keyes is now in communication with Mrs Anderson and his mention of the tablet suggests that it was a testimonial which brings a great honor to its recipient.\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "182\n\nBRO TSUNG LAI SHUN IN MASSACHUSETTS\n\nThe Lai-Sun family came to this city about 1872, and lived at first in a house on the west side of the old Charles Merriam homestead on Howard street. There were six children in the family, two young women, about 18 years old, two boys about 16 and two younger children. The young women were named Annie and Lena. The former, as has been said, is now Mrs N.P. Anderson, her husband being a captain in the navy, and evidently an Englishman. They live on Carter Row, which is one of the fashionable residence streets of Shanghai, and are quite wealthy. Mr. Lai-Sun died a year ago last June, and his widow is now living in Shanghai. The second daughter, Lena, married a Mr Buchanan, who has since died. The youngest daughter, Amy, died several years ago, just two weeks before the date fixed for her wedding, her intended husband being a Scotchman. 'Elijah, the oldest son, is also dead, and Spencer, the second son, is employed as an interpreter in the Swedish consulate (probably in Shanghai).\n\nThe Lai-Suns' participation in the social and religious life of this city was very interesting and not without its amusing features. When they came to Springfield they seemed to be quite wealthy. Mr Lai-Sun was a decidedly intelligent man and was well educated. He spoke our language fluently as did also his daughters and his older sons. The young women had lived in ... [missing section of unknown length] ... rather discountenanced Mr Lai-Sun's liberality.\n\nBut despite their evident sympathy with things and theories American, the Lai-Suns remained Mongolian in many of their habits. They continued to wear their Chinese costumes and queues, and on all public or semi-public occasions the entire family turned out in a body. All of the adults became members of the South church by that time on Bliss street, and attended the services regularly, marching up the aisle in an august procession headed by the pater familias, who was a very imposing personage. As may be supposed, their appearance always caused a little rustle of interest and politely suppressed amusement. Their costumes, though of course oddly fashioned, were of the finest material, the richest silks elaborately and beautifully embroidered. Their faithful adherence to their native costumes was varied in only one particular and this change caused some amusement, particularly among their American women friends. When the cold weather came they protected their bodies by piling on an unknown number of their loose garments, the very looseness making the multiplication necessary. But when the winter blasts began to sweep down in good earnest from the Berkshire hills they suffered considerably from the cold, despite this excess of ward-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "BRO. TSUNG LAI SHUN IN MASSACHUSETTS\n\n183\n\nrobe. Their headgear was particularly ill-adapted to our winters, and after a while they were forced to make application to their rulers in China for permission to adopt hats which would give them better protection. In due time the permission came and in consequence, a few days later, the Lai-Sun women appeared on the streets waving masses of Chinese clothes crowned by the very latest creations of the up-to-date American milliner. And the combinations were often startling.\n\n+\n\nThe family were punctilious in the discharge of their social obligations, in this respect, too, living up to their Chinese customs. It seems that the social customs of China demand that the ordinary \"call\" be repaid as soon as possible. The Lai-Suns were very particular about this matter. They usually returned a call on the following day, and commonly the entire family participated in this function. Persons who received these visitations describe them as decidedly novel and interesting. And the appearance at the door of a house of the eight smiling Celestials was a spectacle whose general significance strongly suggested the sallying forth of the famous Peterkin family—\"Mr. and Mrs. Peterkin, Elizabeth Eliza, Solomon John and the two little boys in their India-rubber boots.\"\n\nDuring the latter part of their residence in this city the Lai-Suns lived in a house on Bay street, Mr. Lai-Sun having at that time returned to China. The exact reason for his return was not made public at that time, but the general explanation was that the conservative element in the Chinese government had succeeded in discrediting the policy that had sent the Chinese young men to this country. And so Mr. Lai-Sun went back to China, and in the course of a year or so his family followed him.\n\n[The first page of the following article is missing]\n\nCHINESE STUDENTS FAMOUS AT HOME\n\n(continued From First Page)\n\nsilk rustling, they made an imposing procession. Mr. Lai-Sun had impressive dignity and the family were punctilious in the extreme regarding their social obligations, there never being any neglect of the proper etiquette, if the Lai-Suns were able to ascertain precisely what the occasion demanded.\n\nThe Lai-Suns spoke English fluently and were evidently people of means. The daughters of the family were amiable and attractive and made a remarkable record of marrying out of their race. One, Annie,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209304, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n193 \n\ncorpse was laid out. Where possible, the death should take place in a room where the ancestral tablets of the deceased's father were; in some areas, if this could not be arranged, the corpse would be carried there later, but not elsewhere. The ritual rules governing these acts were everywhere very detailed, but differed from place to place.\n\n \nThe corpse was then laid out on a mat on the floor in a room prepared in accordance with the customs of that area, facing the door, which was left open; the immediately bereaved relatives were obliged to keep watch night and day beside the deceased, and to welcome well-wishers as they came to pay their respects.\n\n \nIn the morning of the day chosen as propitious for the encoffining — usually the third or fourth after the death — the bereaved family would put on mourning which had been made for them by the village women. In every village, mourning was worn in four or five different grades, depending on the closeness of relationship with the deceased, although the mourning considered proper to each grade differed in detail from area to area. The coffin was then carried through the village by the young men of the village and placed, covered with a blanket or cloth, in a matshed on suitable open land outside, with a table with offerings in front. The bereaved family would continue to keep watch beside the coffin, snatching sleep when and how they could. The villagers would come again to pay respects; anyone who did so would be invited to eat of the funeral food provided by the bereaved family but cooked on communal stoves nearby by the elders of the village. If the death took place outside the village, the coffin could not be brought back into the village: in such cases, the matshed would be built far out in the fields.\n\n \nDuring the evening and night of this or the next day, elaborate and lengthy rituals would be mounted by Taoist priests, with all those in mourning attending. These rituals were designed to secure the safe passage of the deceased through the hells of punishment, and his protection from the attacks of ill-disposed ghosts. During these same evenings, rituals to purify the family and the funeral site and to control any nearby malicious spirits in preparation for the actual burial were conducted. When the Taoist rites were completed, usually at about two in the morning, the bereaved family would prepare to sleep on the ground around the coffin.\n\n \nThe following morning, the bereaved family would wait by the coffin to welcome well-wishers as they appeared again to pay their respects, and when everyone was present, a complex series of rituals took", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209305, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "194\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nplace in all of which the bereaved family played the central role with the other villagers looking on. Details differed from district to district, but usually some or all of the following were included: the buying of water for the forthcoming rituals, the opening of the coffin and the washing of the face of the deceased by all in mourning (in Sheung Shui these rites took place immediately after death), the preparation by all the sons and daughters of the deceased of food to be placed in the grave, a procession around the coffin by all mourners, carrying incense, the division of threads by the mourners, either over the coffin or elsewhere, and the offering of wine by all mourners. Eulogies to the deceased might be read by the village elders, and last of all the singing of prayers by a Taoist priest, with all mourners kneeling, preceding the screwing down and sealing of the coffin was practically universal. During these rites mourning would, in most places, be carried by the nearest relatives present for persons within the mourning grades but unable to be present. At many points the women of the deceased's immediate family would sing wailing songs. In many places in the New Territories the natural family of the deceased's wife would play a prominent role in these rites alongside his own family.\n\nWhen the coffin was prepared the young men of the village would lash it on poles and carry it off, preceded by the bereaved family. Since the funeral was of ritual significance to the village as a whole the standing rice in the fields would, if necessary, be trampled down to let the coffin pass. The grave would have been already dug, again by the young men of the village. At the grave other rites would take place; these differed from area to area; in some, Taoist rites took place at the grave, in others, the main rite was the sharing of food among the mourners across the open grave. Usually the first handfuls of soil were thrown in by the sons and daughters of the deceased, but everywhere the filling in of the grave and the proper ordering of the food offerings and ritual decoration of the grave was the responsibility of the young men of the village.\n\nUpon the return to the village Taoist rites would usually, in most areas, take place around the new, temporary, spirit tablet of the deceased, often at the spot where the corpse had been laid out. The room and its environs would be purified and decorated. From now on until, usually, the twenty-first day after the death, that is, during the mourning period, the immediate family would observe some relatively minimal ritual restrictions, and would place offerings to the deceased daily in front of the tablet. In some areas Taoist rites to assist the deceased to reach the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "212\n\nLOÈS, Dr. Sabine de\n\nWONG, Mr Kwok Fong\n\nLOSEBY, Miss Patricia\n\nLUK, Mr. George Ping-chuen\n\nWONG, Mr Peng-cheong YEUNG, Mr Walter W.T.\n\nLUM, Miss Ada\n\nMACKENZIE, Mr. John\n\nMACKEOWN, Dr. P.K.\n\nMARDEN, Mrs. J.L.\n\nMCCRARY, Mr. Michael\n\nMCINTYRE, Mr. W.M.\n\nMCKEIRNAN, Rev. Michael\n\nNORONHA, Mr. J.E.\n\nOGDEN, Mr. B.J.N. OU, Miss G.\n\nPAIN, Mr. John H. PICCUS, Mr. R.P. RAE, Mr. John Allan RAWLINSON, Mr. M.C. RAYNER, Dr. Mary RIDE, Lady May RUST, Mr. H.A.\n\nRYDINGS, Mr. H.A., MBE SEED, Mr. Brian SELLETT, Mr. George SERSALE, Miss Shelia M. SHAW, Dr Brian C.\n\nSHAW, Mrs Felicity\n\nSMITH, Rev. Carl. T. SMITH, Mr Leslie C. SPOONER, Mr Michael G. SU, Dr Chung Jen TAN, Mr Khek-seng TANG, Sir Shiu-kin, CBE TANG, Mrs Madeleine THOMAS, Mr Louis F. THOMPSON, Mr. P.J. THROWER, Prof. L.B. THROWER, Dr Stella TON CHEN, Mrs Chp-ching TORRIBLE, Mr Graham R. URE, Mr Gavin M.N, WATSON, Mr K.A.\n\nWAUNG, Mr William Sikying WEINREBE, Mr Harry M. WERLE, Ms Helga WESLEY-SMITH, Dr Peter WILLIAMS, Mr Roger WILLIAMS, Mr Bernard V. WILLIAMS, Mr & Mrs W.D.F. WINKLER, Mrs E.\n\nYOUNG, Miss Pauline\n\nINSTITUTIONAL MEMBER\n\nAGRICULTURE & FISHERIES DEPT. The Director\n\nLOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS\n\nABBOTT, Mrs Elizabeth Lee\n\nADDIS, Mr Stewart\n\nADDIS, Mrs Diana\n\nAIKEN, Mrs Lorna\n\nAKERS-JONES, Mr D.\n\nALLCOCK, Mr R.C.\n\nARCHER, The Hon. Mrs S.\n\nASHCROFT, Miss Jacqueline P. AUM, Mr K.N.\n\nBARD, Dr S.M.\n\nBARRETTO, Mr Ruy 0.\n\nBATSON, Lt. Col. J.F.S. BEHRENS, Mr Ernst H. BERTRAM, Mr James BIRCH, Dr Alan BLAIKLEY, Mr P.E. BONAVIA, Mrs Judith E. BOWMAN, Mr S.A.W. BOWMAN, Mrs Dorothy BOYLAN, Mrs. Catherine BRAGA, Mr Paul BRAMWELL, Mr Hartley BRANDON, Miss Jacqueline N. BRAUN, Mr Francis BRAY, Miss Jennifer M. BROMFIELD, Mr A.C. BROMFIELD, Mrs Jeanne BROOM, Mr Michael B. BROUWER, Mrs R.P. BROWN, Mr Edward de R. BROWN, Mr Gerald H. BROWN, Dr H.O. BURNS, Dr John P. CAMERON, Mr Nigel\n\nCAMERON, Mrs Susan\n\nCAMPBELL, Mr Mark C.\n\nCANTERS, Mr Rene\n\nCAREY-HUGHES, Dr John\n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "SALMON, Mrs P.A.\n\nSAPSTEAD, Mr Gordon A.G. SCOTT, Dr. Ian\n\nSEARLS, Mr M.W., Jr. SHAM, Mr Francis SHANNON, Major J.M. SIDDLE Mr Oliver R.\n\nSIEGFRIED, Mrs Stephanie S. SIU, Mr Anthony Kwok-Kin SMITH, Mr Reginald C. SMITH, Mr Stewart P. SMITH-ROBERTS, Miss Karen A.\n\nSO, Dr Chak Lam STEAD, Miss S.M.\n\nSTEINER, Mr Henry STEWART, Miss Jessie STRICKLAND, Mr John E. STUMF, Mr Karl L., O.B.E. SU, Mr Samson SURECK, Mr Joseph SURECK, Mrs Joseph\n\nTAM, Miss Adelaide Chiu-hor TANG, Mr David TANG, Mr Hai Chiu\n\nTANG, Mr Stephen Wing-hung TAYLOR, Mrs V.V. THATCHER, Mr Melvin Paul THOMAS, Mr Reginald THOMAS, Mrs S.E. THOMPSON, Mr F. John TING, Mr Joseph Sun Pao TING, Mr Thomas Kam-Shu TISDALL, Mr Brian TOCHRANE, Miss Vera TOH, Miss Esther\n\nTOOGOOD, Mr C.W.\n\nTRETIAK, Professor Daniel\n\nTSANG, Mr Augustin Chung-Kong\n\nTSANG, Mr Hin Sum\n\nTSO, Miss Priscilla\n\nTURNER, Mr H. David\n\nTWITCHETT, Miss Yvonne VINE, Mr P.A.K.\n\nWALKER, Mr A.P. WALKER, Mrs Prudence WALTERS, Mrs Sandra L. WATERS, Mr D.D. WATT, Mr James WATT, Mr Mo-Kei\n\nWEBB, Mrs Susan M. WEI, Miss Peh T'i\n\nWHITTAM, Mr Anthony R. WHOLEY, Mr. J.W. WILLIAMS, Miss Stephanie WILLIS, Mr David Nye WILLOUGHBY, Prof. P.G. WILSON, Mr Brian D. WILSON, Miss Elinor WIN, Mr Oliver\n\n215\n\nWINKLER, Mrs Rowena WONG, Miss Marion WONG, Mr Siu-Lun WOODS, Mrs Rowena WORKMAN, Dr Gillian WRIGHT, Mr D.A.L. WRIGHT, Dr Leigh R, WRIGHT, Miss V. Moya YANG, The Hon. Mr Justice YEUNG, Mr Michael Wing Chiu YOUNG, Dr John D. YOUNG, Mr Richard YUNG, Mr David C.W. ZIGAL, Mrs Irene\n\nOVERSEAS LIFE MEMBERS ARMERDING, Mr Ludwig E. BAKER, Dr Hugh David R. BAKER, Mr William Ernest BALL, Mr John M. BARNETT, Mr K.M.A. BENNISON, Mr Larry L.\n\nBERTUCCIOLI, Dr Giuliano\n\nBLACKMORE, Mr Michael\n\nBLACK, Sir Robert BLAKER, Mr D.J.R. CAPLAN, Mr Malcolm\n\nCARLSON, Miss R.E. CATER, Sir Jack\n\nCLARKE, Rev. Cyril S. COCKELL, Miss Juve V. COLLIN, Mr P.H.\n\nCOSBY, Mr Ivan P.S.G. COSTANTINI, Dr Giulio COSTANTINI, Mrs G.\n\nCRANMER-BYNG, Prof. J.L.\n\nCUMMING, Mrs Dorothy M.\n\nDUNCANSON, Mr J.D.\n\nEWING, Miss E.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209337, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "Plate 10.\n\nWhen the coffin was prepared, the young men of the village would lash it to poles and carry it off, preceded by the bereaved family dressed in mourning which usually consisted of white smocks and sackcloth hoods and vests.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209383, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "18\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nall the preparations from tickets to transportation. It recruits members for the sports teams (if there are any), provides uniforms and equipment (paid for out of the general fund), and arranges for matches with other teams. The general sports equipment used by all the residents (ping pong tables and rackets, basketballs, soccer balls) is also cared for by this subcommittee. Sanitation subcommittee members also keep an eye on the cleanliness of the building, speaking to people who throw trash, reminding them of the health laws and regulations. They also check up on water supplies and trash pickup, reporting special problems to the committee at large. The welfare and women's section subcommittees are similar in orientation, in that both are concerned with the general welfare of the residents and make it a point to see that needy families get help. Members collect donations for financially troubled families, those where there is a serious illness, or where there has been a death. If the problem requires long-term assistance, they see that the Department of Social Welfare is informed and the case processed. Because of these activities, both subcommittees are very much in tune with life in the building and are on call for whatever and whenever assistance is required (Scott 1980:37-38).\n\nIn Lok Fu Estate, there are six Mutual Aid Committees that are divided into subcommittees. However, the subcommittees found here are not exactly equivalent to those established in the MACs of, for example, Tze Wan Shan or Choi Hung Estates, nor are they found in the same form in all these five committees. This is because some committees list the subcommittees in full while others simply list them by the names of the one or more members who head them. For example, the largest committee, that of Block #15, lists its subcommittees in the following way: one managing director, one managing vice-director, one welfare director, two welfare vice-directors, one public relations director, two public relations vice-directors, one women's section director, and five women's section vice-directors. The remaining nineteen committee members (not counting the officers) are divided among these subcommittees. Block #12, the second largest committee, contains: one public relations director, one management director, four recreation directors, four young people's affairs directors, one", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "19\n\nwelfare director, one women's section director, and adds two new subcommittees, one sanitation director and one football instructor. The same kinds of subcommittees are found in an additional three committees (those for Blocks #16, #19, and #23) but Block #19 has two additional categories of junior police call (three members) and security (nine members), and Block #16 adds that of hygiene. Block #17's MAC has recently formed subcommittees for recreation, general affairs, women's section, and public relations.\n\nWhat do these committees do? Are there any differences with the subcommittee descriptions given earlier? Take, for example, the recreation subcommittee. The MACs of Lok Fu Estate may participate in two kinds of recreational activities, those organized through the District Office and planned for the estate as a whole and those organized by the block itself. The latter are much less common, as many committees do not have enough enthusiastic members to do the organizing nor do they have sufficient funds to pay for the expenses. Picnics are popular in the summer and fall, however, and the residents of many blocks are enthusiastic about outings to local temples to eat vegetarian food. One committee provides summer activities for its resident young people (such as camping trips, chess playing sessions, and table tennis) and a few committees have obtained basketballs and footballs for residents to use. The women's section subcommittee of one block's MAC provides a special service by seeing to the needs of old women living in the block. For example, it helps to pay the electricity bills for those in need and gives general assistance to these older women. The functions of the other subcommittees are generally the same as described.\n\nOne special subcommittee, that for security, is characteristic only of public housing estate Mutual Aid Committees. There, multiple entrances and exits make security a problem. It is true enough that private housing units also have security problems, often serious ones, but in my experience they rarely have patrol teams, relying instead on gates, an occasional watchman or two, or a company-hired professional security team. In the public housing estates, the security subcommittee is usually the one responsible for the neighbourhood security patrols, the regularly-rotating groups of committee members and residents who patrol", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "113\n\nof informal, so-called non-criminal sanctions which could be imposed by other bodies than the courts. In November 1979, the Standing Committee of the NPC adopted a resolution to revive the August 1957 \"Decision of the State Council of the PRC Relating to Problems of Rehabilitation Through Labour,\" which permitted administrative agencies to confine a wide range of offenders including vagrants, hooligans, persons committing minor crimes, and counter-revolutionaries and antisocial reactionaries who have committed minor offenses to forced labour without trial for a period of up to four years.14 To administer this programme Rehabilitation Through Labour Committees have been established at the local level consisting now of representatives from local bureaus of public security, labour, and civil affairs.15 The reason for reviving this Decision was ostensibly to provide local people with a weapon to combat the rapid increase in crime (largely involving young people) which occurred after the Cultural Revolution, but numerous reports indicate that the programme is also being used to suppress 1) dissidents without their being able to claim any of the rights prescribed for an accused in the Criminal Code of Procedure and 2) young people who are unwilling to accept the mores and life style of the older generation.16\n\nThere are also frequent newspaper reports which indicate that cadres are continuing to behave in the old pattern irrespective of what the law may say, detaining people illegally, setting up clandestine tribunals, arbitrarily interrogating people and even tying them up and marching them around to be struggled against, extorting confessions by torture, illegally searching people's homes and humiliating them. Lawyers, in spite of their status as state workers, are frequently treated as traitors, no better than the offenders themselves, when they try to defend their clients. To what extent these practices prevail or go unpunished is difficult to tell, but police brutality and judicial arrogance do not die easily in any society, not to mention one which in the past has provided ideological justification for such behaviour.\n\nGiven the long history of China's disregard for civil rights and the persistence of Anti-rightist ideology as well as the practical problems involved in re-educating cadres and enforcing the\n\nPage 114\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "TWO CHINESE DOMESTIC MURDERS\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE*\n\nBoswell. \"You 'Johnson called the East-Indians barbarians. will except the Chinese, Sir?\" Johnson. \"No, Sir\". Boswell, \"Have they not arts?\" Johnson. \"They have pottery\". Boswell. \"What do you say to the written characters of their language?\". Johnson. \"Sir, they have not an alphabet, They have not been able to form what all other nations have formed\".\n\nBoswell's Life of Johnson\n\n1\n\nGeorge Orwell wrote a celebrated short essay on murder in which he argued that the great classic English murders were mostly domestic and concerned ordinary people. He went on to argue that the violence of external events, such as World War II, had made conventional murder seem unimportant.2 Orwell's essay was published in 1946. A latter-day criminologist is likely to argue that the abolition of the death penalty in 1965 has 'demeaned' murder as a fine art. Before 1965, a murder trial was often an awesome contest - the issue was a matter of life and death. Today a convicted murderer in Britain, or Hong Kong, is likely to experience, on the average, between 7 to 10 years of incarceration. The two cases discussed below, in which both principals were Chinese, raise a number of interesting legal and sociological questions, together with problems of cultural 'confusion'. In each case, the judge and jury had great difficulties in interpreting Chinese behaviour and in understanding the motivation for the crime.\n\nLock Ah Tam: the man who ran ‘amok'?\n\nLock Ah Tam was born in 1872 in Canton, the capital city of Kwangtung province. Kwangtung was then one of the major areas for Chinese emigration and a territory from which over half of China's seamen hailed. As a young man, he went to sea as a ship's steward. In 1895 he settled in Liverpool and stayed there for the rest of his life, marrying a Welsh girl. Before 1914,\n\n*Prof. Lethbridge is Professor of Sociology, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "119\n\nit should be remembered, travellers to England needed no passport or travel document, so that Lock had no problems about residence or work. Liverpool, as a great port, had a long-established Chinese colony — a small 'China-town' as it would now be termed — so one infers the young Lock did not feel too cut off from his homeland.\n\nBecause of his maritime experience, he became the European representative of the Chinese Seamen's Mutual Benefit Society, formed in 1914 among Chinese seamen on ocean-going vessels.* This society was registered in Hong Kong under the name of the 'Seamen's Philanthropic Society'. It was more than a mutual-aid society; it had political aims. Lock was also a member of the T'ung-meng-hui (Sworn League), the secret revolutionary party organised by Sun Yat-sen and others in 1905, which later became the Kuo-min-tang. Sun used seamen as couriers in his revolutionary activities and, it is claimed, Lock worked for Sun as a secret service agent in England. Lock also founded the Chinese Republic Progress Club (a significant designation) in Liverpool in 1918 and became the leading figure in the Liverpool Chinese community. At his trial it became known he had convened a secret court to punish a Chinese for beating his English wife (but we do not know what punishment, if any, was meted out to the callous husband). Lock was thus highly respected in both the English and Chinese communities and was a spokesman for his compatriots. He became that well-known figure: a Chinese community leader. He was also a British subject: a naturalised Englishman.\n\nEdward Marjoribanks affirms that ‘... he was not the sinister \"King of Chinatown\" of detective romance; a kindly, gentle person, he distributed much in charity and hospitality, giving Christmas treats to the poor children of Birkenhead and Liverpool, and renting a shoot where he entertained his English friends'.5 All his affairs prospered until 1923 when he launched out on a large commercial undertaking and lost most of his investment. As a consequence, he was forced to file his own petition in bankruptcy, although he continued to live with his wife and children in some style. Friends said that after these events he became moody and his behaviour erratic, flying into sudden rages and weeping uncontrollably. He also began to drink heavily,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209485, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "120 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nunusual for a Chinese in those days. \n\nOn December 1, 1925 Lock gave a dinner party to celebrate his son's coming of age. This young man, Lock Ling Tam, had just returned after nine years of education in China. The evening was convivial and speeches were made in the only son's honour by both father and mother. Before his guests departed, Lock said to one of them: 'Ring me up tomorrow morning, and let me know how your daughter is' (Lock was always concerned about his friends.) In the early hours of December 2, 1925, a call came through to the Liverpool Telephone Exchange with the message, in broken English, 'I have shot my wife and child'. The mysterious caller was immediately put through to the Police and a constable recorded the words: 'Tam shot kill wife and child'. The caller further stated that he was Lock Ah Tam and that his home was at 122 Price Street, Birkenhead. \n\nThe chain of events, as reconstructed by the police and affirmed by the prosecution, was never seriously questioned by the defence. Soon after all the guests had gone, Lock Ling Tam heard his father abusing his mother and stamping his feet. The young Lock intervened and told his father to leave her alone. The father then left the room and asked the maid, a Eurasian girl, to fetch his boots. The maid caught a glimpse in a mirror of Lock loading a revolver. Next, Lock loaded his shotgun and immediately went to the kitchen where he killed his wife and youngest daughter. After that he seized his revolver and shot his eldest daughter who was cowering behind a door with the maid (the latter was not fired at). The son, terrified by the first explosion had fled the house. While he was seeking help from neighbours, Lock, as related above, phoned the police and admitted responsibility for the murders. Such were the stark facts; how to interpret them? \n\nbut \n\nAs soon as Lock's story became known in the Chinese community, his friends opened a defence fund and subscriptions flowed in from all over Britain and from other parts. Altogether, more than a thousand pounds were raised (a large sum in those days). His solicitor instructed the famous Sir Edward Marshall Hall K.C. to defend him. Marshall Hall was then probably the best-known English advocate. A flamboyant, histrionic, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209489, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "124\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nthat destitute or disreputable Chinese were shipped back to their homeland without expense to the British taxpayer. All in all, a model citizen of his adopted country.\n\nOne surmises that Lock settled down in England in 1895 without experiencing an acute degree of cultural ‘dislocation'; it was after all his elected country and must have appeared a land of opportunity to the young Cantonese. But he remained Chinese, enmeshed in the themes of Chinese society and culture — a migrant, a marginal man. Since wealth and status are closely linked in Chinese society, particularly so in overseas Chinese communities which then lacked a Chinese scholar class, once his fortune disappeared as a result of injudicious speculation, he must have experienced a shameful loss of 'face', a loss of standing within the Chinese Liverpool community. His bankruptcy was temporarily masked by maintaining a high degree of conspicuous consumption (how did he do it?). Lock was 52 in 1925, and to recoup his finances would have been difficult at that time, when the British economy was listing and shipping trade with China interrupted by the great strike and boycott of Hong Kong and the Treaty Ports. It is plausible to suggest, then, that Lock felt disgraced, ashamed of what the future might bring his wife and three grown-up children, victims of his middle-aged ineptitude, or bad luck. It is possible to point to a number of English, let alone Chinese murders, motivated by the same impulse: fear of the future.19\n\nAll this is speculation, need it be said. The writer has not seen the transcript of the trial — has it survived? — and Lock's case is not included in the eighty-three volumes of the Notable British Trials Series.20 It seems sensible, though, to argue that Lock's friends, all those giving evidence for the defence, would tend to over-emphasise his bouts of ill-temper and any episodes which might suggest he was mentally sick. This type of retrospective interpretation or evaluation is common in many murder trials. We do not know what precisely triggered off Lock's murderous assault in the early hours of December 2, 1925. Did some chance remark made by his wife drive him into a frenzy? Did she, perhaps unwittingly, make him aware of the shame he had brought upon his family — did she awaken the tiger? That,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209583, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "218\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nSim-ple Assemblies for young he's and shees, Races, Regattas, Croquet, Sunday Teas. But, hark, the Prompters warning whistle blows, And bids me bring my prologue to a close.\n\nSome of the local references are lost to us today, but then they brought smiles, if not laughter. A history of the Amateurs picks up some of the lighter side of life in Hong Kong in the past.\n\nTHE CURTAIN RISES\n\nSoon after Hong Kong was established as a British military base in China officialdom encouraged amateur theatricals as a wholesome diversion from the tedium of military life.\n\nThe first attempt to bring drama to Hong Kong was to have been a combination of professionals and amateurs, but the project came to an abrupt end before it was well under way. A flamboyant Frenchman from Singapore named Gaston Dutronquoy announced in November 1842 that he had obtained the permission of the authorities to erect a theatre \"on a grand and imposing scale\" behind his tavern, the London Hotel, which was located on Queen's Road.\n\nHe informed an interested public that though the Theatre was not yet built, the actresses had already arrived. Backed by a claim of official sanction and available talent, Mr. Dutronquoy with his own flair for the theatrical announced \"to the nobility, gentry and clergy of this flourishing and opulent Colony that their Theatre is advancing rapidly towards completion. It is on a most splendid scale, and what with the pieces that will be performed, the scenery that will be produced, and the splendid assemblage of rank, beauty and fashion which they hope to be honoured with, there is no doubt but that the blaze of splendour will dazzle the eyes of all beholders\". He assured his public that the actresses' \"beauties and talents are only to be surpassed\n\n† As I wrote this paper more for entertainment than scholarship, I have not included documentation. The notices and reviews of the plays have been found in the local press: The Friend of China, The China Mail, The Hong Kong Register, The Daily Press, The Hong Kong Telegraph and The South China Morning Post. The appended list of performances and dates has been compiled from the same sources.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209586, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "221\n\nThe ground had been originally purchased from the Government as a speculative venture by one of Hong Kong's early entrepreneurs, George Duddell. His name is perpetuated in Duddell Street.\n\nTHE VICTORIA THEATRE\n\nDuddell sold the southern half of the lot in March 1846 to the Trustees of the Hong Kong Theatrical Company. They were John Cairns, editor of the Hong Kong Register, Robert Strachan, a small-scale merchant, and Edward Farncomb, Hong Kong's first enrolled solicitor. Two years later, after the building was erected, the Trustees had to convey the lot back to Duddell due to financial difficulties.\n\nThe new theatre was described as \"large and well adapted to the climate, it affords good accommodations both for the dispensers of the drama and the audiences\". It was named the Victoria Theatre.\n\nThe first performance in the new building was on 1 November 1848 under the patronage of H.E. Governor Bonham. The announcement stated that \"The Proprietors of the above Theatre, having received assistance from a few young Gentlemen, lovers of the Drama, whose desire is to add to the few amusements of the Colony; the Public are respectfully invited to witness their feeble efforts at an Amateur performance\". The programme consisted of \"the popular farce, 'The Weathercock', to be succeeded by a comic song, the whole concludes with the Farce, 'The Rival Valets'\". Newspaper reviews reported that the Theatre was \"well ventilated and brilliantly lighted in short the arrangements and decorations throughout reflect the highest credit on the manager\".\n\nUnfortunately the Governor was unable to be present due to a recent injury. The reporter remarked that this was \"a circumstance to which doubtless is attributable the absence of a number of fair colonists, who would have otherwise graced the occasion. Nevertheless the house was filled with an audience of highest respectability”.\n\n\"Respectable\" audiences were necessary to make the venture", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209588, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "223\n\nseamen's boarding houses and did not welcome pious competition, Rather than lease it to the Bishop he preferred to turn it into a sail-loft. However, the meeting at the City Hotel to revive interest in drama raised enough money by subscription to lease the building for another season.\n\nThe building was to be used not only as a theatre, but as a venue for Balls, meetings and other public purposes, but further funds were needed for refurbishing the building which had fallen into disrepair through infrequent use and the natural effect of time. The newly formed Theatrical Committee reported that “the interior will require repainting, and considerable alteration in seats. The roof ought to be lined with wood. This would improve appearance and acoustics. The stage should be lengthened by carrying it back some twelve or fourteen feet\". The Committee also reported that they had been successful in securing a group of amateurs who agreed to perform on the condition that tickets be issued gratis, \"so as to secure attendance alone of the respectable portion of the community\". This stipulation suggests that the earlier efforts of amateurs may have failed because rowdies had taken over and driven away audiences.\n\nAlthough the season got off to a good start, there was not sufficient financial support to sustain it. No more performances are reported in the Theatre. The last notice I have found of the building is in 1859 when an auction was advertised at the “Old Theatre next to the Oriental Hotel\".\n\nPORTUGUESE AND GERMANS\n\nThrough the years notices of performances by Portuguese amateurs appear. The first mention is in 1847 for a production at the \"Theatro da Sociedade\" at which music was provided by the visiting Macao Band. In 1852 the \"Theatrino Particular\" on Wellington Street announced a performance of Portuguese amateurs. One of the pieces presented was by young boys aged between eight and fifteen. The next year the boys performed in the Victoria Theatre under the direction of the schoolmaster, Mr. J.J. da Silva e Souza. As an entre-act four young girls performed a Spanish dance, the \"Guarrache”.\n\n!\n\n:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209621, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 278, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "256\n\n. \n\n! examinations in China in 1905, brought about a new situation in which command over the classical learning was no longer the channel to position and wealth. The official report on the New Territories in 1912 contains the following remarks: Roads and railways have indeed been made through the centre of the Northern district and country folks who used to require a full day to reach Hong Kong can now go in and out and do their shopping in the day. More and more of the young men from the country have been tempted into Hong Kong or abroad in quest of higher wages, and many have returned with their savings to their native villages: money has been brought into the country to purchase land required for roads and railways.\n\nThe increase in wealth led to a rise in the cost of living. The same report gave a list of the average prices of staple food in 1900 and 1911, showing that rice had risen from $4 to $8 per picul and pork from $15 to $25. The average increase was almost doubled. The only cost which remained almost stable, at least at Sheung Shui, was the school fees, which were in 1912 from $3 to $6 per annum for each boy. Thus, as the report says, \"In spite of the rise of cost of living, there is practically no family which cannot obtain elementary education for the sons of the family.” Yet, the same also meant a very low income for the village teacher. According to the recollections of a village elder whose father gave up teaching in 1913, the general income of a teacher was from $4 to $6 a month, with small presents in kind on feast days. But the income might vary with the come and go of the students. Thus, the standard of living of a teacher became in fact poorer than it had been in former days. This made the teaching profession much less attractive in the short run, and in the long run led to a lowering of the prestige of the village scholars as well as to a drop in the practical value of learning.\n\nIn Sheung Shui, where the lineage had long been known for its deliberate efforts in promoting education, we have evidence which seems to show that there may have been a decline in village school attendance after the turn of the century. The observation is based partly on the oral testimony of ten informants who were born between 1893 and 1903, reaching their school age", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209626, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "No first-hand information concerning female education of the time has yet been obtained as the small number of women who then attended classes in Sheung Shui left the village upon their marriage, and have not yet been located for interview. According to the account of their male contemporaries, however, 'the small classes in the Christian-run girls' school (Fu Yin T'ang 女校) were mostly from humble families, but those who were later admitted into classes in the study halls were mostly daughters of wealthy families. These girls were usually bright and diligent and showed deep interest in learning. Their average attendance was shorter than the boys', starting normally from the age of nine and none stayed beyond fourteen when they began to prepare for marriage.' \"The experience of the two daughters of the founder of the Fu Yin T'ang was, however, exceptional. They never attended class in the village but were sent to a Christian school in Kowloon at the age of 10 and 9. It was a subsidized boarding school for girls (Fairlea) where the Bible, English, arithmetic, biology, hygiene, geography, history, and music as well as the traditional primers were taught. The fee was $5 a month per pupil.\" \"It was a big sum of money, as the fee in the village schools was then from $2 to $5 per year,\" one of these two ladies, now aged 78, told us in an interview. The elder sister died young but she herself, after completing the upper primary class at Fairlea, received training in nursing at the Nethersole Hospital and then worked as a nurse in Hong Kong until retirement.\n\nWhile the above case was exceptional for women, it was less so among the men. Changes of the 1910's and 20's brought opportunities as well as new demands. Traditional education, though modified to a certain extent, began to seem steadily more inadequate to cope with the conditions of the time. Those who formerly would have sought a literate career in classical learning turned to the new facilities available. According to our findings from the Oral History Project, between 1913 and 1932, at least twenty young men from the village and almost certainly more were known to have received a Western education at the Tai Po Government School or at the Anglo-Chinese schools in urban Kowloon and Hong Kong. Most of these people had thereafter successful careers as government clerks, interpreters, teachers, headmasters, and businessmen. They were also viewed as elite.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 317, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n295 \n\nstyled a kung shoh (ABT) with a 'lock-up' for offenders. They were located in some old houses with small windows, near the Tin Hau temple and inside the wall. According to elders born in the 1880s, the village had watchmen when they were young, even though there was still a moat round the village at that time, albeit used as a fishpond. A new office was built above the main entrance of the village in 1949, perhaps because the old was by then, and earlier, let to tenants. A list of the subscribers hangs in the office.\n\nThe village had street lighting supplied by a public utility company requested and paid for by the office. It had had this amenity even before the war, from about 1930, and got it before it got a piped water supply.\n\nAt the time of my enquiries, the village still employed watchmen, despite the small size of the enclosure. This was so not simply because it was a customary practice, but also because of the presence of many outsiders, in the village and the adjoining squatter areas. It was reported that there were 106 houses in the village, some of them occupied by several families. There were then said to be some 300 families in residence. About a hundred were outsiders, post-war arrivals who were mostly renting and sharing premises.\n\nThere was at some times only one watchman, but two or three at others, dependent upon the need, and also upon how much money was available to pay for their services. They were supposed to be village people, though this condition was loosely interpreted, and was usually fulfilled by at least ten years' residence. The longest serving watchman was then Ah Lung, aged over 50, who had served continuously for twenty years since the Second World War. Ah Chong had 8 or 9 years' service. Two others were mentioned, by then retired, one of whom had served for ten years just after the war and the other for just four, (1958---62). The pay was never high. In 1967 the watchmen were paid $350 per month.\n\nI interviewed one old watchman, born in the village about 1906-07. At the time of the Tung Tau squatter village fire in 1951 he was unemployed, so he became a watchman at nearby", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209669, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 326, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "304\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nbe constructed to safeguard the tree which will become a roadside tree when the road widening is completed.\n\nIn order to maintain this rare species in Hong Kong, Agriculture & Fisheries Department has collected seed from these two veteran trees and this has been germinated and used to grow several hundred seedlings. These have been planted out in a variety of sites in the Country Parks where many of them are now well established. The most successful is a group of four trees growing near the head of Jubilee Reservoir which have reached a height of 6.7m and a girth of 0.37m in ten years.\n\nThe former Village Representative, Mr. Man Tse-leung, whose picture appeared with the original article, is now 86 years old. Though not able to walk, he enjoys good health and still has a good memory. He recalled that during his childhood, the trees had already attracted the attention of a lot of people, from dignitaries to thieves. A former Governor of Hong Kong, Sir Cecil Clementi, had once made a special visit to the village to see them while serving as District Officer in the New Territories early this century. The unique quality of their timber for making wooden bracelets had caused a greedy craftsman named Lau to come over 50 miles from Po On County. However, when he started cutting the branches, he fell onto the ground. With his back broken, he had to abandon his illicit attempt. Mr. Man added that it was because of their \"fung shui\" value, that these two trees and several other mature camphors (Cinnamomum camphora) and banyan (Ficus spp.) were spared from the widespread felling during the Japanese Occupation from 1941 to 1945. The present Village Representative, Mr. Man Tat-pui, welcomed our proposal to plant new young seedlings in the village environs to replace the old trees.\n\nThe name of the Tai Hang Village is of some historical and geographical interest. The official publication A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories gives the following description:-\n\n\"Tai Hang (†); KVO65877; 534212; also known as Cha Hang (i), sometimes (#); a large village in three", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209673, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 330, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nTwo views of internment: Stanley: Behind Barbed Wire by Jean Gittens (Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong, 1982) and A Yen For My Thoughts by G. A. Leiper, (South China Morning Post, Hong Kong 1982)\n\nHappy coincidence has brought two excellent accounts of war-time internment in Hong Kong onto the bookshelves at the same time. Written from personal experience, they are a poignant testimony to the courage of all who endured hardship and deprivation at Stanley and fill a gap which has long needed filling in our knowledge of conditions during the Japanese occupation.\n\nAs a Eurasian, Jean Gittens need not have been interned, but the chance, however faint, of reunion with either her children in Australia, or her already imprisoned husband led her to enter Stanley voluntarily. The opening chapters of \"Stanley: Behind Barbed Wire\" are a revealing social commentary. She relates how her parents, the late Sir Robert and Lady Clara Hotung, were the first non-Europeans to gain permission to live on the Peak and the resulting snide remarks they had to endure from neighbours and their children. The \"difference\" was brought home with unbelievable callousness when the Eurasian wives and children of government employees, advised to leave Hong Kong prior to the invasion, were turned back on reaching Manila because of Australia's insistence that only those of \"pure British\" descent could be given refuge.\n\nThe same chapters convey the impression of a spoiled little rich girl: \"In spite of the fresh air and exclusiveness, living facilities on the Peak were understandably primitive. Braving these conditions would have tried the spirit of anyone, but for a woman with a large family of young children it needed true courage,\" and again: \"The summers were long and trying and, especially during our early years, Mother would take us away to one of the seaside resorts in the North to escape the heat.”\n\nI am not sure whether the prissiness is deliberate, but it serves to heighten the contrast with the degrading and dehumanising conditions of the camp detailed in the remainder of the book.\n\nPage 330\n\nPage 331", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209690, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 347, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n325\n\nare many other, smaller countries where no newspaper industry has developed.\n\nProfessor Lent is concerned with press freedom. He deplores its disappearance in countries ruled by totalitarian regimes. He deplores the repressive situation in Singapore, where the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act enables the government to put its own nominees in control of newspapers. Even the more liberal press atmosphere of Hong Kong comes in for some criticism. Journalists are tempted to take bribes because of their often miserably low salaries, he says, and these bad practices remain outside the reach of the ICAC (Independent Commission Against Corruption) because they are condoned by the journalists' employers. Lent also complains that there are many doors of government closed to Hong Kong journalists.\n\nSome of the book gives a somewhat out-of-date impression. It is a recent publication but much of the material was gathered years ago and in some cases there has obviously been difficulty in revising it. This detracts from the value of the survey where it deals with countries like Vietnam.\n\nIt could also be objected that the viewpoint of the editor and contributors is too western-oriented when dealing with the press in developing areas. Freedom of the Press is a hall-mark of civilised modern communities, but it can survive only in a country which is highly literate and politically awake; it has no hope in more primitive places or in countries where the government fears criticism. To expect a free press in such areas may be unrealistic. There is a considerable difference, too, between Asia and the West in attitudes towards the profession of journalism. In the West the image of the journalist as news-gatherer, critic and reformer inspires considerable numbers of young men and women to enter the profession. Its human opportunities and fascinations more than compensate for the relatively mediocre financial rewards. This is far less the case in the Far East where in many countries journalism has little appeal for the educated. Inevitably this affects the value and effectiveness of newspapers.\n\nHowever the fact that the Asian press is surveyed here from a western viewpoint in no way detracts from the impressive", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209724, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 381, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n359\n\nslight knowledge of China achievable in six months comes through in the rather patchy treatment it gives 7 pages on Canton, 1⁄2 page on Swatow, 5½ lines on Chiu Chow, 14 pages on places in the Pearl River Delta accessible from Canton, and 8½ lines on Shaoguan is its sum total on Kwangtung Province, and most of this 9 pages is thin and derivative. It would not be possible to visit any of these cities and gain much from the experience without taking along a second guidebook.\n\nThe book's main aim is to point out that, since the recent liberalisations, it is possible for the foreigner to travel in China by himself, and stay in the cheaper hotels, and thus see more of the real China. This is, of course, true as far as it goes. But little hint is given in the book of the very real problems that still exist—the absolutely essential need to be fluent in both Mandarin and the local dialect if one is to argue oneself into the cheapest hotels as suggested, the extreme difficulty in the way of long-range telephoning in most places, the bureaucratic problems involved if one gets stuck (e.g., by roads being washed out), the practical difficulties of reaching consular, legal, or financial help in a disaster in other than major cities when on one's own, the psychological difficulties involved in walking round a town surrounded by crowds of gawpers (still a problem in some places), and the lack of even the most basic of facilities (even backpackers are likely to be thrown by the squalor of many cheap Chinese hotels). Some things are treated in a way that seems less than completely frank: most restaurant food in China outside the main cities is of the poorest quality, buses (except the Shenzhen luxury coaches) often excruciatingly uncomfortable, and the fight for tickets less than entertaining.\n\nA more significant failing of this book is its lack of any attempt to explain the real China to the young and impoverished visitor it is aimed at. It is of little use showing such a one how physically to get to the genuinely non-tourist parts of a Chinese city if he is left totally at sea as to what is going on around him when he gets there, but little attempt to explain is made.\n\nAll in all, this book is of some value as giving the occasional practical hint to the would-be backpacker in China. But unless the backpacker has good basic knowledge of China, or is travelling", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209729, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 386, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "364\n\nSELLETT, Mr. G. SERSALE, Miss S.M. SHAW, Dr. B.C. SHAW, Mrs. F. SMITH, Rev. C.T. SMITH, Mr. L.C. SPOONER, Mr. M.G. SU, Dr. C.J. SUESS, Mr. H.\n\nTAN, Mr. K.S.\n\nTANG, Sir Shiu-Kin, TANG, Mrs. M.\n\nTHOMAS, Mr. L.F.\n\nLOCAL LIFE MEMBERS\n\nTHOMPSON, Mr. P.J. THROWER, Prof. L.B. THROWER, Dr. S. TON, Mrs. C.C.C. TORRIBLE, Mr. G.R.\n\nURE, Mr. G.M.N.\n\nVICKERS, Dr. S.\n\nWATSON, Mr. K.A. WAUNG, Mr. W.S. WEINREBE, Mr. J.M. WERLE, Ms. H.\n\nWESLEY-SMITH, Mr. P.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mr. R. WILLIAMS, Mr. B.V.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mr. & Mrs. W.D.F. WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Mr. K.F. WONG, Mr. P.C.\n\nYEUNG, Mr. W.W.T. YOUNG, Miss P.\n\nINSTITUTIONAL MEMBERSHIP\n\nAGRICULTURE & FISHERIES, Director, Dept. of\n\nOXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS\n\nLOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS\n\nABBOTT, Mrs. E.L.\n\nADDIS, Mr. S. ADDIS, Mrs. D.\n\nAIKEN, Mrs. L. AKERS-JONES, Mr. D.\n\nALLCOCK, Mr. R.C. ARCHER, The Hon. Mrs. S.\n\nAU, Mr. K.N.\n\nBARD, Dr. S.M.\n\nBARRETTO, Mrs. K.A. BARRETTO, Mr. R.O.\n\nBATSON, Dr. J.F.S. BEHRENS, Mr. E.H. BERTRAM, Mr. J. BIRCH, Dr. A. BLAIKLEY, Mr. P.E. BLOOMFIELD, Miss F.\n\nBONAVIA, Mrs. J.E. BOOTES, Mrs. H.L. BOSHER, Mr. C.S.T.\n\nBOWMAN, Mr. S.A.W. BOWMAN, Mrs. D. BOYLAN, Mrs. C. BRAGA, Mr. P. BRAMWELL, Mr. H. BRANDON, Miss J.N. BRAUN, Mr. F. BRAWN, Mrs. J. BRAY, Miss J.M. BROMFIELD, Mr. A.C. BROMFIELD, Mrs. J. BROOM, Mr. M.B. BROUWER, Mrs. R.P. BROWN, Mr. E. de R. BROWN, Mr. G.H. BROWN, Dr. H.O. BROWN, Dr. P.M. BRUCE, Mr. P. BURNS, Dr. J.P. BYRNE, Miss P.\n\nCAMERON, Mr. N. CAMERON, Mrs. S.\n\nCANTERS, Mr. R. CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J.\n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES, The Director\n\nCHAN, Mrs. A. CHAN, Mr. S.J. CHAN, Mrs. T. CHAPMAN, Mr. V.F.D. CHAU, Mr. D.H.S. CHEETHAM, Mrs. J.A. CHEN, Mr. S.H. CHERN, Dr. K.S. CHEUNG, Mr. O. CHIAO, Dr. C. CHILVERS, Mrs. A.E.S. CHISM, Mr. M. CHIU, Mrs. C.C. CHRISTIE, Mr. D.W.B. CHRISTOFIS, Mrs. P. CHU, Mr. L.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209731, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 388, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "366\n\nLOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS\n\nMATHEWS, Mr. J.F. MAYERS, Mr. W. McCULLY, Mis. A.M. McDONALD, Mrs. J.R. McELNEY, Mr. B.S. McLEAN, Ms. R.H. MINERS, Dr. N.J. MINTER, Mr. C.J.W. MITCHELL, Mr. E.A. MITCHELL, Mrs. R.M. MOBIUS, Dr. M. MORGAN, Ms. V.E. MORGANS, Mr. & Mrs. J.M. MOYLE, Mr. G.C. MULLOY, Mr. G.N. MURPHY, Mr. F.S.\n\nNESHEIM, Mrs. D.H. NEWBIGGING, Mr. D.K. NEWBIGGING, Mrs. C. NG, Dr. ANH. NG, Dr. MN. NG, Miss T. NGUYET, Mrs. T.\n\nO'HARA, Miss. L.S. O'HARA, Mr. R. ONG, Tan Sri Dr. G.B. ORR, Mr. L.C. OUTCH, Mr. W.T. OXLEY, Mr. C.W.B.\n\nPARRINGTON, Miss J. PARRY, Mr. R.H. PHILLIPS, Mr. R.J. PHILLIPS, Mrs. J.D. PICKARD, Mrs. J. PICKFORD, Mr. J.B. POPE, Mr. J.L. PRESCOTT, Mr. J.A. PRYOR, Dr. E.G.\n\nQUESTED, Mrs. R. RAM, Mrs. J. REDDING, Dr. S.G. REID, Mr. A.J.H.\n\nRHODES, Mr. P.F. RIBEIRO, Mrs. S. RICHARDS, Dr. S.F. RICHARDS, Mrs. J.K. RICK, Mr. D.R. RIGG, Mrs. J.R. ROBERTSON, Mrs. A.G. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W.G. ROGERS, Mrs. P.R. ROHRS, Mr. K.R. ROPER, Mr. G.W. ROSS, Mr. C.S. ROSS, Mr. D.M.\n\nSALMON, Mrs. P.A. SAPSTEAD, Mr. G.A.G. SCOTT, Dr. I. SHAM, Mr. F. SHANNON, Mr. J.M. SIDDLE, Mr. O.R. SIEGFRIED, Mrs. S.S. SIU, Mr. A.K.K. SLATTERY, Mrs. H.D. SMITH, Mr. R.C. SMITH, Mr. S.P. SO, Dr. C.L. SOLLY, Mr. P.J. STEAD, Miss S.M. STEINER, Mr. H. STEWART, Miss J.J.M.C. STRICKLAND, Mr. J.E. STUMPF, Mr. K.L. SU, Mr. S. SURECK, Mr. J. SURECK, Mrs. J.\n\nTAM, Miss A.C.H. TANG, Mr. D. TANG, Mr. H.C. TANG, Mr. S.W.H. TAYLOR, Mrs. V.V. THOMAS, Mr. R. THOMAS, Mrs. S.E. THOMPSON, Mr. F.J. TING, Mr. J.S.P. TISDALL, Mr. B.\n\nTOCHRANE, Miss V. TOH, Miss E. TOOGOOD, Mr. C.W. TRETIAK, Prof. D. TSANG, Mr. A.C.K. TSANG, Mr. H.S. TSO, Mrs. P. TURNER, Mr. H.D. TWITCHETT, Miss Y\n\nVINE, Mr. P.A.L.\n\nWALKER, Mr. A.P. WALKER, Mrs. B.P. WALKER, Mrs. P. WALKER-HAWORTH, Mr. J.L. WALTERS, Mr. R.G. WALTERS, Mrs. S.L. WATERS, Mr. D.D. WATERS, Dr. G. WATT, Mr. M.K. WEBB, Mrs. S.M. WEI, Miss P.T. WHITTAM, Mr. A.R. WHOLEY, Mr. J.W. WILLIS, Mr. D.N. WILLOUGHBY, Prof. P.G.\n\nWILSON, Mr. B.D. WIN, Mr. O. WINKLER, Mrs. R. WONG, Miss M. WONG, Mr. S.L. WORKMAN, Dr. G. WRANGHAM, Mr. & Mrs. C. WRIGHT, Mr. D.A.L. WRIGHT, Dr. L.R. WRIGHT, Miss V.M.\n\nYANG, The Hon. Mr. Justice YEUNG, Mr. M.W.C. YOUNG, Dr. J.D. YOUNG, Mr. R. YUNG, Mr. D.C.W.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG BRANCH\n\nOF THE\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nPatron:\n\nH.E. Sir Edward Youde G.C.M.G., M.B.E., Governor of Hong Kong\n\nThe Council, 1983\n\nPresident:\n\nJ. W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., J.P.\n\nVice-Presidents:\n\nCarl T. Smith, B.A., M.DIV.\n\nA. I. Diamond, M.A.\n\nHon. Secretary:\n\nR. H. McLean\n\nHon. Treasurer:\n\nD. A. Gilkes, M.A., C.A., J.P.\n\nHon. Editor:\n\nP. H. Hase, B.A., Ph.D.\n\nHon. Librarian:\n\nV. E. Morgan, B.A., A.L.A.\n\nCouncillors:\n\nM. Topley B.Sc., Ph.D.\n\nAlan Birch, M.A., Ph.D., F.R.Hist. Soc.\n\nH. A. Rydings, M.B.E., M.A., A.L.A.\n\nHugh Gibb, M.A.\n\nMichael Lau, B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A., Ph.D.\n\nJ. Young, M.A., Ph.D.\n\nOliver Siddle, B.A.(Oxon.), F.R.S.A.\n\nElizabeth Sinn B.A.\n\niii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209790, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "27\n\nA third development was the considerable growth of interest in the Buddhist faith among laymen. It seems that the growth of affluence and the acceptance of science and technology have not diminished spiritual needs. Devotees come in ever-increasing numbers. They are not limited to the aged, either. Children are taught to bow to images. The offering of incense by young people is a common sight. The more intellectually minded laity are interested in Buddhist philosophy. They are attracted to Buddhism because it has acquired the reputation of having the most abstruse teaching of all religions and because it is believed to be part of Chinese culture. Lay believers have also taken a very active role in organizing a large number of Buddhist activities. They have organized study groups, formed Buddhist associations, printed and distributed sutras, assisted in operating and building schools, charitable institutions and a hospital. They have tried to draw the rather independent groups of monks and nuns together. In all these activities, they collaborated with monks closely. The increase in the numbers of serious laymen contrasts sharply with the decline in the number of monks. This could be a serious point in assessing the appeal of monkhood for the Buddhist laymen.\n\nWith these developments the Buddhist sangha was faced with unfamiliar problems. Many traditional ways of living have broken down. Monks are expected to perform new social roles. Intellectually, the sangha feels a need to respond to an affluent, intellectually sophisticated and science-oriented society. However, the monks' response has been marred by a lack of unity among themselves. Their spirit of independence has made it difficult for any new proposal, however sound that proposal might have been, to be universally accepted. In the following, I shall document some of the major responses the monks have made to modern life and from these responses I shall deduce their self-perception.\n\nIII. Specific Areas of Concern Faced by the Sangha\n\nA. Sangha Recruitment\n\nThe single most critical problem which has confronted the Hong Kong sangha in the past twenty years has been the lack", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209791, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "28\n\nof eligible young men who are willing to become monks. This problem has also become the starting point of the sangha's extensive self-examination and reflection in recent years, resulting in the voicing of proposals for the entire reorganization of the sangha system. The lack of recruits has not been limited to Hong Kong. Taiwan, Malaysia and Singapore have reported the same trend. Suddenly, it has appeared that the disappearance of Chinese Monks was not inconceivable, but could indeed be approaching fast. In 1977, a leading monk expressed his fear of such an eventuality in an open letter to all Chinese monks. He said,\n\nThere is to-day a lurking crisis within Mahayana Buddhism and that is the scenario of a shortage of monks,\n\nthe sangha treasure, and a void of successors.\n\nMainland China has been the source of all Chinese monks in various parts of the world. Now, with the change of political regime in Mainland China, Buddhism no longer exists there and all Chinese monks have also died out. Nowadays, the greatest concentration of Chinese monks are in Taiwan and Hong Kong. However, various factors such as the chaotic social change brought about by advanced industrialization and military service in some areas have posed an extremely serious threat to the source of Chinese monks who can carry on (with the sangha).\" \n\nThe same monk called upon all Chinese monks to think of ways to remedy the situation and suggested, among other things, a major re-organization of the sangha. This open letter solicited a number of responses. The following is a summary of the opinions expressed.\n\nIt is unanimously agreed that the sangha is an integral part of Buddhism. Buddhism would not be Buddhism without the sangha. All agreed that the shortage of young monks was posing a serious problem. Directly or indirectly the responses contained speculations on the causes of decline. They can be summarized as: 1. The changed social situation, which has rendered the monastic life unappealing to young people. Unfortunately, this point has not been elaborated upon. 2. Young people nowadays", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "29\n\nare bent on material enjoyment. 3. The sangha system is seen as out-moded. It seems to belong to strange old men who cling on to superstitious beliefs and customs. 4. Military service in certain countries has robbed young men of opportunities to join the sangha. 5. Parents may have discouraged their children from joining the monks.\n\nThe monks made it clear that, while objective causes outside their control do play a part in the decline of young recruits, they put the major share of the responsibility on themselves. They were dissatisfied with the image they projected. This is an important indicator of their changing perception of themselves.\n\nThe remedies they proposed also indicated their perception of the need to change roles. They were aware that their life-style should be seen as attractive and relevant to the present age. Secondly, they felt responsible for communicating this attractive new monkhood to eligible young men through as many channels as possible. They encouraged more contact with young men through education, youth work, study groups, and choirs. Parents were to be exhorted to nurture some of their sons towards the possibilities of entering monkhood. Short-term going-forth-from-home ceremonies were undertaken so that young people could get a taste of monkhood. The last was an innovation borrowed from the Theravada tradition in Thailand and was quite new to the Mahayana tradition. Lastly, someone suggested that, as a last measure, each monk should adopt an orphan so as to train him to become a monk when he grew up.\n\nUnfortunately, such good intentions remain largely on paper and one seldom hears more about them nowadays. The reason for this is that the problem of recruitment has been linked to the issue of re-organization of the sangha, and, as the latter ran into trouble, the former was also dropped from discussion. Nevertheless, the problem of recruitment remains as real as ever.\n\nB. Sangha Re-organization\n\nThe Buddhist community is organized according to rules laid down in the vinaya which claim Buddha himself as the authority.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209797, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "34\n\npurpose of preaching and debate; 4. remedial education, which is planned for old monks who have missed their chances for education when they were young.17 Other proposals for the reform of sangha education ran along similar lines. Three points are of interest here. First, all the proposals look on education as something very important. Their expectation that all monks should at least be university graduates, given the situation in Hong Kong where only an extreme few have gone to a university, appears a little unrealistic. Does this reflect the fact that the monks themselves feel a little insecure about their own education? Second, all proposals put a great stress on secular learning. This probably tells something important about the monk's self-perception. Secular learning is necessary for better understanding and communication. The desire for secular knowledge indicates an orientation towards openness with the world. Third, professional training is often stressed. This indicates a willingness to render direct service to the community.\n\nD. Role of the Monk in Modern Society\n\nFormerly in traditional China, monks did not have to ask themselves what they wanted to do in life. The career of monkhood was clear and no surprises were expected. Ritual, prayer and meditation were the order of the day, occasionally punctuated by participation in prayers for the dead when they were asked for. The more ambitious and talented monk might have applied himself to study and became a master of the dharma. But that was all that a monk could hope to become.\n\nThe coming of modern life has instilled a new consciousness into the monk's mind. Suddenly, he feels that prayers and meditations are not enough. Somehow he feels that something more is needed to justify his existence. He may attempt to explain this new desire to be useful to society as really the extension of the Mahayana ideal of benefiting all living creatures. Nevertheless, he would be hard put to it if he were asked why this new trend has happened only now while the Mahayana ideal had been around for a long time. The search for a new role became acute when the monks moved from the quiet and peace of the monasteries in the New Territories into the hustle and bustle of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209812, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "49\n\n7. Marriage by Proxy\n\nAlthough it is rarely met with, there is a form of customary marriage by proxy, which has all the force of, and to all intents and purposes is, a kit fat (*), marriage. The bride comes to the groom's house and all the ordinary procedure of a wedding is observed, except that the groom is represented by a cockerel. It is possible that this custom arose from the lengthy absence of overseas Chinese from their homes. Certainly it is the bride who is always present; there is no customary marriage by proxy where the bridegroom is present and the bride absent.\n\n8. Sam P'o Tsai (17)\n\n(a) A sam p'o tsai (17) is a young girl who has been reared by a family not her own with the specific object of marrying her to one of the sons of that family. The practice is normally confined to poorer households which fear that, when their children reach marriageable age, the family may not be in a financial position to exchange the necessary gifts for betrothal. Failure to observe tradition in this respect would involve loss of face. A young girl will therefore be handed over to the family of the boy whom she is due to marry. Sometimes the bargain is free, sometimes a token payment is made, sometimes quite a large sum of money changes hands. The money is usually wrapped in red paper to ensure a lucky transaction. There is no fixed age for the entry of the girl into her new home. It may be when she is only a few years old or it may be when she is up to 15 years old. She becomes, until marriage, just another worker in the household.\n\n(b) The sam p'o tsai (17) is traditionally carried into her new home on the back of a woman, under an open umbrella to which is tied a piece of red cloth. Sometimes, however, an older girl will be transported in a bridal chair. Crackers are fired and there is a sacrifice of chicken and pork to the ancestors, as well as a burning of joss sticks to inform the ancestors of the arrival of the girl into her new family.\n\n(c) At the son's coming of age (between 16 and 18), the couple are ready to be married, provided the girl is sufficiently developed. If not, the ceremony is deferred. The ceremony", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "85\n\nLoan Word\n\nChinese Characters\n\n*Choy sum 蔡心\n\nConfucius 孔夫子\n\nCongou 工夫\n\nCumshaw 感謝\n\n*Chung Young 重陽\n\n*Dimsum 點心\n\n*Ding how 真好\n\n*Fanqui, 番鬼\n\nfankwei 番鬼\n\nFan-tan 番攤\n\nFen 分\n\nFeng shui, fung shui 風水\n\nFo 佛\n\n*Foki 伙計\n\nFoo yong, fu yung 芙蓉\n\nGalingale 高良薑\n\nGinseng 人蔘\n\nMeaning\n\nA species of leafy Chinese vegetable, with yellow flowers.\n\nK'ung Fu-tse n. the Chinese name of Confucius.\n\nA kind of black tea imported from China.\n\nIn the Chinese ports: A gratuity.\n\nA Chinese festival falling on the ninth day of the ninth moon on which according to traditional belief people have to go up to high places to avoid calamity. Also a day for sweeping ancestral graves.\n\nTidbits eaten at a Cantonese repast taken either in the early morning or at lunch time known as yum cha or 'drinking tea'. Literally meaning 'the most excellent best'.\n\nLiterally 'barbarian ghost', used to refer to westerners in the early days of contact between China and the west.\n\nA Chinese gambling game in which a random number of counters are placed under a bowl and wagers laid on how many will remain after they have been divided by four.\n\nA monetary unit of the People's Republic of China worth one hundredth of a yuan.\n\nIn Chinese mythology, a system of spirit influences, good and evil, which inhabit the natural features of landscapes; hence, a kind of geomancy for dealing with these influences in determining sites for houses and graves.\n\nChinese Buddha.\n\nA term used to refer to waiters in restaurants, but sometimes also used in the wider sense of people who work in the same organization, i.e., 'colleagues'.\n\nFu yung, lit. hibiscus: a Chinese omelet made with bean sprouts, green pepper, and onion and fried in deep fat.\n\nLit. 'mild ginger from Ko'.\n\nEither of two arallaceous plants, Panax Ginseng (Schinseng), of China, Korea, etc., or P. quinquefolium, of North America, having an aromatic root used in medicine by the Chinese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209851, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "88\n\nChinese \n\nLoan Word \n\nCharacters \n\nMeaning \n\nPak-choi \n\n白菜 \n\nAnother name for Chinese cabbage, \n\n*Pak pai \n\n白牌 \n\nLiterally 'white label', meaning hire cars which are in fact operating illegally because they are not licenced to carry passengers for a fee. \n\nPekingese \n\n北京(狗) \n\nA small long-haired dog, of the pug type, orig. brought from the Imperial Palace at Pekin. \n\nPekoe \n\n白毫 \n\nA superior kind of black tea, so called from the leaves being picked young with the down still on them. \n\n*Pinyin \n\n拼音 \n\nLiterally 'to write according to sound' \n\nreferring to the romanization system used to write Chinese rather than the traditional Chinese characters. \n\nPetuntse, \n\n白墩子 \n\nA white earth, consisting of pulverized granite; used in combination with kaolin in the manufacture of Chinese porcelain, \n\nPetuntze \n\nA 4-stringed Chinese musical instrument plucked like a guitar and having a large body resembling a lute and a neck with 12 or more frets that leads into the body.\n\nPipa \n\n琵琶 \n\n*Putonghua \n\n普通話 \n\nLiterally 'ordinary speech', the standard dialect of China. \n\n*Renminbi \n\n人民幣 \n\nLiterally 'the people's currency', referring to the currency of the People's Republic of China. \n\nSamfoo \n\n衫褲 \n\nA style of casual dress worn by Chinese women, consisting of waisted blouse and trousers, \n\nSampan \n\n舢舨 \n\nApplied by Europeans in the China seas to any small boat of Chinese pattern. \n\nSamshu \n\n三燒 \n\nAn alcoholic liquor distilled in China from boiled and fermented rice. \n\n*Sharpei, \n\n沙皮 \n\nLiterally 'sand-skinned', referring to the rough and loose skin of this breed of dog, formerly known as the 'Chinese Fighting Dog'. \n\nsharpi \n\nTo drug or otherwise render insensible, \n\nand ship on board a vessel wanting hands. \n\nShanghai \n\n上海 \n\nA soft undressed Chinese silk. \n\nShantung \n\n山東 \n\nA Chinese breed of small dog similar to a Pekingese. \n\nShih tzu \n\n獅子 \n\nOne of the finer varieties of black tea.\n\nSouchong \n\n小種", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209885, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "122\n\noutbreak of bubonic plague in 1894.22 The reason given by old members for establishing a Fuk Tak Kung(4) is that in his lifetime the god was a noted Chinese medical practitioner, and therefore well suited to become the guardian god of a crowded city district. The shrine may, however, be even older than this. The district was already well established by the 1850s,28 and probably had guardian shrines from the outset.\n\nThe god looked after a specific area of the city. The old 'chops' and wood-block charms that survive from pre-war days carry the name Sai Ying Pun in the title. The boundaries, as given by the leaders active in the mid 1960s, some of whom had been associated with the committee from their earliest years through their fathers and grandfathers' service as managers, centred on the shrine's location at Sheung Fung Lane. However, it is said that, in pre-war years, among the many persons who came regularly to worship at the shrine on the god's birthday on the 18th day of the first lunar month, were people from outside the boundaries and even from Kowloon, so great was the reputation of the shrine. Many of the outside worshippers came in groups known as pao wui.(4)25 It was stressed, too, that this shrine had no connection with the Tai Ping Shan Fuk Tak Kung described below, for that earth god shrine lay in, and the god looked after, a completely separate locality.\n\nThe shrine was tended by a keeper appointed by the managers. When my informants were young, the keeper was an old woman who lived on the premises and died there about 1930, aged over 80. There is a splendid photograph of her still kept in the shrine.\n\nThe body of managers comprises a minimum of 34 persons each year, but has often been around the 40-50 mark. Its duties are solely to do with arranging for chanting by nam mo lo(1) (Taoist priests) at the god's birthday in the first moon and at the Yue Lan or Hungry Ghosts festival in the seventh moon. At the god's birthday, but not at Yue Lan, the religious rituals have always been accompanied by a puppet show (never opera) for the traditional three days and four nights.20 The managers also have the responsibility of arranging for the procession of the god through the district under his protection", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209916, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "153\n\n'When the entire company is made up of yes men, it will decline. It is not desirable to have complete tranquility.'\n\nA non-proprietary director, B24, emphasized that it was an executive's duty to speak his mind:\n\n'If the managing director said we shall go south and I thought north is the right direction, then I would explain my reasons for my belief. If ultimately he said let us go east, I should follow him eastward. The most important thing is not to be a yes man. Do not support going south just because he says so.'\n\nThe fact that the ‘yes man' was singled out for criticism seems to indicate that compliance among subordinates constituted a problem in their companies.\n\nDifferences in opinion, according to the spinners, must be contained and resolved before they deteriorate into actual conflict. They followed several rules to prevent dissent getting out of hand. Steps were taken to ensure that the interests of the key decision-makers were homogeneous. As A22 told me, 'All of our executive directors are Chinese, friends. We can argue things out'. Besides ethnic and friendship ties, kinship bonds were also used to guard against irreconcilable conflicts.\n\nIn Mill 17, a young director said that differences in opinion were settled by those at the top who would take the ultimate responsibility:\n\n'I follow the advice of my uncle and my father. My uncle has a son on the Board [of Directors]. So the four of us are of the same family. Only two other board members are outsiders.'\n\nWithin this framework, the weight of an individual's opinion was graded according to his hierarchical standing. A24 put this best:\n\n'If they are under me, I make the final decision. If they are senior to me, I explain my views to them. If they do not accept, I shall do it their way.'\n\nBut among peers of similar status and power, resolution of differences could not be so straightforward. Under these circumstances, most spinners did not favour settlement by majority vote. A27 gave the following explanation:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209954, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "191\n\nN° of\n\nColumn\n\nOmens\n\n19. Offering made to each of the four quarters will be auspicious.\n\n20,\n\n21.\n\nThe Shuozhou says:\n\n\"Dogs die and are repeatedly reborn; to eat dogs is unlucky.\n\n+\n\n+\n\ninauspicious. Once (it) possesses supernatural powers (it) can cause misfortune.\n\ndeath and destroy one's links (with the living???).\n\ndifficult to catch in order to kill it; if wounded it becomes even fiercer(?).\n\nIf you reflect on how best to worship (it) again in order to grow rich (then) release something living(?), it will bring great good fortune to all of us. Afterward, all things will rapidly be successful as promised in the rules. (?) Make an amulet and put a dog at the top.\n\n22.\n\n23. Chapter 27: Omens from sounds.\n\nAll these sounds are (produced) by the ghosts of dead soldiers.\n\nIf a sound is heard on a zi day, it bodes ill; there will be illness\n\n24. (and misfortune?). Write an astronomical charm and hang it over the door and all will be well.\n\nIf a sound is heard on a zhou day, there will be damage to wealth and property and misfortune for small children. Offer a peach tree branch, 6 inches seven cun long.\n\n25. Write an astronomical charm and place it in the branch and it will bring good fortune.\n\nIf sounds are heard on a yin day, it bodes ill. There will be illness, calamities and loss of wealth. Offer a peach tree branch 6 inches 7 cun long.\n\n26. Write an astronomical charm in order to produce good fortune. If a sound is heard on a mao day, disasters will affect young children. Offer a branch of the tong tree three inches nine cun long.\n\nI made the following corrections:\n- \"muži\" to \"cun\" (assuming it's a unit of measurement, and \"cun\" is a common Chinese unit)\n- \"US\" to \"us\"\n- \"zi F day\" to \"zi day\" (removed the extra character)\n- \"zhou # day\" to \"zhou day\" (removed the extra character)\n- \"mao p day\" to \"mao day\" (removed the extra character)\n- Added or corrected punctuation for better readability\n- Corrected some spacing issues\n- \"seven muži\" and \"7 mu\" to \"seven cun\" (consistency in unit of measurement)\n\nNote that some parts of the text still appear to be unclear or contain uncertain characters (e.g., \"(with the living???)\" and \"(?)\"). These were left as is, as per the instruction to not rephrase or rewrite the text.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209956, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "193\n\n* Shi Boxuan (Yuan dynasty) is the compiler of two books: the Sishu Kuanku 190 and the Guankui Waipian 7 lumped together as Kuankui in the Gujin Tushu Jicheng. See Bu Liao Jin Yuan Yishu Wenzhi WIGxARK ed. Shangwu, Taipei, 1966, pp. 28, 56.\n\n1차\n\n* Jing Fang (77 to 37 B.C.) was a famous Han philosopher and presumed author of a number of oracular works. Most of these are still listed in the Jingji Zhi, Chapter, part 3, section zi of the Suishu.\n\n\"The Liji refers to the ritual dismembering of a dog in connection with the annual Nuo exorcism. The animal's remains were then buried in front of the main gate of the capital. See S. Couvreur, Le Liji, Imprimerie de la mission catholique, Ho Kien Fu (1913), vol. I, p. 352.\n\n12 The charm, faintly visible near the end of column 22, may represent a model of an \"astronomical\" charm.\n\n\"Peach wood was thought to possess magical properties as early as 544 B.C. (D. Bodde, op.cit. pp. 128 ff.) while the wood of the tong tree was associated with the miraculous birth of the hero Yiying. See M. Granet, Danses et légendes de la Chine antique, Presses universitaires de France, reprint edition 1959, vol. II, p. 428.\n\nB. Laufer \"Bird divination among the Tibetans\", in Toung Pao, vol. XV (1914) p. 4, note 1. \"The Study of Tibetan divination is as wide as it is ungrateful and unpleasant for research”.\n\n* The same omen is found in the Gujin tushu jicheng, vol. 26, j.174, p. 1b, column 7.\n\n\"The prohibition against leaving the house for three years is mentioned three times in the Gujin tushu jicheng. It applies: when a pack of dogs howl in neighbourhood streets; when such a pack howls in city markets and, unless obeyed, portends death for a man who has (accidentally) been spattered with dog urine. Op.cit. pp. 1a,b.\n\n* The contradictory omens in brackets show that other dog divination systems were known at the time.\n\n18 The Gujin tushu jicheng has \"against a palace door\" op.cit. p. 11b, column 11.\n\n** \"Dreadful disasters\" instead of \"of the inhabitants will be harmed” Ibid.\n\n\"The last four characters of this column make no sense. \"Mu is probably an error for the numerator mei.\n\nAN ODE ON HONG KONG COMPOSED BY THE MAYOR OF CANTON IN 1845\n\nP. BRUCE\n\nA charming ode was published on December 13, 1845 by the Friend of China newspaper. It gives a rare Chinese view of the development of the young colony of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209977, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "214\n\nand general merchant, who came to Hong Kong with his brothers when young. As the eldest, he controlled the family finances and the distribution of work. The second brother went on to Australia, and then returned to Hong Kong. The third brother was a small ship-builder, running his own sampan construction business near the old Kowloon City pier. The fourth brother was a policeman. The eldest Chan's son, my informant, succeeded him as manager of the temple on his death in 1925.\n\nDuring these years the temple's following had been steadily growing. It is reported that in the younger Chan's time, and before, over twenty villages of central and east Kowloon2 took a regular part in the religious celebrations conducted at the two temples. This represents a striking difference from the days, a century before, when the Goddess of Mercy shrine and temple were the private concerns of the small and unimportant Chu family of Tai Hom,\n\n3\n\nThis statement of interest is substantiated by the practices described to me by elders of villages in the area. Two managers, styled chik li (1) were provided by each village. Each year, some weeks before the main Kwun Yam festival, the chief manager called them together for a discussion as to whether the usual arrangements would be made. These consisted of chantings by nam mo lo (), the staging of the customary puppet shows for the four days and five nights usual in this region, and a dinner held in front of the temple the day after the festival. Upon agreement to proceed as usual, each village was allocated one or more subscription books, and the chik li or their helpers collected funds from those among their fellow villagers who wished to take part in the dinner and the general celebrations.\n\nThe chik li were not elected by the villagers: they seldom if ever were in the villages of this region. They came from among that body of working elders who managed the affairs of each village. They were either the elders themselves, or persons deputed by them. The Chairman of the body of chik li was selected through a procedure basically the same as that described for other temples and shrines in the Hong Kong region. All the village chik li gathered at the temple at a fixed day and hour. The divining blocks were cast an agreed number of times and the\n\n3", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210006, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "243\n\nOnce the latrine was full to the top of the plank partitions, after 2 or 4 weeks use, the owner would raise the planks and scrape out the latrine, heaping up the rich ash mixture on the adjacent drying ground for final drying in the sun. The ash mixture dried into rock hard dark grey lumps. When dry these were crushed to a powder by having a heavy wooden plank (often helped by having children stood on it) dragged backwards and forwards across them by a cow. The powder would store almost indefinitely if kept dry. For obvious reasons most villages forbade manure to be dried on the same drying grounds as were used for rice and vegetables, and usually each latrine would have a small walled off ground of its own.\n\nWhere the latrine was associated with cattle sheds, the animal manure and straw would be added to the latrine each day and covered with ash: in such circumstances the latrine would have to be cleared out weekly. The owner would often send out his children to pick up animal droppings from the fields and lanes to add to the manure building up in the latrine.\n\nThe powder produced in this way could be used as top dressing and packed in around seedlings, particularly of vegetables, or else could be scattered on top of the water let in to a rice field under preparation for planting, the water ensuring that the fertiliser was carried evenly to every corner of the field.\n\nObviously, animal manure could be used raw and dug into vegetable field beds before planting, but the opinion of villagers was that such unprepared manure was too rich and would burn young seedlings; it was only valuable if, after digging in, it could be left to rot down for some weeks before planting. Since time rarely allowed this, even poor families with no latrine of their own would rarely use raw animal manure. It must be remembered that a village house was very small and had no large private courtyard; heaps of animal manure maturing in a corner of a farmyard, so traditional in Europe, were just not feasible to anyone who did not own a latrine enclosure. More often poorer villagers would compound with a latrine owner, and hand over to him all the wastes of their animals and guarantee to him the custom of themselves and their families, in return for one or more buckets of prepared manure powder at the main planting.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210013, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 271, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "Aquilaria Sinensis is by no means rare in Hong Kong. In Dunn and Tutcher's Flora of Kwangtung and Hong Kong which was published in 1912, it was stated that in a one-acre plot of fung shui woodland in the lower ground of Hong Kong, 31 out of 125 trees enumerated were Aquilaria sinensis (then known as Aquilaria grandiflora). Even today it would not be difficult to find this tree in various parts of Hong Kong. They usually occur in natural woodland on lower hill slopes and in fung shui woods behind villages. There are good specimens in Tai Po Kau Nature Reserve, Ng Tung Chai in Lam Tsuen, and Pak Tam Chung, Sai Kung.\n\nThe publication of Professor Lo's book generated some local interest in the Incense Tree. In the 1960's and 1970's, both the Urban Services and Agriculture & Fisheries Departments planted a number of these trees in public gardens and on hill slopes. Seed supply is in abundance and there is no difficulty in raising young trees in the nursery. However, when planted out in open sites, the survival rate is disappointingly low. Moreover, the tree is quite slow-growing and is rather susceptible to wind damage. A seedling of half a metre high planted in Kowloon Tsai Park in 1974 reached a height of only 3.2 metre in 10 years. Even when planted in mixture with other tree species in plantation conditions the species fared little better. On this basis, A. sinensis is unlikely ever to rival the more robust and fast growing species which now commonly occur in our parks and countryside.\n\nNotwithstanding its growth habits, the local historical significance of the Incense Tree has been well recognised. As a matter of interest, the cultivation of the Incense Tree has been used as the main theme in the information displays in the Aberdeen Country Park Visitor Centre. Visitors to the centre, in addition to learning of the interesting historical events concerning this tree, can take the opportunity to have a close look at several live specimens growing by the side of the entrance.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210060, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "10\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\nmust be important: at home she could go to the temple at any time of the day, any day of the month. The same oracles are available there, for Matsu's counseling is standardized with few variations. If a grandchild has an aching tooth, grandma will rush to the temple and ask Matsu whether the pain will soon pass or not. Today, however, is not an ordinary day: the occasion is solemn, the questions asked concern matters of great importance: a planned wedding engagement, difficult relationships in the family, matters of life and death. Therefore the correct stick must be ascertained. The woman's eyes look up at the large decorated image of the goddess; with confidence she throws up the blocks, and click, clack, they drop noisily on the floor. Both flat sides are up, the curved sides touching the floor tiles. The goddess is laughing. Perhaps the woman did not concentrate enough, but at least, Matsu is in a good mood. If the blocks fell both on the flat side, they would express the goddess's anger, and one would interpret it as rejection for one's insincere, impure motivation. The woman picks up the blocks, returns the bamboo stick, shakes the bundle again and repeats the whole process. Her face is more concentrated and shows more tension, even anxiety. After a short pause, she drops the blocks once more, and look: they fall in the correct, desired way: one flat side up, one down. It shows harmony, for if the blocks are held together their opposite sides match like the yin and the yang. The goddess has said that this slip expresses her true advice in this particular situation. The woman picks up the blocks, returns them to the altar table and then holding the selected bamboo stick requests the corresponding slip of paper from the temple attendants. Several of them have their desks along the side wall of the major hall: they receive donations, write out receipts, hand out oracle slips and protective talismans, and upon request, explain the meaning of the oracle, if the text is not clear enough by itself.\n\nLater, back in the touring car, I ask the woman about her oracle. She tells me she had consulted the oracle several times: some relatives had commissioned her with their own problems, but the very last one was her own. The result was not too encouraging: the slip she received was no. 16, one of rather gloomy forecast. The question addressed to Matsu was whether a proposed engagement between her son and a young girl from a neighbouring village would be advisable. From a merely human viewpoint, everything", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210078, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "28\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\nvidualized advice, or to supplement the temple oracle with information gained through other divinatory practices, such as face and hand reading, or the casting of horoscopes. The Wong Tai Sin temple in Hong Kong is a famous shrine where everyday crowds of people go to consult the oracles. In the temple neighbourhood dozens of diviners have their small stalls, where they often receive visitors after they have consulted the temple deity.\n\nAlthough the temple oracles do have a “life” of their own, i.e. are strictly speaking independent from any other practice, still they must be seen and interpreted within the wider context of overall religious beliefs and practices of the Chinese people. One example has already been given: the results of the oracles can be checked and compared with information from other sources. I also found from different types of field work experience, that many believers consult the temple oracles as a matter of routine, even in matters of no great urgency, or even, and especially in the case of young people, with a strong dose of scepticism. In situations that border on urgency or desperation, the believer would forego the temple oracle, but ask for more immediate or direct advice from gods or goddesses through consultation of a medium. In that case, the advice is also more personal, as opposed to the stereotyped answers received in the temple.\n\nThe issue of stereotyping human problem situations, however, cannot be easily dismissed as being meaningless or irrelevant. Many types of divination if not all — imply the belief in set patterns of answers for similar or identical situations. The I Ching is not an exception: it provides a map for human action, based on 64 variations of vital concerns in life. These 64 hexagrams somehow summarize all possible situations of doubt, anxiety, even perplexity. In a more popular way, the temple oracles have done the same thing in different ways: they have changed the number of situations and answers, but the exact number is not too relevant. What underlies any particular number of oracles, is the common presumption that human reactions to problem situations follow certain patterns, because in general, human lives follow the same processes of development. The creators or innovators of the temple oracles have sensed this phenomenon and have incorporated it in their oracles.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210155, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "105\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND BEFORE 1841\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nHail, little isle! and Hong's fair haven, hail!\n\nFirst-fruits of China to the ocean-queen! New orient realms, new navies' embryo sail Glass'd in thy shifting horoscope are seen. May British virtue shine, in thee confest; And in her colony be Britain blest!'*\n\nThe cession of Hong Kong evoked different feelings in both China and Britain. In China, needless to say, there was scarcely rejoicing. The sixty-year-old Tao Kuang emperor, monarch of China since 1820, when asked to sanction the proposed Treaty of Peace that granted Hong Kong to Britain, spent the rest of the day and most of the night pacing up and down the corridor of his Palace, deep in anxious thought. Several times he was heard to mutter \"impossible\" and to sigh deeply. At last, at 3 a.m., he stamped his foot and proceeded to the audience chamber where he affixed the \"vermilion pencil\" to the draft. One of his subjects, the great Chinese statesman Tso Tsung-tang (1812-1885), then an unknown and rather unsuccessful scholar, wrote four poems in which he expressed grief and indignation when he heard that the British had taken over Hong Kong; and when he learned the final terms of the peace he was so overcome that he thought seriously of retiring to some lonely mountain retreat for the rest of his days.\n\n2\n\n3\n\nIn England the young Queen Victoria, twenty-two years old and married with a baby daughter wrote to her uncle, the king of the Belgians, \"Albert is so much amused at my having got the Island of Hong Kong and we think Victoria ought to be called Princess of Hong Kong in addition to Princess Royal\".2\n\nHer Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, was not amused. He received the news of the Chuenpi agreement (January 1841) between Captain Elliot, the British Plenipotentiary, and the Imperial Commissioner Kishen, with disappointment and disapproval.\n\n* See Plates 1-3", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210157, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "107\n\nsee, had a reputation for civility. The larger farming villages included Little Hong Kong and Wong Nei Chung. The smaller villages and hamlets included Hok Tsui, Chai Wan, To Tei Wan, Tai Tam (at Stanley), Tin Wan (at Aberdeen), Wan Chai, Tai Tam Tuk, Kwan Tai Lo, Wong Ma Kok, So Kon Po, Shek O and Pokfulam, whilst the port villages cum small towns included Chek Chu (Stanley), Shau Kei Wan and Shek Pai Wan (Aberdeen).” Most of these settlements exist today, albeit greatly changed, although a few have gone.\n\nWhat did these places look like in the 1840s when they first came under British rule? Fortunately, in those days before the camera, one of the officers stationed on the island and entrusted with the first contour survey (1843-1845) entered some useful descriptions in his letters home. This was Lieutenant Thomas Bernard Collinson of the Royal Engineers, a gifted young man who died a major-general at the age of 81 in 1902.\" In a letter he wrote:\n\n\"There is really a great deal more to be seen in Hong Kong than its appearance promises. Besides the town of Chuck Chu [Chek Chu] there are 10 villages and at least 400 acres of well cultivated ground. Some of the villages certainly consist of only 7 or 8 houses, but they are distinct villages with ground attached. The largest is Shapwont as it is printed,\" or “Chuckpyewan\" as it is called by the inhabitants, and “Aberdeen\" as it is called by the Governor. Her Majesty's surveying vessel employed by the Board of Ordinance has been anchored for a fortnight exactly at the figure 6 at Careening island [on the Chart of the anchorage] and begins to know something of Aberdeen and if the old Aberdeen is anything like the new, it must be a straggling village scattered round a small bay, with an ill-paved sort of quay in front and about 50 fishing boats lying about a great rock in the middle, a good supply of shops where bamboo hats, mats, sails, ropes and baskets; rice, fruit, vegetables, tobacco, earthenware and fireworks are all sold together; these being the staple commodities of a Chinese country shop and cakes by the bye, with plenty of pork fat in everything and a thousand of the dirtiest men women and children that ever talked altogether in a singsong:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210163, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "113\n\nproduce from the sea near the present Aberdeen Country Club. Some villagers operated stake nets lowered by windlass into the sea from a rocky headland, and others used lines catching fish like nai mang (鯺鏝) to make a sweet congee. The old lady's mother, born about 1860, planted hemp and made it into string used for tying and mending clothes until she was sixty years of age. The village people also grew a kind of rush (cheung po) (菖蒲) when she was young, using it as a charm to hang over their doorways, especially in the fifth moon, in the manner reported in old works on China.2\n\n25\n\n-\n\nThe stake nets were an especially favoured form of fishing in local waters. One can see a few surviving sites round the southern coast of Hong Kong island to this day. In the Tangs' time as sub-soil owners\n\nsee below they may have leased sites to local persons, as they were doing in the New Territories in 1899. It is also of interest that no less than 13 sites on the south side of Hong Kong island were leased out by another absentee landlord family of scholar gentry, the Wongs (王) of Nam Tau (南頭) and Cheung Chau, as shown in maps in their printed genealogy issued in the 1860s. People walked far to secure a livelihood in those days. One of the persons interviewed in the investigations into the murder of two British officers near Stanley in 1849, was a villager of Little Hong Kong who had a hut and operated a stakenet on the point where Stanley Fort now stands.\n\n26\n\n27\n\nHowever, farming was the principal occupation. The Little Hong Kong fields can be seen on the Hong Kong Government's first survey sheet for the area, whilst the extent of the Wong Nai Chung fields can be gauged by the race course at Happy Valley which was built over them.28 Rice was favoured because there was a plentiful supply of stream water available that only required damming, leading and terracing, albeit by dint of hard labour, to provide fertile land that would support two crops of rice yearly. An account of harvest time in one of the Hong Kong villages appeared in one of the numbers of the Illustrated London News for 1858.\n\n\"On the 1st of November (1857) I took a walk with a friend into the interior of Hong Kong and saw the process of rice-harvesting, beneath a bright, hot sun, the entire village popu-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210164, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "114 \n\nJAMES HAYES \n\nlation hard at work getting in the second crop of paddy. The principal part of the labourers was the women, owing probably to the fact of the men being generally engaged in fishing. The paddy rice grows to a height of about two feet six inches. The fields are little patches of about fifty paces, on account of the unevenness of the ground. The rice is thrashed out of doors: first, in a tub with a screen, by a man, who takes a bunch in his two hands to strike the ears against the edge of the tub and then gives the rice again to be thrashed on a floor made hard with chunam, the Chinese asphalt. Ploughing is here done with a very primitive plough and a wonderfully small bullock, as the ground is soft and does not contain a single pebble, ... After being harrowed, it may receive a crop of sweet potatoes, or ground nuts. The women work with children on their backs. No one appears too young to take a part in the work. In the next fields are sugar-canes. \n\n9.29 \n\nThus long before 1841, the villagers of Hong Kong, and the shopkeepers and local boat people too, had settled into the routine of a settled life. Tied to their fields and houses, and to their businesses and daily occupations, they had established institutions of the kind that is usual in Chinese communities, including the shrines and temples that were the object of periodic and special rites through the calendar year. They were therefore to be numbered among those who, in another place and time, twenty years on at Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon, were described as \"the old inhabitants of this site, who are indeed orderly people” in contrast to newcomers who were suspected of being \"thieves and outlaws”.3 \n\n30 \n\nTheir good behaviour struck a series of visitors from outside. The famous botanist Robert Fortune, writing of his experiences on the Hong Kong area in the 1840s commented: \n\n\"In all my wanderings on the island, and also on the mainland hereabouts, I found the inhabitants harmless and civil. I have visited their glens and their mountains, their villages and small towns, and from all the intercourse I have had with them I am bound to give them this character. \n\nAnother observer, the military surgeon Keith Stewart McKenzie, \n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210166, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "116\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nThis did not mean, however, that local villagers were not averse to minor piracy and smuggling, and generally to taking advantage of opportunities for gain. There are too many accounts of villainy from the surrounding waters for us to rule out the occasional initiative. In this connection, the remarks of a Chinese brigade general ordered by his superiors to cooperate with two young British naval officers against pirates thought to belong to villages in the present day Yuen Long area of the New Territories, has to my ears the ring of truth to it:\n\n\"Having seen these eighteen villages we have, becomingly and properly, together admonished the people thereof, and I think that they will be compliant and obey our orders. But this is merely an affair of vagabonds who rob with violence and make forays, who are not in the same category with confirmed rebels and pirates.”37\n\nThe English officer in charge commented:\n\n\"It must clearly be borne in mind that piracy in China differs from piracy elsewhere in this respect that there the pirates live on the land and only put to sea occasionally to carry on their depredations... Nor is this state of things confined in this vicinity to the neighbourhood of Deep Bay. Piratical villages exist along the whole coast wherever the native traffic is sufficient to render such an occupation remunerative.\"38\n\n+39\n\nWriting specifically of Hong Kong itself on 11th April 1846 to the Secretary of State for the Colonies in his annual despatch on the state of the Colony, Sir John Davis observed that “A principal obstacle to the Chinese commerce of the place is the system of piracy which infests the approaches from the east and west. In another despatch dated 26 February 1848, Davis commented on the subject as follows: \"The former prevalence of piracy has been checked (as appears best proved by the increase of native trade) through the active exertions of Captain Loring of HM's ship 'Scout', by whom nearly 300 pirates were captured in the last year, and delivered over to the Chinese government.\n\n1540\n\nWhether the Hong Kong villagers joined in such behaviour", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210195, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "145\n\nfree of disease. Thus the control system achieved its main objective, which was not the protection of women from exploitation, but, as it was commonly expressed in Hong Kong, 'the provision of clean Chinese women for the use of the British soldiers and the sailors of the Royal Navy'.\n\nIn Britain during the 1870s and 1880s the system set up by the Contagious Diseases Act came under attack by various moral reformers who considered that the licensing of brothels by the state implied official condonation of immoral behaviour. They also objected to the discrimination by which the women were compelled to submit to a demeaning medical examination. As a result of a long campaign the system was brought to an end and the Contagious Diseases Act was repealed by Parliament in 1886. In itself this had no effect on the colonial ordinances, but colonial governments were then instructed by the Secretary of State to follow the British example. The Governor of Hong Kong protested vigorously to London, claiming that the repeal of the local Contagious Diseases Ordinance would be unanimously opposed by the Executive and Legislative Councils, by the naval and military authorities and by all classes in the community, since it was the only means of controlling the spread of venereal disease, of preventing the proliferation of brothels in respectable areas of the city and of protecting young girls from being forced into brothel slavery. But the Secretary of State was adamant that the law imposing the compulsory inspection of women must be repealed, though he was prepared to allow the registration of brothels to continue solely for the purpose of providing a means to check against the possible enslavement of their inmates. The Hong Kong government continued to prevaricate, forwarding petitions to London from the keepers of 42 brothels reserved for Europeans and from 23 European prostitutes begging that weekly examinations and the issuing of health certificates might be allowed to continue. These pleas had no effect and the Secretary of State sent Hong Kong a copy of an ordinance which had already been passed in the Straits Settlements with instructions to introduce a similar bill as soon as possible. He also ordered that the issuing of certificates should cease forthwith. Finally in 1889, two years after the original directive from London, a bill entitled the Women and Girls' Protection Ordinance was introduced into the Legis-\n\n10", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210315, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 286, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "265\n\nfields or tombs\n\nsome sites are only a few hundred yards from\n\nthe village but others a mile or more away.\n\nTea is first picked in the second ten-day period of the third lunar month: this is often close to the Ching Ming tomb worship-ping festival when villagers will in any case be visiting their tombs. If the tea is ready, worshipping can conveniently be combined with tea picking in a single one-day trip. The middle of the third lunar month is the time when the new young tender leaves are at their full size but have not yet thickened and coarsened — the best possible time for picking them. Traditionally, this period coincid-ed conveniently with a slack time in the rice-fields, after the first rice crop was transplanted out (end of first lunar month), and before the major cleaning of the crop from weed (end of third lunar month).\n\nBoth men and women pick the tea. First, any creepers or weeds which have grown up around the tea trees since the previous year are cut away. Then the new leaves are stripped off the tree. Most of the leaves are picked, but a proportion must be left to preserve the health of the tree. Later, new leaves will sprout to replace those stripped off: these were traditionally left for a few weeks and then picked. The trees would be stripped up to four times a year. At present, however, the villagers only pick for their own use, and only strip the trees once: the other strippings were to provide leaf for sale in the market towns. The first picking was by far the best; the later pickings producing a coarser tea with a poorer taste.\n\nPreviously, in preparation for the tea picking, the women of the village cut firewood on the hills and stack it near the houses to dry. Each house has a brick-built stove with a brick chimney which has on it an alcove for the Kitchen God shrine. The stoves are con-structed in the form of a hollow brick box with a circular hole on the top into which a wok just fits, and an opening on the side to allow the fire lit inside the stove to be tended.\n\nWhen the fresh tea leaves are carried back to the houses they have a slight fragrance and taste, but neither the fragrance nor the taste is at all similar to that of the prepared tea. To achieve the desired tea taste and fragrance it is necessary to rid the tea leaves of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "267\n\ntend to sink to the bottom of the containers, thus leading to a poorer quality of tea in the early spring, when the end of the previous year's harvest is being drunk, than in the summer. For this reason some good quality tea is usually reserved for the New Year festivities when good tea would otherwise be difficult to find.\n\nThe tea trees owned and used by the villagers are not given much attention apart from the annual stripping away of creepers. The trees are allowed to grow naturally for ten years or so until they are fifteen feet or more tall and no longer easy to strip the leaves off. By this stage, too, the regular stripping off of the leaves tends to make the tree spindly and unproductive. Old, tall trees of this sort are then cut down and replaced with newly planted trees. Usually the new trees are just branches cut off old trees and placed in the ground: careful families plant half-a-dozen such branches each year to ensure that at least one or two new trees are successfully established each season.\n\nWhile most tea trees are owned by individual families or village trusts, a few stands are not privately owned, but available to anyone who wishes to use them. These clumps of “wild” trees are often of very tall old trees, with thick trunks and much larger, coarser leaves than the young trees in active use by the villagers. These stands of wild trees are used by the villagers as sources of branches for transplanting, as the wild trees are considered to be particularly strong and vigorous, and the leaves of young trees grown in this way from wild stocks are believed to give a particularly fine tea.\n\nTea prepared by New Territories villagers in the traditional way described above has a delicate, light taste and a slightly astringent quality, and is easy to drink and pleasing to the palate. It is locally known as “Hill Tea” (山茶), and tea of this type is still purchasable in the New Territories Market Towns, although most now available in Hong Kong is produced from villages just across the border.\n\nAt present the Mau Tso Ngam villagers, as also those other New Territories villagers still preparing their own tea, prepare only enough for their own family use. Four or five days' work by a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 295, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "274\n\nP.H. HASE, J.W. HAYES AND K.C. IU\n\naround Lantau Peak. Because of its properties, it has traditionally been collected by local villagers to make \"tea\". Normally, the fresh or dried leaves are boiled in water, and sugar added if necessary. Apart from local consumption, the leaves are dried for sale in the herbalists' shops at Tai O. Over the years, the plant has been established as a local product of Lantau Island. Hawkers doing business in front of the Po Lin Monastery on Ngong Ping Plateau are also \"cashing in\" on the trade by bottling the drink for sale to visitors. Because of the thirst-quenching properties and good \"cooling effect\", the drinks are particularly welcomed by hikers. However, most of the dried leaves for sale there nowadays are in fact imported from Ting Wu and Lo Fu Mountains (#LI, #) in Guangdong Province. The price ranges from $5 to $12 per packet according to weight.\n\nThe popularity of the drink seems to be declining in recent years, particularly among young people who prefer ready-made soft drinks. This change has in fact helped to conserve the declining population of this plant species on Lantau Peak.\n\nNOTES\n\nMy (PHH) thanks to Mr. K.C. Ho, Assistant Curator, the Flagstaff House Museum of Tea Ware for his assistance in preparing this Note, and to Mr. M. Cheung of the Visual Aids Section of the Hong Kong Museum of Art for taking the photographs.\n\nTea trees used for the production of \"Hill Tea\" in Mau Tso Ngam and elsewhere in the New Territories are plants of Camellia sinensis in common with tea bushes used elsewhere in China in the commercial production of tea. See Plate 33. (Note by K.C. Iu).\n\nPlate 34.\n\nPlate 35.\n\n5\n\nPlate 36.\n\n6 Plate 37.\n\n7 Plate 38.\n\n&\n\nThis method of preparing green tea is similar to that used in many other parts of China, and involves three steps, viz (a) pan firing, (b) rolling, and (c) roasting. The main purpose of pan firing is to inactivate the enzymes inside the tea leaves (these enzymes must remain active if fermented, rather than green tea, is being made). Rolling releases the tea juices which are considered to be the essence of the tea. The constituents of the juices will stick to the surface of the tea leaves after the final roasting process. Roasting aims to stabilise the process, by baking the leaves to dryness to facilitate storage (Note by K.C. Ho).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210345, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 316, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "295\n\nLIME-MAKING ON TSING YI\n\nWONG TAK-YAN*\n\nLime-making is one of Hong Kong's old, declining industries. The very term \"lime kiln\" is considered strange by young people today, but in fact lime-making was one of Hong Kong's older industries. After Hong Kong was established, lime kilns were very significant and were most important in the establishment of a prosperous society in Hong Kong.\n\nIn the 1950s, there were more than ten lime kilns in Hong Kong, on Tsing Yi and Ping Chau Islands, and at Lau Fau Shan and Sai Kung. On Tsing Yi, lime kilns were operated by San Shing Lei (三聖利), Yuen Lei (#), Wing Shing Lung (永成隆), Lam Si Hap (林士合), and Shing Hing (成興); on Ping Chau by Hoh Wang Lei (何宏利), Shing Lei (勝利), and Tung Hing (東興); and at Lau Fau Shan and Sai Kung by Tai Fung (*) and others. These lime kilns produced more than 50,000 piculs of lime (石灰) every month.\n\nEach of these kilns occupied a good deal of space, in order to provide storage space for the raw materials, such as shells, charcoal, dried grass, etc. In addition, each kiln had a number of roofed-over areas for the storage of prepared lime awaiting sale; furthermore, the actual process of preparing lime has to be conducted under shelter.\n\nMost lime kilns were built near the shore, so that the kiln could have a private pier to facilitate the transport of the finished product and of raw materials by boat.\n\nUses of Lime\n\n2\n\nLime is divided into three grades:\n\n(1) Coarse lime (粗石灰) — used for plastering walls\n\n(2) Fine lime (白石灰) — used for plastering ceilings\n\n* See Plates 42-47", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 326, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "305\n\nTHE SOLDIERS AT THE TUNG CHUNG FORT ON LANTAU ISLAND IN LATE CH’ING TIMES\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nIn the 1968 Journal (Vol. VIII, pp. 165-167) I gave an account of the naval and military garrison at the Tung Chung Fort, taken from an old lady born at Tung Ching in 1877 and married into another village in the area. A few years later I found, and was able to speak several times with, another old lady from the Tung Chung valley. She was born at Ngau Au village in 1879 and like the other had married into Sheung Ling Pei (at age 22 sui). She had this to say about the fort and its garrison, and her account both corroborates and adds to the earlier account. I have run the text of our conversations together, and they amount to the following:\n\n\"The fort was there to protect us villagers. They were successful in this. When I was young there were no robbers and pirates, though I heard that there had been many before I was born. There were lots of soldiers, about 70 to 80, under an officer called a sau fu (少府). The soldiers wore robes. Their superiors were better dressed and had horses to ride. These officers had some contact with the elders of the villages of Tung Chung area, but did not speak with the younger men or the women. The soldiers' supplies were brought in. There was no need for us to give or sell foodstuffs to them, and the soldiers didn't have to do any cultivation themselves. They were all Kwangtung men and spoke in Punti. Some were even local villagers. The soldiers had many flags, over ten of them at least. The men of the garrison went to worship at our Hau Wong Temple on the 1st and 15th of each month, and joined in the opera show that was held yearly at the temple on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month. There were wind and steam driven military vessels in the anchorage, and I remember that some were blown onto the adjoining San Tau beaches in a typhoon.\"\n\nThis old lady also had interesting things to say about the temple inside the walls of the fort. It was, she said, a Sham Shing Miu (神聖廟) but only worshipped by the officers and troops of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210368, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 339, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "318\n\nDIOCESAN BOYS SCHOOL SEVENTY YEARS AGO\n\nW.J. HOWARD*I\n\nFor over half a century St John's Cathedral has been untroubled by the attendance of the boys of the Church of England's Diocesan Boys' School. During this long period the silence has been broken only once by the boys, when a memorial service was held at the Cathedral on 11 December 1979 in honour of the late Rev. George Samuel Zimmern, M.A. (Oxon), who was an old boy, a chaplain of the Cathedral, a headmaster of the school, a magistrate, a barrister-at-law and a social worker. George died in Bristol, England, in November 1979, aged 75. During the service the school's string band played \"Jesu, Joy of Man's Desiring\", one of George's favourite anthems. The entire school came over from Kowloon to attend and the Cathedral was filled to overflowing.\n\nExcept on this one occasion the Cathedral's silence has remained unbroken by the boys. But in my time, as a member of the school's matriculation class of 1919, I can recall vividly St John's Cathedral ringing with the mirthful sounds of myriads of boys Sunday after Sunday. That was before the school was removed from Hong Kong to Kowloon.\n\nThe school at that time was a puritanical one. Discipline was strict. As boarders we had to attend numerous church services. The senior boys had first to attend Communion at St John's at 6.50 a.m. every Sunday morning. This entailed a long walk from the school, which was then situated in Bonham Road at its junction with Eastern Street. This entailed rising before the normal reveille bell sounded at 6 a.m. It was usually the Rev. W.T. Featherstone, M.A. (Oxon), who was headmaster of the school, who officiated at that early morning service. He had a melodious voice which was well suited to the sung Eucharist.\n\nOn returning to school after communion, all the boys including the very young ones had to march to St Peter's Church in\n\n* See plate 48.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210369, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 340, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "319\n\nSaiyingpun for the 11 a.m. Matins service. St Peter's at that time was situated at the site where the Western Police Station now stands. The site also contained a Seamen's Home. In days of old many ships berthed at West Point and the sailors attended the services there. I have but to close my eyes now and I can see the words GOD SO LOVED THE WORLD THAT HE GAVE HIS ONLY BEGOTTEN SON painted in brilliant letters on the wall behind the altar. The school supplied two rows of choir boys. Henry Sykes, the assistant headmaster, often filled the role of organist.\n\nBetween 2.00 and 4.00 p.m. on Sundays, the boys had to learn the Collect of the day and a portion of the Gospel by heart for repetition to the Master on duty. The Gospel was easier to learn than the Collect which, although shorter, was more difficult to master.\n\nThere followed a short rest after which the boys, with the exception of the very young ones, had to proceed to St John's for the 6.30 p.m. Evening Service. On returning to school after Evensong, after the long walk, the boys had to attend a final service held in the School Hall by the Master on duty. They were then permitted to retire to their dormitory at 8.00 p.m. Meals were frugal.\n\nSir Claud Severn, who was then the Colonial Secretary and, for brief periods, the Officer Administering the Government, took a keen interest in the Diocesan Boys' School. He would send the Governor's car, with its Crown, when he was O.A.G., to the school to fetch some of the choir boys to join the Cathedral choir. Sir Claud himself sang with the Cathedral choir. He had a strong bass voice which he employed to perfection in his rendering of Good King Wenceslas and the First Nowell in Christmas services. His singing always thrilled the boys who sang treble. According to one of our school masters Sir Claud nearly married Miss Goggin, our school matron. Unfortunately the romance ended when Miss Goggin died in January 1920. She had a brother who was shipping manager of Dodwell & Co. Ltd., at the time.\n\nThe organist at St John's in my time was Denman Fuller. In those days the Cathedral had a grand pipe organ which to my", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "36 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\nthan cubicles, were furnished with wooden beds, mosquito nets and chests for clothes and so on, while the \"cockloft” (gok tzae) upstairs was used for storage and might contain another sleeping cubicle (often used especially for the unmarried daughters of the house). The wooden partition facing the entrance in the front room downstairs was usually decorated with family photographs and carried also a small shelf with ritual paraphernalia and red paper hangings. In 1970 every house contained at least one radio (normally pouring forth a steady stream of Cantonese opera at full pitch) and an electric fan, all had electric light, most had an electric rice cooker or two, and two had refrigerators. \n\nIn 1950 no house had glazed windows, and most of the unceiled pitched tile roofs dripped muddy patches on the earthen floors on rainy days. The old houses covered a somewhat larger area than the present ones, and were taller. They were divided internally in a somewhat similar way, but were far less comfortably furnished. They were used differently, too. Women, children, and sometimes pigs, were the normal inhabitants. Pigs scavenged the paths by day, and were shut up in the pig-sties at night. Children went to school a little, played a little, helped their mothers. Women cared for pigs and babies, and cultivated sweet potatoes and occasionally ground-nuts on small patches of hillside, chopping and boiling the leaves for pig fodder. They also cut wood and grass for sale as fuel to the Boat People. They cooked, with wood and sometimes charcoal, in great flattish iron bowls set into stone-built stoves on the right-hand side of their front doors. They bought their rice and most other dry goods from one of the village shops, begged or took fish from the drying grounds, and ate (rather shamefacedly) their own sweet-potato leaves and tubers. The little money they made from the sale of fuel was augmented from the wages of their menfolk and the sale of pigs, which was also usually conducted by men. But husbands and sons came home only intermittently from their wage employment in Kowloon, stayed for a few days and then returned. The only permanent male residents on land were the senile and the very young, the shopkeepers and the old man who looked after the temple, where the school teacher also lodged during term time.14 \n\n13", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210462, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "50\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nsun, and continuous weather watching.\n\nWomen assisted in most of these jobs, and in addition were responsible for all the interior boat (and house) cleaning, cooking, cutting and collecting fuel and fetching water and, of course, clothes making, washing and mending. The entire care of very young children also fell to them. Unless she was still unmarried and had efficient sisters-in-law or was old with efficient daughters-in-law, a boat woman had virtually no free time. (A third but unlikely possibility would be that she had no children). Those who moved ashore during the 'sixties found life much less exacting. Not going fishing they were neither so fatigued nor so pressed for time, and managing a family household ashore was far less physically uncomfortable and time consuming than on a small boat. The outwork for Hong Kong plastics factories on which the women of Kau Sai were making pin-money in the late 'sixties would not have been possible, even if it had been available, in the early 'fifties.\n\nMen had always a little more time for recreation. Gambling (at poker, Russian poker, or mah-jong), talking, listening to the radio, sleeping and playing with young children were their major pastimes. Sometimes they even went fishing, for fishing remained a sport as well as a source of livelihood. At times they would drift into the shops to buy cigarettes and snacks (sweets, cake, aerated water), and when they were working on any major job (sail-making, for example, in the old days, or drying especially large quantities of fish) there would be a mid-day luncheon perhaps cakes or biscuits bought from the shop, or maybe something special cooked on the boat and sent across to them to eat. Birthdays, too, were often marked in this way.\n\nBy about four o'clock the dried nets and fish were being gathered in, the purse-seiners would be preparing to go out again, the children wandering back or being collected by older brothers or fathers or uncles or cousins, the evening meal being prepared. Then after eating and washing once more the fishermen would be off for the next night's business. At sunset each evening as at sunrise each morning incense was burned for the ancestors and at the prow (where was located the water equivalent of the land-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210482, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "70\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nAll the fore part of the deck remains open. This is the working platform from which fishing operations are conducted, fish and nets both being stored just below. Usually this open deck is also used for storing things: lamps, sinkers, landing nets, fish tubs and baskets, coils of rope, often a sampan when not in use. The wooden partition immediately aft of the main mast has sliding doors on either side. At New Year these are decorated with new paper Door Gods, and often lucky couplets. The main function of the partition is to provide support for the forward end of the removable cover which can be spread between it and the roof of the wooden cabin further aft again. These covers are usually made of oiled cloth or canvas stretched over bamboo slats. They are easily rolled up or down on either side and can be removed altogether if necessary. Similar covers project beyond the cabin roof towards the poop. It is, of course, impossible to stand up under the covers, but the space is perfectly comfortable for sitting, with about a foot to spare overhead. To move from one part of the deck to another one must either step outside and walk along the gunwale or the catwalk, or crawl through the doors. The bamboo slats which are always on the inside of the covers are useful for hanging things from.\n\nThe small wooden cabins are peculiar to the purse-seiners. Though they are not unknown on some of the smaller craft in other places, no other Kau Sai junks had such cabins, and I was always told that this was because the purse-seiners carried more people aboard and were more likely to hire non-family members as additional crew. In such cases, and indeed usually, the cabin was the sleeping place for unmarried girls. The cabins had sliding doors fore and aft. Some of them were fitted also with sliding windows at the sides. Inside most cabins on the port side was a small cupboard with doors which opened to reveal the family's ancestral shrine. Here, too, incense was offered every day.\n\nThe covered spaces fore and aft of the cabin were the main \"living rooms\". In summer meals were taken on the open deck forward, but in poor weather they were always eaten in the forward covered shelter, though women and very young children", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "71\n\nusually ate in the after shelter or on the poop near the galley. Sleeping arrangements naturally varied a little from family to family according to numbers, ages and sexes. In general the most recently married couples slept in the after shelter. Hired men always slept in the forward shelter, or, in summer, on the open deck. It has to be remembered that purse-seiner fishing normally takes place at night. Young children and perhaps the very old may sleep right through, but the able-bodied sleep only in snatches and have to make up for it during the day. Junk owners and women normally do this on board, but numbers of young men, including most of the hired hands, can be seen any day stretched out on the floor of the temple or in one of the shops or other houses for several hours. The provision of day-time sleeping places for the night-time fishermen is thought of as one of the major advantages of building a house ashore. Shortage of sleep is endemic among purse-seiners in the main season; it is compensated somewhat by an ability to fall asleep anywhere, any time and in any position.\n\nSmall Long-Liners\n\nRather less beamy than the purse-seiners and lacking the wooden cabin amidships, the small long-liners can also easily be distinguished by the different gear they carry. Instead of kerosene lamps with dark blue or blue-green cylinders and huge glass globes like goldfish bowls, there are small rectangular flags on short bamboo sticks fluttering in the wind at the prow or in the shrouds. They are usually black, occasionally red or white, and act as markers when the lines are put down.\n\nKau Sai's small liners were of two types, known locally as sharp-nosed boats (tsim tau teng) and blunt-nosed boats (tai t’au t’eng) respectively. The former, with an average length of about 21' to 31' overall and a breadth of, say, 8' or 9', is normally the larger of the two, Kau Sai's handliners were essentially similar in hold and deck layout to the blunt nosed boats.\n\nTwo major differences between the use of the holds on the larger of the two types of small long-liner and the purse-seiners illustrate their different kinds of catch and ways of living. Purse-\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210496, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "84 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\nwent out fishing, nearly all took in out-work for city-based manufacturies, making plastic flowers or hand-bags or stringing beads for cheap costume jewellery. At the same time, with the new methods purse-seining was tending to become more and more a man's job: of course it was still better to use family women than engage hired men, but family women were not quite so much needed for fishing as they had been when the older methods were in use. However, a crew of 6 to 8 able-bodied men could hardly be provided by the ordinary nuclear family, especially as education was now valued enough to keep 10- or even 12- and 14-year-olds at school. So inshore purse-seining remained essentially an extended rather than a nuclear family business, and where even the extended family unit was quite small women were still likely to be called upon to take an active part. \n\nGenerally speaking, the family situation on small long-liners and others was straightforward: as we have seen, the group comprised either a nuclear or a stem family. In the latter case, it was almost always the eldest son who continued to live on board his father's boat with his wife and young children, his younger brothers remaining there only while they were still too young to find paid employment elsewhere. A younger son on a small liner could get a job as a hired hand on a purse-seiner or other type of fishing boat, either locally or in one of the larger fishing centres, at the age of about 16. It was usually more profitable for a small liner family to put its younger sons out to work than to continue to feed them at home where their contribution to the fishing operations would be at best superfluous. This topic is discussed at fuller length in the section on hired labour below. \n\nPurse-seine arrangements were usually more complicated, especially in the days when purse-seiners worked in pairs. Most commonly the pair was run as a joint venture by members of an undivided, agnatically extended family. Thus for many years after 1939-40 when his old father Shek Ch'uen Foon (who died in 1956 aged 87) retired, Shek Kwai Hoi and his son Shek Cheung Hei ran a pair of purse-seiners together until in 1960 Kwai Hoi in his turn retired also and decided to move ashore, whereupon his second son, Cheung Woh, took his place. A little", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210505, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "93\n\nlate fifties but still vigorous and with an eldest surviving son as yet only in his mid-twenties. In 1970 the old man was still alive, the son, now over 40, had replaced him as master about the year 1960. On the small liners, also, by 1970 some of the masters of the stem and nuclear family crews of twenty years before were still living as retired ex-masters, their eldest sons now in charge. (There was still no three generation family with more than one married male of the second generation present on any of the small liners in 1970). One may link this change with the beginning of increased longevity connected with the rising standards of living in the 'sixties and late 'fifties.\n\nThe small long-liners in Kau Sai thus showed certain consistencies: nuclear and stem families were the most common; normally mastership went with senior paternal status; virtually all males aged 40 years and above were masters, but only one-third of those in their thirties. In 1953, 3 (out of 17) cases differed from this. The differences were of two kinds. In one (2 cases in 1953) the crew comprised two or more undivided brothers with their wives and children; in each case the eldest brother was master, and the joint father had died fairly recently. It is safe to predict that these were unstable groups, and that unless a decision were made to change to a larger scale of long-lining (medium long-lining) or other type of fishing requiring a larger crew, and unless there was enough capital to make this possible, the brothers would formally divide their families within a few years. In both of the 1953 cases this occurred. The 4 newly formed crews were then, of course, of the normal nuclear family type.\n\nThe second type of difference from what was usual in 1953 occurred if a senior father retired from active mastership. In 1970 there were 3 (out of ...) and in 1953 1 (out of 17) such cases. In all the 1970 cases the crew comprised a stem family and with the retirement of the senior male the married son present (in every case the eldest son in about his mid-thirties or early forties) stepped into his shoes. The 1953 case was unusual in that the crew comprised only a nuclear family and father had retired from mastership a few years before leaving his only son, still unmarried and only 24 years old in 1953, in charge. The young", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210513, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "101\n\nreferring to this same threat. Neither she nor anyone in Kau Sai volunteered the still more generalised argument in terms of the classical Chinese cosmological dualism between 'Yin' and 'Yang' that might be expected from a literate informant though they probably all could have done so. Dualism was an unquestioned assumption with which every Kau Sai person I talked with was familiar, but which was very seldom invoked. For most of them most of the time the polluting nature of menstruation was a self-evident and sufficient reason for the taboos.\n\nIt is perhaps worth noting that Kau Sai men never raised these matters with me, and when I enquired about the sexual divisions of labour always ascribed them entirely to differences in physical strength and health and (with reference to cooking and the care of young children on the one hand, and marketing fish and building junks on the other) in know-how. Women, who were voluble and endlessly inquisitive about all matters connected with female physiology, stressed much more than the ritual prohibitions the personal discomfort, inconvenience, and above all sheer embarrassment of having to cope with the menstrual flow in the confined space of a small boat where \"everyone must know about it\". One of the great advantages of moving ashore was felt to be that this particular problem was much easier to deal with there.**\n\nTwo further physical and ritual peculiarities associated with women and their participation in work in the fishing boats must be mentioned before leaving this digression. Pregnant women were under no special prohibitions that I could discover, but after either birth or miscarriage a woman was unclean, for a full month or until after the performance of the ritual known as \"changing the gods” (woon shan). A birth, indeed, put not only the mother but also the boat and all its company into the ritual quarantine I have already mentioned, like a death; it did not put an end to fishing operations however, and though the woman herself was theoretically not supposed to do so, I was told that in fact she often did help with the drawing in of nets etc., once she was strong enough, provided that she observed the usual (menstrual) taboos.\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210514, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "102\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nIt should not be inferred from any of the foregoing that the potentially polluting nature of females in general and the actually polluting nature of menstruating and parturient females in particular was not considered to be of prime importance. The dangers were certainly felt to be completely real, the fears they engendered just as worrying to the women as the men. It so happened, however, that the prohibitions that were believed to ward the dangers off had little to do with the performance of work. Provided she observed the correct ritual taboos and did not take part in shooting lines or nets while in a state of impurity a woman's participation in fishing operations was not thought to be unlucky.65\n\nBoth in 1953 and 1970, when the full counts were made, the Boat population of Kau Sai was distributed almost equally between males and females.\n\nChildren and the elderly\n\nThe following information has been compiled from the full count made in 1953 and discussed in more detail in Chapter below [not included in manuscript]:-\n\n \n Type\n Number\n 0-9\n 10-15\n 16-59\n Over 60\n Total\n \n \n Purse-seiner\n 37\n 121\n 25\n 180\n 13\n 339\n \n \n small long-liner\n 15\n 26\n 16\n 55\n 3\n 100\n \n \n medium long-liner\n 3\n \n 7\n 1\n \n 11\n \n \n hand-liners and others\n 8\n 8\n 3\n 17\n 1\n 29\n \n \n Totals\n 61\n 158\n 44\n 259\n 18\n 479\n \n\nThe divisions in this table have been made to accord with the common practice of including young people of 16 years and above in the economically active section of a population and excluding old people over 60. There was nothing very realistic about this division in Kau Sai, where boys and girls around 10...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210517, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "105 \n\nhands on board. The total number was 31, of whom 5 were women. The returns I have for 1970 list no paid employees at all.\n\nAs might be expected, most hired hands were young, 25 of the 31 being under 30 years of age, and only 3 over 40. Interestingly enough 2 of these 3 were females, both of them women with sons also employed on the same boats. The other 3 women were wives of hired men.\n\nOnly 13 fokis were genealogically related to their employers, 8 being affines, 4 agnates and 1 a matrilateral kinsman. About half-a-dozen were described to me as sons of well-known neighbours. For the rest I have no information. Recruitment, which took place at Chinese New Year and around the Dragon Boat Festival (the 5th day of the 5th lunar month) was normally through the local \"grapevine\", or, much less commonly, by written advertisement posted at one or other of the shops in Shaukiwan or Sai Kung which specialised in this kind of thing. Applicants answered the advertisements by approaching the shopkeepers who, already known to the prospective employers, then acted as “introducers\" (gaay siew yan, introduce man recommended). At New Year 1952 Chung Fuk Hei recruited two new fokis in this way, one of his previous employees having left to join a more congenial boat family in Kau Sai, the other (a poor relation) having been sacked for laziness (and gluttony: Fuk Hei was continually grumbling about the number of bowls of rice his employees managed to put away in a day).\n\nHired men received full board and lodging on the boats on which they worked, and a money wage which in most cases worked out at about 4% of the value of the catch. Women received board and lodging, too, and a sum of about $H.K.15 a month. On some boats the 4% share was paid at irregular intervals as money came in and convenience dictated; on others, more regularly. Usually payments were handed over about once a week or twice a month. The share was always calculated on the gross total takings before the deduction of any other expenses. It was several times explained to me that it would not be fair (mm gung doe, lit: not right reach, or mm gung ping, lit: not right level) for fokis to have to share in the expenses. Thus while", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210520, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "108\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nintelligent and a willing worker. With about four years' village schooling as a boy in China behind him, he was better educated than most Kau Sai fishermen at the time. Nevertheless, he remained a foki, unmarried and without prospects. This was largely because he had no kinsmen of any kind, all having been lost to him during the Japanese occupation of Kwangtung and Hong Kong. By birth a land child, he had taken to work on fishing boats faute de mieux when he found himself alone in the world at the age of about 16. Now, a dozen or so years later, he was indistinguishably a boat man. His earnings were too small to make it possible for him to marry, unless someone else would put up the bride-price for him (a most unlikely occurrence, though not unknown), and although he could have saved enough to buy at least a sampan of his own, he preferred the freedom from responsibility of a hired man's life on his employer's boat, with all found and a chance to supplement his earnings every now and again.\n\nIn this, he but followed the pattern of all the other unmarried fokis: a married man liked to have his own boat, however small, or a woman alone might also own her sampan; unmarried men seldom, if ever, did so. Only 3 of the 31 fokis employed in Kau Sai in 1953 owned small boats of their own. All were married men over thirty years of age with more than one child. Two of these boats were small sampans, normally acting as houseboats for the man's wife and two or three young children, occasionally journeying to Sai Kung, where the boat population was much larger, or to one of the local Boat Peoples' festivals, when short-haul water transport was in demand to make a small income from ferrying passengers. The third boat, with a somewhat larger complement, including the owner's two adult brothers as well as his wife and children, acted as a hand liner catching smallish quantities of good-quality fish and selling them direct to local consumers or tea-houses in Sai Kung. Both the adult men on this boat were unmarried and had previously worked as fokis on other men's boats. They were prepared to do so again if their present experiment failed. Unfortunately, on my return to Kau Sai in 1959, I found they had moved away, and I have no further record of their story. The other 3 married fokis in Kau Sai in 1953 had their wives living with them on their employers' boats.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210522, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "110\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nfamilies to find employment elsewhere, put their own wives and children on sampans and hire themselves out as employees to their erstwhile peers. It is a pity that my records do not allow me to distinguish clearly between these two major categories of foki: those whose natal families had merely, as it were, loaned them out, and those who had had to turn to paid employment or starve. Among the former must be included youths like Chung Fuk Woh's son who deliberately ran away from home but nevertheless remained (albeit somewhat grudgingly) a recognised member of his natal family; among the latter, men like Leung Shui Hei alone in the world (whether accidentally or deliberately), and no longer linked into any kind of ongoing group of kinsmen. The elderly bachelor Ma Fung Shan, described below, was in a kind of intermediate position: originally a younger son put out to work on someone else's boat, he was by 1953 the sole surviving member of his father's family of procreation, split off by formal division more than twenty years before from the extended family group which his father's father's sons had at one time formed together. Ma Fung Shan had many local kinsmen, but no family to belong to. Unique in Kau Sai, there were many like him elsewhere.\n\nAs long as their natal families remained undivided and they themselves remained recognised members, fokis were expected not only to support themselves but also to send or take back remittances. A number of the younger fokis in Kau Sai did just that, returning home from time to time (particularly at Chinese New Year or the Dragon Boat Festival, but also on other holidays and sometimes during slack periods in the fishing seasons) with contributions to their natal families' funds, on which, of course, they still also had a claim. Such a young man was relatively well-off, in that even if he did not usually look forward to re-entering his natal family crew as a working member (and even this was not impossible when, as occasionally happened, business expanded or re-expanded and a larger crew was needed after all) he was still a member and could hope to be provided both with a bride and a share in the family's property when it was divided.\n\nIt is true that only 6 of the 26 male fokis in Kau Sai in 1953", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210523, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "111\n\nwere currently married, but 16 were under 30 years of age and can be assumed to have been still marriageable. Of the family circumstances of 4 of these I unfortunately have no information. Five were recorded as being fatherless. Only the 7 whose fathers were still alive as heads of undivided families could have had a reasonable expectation of matrimony. I have already mentioned Ma Fung Shan, the foki who was still a bachelor at 43 and expected to remain so. Three of his agnatic first cousins were Kau Sai residents, but family division had taken place some twenty or more years previously and none had any responsibility for him, though most admitted to a moral obligation to offer him employment. The fatherless unmarried men and those for whom I have no information, if not like Leung Shui Hei entirely cut off from all their kinsmen, were likely in due course to find themselves in much the same situation as Ma Fung Shan.\n\nOccasionally an employer might be willing to put up the bridewealth for a good foki whom he wanted to keep. Chung Fuk Hei was said to have done this in the mid-forties, just after the Japanese occupation, when he had recently decided to work his own boat separately from his brothers' and while his one son was still too young to be fully a crew member. But the moral of the tale of this act of generosity, which I was told more than once, was always the same; namely, one should never put one's trust in strangers, especially if they are hired men. Within a year of his marriage the favoured foki went off with his bride to one of the bigger fishing centres where he got a better paid job for himself and a sampan with which to run a water-taxi service for her. Fuk Hei was an irascible man, as most informants were willing to agree, and by no means an easy master to work for; moreover, he paid low wages. Nevertheless the foki's behaviour was universally condemned, and Fuk Hei derided for a fool. What else could be expected from a mere hired man?\n\nExcept among the fokis themselves attitudes of this kind were universal. Fokis were considered untrustworthy, lazy, usually incompetent, cheeky, unreliable, greedy, extravagant. Few employers, or even their sons who worked side by side with them, knew much about their hired men. Several times, on asking the name of a particular individual I was answered, with a disinter-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210528, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "116\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\n50 Two of these men were already married and with several children; each was master of a second boat in a purse-seine pair. The third, aged only 20, was the very recently bereaved son of a man who had died in an accident. This boy later took a paid job ashore in Sai Kung. The father of the fourth (aged 24) was still living with him on his junk. This case is described further in the text below.\n\n51 [The manuscript at this point allows almost three blank pages after this phrase: \"The data for 1970, compiled for me by\". The blank pages are followed by this paragraph: \"One major difference between the figures for 1953 and 1970 is the disappearance from the latter of the two-boat firm of purse-seiners. Concomitant with this, there has been a general diminution in the number of purse-seiners and some raising of the age of boats' mastership. We have already seen how it is linked also with mechanisation and the move ashore.\"]\n\n52 For example, the 20-year-old master and his mother mentioned above, and the blind man with a sick wife and one ten-year-old son were both hand liners.\n\n53 Cp. above Table 1. The discrepancy between the figures there and in Table 3 is due to the fact that the ages of the crews of 2 small liners were not recorded. Both housed nuclear families with father as master.\n\n54 Barnett's hypothesis (above p. 101) was formed on the basis of the Census in 1960. If improved living standards among the Boat People date (as I believe they do) from the acceptance of mechanisation, they would only begin to become generally apparent from about that date onwards.\n\n55 The economic arguments for and against division in such circumstances could be very evenly balanced. With mechanisation, it might well pay a group of brothers to stay together and convert to medium long-lining. See Chapters 8 and 9. For family division in general, see Chapter below.\n\n56 So much so, and so well authenticated by magical signs, that it was difficult to find him a bride. See below Chapter 9.\n\n57 Cp. D. above. [A table, similar to Table 4, probably intended.]\n\n58 See my forthcoming study of the Boat People of Hong Kong. [Not written.]\n\n59 Above, pp. [105-6].\n\n60 Above, pp. [96-7].\n\n61 The most poignant incident during my stay in Kau Sai concerned a young Sai Kung-based fisherman who left his wife and two tiny children on board their small junk while he went off in a sampan to set fish traps. On his return about an hour later, the junk was empty. Presumably the toddler had fallen overboard, and the distraught mother trying to reach him had toppled in herself, taking the baby, who was slung upon her back, with her.\n\n62 m gon ching: this term can be used with either ritual or secular connotations.\n\n63 Women were said to suffer more often from sea-sickness.\n\n64 To staunch the flow, they used sheets of locally made absorbent paper (iso chi, lit: coarse paper; the adjective can have the same double meaning as in English). This was tucked between the legs and held in place by the close-fitting underpants which were worn by both sexes and sometimes also by a waist cord. The paper was cheap, easily available, bulky, uncomfortable, and almost impossible to dispose of privately at sea. Once convinced that, contrary to their...\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210529, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "117\n\nexpectations, non-Chinese women also menstruated they were usually eager to enquire about different practical techniques. My notebooks and diaries indicate that this was the topic raised much the most frequently by the fisherwomen I talked with, particularly on a first meeting. Questions about child bearing and rearing, and about kinship relationships in general were some way behind. Sex relations as such were never mentioned. It may be relevant to point out that on my first and longest stay in Kau Sai I was known to be unmarried, but I do not recall that there were differences on subsequent occasions after my marriage and the birth of my children.\n\n65 Other aspects of this topic are discussed in the chapters on family relationships, and ritual below. [Not included in manuscript.]\n\n66 Unless stated otherwise ages are given according to the traditional Chinese methods of reckoning which were in exclusive use in Kau Sai. In that system a new born baby is said to have one year of life. After birth an additional year-of-life (sui) is added at each Chinese New Year. Ages reckoned in this way are thus always one or two years in advance of western reckoning. A child aged ten by Chinese reckoning would be 8 or 9 by Western reckoning, a man of 60 would be 58 or 59, and so on.\n\n67 See preceding note on age reckoning.\n\n68 Interestingly enough, the number of girls staying on at school to the age of 15 or 16 has remained high. This may be connected with the move ashore, which probably allows young people of both sexes from the purse-seiners more free time. A few girls from other fishing centres (but none from Kau Sai) have successfully passed the examinations for Coxswains' & Engineers' Certificates.\n\nGlossary of Chinese characters\n\nboon-loi **\n\nboon waan taipus\n\n100\n\nالمباراة\n\nالبرار\n\nboon wan ge jan APBA ch'eah fong chow shan foki kit fung shui\n\nK\n\ngaay siew yan IMA\n\nghaah cheung (chia chang) K gok tsai 181\n\nho gan-iu\n\nf\n\nHung Shing Kung\n\nkam shing teng kau tu\n\nKau Sai\n\n4\n\nku tsai\n\nlaau\n\nA\n\nTHE\n\n唔乾淨\n\n喺度\n\nMST\n\nWAT\n\nm gon ching\n\nmm gung doe\n\nmm gung ping\n\nnaau 1561\n\np'a l'eng isai PABETE\n\np'a tsai\n\n扒你", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210552, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "140\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nThe current scholarly debate on the behavior of spirits in Chinese society owes a great deal to this earlier literature. Echoing Goody, Maurice Freedman rests his claim that the ancestors are benevolent until provoked in large part on the argument that the jural emancipation of sons from their fathers' ritual and economic authority is not delayed until their deaths, but occurs more gradually once the sons attain adulthood.3 The conflicting positions of Hsu and Ahern also become more intelligible once set in this context. If the ancestors are unfailingly benevolent in West Town, it may well be because children there are rarely punished, and because a father treats a son who has married and produced children of his own as his equal.4 In Ch'i-nan, malevolent or simply capricious ancestors have been judged responsible for crippling injuries and deaths among their descendants: here, very young children are in fact routinely subjected to severe corporal and psychological punishment. What is more, for the adult male his father's death means both an end to ritual subordination and in most cases a substantial landed inheritance!75 Ch'i-nan seems, therefore, to be a community in which both explanations can be validated, and Ahern does attempt to establish a cause-effect relationship here by building upon the work of Meyer Fortes, another African anthropologist. Among the Tallensi, whose fathers literally own their children, Fortes concludes that ancestors are “a standardized and highly elaborated picture of the parents as they might appear to a young child in real life mystically omnipotent, capricious, vindictive, and yet beneficent and long-suffering; but the emphasis is far more on the persecuting than on the protecting attributes.” Careful questioning of her adult informants led Ahern to the conclusion that in Ch'i-nan as well, ascendants are not conceived to be elderly and infirm, as most were at the moment of death. Instead, they appear to their own fully grown sons and daughters as active adults in their own right, which can only mean that the perspective is that of the child.7\n\n78\n\nThere is little to be said on the subject of child-rearing in classical antiquity, but Roman fathers long exercised much the same rights over their children that Fortes witnessed among the Tallensi, and it may therefore be suggested that delayed jural", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "152\n\nFOUND IN A PENNSYLVANIA ATTIC –\n\nLetters from China 1903-1906*\n\nWEI PEH T'I\n\nWhile cleaning out his mother's attic in Bala Cynwyd, Harry V. Ryder Jr.' found a bunch of letters that had been sent from Taiho. Bala Cynwyd is an affluent suburb of Philadelphia in Pennsylvania; Taiho a river town in the northwestern corner of the interior province of Anhui in China.\n\n2\n\nThe letters were dated between January 1903 and April 1906. They were written to Harry's maternal grandmother, Louese Hedges Strawbridge, by Edith Rowe, who was a classmate at a \"finishing school” in Philadelphia. Both Louese and Edith were Baptists. Edith's letters reflected the high standard of private school education in eastern United States at that time. Her command of written English was more than respectable. Scenes and events were vividly described; ideas eloquently expressed; and grammar and spelling impeccable. Except for one or two words, her handwriting can be read without any difficulty. Two of the letters contain charming line-drawings, an old-fashioned practice still favoured by young students in American schools today.\n\nLouese Strawbridge was the only child of Samuel and Ann Hedges, who had come originally from Ohio. Samuel Hedges had served as a colonel in the Union Army during the American Civil War. After the war he brought his wife to Philadelphia where he became a successful horse trader.3 Bala Cynwyd is near Devon, in the heart of the Pennsylvania horse country. After graduating from the Friends School, Louese went to a “finishing school\", then was married to George Strawbridge, scion of a family that had founded and operated the prestigious department store, Strawbridge and Clothier. Louese and George had four children. Catherine was born in 1896, Helen in 1900, Janet in 1903 and Benjamin in 1907. Except for Benjamin who died in\n\n* Lecture delivered to the Society on 6 October 1986. The author is grateful to Harry and Phyllis Ryder for making available the letters and for information on Harry's grandmother and her family.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210575, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "163\n\nEdith and her fellow missionaries did not seem to have any higher opinion of the Chinese adults around them — excepting, of course, the Christians, who were another category altogether. Edith had found the Chinese in general noisy, quarrelsome and untrustworthy. In describing three nests of crows living in the trees above her house the first summer she was at Taiho, Edith wrote Louese:\n\nThree families (of crows) were raised over my head this summer, and there was no quiet to be enjoyed for Chinese crows are very loquacious and without number,... They are really Chinese crows for they quarrel a great deal and like to live huddled together.42\n\nThe crows raided the chicken coop and stole eggs, another characteristic Edith attributed to the Chinese. When Mr. Malcolm found a bag that was being used to hold several bats, which the Chinese women were preserving to make Chinese medicine, he immediately jumped to the conclusion that someone was taking advantage of the confusion of moving at the mission to “hide a piece of soap\" with the intention of stealing it. On another occasion, Edith told Louese that despite the fact that she was busy and sick herself, she had to help tend the Ferguson children whose mother was ill, because \"there is no one else to do it and a native cannot be trusted.”\n\nStill, in general, Edith found her work enjoyable if the monotony could be relieved once in a while. Earlier, when Edith was complaining about the bats living in her house, she was actually enjoying the episode. Apparently Mr. Malcolm had not handled the parcel with the bats well. He merely made astonished noises. Edith, with her Quaker training, was made of sterner stuff. She took the parcel back into her house, liberating the content in the process. Despite her chagrin, she recounted the story with relish. Then, in the summer of 1905, the missionaries at Taiho had a visitor with an unusual piece of equipment in his luggage. Edith told Louese:\n\nThe monotony of Taiho has been varied too by a visitor, a young man came and took some pictures for us, will send", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210598, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "186\n\ntoasted bread served to be eaten with silver and ebony chopsticks, and tea to drink holding the saucer with the cup in it and drinking so. The finger bowl was a large wash-rag wrung out of hot water. The next time I went there was a regular feast of seven bowls and four plates, my teacher said that was paying me honour, but I objected and told the lady if she was going to so much trouble I would be afraid to come, so now it is only tea and cakes which requires practice to pick up off of the table with the silver tipped chopsticks.\n\nThe monotony of Taiho has been varied too by a visitor, a young man came and took some pictures for us, will send you one when I get them.\n\nChristmas was livelier than usual this year as we tried to make the best of it for the children. Chinese New Year was less busy than usual because snow and mud kept the immense crowds away. Classes and meetings and school go on as usual, encouragements there are, and next time I may tell you about one or two. Some of the women are coming on nicely. I go to an out station again on Monday if nothing happens to prevent, after being hindered several times lately in the starting. When I return it will be time to get ready to pay the promised visit to my Presbyterian friends at Huai Yuen. I do not like to leave my women but feel it is necessary for my health's sake and future work.\n\nIt is already summer, the cherry blossoms are gone and peach blossoms all but done and we have a long time of heat to look forward to.\n\nWith much love to you and to the children.\n\nAffectionate yours,\n\nEDITH", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210623, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "211\n\nThe Osborn's ornate, timber caravan was high and brightly painted, and almost every time it returned to the village it appeared to have an additional occupant.\n\nIn later years the family comprised father, John Robert Senior, and mother, Harriet Susanna, four sons one of whom was killed in World War I as well as a daughter. In fact John Robert Junior, so people say, was born in that caravan in Foulden. And while people generally had not, unfortunately, much time for gypsies, they had to admit that the Osborns were pleasant, peace-loving people.\n\nBy the start of World War II the caravans had long stopped coming to Foulden, and John Osborn Junior had emigrated to Canada in 1920. However 12 days after the infamous attack on Pearl Harbour, 42 year old (some records state 41) Sergeant Major Osborn, together with his Company of Winnipeg Grenadiers (which consisted of both French and English-speaking Canadians), found himself on the 436 metre high Mount Butler\n\nwith its spectacular view in the centre of Hong Kong Island, waiting to take on the might of the Imperial Japanese Army.\n\nDawn on the 19th December 1941, which was punctuated with blasts and smoke, came up cool and grey with odd wisps of mist. Shortly afterwards, the Grenadiers recaptured Mount Butler summit. However, the Japanese moved three companies against them, and, owing to superior numbers, by about 10.00 am, the Canadians were driven down the hill.\n\nThey then regrouped and attacked in the direction of Wong Nai Chung Gap, and later turned towards Stanley Gap. As the soldiers charged they came under persistent, merciless fire and their ranks were severely thinned. As a result, the Company became divided.\n\nAt that stage Osborn took over. The mainly young and tired group of 65 Grenadiers, which was all that remained after the charge, was under-trained and previously had had no experience in action, although there were some regular non-commissioned officers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210673, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "Ignoring the anxiety of rural cadres, gangs of adventurous youths drifted into the county capital to work in the construction and transportation enterprises. Enterprise managers who sensed that they were soon to be responsible for their own profits and losses were quite willing to employ these youths because they were considered physically stronger, more compliant, and cheaper than city workers.\n\nCommune enterprises were swept by the winds of change that affected the entire Pearl River Delta. Revived market orientations caused less efficient small-scale rural enterprises to go under. Young workers who used to be envied for their choiced employment were left to fend for themselves. The commune factory where Liang had worked was facing grave economic troubles. The manager started to lend idle machinery to other enterprises while seeking various kinds of overseas contracts to keep his workers employed. As a model technician and a former Party Youth League member, respected by his peers and groomed by the commune cadres as the factory's future promise, Liang was particularly disturbed by the situation. Though political relaxation meant maneuverability for some, livelihood in general became more insecure.\n\nWith the belief that the government was opening up in earnest, overseas entrepreneurs began to invest in the delta. County officials as well as cadres in Liang's commune were quite eager to seek overseas contracts to counter the negative effect of their declining control in the collective economy. Through the efforts of both sides, the images of Hong Kong and Macao changed from being corrupt capitalist havens to resource centres for China's modernization. Overseas connections were no longer stigmatised but sought after by foreign trade officials.\n\nOne day in 1979, officials in the county capital unexpectedly gave out application forms at street corners; residents in the county who had relatives in Macao were allowed to apply for emigration. A semi-alien world suddenly opened up. Apprehensive but intensely curious, Liang took a form home to his parents. His application for emigration shocked the commune officials and his friends, though they understood why he wanted to leave.\n\nPage 7", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210674, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "8\n\nHELEN F. SIU\n\nprolonged discussions, the commune officials decided to process the application with the expectation that Liang would help the commune establish overseas business connections. Impatient with the bureaucratic delays, he took his chances and smuggled himself into Hong Kong in late 1979.\n\nOne of Liang's friends could not tell as successful a story. He took a land route to the coast to meet up with a gang ferrying illegal aliens directly to Hong Kong. Caught before he reached the coast, he was confined in a temporary prison. He and fellow prisoners were made to labour but were each given four ounces of rice a day. Isolated and totally at the mercy of the prison officials, they lived the agony of extreme anxiety for half a month. He was then returned to the commune. Though publicly reprimanded, he was allowed to retain his job in the commune factory. His peers actually sympathised with him. However, the weeks of captivity were so traumatic that he swore he could never try the adventure again.\n\nAdapting to the life of an immigrant\n\nFour months after Liang arrived in Hong Kong, he and I met on the campus of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. He had managed to get in touch with two graduate students who had assisted me in fieldwork. We took a walk on the campus grounds after dinner. It was a clear night, and I remember he looked up and said, \"How bright are the stars.\" He was thin and pale, wearing a leather jacket too big for his frame. He looked subdued. I could not believe that he was the young, motivated technician I had met in the commune a year before. I knew he was missing home, because I remembered the starry skies on the nights when we walked home after fieldwork.\n\nTo his surprise, his uncle did not put him up at his home. Instead, Liang had moved to a hostel rented by the restaurant for single male employees. His work hours were harsh from 5 p.m. to early hours of the morning. City noise and congestion made him tense and restless. He was disgusted with his co-workers, who, according to him, gambled all day, swore, and squandered their pay on women, as if there was no future. He could not understand why they wasted the income which, compared to his commune", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210678, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "12\n\nHELEN E. SIU\n\nDecember 1980,\" 80 percent of the menial jobs in restaurants were given to the \"green stamp aliens.\" They were also taking short-term work in construction sites which were dangerous and shunned by local workers. Out of 165 work-related deaths from January 1979 to August 1980, 70 percent were immigrants who had come to Hong Kong for fewer than three years. Many work-related injuries occurred within the first six months of immigration. Not only were recent immigrants getting the most undesirable jobs, but also they were systematically paid less than local workers. 18 Public opinion was blunt: these people should be grateful that they were here; if they did not like their treatment, they should go back to China where they belonged; Hong Kong had its hands full already.\n\nIn a word, the recent immigrants had become the scapegoat for social ills connected with political uncertainty and economic panic faced by a population defensive of what it had gained. The media played up the image of “Ah Chan,” the ignorant and vulnerable “mainland boy.\" Social gossip generated a prejudiced view that most of the young aliens were lazy because they were fed with \"socialist\" education. The same survey (1982) shows that 51 percent of the respondents considered recent immigrants to have problems in learning their jobs and that they were not able to match the efficiency of Hong Kong workers. At a more personal level, over 50 percent of them were unwilling to share living space with these immigrants and 45 percent expressed their reluctance to choose them as spouses. Furthermore, prejudice built around the impression that the immigrants were political activists fleeing political prosecution and were therefore potential trouble-makers. The public soaked in the daily newspaper accounts of the activities of \"the Canton Boys,\" gangs formed by recent illegal immigrants. They were described as overly bold and brutal in conducting their business. In October 1984, a court case concerning a series of jewellery robberies confirmed the fears of the general public. Two of the leaders of a new immigrant gang had actually recruited 'mercenaries' from China to conduct the robberies. The Hong Kong police had a difficult time tracing these criminals because they stayed in Hong Kong only for a short time, and were shielded by underground networks that extended well beyond Hong Kong's social and political boundaries. A movie\n\n19", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210757, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "91\n\nlanterns affixed on the posts shone on Shek O and Tai Long Wan people.\n\nThe priests and ritual representatives visited the faan-gon posts and made offerings three times a day in a procession called haang-chiu (audience procession). When I followed one of those processions in Shek O, however, I discovered that not all four of the faan-gon posts were erected at the corners of the settlement. The first faan-gon post in Shek O visited by the haang-chiu procession was between the school playground and the quarters of the cleansing unit of the Urban Services Department. One of the local members of the procession volunteered the information that the post was set up there because three years ago a fatal accident took place at the spot. Two young boys who lived in the quarters of the cleansing unit were playing there when a stone pillar fell down suddenly and killed both of them.\n\nV. The local gods\n\nThe Tin Hau was represented by her wooden image at the centre of the altar. Behind the image was a piece of red paper on which the titles of ten local deities were written. With the exception of the Sea Goddess (shui sin) of the small temple at one edge of Shek O Beach, they were Baak-gung and Daai-wong earth gods of Tai Long Wan, Shek O, and Seung Wai. One of them, styled jang-paang daai-wong (earth god of the stakenets), was a reminder of the former fishing activities of the local residents. Many others had probably existed for the protection of villagers in fishing and farming. The change in land use is evident in the reply given by Mr. Wong, the local leader, when asked where the god's place was. He said, \"Below the number 10 alley of the Westerners' residences of Tai Long Wan,\" linking the god with the change that had taken place in the locality. He gave the same description for the location of another god, the Earth god of the Banyan Tree Place. For the Seung Wai daai-wong, he explained that it was below no. 1 alley, which had become a residential area for Westerners. It used to be the villagers' settlement which was removed to Shek O for the construction of the golf club. There were also three gods whose names were not known to Mr. Wong. He believed that those were from Hok Tsui, the village which joined in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "93\n\nVI. Some of the events\n\nA series of Taoist rites followed the opening ceremony on the afternoon of the first day. Repeated three times a day on the three days of the celebration were the small processions to make offerings (haang-chiu), and the chanting of the scripture for repentance (baai-chaam). Each day had its additional unique rites. The ones most important to the villagers, according to my experience in the New Territories, included the procession on the main day, posting the list of participants, and the concluding offering to the ghosts.\n\nThe procession on the main day at Shek O included a variation from other jiu processions I had seen: it was a procession carrying Tin Hau's image. It started around 1:30 in the afternoon when the rain had become less heavy after continuing for the whole morning. The procession included a lorry carrying flags commemorating the present and previous celebrations, the image of Tin Hau held by a \"lucky and knowledgeable” women in another lorry, two lion dance groups, a lorry carrying the two pairs of piu-sik, a more-than-thirty-strong Chiu Chau ceremonial music group and many local villagers. The procession first went to pay respect at the Tin Hau Temple. It then went uphill to a place called Shek O Saan Jai (Shek O small hill) and went down again. It was greeted by women holding incense sticks outside their homes. Two women even walked up to the image of Tin Hau. Many families made offerings on tables set up outside their houses. Then the procession started for Tai Long Wan. The rain abated, and later I overheard the comment, “It was raining, but the rain stopped once Tin Hau came out.\" When they arrived there at about 2:30, there were many local villagers waiting, mainly women. Inside the village a table of offerings had been prepared for the Tin Hau. Villagers came individually to make offerings of incense. Then the priests and ritual representatives went to make offerings at the places of two earthgods. I was told that one of the two worshipped was the old earthgod and the other the young earthgod. Before the procession departed, the two lion dance groups performed choi-cheng outside the Tai Long Wan residents' association where there were boxes for the incoming mail of each house. The procession returned to Shek O without going to Hok Tsui because there was not enough time.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210762, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "96\n\nCHAN WING HOI\n\nAlthough the number of persons who walked in the procession was impressive, for it was probably more than 300 at many points, many were in the main on-lookers. This was especially obvious in what I overheard when the procession reached Tai Long Wan. A middle-aged woman made the following comment to her companion: “Come along to the walk and have a good time together.” A young woman asked another, probably her newly married-in sister-in-law, if she had seen the piu-sik before. Someone else made the observation, \"There are so many things to see.”\n\nOnce back at the main ritual area, the Chiu Chau ceremonial music group started a more elaborate performance, with two girls in colourful costume walking their stylized steps carrying fancy baskets on poles. The performance, I learned later from a Chiu Chau friend, was called Chiu Chau fa-laam (flower baskets) and was typical of Chiu Chau celebrations.\n\nBecause of the heavy rain in the morning, the head priest proposed to change the time for posting the participants' names from the time chosen to some time in the afternoon, which, the priest stressed, was the time when the rite took place in the previous celebration. One of the local leaders suggested, without insisting, that maybe the gods wanted the rite to take place at the time chosen, but the priest's opinion prevailed. Two Shek O men whose achievements indicated their lives had been endowed with good fortune acted as laam-bong (recipients of the name list that was said to be granted by Heaven). The ritual for name posting took place between six and seven o'clock in the evening and was followed by two other rites Ying-shing (receiving the gods) and Siu-yau (small offering to the ghosts). I was absent during these rites but learned later from Mr. Leung, a photographer from the Hong Kong Museum of History, that the name posting took place in the rain and there were not many people watching. There were more people reading the document the next morning. Even then, Mr. Leung observed, there were not as many people reading as in the case of the jiu festival of Kam Tin which took place in the previous year in the New Territories.\n\nWhen I arrived at the ritual site on the last day of the festival at around 3:00 p.m., one of the main rites was already in progress. I", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "97\n\nsaw a young man carrying the paper image of a horse, and another young man chasing him. Both were running in the direction of Tai Long Wan. This was part of the se-su (letter of pardon) rite. I learned subsequently from one of the ritual representatives that the two were expected to pass the same spots as the procession of the previous day did. The priests read the memorial after the horse and chaser returned. The rite was followed immediately by a brief performance of Floating the Water Lanterns, the usual rite preceding the final Offering to Ghosts.\n\nThere were more than a dozen middle-aged women preparing paper offerings for the Offering to Ghosts. They claimed to be indigenous residents. This was confirmed by another person I asked. The villagers present were well aware of what was going to take place: \"This evening the daai-si-wong is going to be paraded to as far as Tai Long Wan, and the priests will chant until midnight.” At Tai Long Wan where I went with the priests and the ritual representatives for the haang-chiu procession in the early afternoon, I overheard one young man telling somebody to send someone to Shek O to prepare the Tai Wong Ye [daai-si-wong] for the procession.\n\nThe procession started at about 6:15 in the evening. The daai-si-wong was carried by young men down the main streets of Shek O and then to Tai Long Wan. I later noticed that Mr. Wong and the other leaders in the festival were in the crowd. Most of the participants were young men. At Shek O a few women came out from their homes to greet the procession. Mr. Lam, the seaman, was among the crowd with his wife, but only as an on-looker. He told me that half the participants of the procession were indigenous villagers and half more recent settlers, and that the man who gave command through a loudspeaker was a Tanka whose parents had moved here almost 20 years ago. (He said descendants of newcomers like him mostly worked in the civil service. \"They are indistinguishable from us the indigenous boys.”) Many children and some married women followed. I heard some of the latter making the remark to themselves \"gan-jy haang, haang hou-wan” (follow the daai-si-wong and have good luck). When the procession started for Tai Long Wan one woman came to relay the warning that women were not to follow the daai-si-wong, or at least not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210764, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "98\n\nCHAN WING HỘI\n\nto see it face to face. Some of the others replied that there was nothing to fear, as it had been the practice for several hundreds of years for women to take part. Later when the procession was returning to Shek O I noticed a little boy with his ball and a young couple with their children in a pram. The comment was heard: “gou-hing, tai-ye” (Have a nice time and look at interesting things). The women were chatting all the way, and there were many young girls too.\n\nWhen the procession had gone down Tai Long Wan Road, I heard three or four women talk among themselves about Seung Wai, where their homes had been. A young one recalled that they used to have banana trees there, which produced good bananas and some rice-like stuff, which, her grandmother had told her, was good as chicken feed. The place being more spacious, they had been able to raise chicken too. Her grandmother had pointed out to her where the daai-wong-ye's place was — near where the paddy fields were.\n\nAt one point the bus from Shek O approached, and the young man with the loudspeaker called out to the driver by name “Come on, it is all right if you want to switch on the headlights.\" I noticed many cars were hindered from proceeding before the bus, but this did not seem to have bothered the young man at all. The procession made way for the bus to pass, neglecting the other vehicles.\n\nWhen the procession reached the edge of Tai Long Wan village, the daai-si-wong was put down on the ground facing the village. Many individuals, mainly middle-aged and young women, came to make offerings of incense. A table had been set up for the purpose. Some older women and men looked on. Children were led to walk around the legs of the paper image for good luck. Someone said, “Walk around the legs and you will win the Mark Six lottery\".\n\nThe procession was back at the main ritual area at about 8:30. The daai-si-wong was left facing an altar used by the priests, where an extra table had been set up for the concluding rite. Many came to make offerings at all the altars, but they paid more attention now to the daai-si-wong. Many more, not only small children, but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210765, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "99\n\nalso young women, walked around the legs of the paper image. I heard a man say, perhaps as a joke, “Girls who walk under the legs will marry quickly.”\n\nThe concluding rite known as Great Offering to Ghosts started at about 9:00 p.m. The priests chanted and sang while about 60 people watched. About the same number of people, mostly young, were looking at photos they took on the previous days. They left soon afterwards. When the chanting finished, the villagers, including many middle-aged women who had prepared the paper money, took the offerings to the main beach where a huge hole had been dug. Incense and paper offerings were burnt. The daai-si-wong and his companion, yat-gin-faat-choi, were later taken there, with their faces towards the sea. The final burning was supervised by some of the priests. The photographer Mr. Yue remarked that there were more people at this rite than in the case of Kam Tin. However, in this case, most of those present were onlookers rather than worshippers.\n\nThe head priest had advised in the previous evening the leader Mr. Wong that roast pork and other specified kinds of pork (seung-yuk, laam-yuk) in specified form and quantities were needed for the rite in the morning. The rite is presumably chau-san, Thanksgiving to the Gods.\n\nThe local gods would be sent away two days later because the day after the main rites was an unlucky day (po-yat).\n\nI heard in the procession in the previous evening the comment that those who had contributed more than a certain amount of money were entitled to a meal and roast pork to take home.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210776, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "110 \n\nNICHOLAS TAPP \n\nof the Xishuang Banna area of Southern Yunnan (the Dai account for 59 of Yunnan's 130 counties), almost all Buddhist temples were destroyed in 1965 and 1966, or converted into store-houses, mainly by the people themselves acting under policy directives. In 1980 a similar revival of religiosity took place among the Dai as the new policies of liberalisation began to penetrate the minority areas. Almost every village built a new temple, traditionally the focus of religious and much secular sentiment and exchanges in the Dai communities, and moreover despatched novices of 7-8 years old to be ordained in them. Recently, however, this intensity of fervour has slackened somewhat: fewer novices are being ordained, there are less bun-(merit) making activities undertaken by the villagers, and in general less religious enthusiasm among the young. \n\nHowever, there is no doubt that under the impact of these and similar policies, religiosity has been greatly reinforced among the Buddhist Dai as among the Christian A Hmo, while in the Naxi areas of Northwest Yunnan, locally sponsored Lamaist temples have been re-opened and practising priests may be visited. It is appropriate to point out here the great importance attached to literacy (and hence to education) by many of the national minorities, and the close connection this often has with religious, and therefore ethnic, sentiments. The extraordinary pictographic writing of the Naxi, for example, of which we have good records from the last century, is still in use and very much revered as the repository of the sacred wisdom of these people, in which blessings and spells are still inscribed. The Christianity of the A Hmo, as I have described at length elsewhere (Tapp 1985), originated from the importance they attached to the missionary-invented script for their language, which was the first they had known. As with their Christian faith today, it is often denied that the script has not always been their possession, and it remains in many ways at the core of their faith today. Particular social conflicts have arisen owing to the use of the Pollard script, as the original script is known, and other forms of script introduced later for the language. These different scripts are used by different groups owing to their previous affiliations with different Christian denominations. Again, among the Dai there has recently been a return to the old, Mon script, in which temple records and historical chronicles are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210791, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "125\n\nBetween 1917 and 1923, membership doubled owing mainly to acceptance of the Protestant faith among the Miao tribesmen (La-Tourette, 1929).\n\nIn addition to attracting businessmen, diplomats and missionaries, the unknown interior also coaxed several academics to make pilgrimages to the \"Shore of Pearls\". The most important of these for the natural sciences was undertaken by F.A. McClure, an American botanist teaching at Lingnan Agricultural College, who was commissioned to explore the land resources of Hainan, and if possible, conquer the summit of the rugged Five Finger Range: a feat which had eluded earlier European attempts (McClure, 1922). His first assault on the summit failed, but on April 20, 1922, his second push brought him through the dense undergrowth to the ceiling of the island (McClure, 1922). The important discoveries he made on these and subsequent expeditions to Hainan (1927, 1928, 1929, 1932) form the basis of a great collection of rare plants housed in Guangzhou (Fenzel, 1933), the New York Botanical Gardens, and for some specimens, the Arnold Arboretum at Harvard University (Merrill and Medcalf, 1937).\n\nA zoological expedition, led by Clifford Pope of the American Museum of Natural History, went to Hainan in 1922 (Pope, 1924), while in 1928 the French missionary and ethnographer, M. Savina, studied in detail the language of the Li clans for the first time (Savina, 1929). The German, Gottlieb Fenzel, who journeyed through the interior in 1929 made a significant contribution to the geology and geography of Hainan (Fenzel, 1933), and his fellow countryman, H. Stubel, provided further information on the ethnology of Hainan's aboriginals from his visits in 1931 and 1932 (Stubel and Li, 1933; Stubel and Meriggi, 1937). These published reports by foreign academics provide the bulk of the information on Hainan readily accessible to the western bloc.\n\nCivil War and Japanese occupation\n\nIn 1912, the Manchu dynasty came to an end with the abdication of the young Emperor, Hsuan-t’ung, and the New Republic was declared the constitutional form of state. However, efforts by the weak central government to create unity were sabotaged", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210815, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "149\n\nto join him. The boy had already shown great promise as a student and his teacher had urged his village to sponsor his future studies, but the money for this could not be found.\n\nWhen he arrived in Malacca, however, he began attending classes at the Anglo-Chinese College, it being in the same compound as the press.\n\nHe excelled in the classroom and when the son of the principal was to be sent to the Bishop's College at Serampore in India to further his studies, Ho Fuk-tong was selected to accompany him as a companion. There was an understanding that he could also attend classes if, in return, he taught a class the Chinese language.\n\nAfter a few years the two young men returned to Malacca. Here under the direction of Mr. Legge, Ho Fuk-tong began the study of Greek and Hebrew along with other advanced subjects. He made remarkable progress in the languages and seemed destined for a career as a scholar.\n\nAn unfortunate incident happened, and, but for the humane understanding of his teacher, this incident could have cut short their association.\n\nOne day Mr. Legge discovered his student had committed a moral indiscretion. Ho Fuk-tong had some years before been baptised into the Christian church. Fortunately Mr. Legge was not as strict in applying church discipline as some missionaries of the period were. He believed the transgressor was truly penitent for his misdeed and, after a period of probation, accepted him back. It was decided, however, that it would be best if he returned to his home village and married the girl who had been chosen for him from childhood, even though she was not a Christian at that time.\n\nNot many months after Ho Fuk-tong had left Malacca for his home at Nam Tsuen Sha in Nam Hoi District of Kwangtung, Mr. Legge left for Hongkong.\n\nWhen a suitable period had elapsed after the marriage celebrations, Ho Fuk-tong and his new wife came to Hongkong. Here", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210818, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "152\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nDutch parentage from Malacca, who soon became dissatisfied and left for a more adventurous life at sea; J.H. Moore, born in Macau, who left after a few years, married a beautiful 15-year-old girl from Malacca and then took up newspaper editing and some unprofitable business ventures at Malacca and Singapore; and a student from overseas, William Hunter, an American.\n\nHunter's reminiscences of his days at Malacca indicate he enjoyed them. He studied hard, for it is no easy task for a foreigner to acquire competency in written and spoken Chinese. He enjoyed the companionship of J.H. Moore. When not studying they took long walks, explored the countryside, observed the ways of the people, joined in the excitement of local festivals and shared in the homely life of the missionary staff of the college.\n\nHe studied at the college for 18 months. He had arrived a boy of 12, he left a confident young man of 14. He returned to Canton where he continued studying under the direction of the Rev. Robert Morrison, but he also began learning the business of the counting house and godown. The firm to which he was apprenticed went into liquidation and Hunter returned to New York. But the \"China bug\" had bitten him, and when an opportunity came to return to China in 1830 under the patronage of Russell and Company, he eagerly accepted it.\n\nThis firm had a long history in China trade. Its roots go back to 1789; it took on the name Russell and Co in 1824. It was the largest of the American firms operating in China. It finally failed in 1891, though some members of the firm reorganised in Hongkong as Shewan, Tomes and Co. The latter is still operating in Hongkong.\n\nOne gathers from his reminiscences and references to him by others that he was a pleasant, agreeable, but not an aggressively ambitious person.\n\nWhen Hunter was visiting one of his former business associates in England, a young son of the family met him. Later he described Mr. Hunter as \"a handsome, courteous man with a brown face and white moustache, like a fine type of Anglo-Indian, and speaking Chinese for our amusement with so soft a voice that I have often", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210821, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "155\n\nDr. Legge arrived at Malacca in 1840 as a young missionary teacher. He came having read the glowing reports of the school's progress written by its Principal. Dr. Legge expected to find a school of high standards on the lines set forth in Dr. Morrison's original prospectus. What he came to was something quite different.\n\nWhile the school operated under the name of a college, it was actually little more than an elementary school.\n\nDr. Legge was critical. This naturally did not endear him to his superior, the Rev. John Evans, the man who had been in charge of the school for more than six years.\n\nMr. Evans attributed the criticisms to the inexperience and brashness of a young man unacquainted with the local situation.\n\nBut Dr. Legge was not the only person to criticise.\n\nA Singapore missionary wrote to his board in America: “They have made much noise and excited large expectations as to the prospects of usefulness of the college. A strange sort of reserve and mystery was kept up about the Establishment. Part of this has probably been due to the haughty manner and uncourteous deportment of Mr. Evans.”\n\nOne of Mr. Evans' innovations was to prohibit the students from visiting their homes. He felt that if they were away from the school even for a brief time, they would be exposed to bad influences.\n\nThe principal of a missionary boarding school at Singapore thought Mr. Evans' policy very unwise as it ran counter to traditional Chinese practice.\n\nHe explained: “The ties which bind parents and children together cannot be rudely torn asunder, where they are as fully developed as they are among the Chinese, without great danger to the child. Should the boys ever become able to think for themselves, and have the Bible in their hands, they will find it difficult to respect the authors of such a system.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210822, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "156\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nWhen Dr. Legge took charge, he immediately changed the system. When he arrived at Malacca, Mr. Evans was already suffering from a fatal illness and he died some months after.\n\nThis change gave Dr. Legge the opportunity to put his own ideas of management and teaching into practice. The student body had dwindled from seventy students in 1837 to twelve in 1840. Six more left after Dr. Legge took over. With the remaining six, he began to build anew.\n\nAfter two years he wrote: \"I have about thirty boys from ten to sixteen years of age, and four young men . . . My maxim is to communicate ideas to them, to call their faculties into exercise, and to make them teach themselves, just as they feed themselves, it being my task to furnish them with the appropriate nourishment.”\n\nPrompted by the suggestion of John Morrison, the son of Dr. Morrison, Dr. Legge began to think about the removal of the college to China. Political events were leading to the opening of China for foreign residence and the British possession of Hong Kong.\n\nWithin days of the planting of the British flag on Hongkong Island Mr. John Morrison was writing letters anticipating the transfer of the Anglo Chinese College.\n\nHe believed that neither money nor support would be a problem, for he wrote: “On a settlement of commercial and political affairs... there is no object that will so much open men's purses here as the Anglo Chinese College. Can we but give a fair ground of assurance that it is to take new life, and progress as rapidly as for some years past it has been retrograding.”\n\nDr. Legge responded to Morrison's suggestions with enthusiasm. Both men wished to revive the college in accord with original plans.\n\nBy the time Dr. Legge was prepared to move, there was the prospect of amalgamation with a school already established in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210824, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "158\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nBritish Plenipotentiary, informed them that missionaries would not be welcomed at the Treaty Ports. British officials felt missionary efforts to convert Chinese would provoke the hostility of the mandarins and hinder the proper development of commerce and trade with foreigners.\n\nSir Henry maintained that the treaty extended only to commercial relations between Great Britain and China and not to religious activities.\n\nDuring the discussion about the Anglo Chinese College some of the missionaries were rather critical of Dr. Morrison and his work. This deeply hurt his son, John Robert Morrison, who had been invited to attend the Hongkong meeting by the Mission Society's directors in London. This did not please some of the missionaries in the field, for the young Mr. Morrison was not a missionary but had the office of Chinese Secretary in the Government. A disinterested observer who attended the meetings remarked: \"Indeed it seemed to be the studied purpose of some of them to cast discredit on Dr. Morrison by all means. John Morrison was affected to tears on learning of the way in which some of them spoke of his father.\"\n\nFortunately there was a peacemaker present, W.H. Medhurst, the observer remarked. “If it had not been for him, I fear there would have been unpleasant consequences.”\n\nThe outcome of all the troubled waters was that Dr. Legge was authorised to reopen the school in Hongkong, with four pupils in temporary quarters.\n\nFINDING A HOME FOR A COLLEGE\n\nIt was no easy task reestablishing the Anglo-Chinese College in Hongkong. A new student body had to be gathered, a site for a building obtained, the building erected, the new financial support arranged.\n\nThe Rev. James Legge, Principal of the school, had brought with him from Malacca only one student, an orphan boy he had taken into his family. Mrs. Legge had under her care a Chinese girl", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "162\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nSociety's Mission in China did not seem proper as there were no theological students. In addition it was cumbersome.\n\nDr. Legge rather evaded the question of name by stating, “we shall build a house and call it the London Missionary Society House.\" After the building was up, it was variously referred to as the Mission House, the London Missionary Society's Institute, Dr. Legge's school, the Malacca College and, by the Chinese, the Ying Wa Shue Yuen.\n\nAfter all the initial difficulties, the school did begin the Hong Kong phase of its history. Dr. Legge fell ill and the doctor advised that he should return home. He left Hongkong in November 1845 and did not return until August 1847. Upon his return the school took on renewed life.\n\nWHEN THREE CHINESE STUDENTS \"FOUND GOD IN BRITAIN”\n\nDr. James Legge did not have the opportunity to build a solid foundation for the school he established in Hongkong. He had just got it under way when the doctor ordered him home to Scotland for a period of rest. He and his family left Hongkong in November 1845.\n\nLee Kim-leen,\n\nIn the party were also four young Chinese Song Hoot-kiam and Ng Mun-sow, three of his students, and Jane A-sha under the care of Mrs. Legge.\n\nNg Mun-sow was an orphan boy the Legge family had brought with them when they moved from Malacca to Hongkong. Lee and Song had been former pupils at Malacca. They had not left with Dr. Legge because of parental opposition. They overcame this in time and joined Dr. Legge in Hongkong in 1845.\n\nBefore leaving Hongkong, Dr. Legge had asked the Directors of the Mission Society in London if he could bring the boys with him, but he had not received a reply. When he arrived in England, he found the Directors had not approved, but the deed was done.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210829, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "163\n\nThe boys were received into the home of Dr. Legge's father in Huntley, Scotland. Here they attended the parish school. While Dr. Legge was going about England and Scotland telling about his work in China, the Rev. Mr. Hill, minister of the chapel at Huntley, superintended the general and religious education of the boys. As sometimes happens to young people who find themselves in an alien culture, they responded to the expectations and subtle pressures of their hosts and were baptised in October 1847.\n\nTheir baptism created great interest in England and Scotland and was widely reported. The fact that the boys were baptised in the same church from which William Milne, the first Principal of the Anglo Chinese College, had gone forth to China, made their baptism seem particularly significant.\n\nA report of the event notes: “A deep hush pervaded the whole of the vast assembly, which the occasion had brought together. Hundreds of eyes glistened. Hundreds of hearts thrilled with emotions of love and praise.\"\n\nNot only did it raise the expectations and vision of England, but it also acted in a similar manner on the boys themselves. Dr. Legge states that \"they were full of schemes for the benefit of their countrymen — thinking and talking of the various ways in which they can render the knowledge they have acquired available to others.\"\n\nNot long after their baptism, Dr. Legge took them on a trip through England preparatory to their return to Hongkong. The trip was intended to increase interest and support for the work in Hongkong.\n\nThe boys made a triumphal tour down from Scotland, thronged Manchester, to London. Everywhere public meetings were held. Crowds thronged to see and hear the young men. With these living examples of the success of his school, Dr. Legge found it easy to raise funds to support a theological class to be opened in connection with his Hongkong school.\n\nMeeting followed meeting, excitement followed excitement, and climax followed climax. Both Dr. Legge and the boys found\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210830, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "164\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nthe pace tiring but spiritually exhilarating.\n\nA grand valedictory service was held at the Craven Chapel on February 8, 1848. Thirteen missionaries were present ready to sail to China. One of the boys addressed the meeting stating his intention to prepare himself as a preacher and evangelist.\n\nEven Queen Victoria was interested and she expressed a desire to meet the three young men who had become the sensation of the moment. The day after the valedictory service the boys, along with Dr. Legge, were summoned to Buckingham Palace.\n\nFirst there was a private interview with Prince Consort Albert and then with Queen Victoria.\n\nDr. Legge's own account reads: \"Our audience was very pleasant and courteous. He is a fine handsome, gentlemanly-looking man, and she is a sweet, quiet little body. She was dressed simply and unpretendingly. Her eye is fine and rolling, and a frequent smile, showing her two front teeth, makes you half forget you are before Majesty, though there is a very powerful dignity about all her bearing. The boys were much taken by surprise, having been expecting to see a person gorgeously dressed, with a crown and all the other paraphernalia of royalty.\"\n\nWell might the boys have been surprised when no ordinary person might look on the face of their own Emperor in an imperial audience at Peking.\n\nThe three students returned to Hongkong in August 1847, with enhanced status. As theological students they were to have special privileges. In England Dr. Legge had presented their needs and raised funds for their support.\n\nPast experience had shown the temptation of good salaries placed before students with a knowledge of English. To counteract this temptation Dr. Legge felt his theological students should be assured of an adequate income.\n\nHe explains: \"The students will be young men. They will pos-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210831, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "165\n\nsess qualifications which will make them highly prized and liberally salaried, as interpreters, clerks, and in other services. They cannot and ought not to be treated on the same plan of rigid economy as mere boys. To ensure the prosperity of the institution there ought to be an annual allowance of £25 each, to cover all expenses and support the young men in a manner respectable and befitting the position in life which they are intended to occupy.\n\nThe school at the London Mission House in Hongkong could now become what the missionary meeting of 1843 intended it to be, the Theological Seminary of the London Missionary Society in China. The meeting had dropped the designation of college as being too pretentious for the character of the reorganised school.\n\nIn adopting the name Theological Seminary, they intended to let the world know their labours were all directed to one end, the preparation of Christian workers. This did not mean the abandonment of a general education in literature and science, but it did mean the inclusion of definite theological studies.\n\nIf the name college had been too ambitious, so had the name Theological Seminary. From 1843 to 1847 there were no theological students. Now with the three young men Dr. Legge had brought back from England, the long delayed plans for his school could be realised. But the future was filled with disappointments.\n\nHIGH EXPECTATIONS,\n\nTHEN DEFECTIONS AND SETBACKS\n\nDr. James Legge returned to Hongkong from England in August 1847, renewed in health and with high expectations for the future of his school. He now could organise a theological class in addition to his other classes. The three boys, baptised during their visit overseas, would be the foundation for advanced studies. They showed every evidence of the sincerity and dedication necessary for the achievement of their announced intention to become preachers and evangelists.\n\nTheir enthusiasm was infectious. The school took on new vitality. There was an increased interest in its religious objectives.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210832, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "166\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nSeveral students began attending the Saturday evening prayer meetings held by the missionaries and Chinese Christians.\n\nThis encouraged Dr. Legge to recommend their example to the other students. He writes: \"Last week I spoke to the whole school about it, saying that it was entirely a meeting of Christians and inquirers, who believed in the power of prayer, and felt their own dependence for spiritual blessings on God. I did not require them, I told them, to attend it, but we should pray specially for them, as having been highly favoured with Christian instruction, and for yet continuing apparently far from righteousness. On the Saturday evening there were 20 of them with us. A calm and earnest spirit shows itself on the countenance of many.\"\n\nBehind this pious 19th century missionary language there was a bit more than gentle persuasion. With such suggestion placed before students, it was natural that they would wish to meet the expectations of a teacher they liked and respected. Whatever we may think of the methods, it produced results.\n\nBut Dr. Legge's gratification over the students' response was to be tempered later by disappointments, for he was severely tried by the defection of the three students baptised in Scotland from their theological career.\n\nHe first lost Song Hoot-kiam. Though born in Malacca, where he attended the Anglo-Chinese College, his family had moved to Singapore. Here he and his classmate, Lee Kim-leen, returned to visit family and friends over the Chinese New year in 1849. Dr. Legge did not wish to see them leave Hongkong but he did not stand in the way of their accepting an offer of free transportation from a British shipmaster.\n\nWhile in Singapore, Miss Grant, headmistress of a school for Chinese girls, persuaded Hoot-kiam to marry one of her students. It was not every day that such a well qualified young man appeared as a possible husband for one of the girls under her charge. As an added inducement to marry and remain in Singapore she found him a position as third master in the Free School in Singapore. He accepted both the girl and the job.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210834, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "168\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nsion on them. They saw it as the key to open the door to success in the business world. By every mail they wrote to Kim-leen offering to establish him in business. Just as Miss Grant had recognised a good marriage partner for her student in Song Hoot-kiam, they saw a good business partner in Lee Kim-leen.\n\nHe might have made a good businessman. It was not likely he would make an effective preacher. Even Dr. Legge recognised this, admitting he had a delicate constitution, a nervous temperament and a weak voice. In compensation, he had the ability to relate well to children and Dr. Legge said he set an excellent example for the other boys in the school.\n\nIn 1850, he was given $12 a month to serve as a teaching assistant in the school. The same year he returned to Singapore to marry one of Miss Grant's scholars.\n\nThe young couple returned to Hongkong where he resumed his duties as teacher. It had been hoped that his wife would assume responsibilities for a girls' school the mission wished to open. However she had a very difficult time adjusting to Hongkong. Both the people and the language were strange to her. The climate affected her health. In addition she soon had a child to care for.\n\nAfter a year or so, Lee Kim-leen found teaching uncongenial and asked to be placed in the printing office of the mission press. He was to learn the management side of the business under Mr. Cole, the mission printer. When Mr. Cole left in 1855, Kim-leen and another old-time mission employee took charge. Within a short time his health broke down.\n\nIll with tuberculosis, the doctor advised him to return to Malacca. He left Hongkong in 1855 with his wife and children. In Malacca there was some improvement in his condition, but it was only temporary. In February 1856, Dr. Legge reported: “Kim-leen died happy”.\n\nEven though Hoot-kiam and Kim-leen did not fulfil Dr. Legge's hopes that they would become ministers, they appear to have led correct and useful lives.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210839, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "173\n\nmisdeeds and asking to be received back. He was not immediately reinstated as a member in good standing by the church, but the missionary committee permitted him to teach again. His salary, however, was reduced from $20 to $15 a month, until he was granted full fellowship in the church.\n\nIn reporting this, Dr. Legge says: \"He continues to exhibit a humble and subdued deportment.” Some time after he was restored by the church, he was described as “a wiser and seemingly better man.\"\n\n**\n\nIn 1853 he was sent by Dr. Legge to Shanghai to investigate the possibility of missionaries taking up residence at Nanking, the capital of the Taiping Kingdom.\n\nThe missionaries hoped to influence the Taiping movement and correct some of its mistaken views of Christianity which formed a part of its ideology.\n\nAs a companion on the trip A-sow had another Hongkong mission worker, Keuh Agong, sometimes also called Wat Angong. He was the same man who years earlier had called Dr. Legge's attention to the boy A-sow as a possible object of Dr. Legge's benevolence.\n\nThe investigatory trip of the two men from Hongkong was unsuccessful. Conditions created by the conflict between the Taiping and the Imperialist armies prevented their making the necessary contacts at Nanking.\n\nAfter his return to Hongkong, A-sow taught English to advanced students at a day school opened by the London Missionary Society in their rebuilt Bazaar Chapel. He also began to do some preaching, but not for long.\n\nTowards the close of 1855, Dr. Legge had this to report: \"The young man A-sow, who had received so many advantages, turned aside in the course of the year to the world, and we had to declare his separation from the church.” He was again associating with bad companions and his conduct violated the standards of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "175\n\nJust because Ng Mun-sow was implicated in dubious activities in Hongkong it does not warrant our accusing him of profiting by corruption that might have been operative in the Customs Service, but it does suggest the possibility. At any rate he remained with the service until his death in 1881.\n\nIn 1850 he had married Oi-lin, the eldest daughter of Ho A-sun, also known as Ho Ye-tong. He had been a printer at the Malacca press and accompanied the mission to Hongkong in 1843. He was a devout and earnest Christian, an original member of the London Missionary Society's Chinese congregation in Hongkong.\n\nThe waywardness of his son-in-law grieved him. Just as Dr. Legge had hoped A-sow had turned over a new leaf after the episode of the bills of exchange, so in 1859 his father-in-law had expressed a similar hope. At a prayer meeting, he arose and with tears in his eyes spoke in a voice trembling with emotion. “You know my son-in-law, A-sow. Formerly he was one of us, but we had to expel him from the church. Of the life which he has been living for several years I need not now speak. He has been very bad, and he was as hardened as he was dissipated, and repulsed me when I tried to advise him. Lately he was taken ill, and thinking his heart might be softened, I ventured to speak to him about his soul. He heard me quietly, and today he rose and came to this place of worship.\n\n\"It is the first time he has been in God's house for years. Far as he was gone astray, and deeply as he was sinned, perhaps God will have mercy upon him yet. I feel it is in my heart to ask you all to pray with me that he may be brought back to the fold.”\n\nDr. Legge remarked: “May it be done for the backslider as we asked.”\n\nUnfortunately, for all the interest and concern of those who had known A-sow as a boy and young man and had such high expectations for him, there is little evidence that his resolve to change his ways was permanent.\n\nOne wonders what A-sow's life may have been like had...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210845, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "179\n\nThe case of O Soey-cheong illustrates the predicament of the student in a missionary school. The conditions of enrolment obligated him to remain in school until his course of study was completed. At the same time he was dependent upon the school for his food, clothing, and lodging. If he was accepted as a theological student, he received, in addition, a cash allowance. By that time, as an advanced student, he had acquired a fair mastery of English, sufficient to qualify him for a larger income if he would leave his studies and use his language ability in business or as an interpreter.\n\nThis is what most of the students did. It was a discouraging development for teachers who had set out to train religious workers for the Chinese church.\n\nYOUNG A-CHICK'S EARLY SCHOOL DAYS\n\nWhen the gold fever affected the students in the schools in Hongkong and Canton, their principals had to use persuasion and diplomacy to keep their older students from joining the exodus to California and Australia.\n\nOn the other hand, some of their graduates were sent overseas with the blessings of their former teachers. Armed with letters of introduction, they were able to establish contacts outside the Chinese community. One of these students was Tong Mow-chee, known in his school days as A-chick. He was a former pupil of the Morrison Education Society School and of St Paul's College.\n\nBefore describing his departure from Hongkong and his rise to leadership in the Chinese community in California, we shall relate his experiences as a schoolboy in Macau and Hongkong and as an interpreter in Shanghai and Hongkong.\n\nTong A-chick was the eldest of three brothers. Their family home was Tong Ka, a village in the Heung Shan District (now Chung Shan) not far from Macau. The harbour upon which the village was located was the opium ship anchorage at Cumsingmoon.\n\nWhen the Morrison Education Society School was opened in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210849, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "183\n\nTong A-chick continued his studies at the Church of England Anglo-Chinese School under the supervision of the Colonial Chaplain of Hongkong, the Rev. Mr. Vincent Stanton.\n\nUpon the arrival of the first Bishop of Victoria in March 1850, the school was placed under his charge and was renamed St Paul's College. The bishop took a special interest in Tong A-chick as he was one of his first converts.\n\nA-CHICK: IN AND OUT OF TROUBLE\n\nWhen the first Bishop of Victoria, the Right Rev. George Smith, arrived in Hongkong in March 1850, the Church of England Anglo-Chinese School was reorganised as St. Paul's College.\n\nAmong its senior pupils was Tong A-chick, known in later life as Tong Mow-chee, who only attended part time as he was also interpreter in the Chief Magistrate's office.\n\nIn the autumn of 1847 the Hongkong Government faced a crisis over the post of interpreter. Daniel Richard Caldwell, who had held the office for several years, found himself in financial difficulties and was declared bankrupt. In consequence he resigned his office with the Government.\n\nAn appeal was made to the Morrison Education Society School for a replacement. A-chick took over Caldwell's position at a salary of £125, a handsome one for so young a man. This sudden rise to affluence may account for some of his later troubles.\n\nNot everyone was pleased with the appointment. In reporting a court case, the China Mail noted that the foreman of the jury objected to having A-chick serve as interpreter. He refused, however, to state the grounds of his objection and the judge compromised by ordering someone to check on A-chick's interpretation.\n\nThe suspicions of the jury foreman appear to have had some foundation, for in the summer of 1851 A-chick was charged with being in league with pirates.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210852, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "186\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nments for the charter had been made originally. Mr. Bonney came down to Hongkong and quickly sorted things out, so that the ship could leave with its load of emigrants.\n\nA-chick left well supplied with letters of introduction from the bishop and Mr. Bonney to church people in San Francisco. Strangely enough his dismissal from Government service and his connection with the young brothel girl did not seem to put him out of favour with the Christian community. On June 29 1851, he and two of his fellow students at St. Paul's College had been baptised by the bishop.\n\nOn his arrival at San Francisco A-chick lost no time in using his letters of introduction. The one from the bishop he presented to the Rev. Dr. Van Mehr, rector of Grace Church Episcopal. Dr. Van Mehr wrote to the bishop about his meeting with A-chick.\n\n\"It was with no ordinary degree of pleasure that I made the acquaintance of a young Christian convert called A-chick, who brought an excellent letter of introduction from you. And I presume you feel deeply interested in his welfare. ... He came to see me as soon as he had arrived and has visited me almost daily.\n\n\"Knowing the spiritual temptation of this life-killing place, the very seat of Mammon, I have advised him to prepare for communion... As far as I can see, he is a converted man and promises to remain faithful. I shall do what I can to fulfil God's design with this redeemed soul, until he returns under your immediate care.”\n\nMissionaries and clergymen were quick to seize upon any Chinese convert who showed signs of interest in the church. Unfortunately, for the hopes of Dr. Van Mehr, this was only a passing phase in the life of Tong A-chick. It was not long until the general welfare of the Chinese community in California was of more interest to him than the affairs of the church.\n\nWHY A-CHICK STOOD OUT FROM HIS COUNTRYMEN\n\nWith his letters of introduction, interest in Christianity, knowledge of foreign manners and fluency in English, Tong A-chick was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210853, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "187\n\nsoon the pet of the pious section of the San Francisco community.\n\nEveryone was impressed with this suave, intelligent and seemingly religious young Chinese gentleman. The Rev. Albert Williams, founder of the First Presbyterian Church in San Francisco, after meeting A-chick, reported that \"his answers to questions touching matters of Christian doctrine are intelligent and satisfactory. He is associated with his uncle, accompanying him in a mercantile venture, and will remain in this city. I have much hope, that through his instrumentality we may bring the gospel more directly to bear upon his interesting country.” A-chick was viewed as a potential medium for missionary endeavour.\n\nSoon after A-chick's arrival, a Bible class for Chinese was organised by a Presbyterian Elder. Its first members were A-chick \"and his companions.” Among these was Lee A-kan, a former classmate at the Morrison Education Society School in Hongkong.\n\nIt was realised, however, that if the Chinese in San Francisco were to be reached by the church, it was not enough to have classes for them in English. The Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions was asked to send a Chinese-speaking missionary to San Francisco.\n\nThe Board sent the Rev. William Speer.\n\nMr. Speer had been in Canton for about three years, returning to the United States in 1849. His wife Cornelia Breckenridge and an infant daughter died within a few months of each other and are buried in the Protestant Cemetery at Macau near the grave of Dr. Robert Morrison.\n\nAfter his arrival in San Francisco, Mr. Speer began looking up the Chinese who had been connected with missionary churches or schools in China. He called on Tong A-chick. By then the young man was already in a position of leadership in the Chinese community and was recognised as a man of wealth.\n\nOf the meeting Mr. Speer remarks: “A-chick is regarded by the American community here as a man of more than common ability-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210854, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "188\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nty. He received us in his office attached to the hall of the company whose chief he is. His dress is the native silk gown, close pants, and embroidered shoes. His address impresses strangers as both dignified and courteous. His education is perhaps defective in the Chinese classics, but he may reach powers under his own government, on the basis of wealth, and hereafter wield an important influence over the undisclosed but portentous destinies of the vast empire of whose subjects he is begotten.”\n\nMr. Speer, the ever-hopeful missionary, envisaged A-chick playing an influential part in the future of China. Actually it was a brother, Tong King-sing, who played a rather important role in the modernisation of China. However, Tong Mow-chee, or as we have been calling him A-chick, was associated with his brother in some of the enterprises.\n\nAs hopeful as Mr. Speer was, he was not able to get A-chick as one of the charter members of the congregation he organised. He did, however, assist by raising money within the Chinese community for building a mission house for the small Christian group.\n\nAlready recognised by the Chinese as a leader, A-chick took around the subscription paper. Some US$2,000 was raised. The Chinese associations as well as business firms contributed liberally. Tong K. A. Chick and Company is listed for US$100.\n\nThough not a member of the first Chinese Christian congregation organised in America, A-chick retained the goodwill of the Christian community.\n\nIn 1853 when he returned to Hongkong for a brief visit, he took with him a letter from the Rev. Mr. Van Mehr to the Bishop in Hongkong. He was still impressed by the young man. “It is impossible not to appreciate his sociable disposition, his kindness, his gentlemanly behaviour, his Christian deportment.\"\n\nThe Bishop welcomed him back and listened with interest to his account of both religious and political developments in the Chinese community in California.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "209\n\nThe fifth brother, Ho Wooi-shang, became an assistant in the business of A-tick, Hongkong's most successful tailor at that time. In addition he had a business at Honam in Canton. While visiting there he was wounded by a Chinese tax officer. He lingered long enough to make his will but died not long after leaving a family of small children.\n\nIn the collection of the Legge family, which was deposited in the Archives of the London Missionary Society, there is a photograph of Ho Shun-chee, alias A-lloy. On the back is written: “To Miss Legge with kind regards from her sincere friend,” and an added note by Dr. Legge's daughter, Edith: \"He told me he had attended the emperor when he went to pray at the Altar of Heaven.\"\n\nIt is indeed a long step from a Hongkong classroom to the Altar of Heaven at Peking.\n\nTO THE GOLDFIELDS DOWN UNDER IN SEARCH OF CONVERTS\n\nAmong the students of Dr. Legge's school in Hongkong were a number of boys from the Ho clan. Two orphaned brothers, Ho Low-yuk and Ho Mei-yuk, were near relatives of the Rev. Ho Fuk-tong. Both went to Australia after finishing school.\n\nThey were part of an exodus of Hongkong-educated boys seeking their fortunes in overseas communities. As English speakers in a place where their countrymen were cut off from the general community, they served to bridge the gap. At the same time, government officials and Christians interested in the conversion of the Chinese needed someone through whom they could communicate with the immigrants.\n\nA-low and another young man from the school were urged by Dr. Legge to emigrate to Australia. Because of the unsettled conditions in China created by the Taiping rebellion, Dr. Legge felt it was not a good field for these two young men he had trained as religious workers. So provided with letters of introduction to a Congregational minister in Melbourne off they sailed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210876, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "210\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nIn the meantime the minister, the Rev. J. L. Poore, was concerned about the Chinese who had flocked to Australia in search of gold. What disturbed the Rev. Mr. Poore was the isolation of these people. He could communicate with them only through an interpreter or the strict limitations of pidgin English, neither very effective methods for introducing them to the Christian religion.\n\nHis evangelistic interest had already prompted him to send for copies of the New Testament from Hongkong.\n\nHaving received 2,000, he was in a quandary as to how they should be distributed. If he gave them out to the immigrants as they landed from the ships, they would not likely add them to the heavy packs they had to carry to the goldfields. As he pondered the best way to dispose of the Testaments, Poore chanced upon a shipping notice that two Chinese evangelists had arrived carrying letters of introduction addressed to him.\n\nAfter locating them, he found them of “undoubted piety, possessed of considerable literary attainments\". Ho A-low, particularly, was a scholar in his own language, able to translate from English to Chinese and vice versa, and a fluent and correct English speaker.\n\nHaving found them, he then did not know what to do with them. The problem was financial; that of knowing how to support two Chinese evangelistic workers. The Congregationalists were building a church and were already in debt. He decided upon a bold move. He wrote a statement of the needs of the Chinese, the opportunity suddenly presented to meet the needs and the duty of the Christian in this regard. He then sent his appeal to all Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Wesleyan, Congregational and Baptist ministers in the area inviting them to meet and discuss the problem. There was a unanimous response.\n\nThe spirit of the meeting was exhilarating. “All were cordial and welcomed the young men with joy; all agreed that something must be done.” A provisional committee was named to arrange for a public meeting. Circulars were issued. The Mechanic's Institute, where the meeting was held, was packed to capacity with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210877, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "211\n\nsome 500 interested people and twice as many had been turned away for lack of room.\n\nIt was time to act. After an impromptu huddle of the dignitaries on the platform during a momentary lull in the proceedings, Mr. Poore announced that a second meeting would be held in a larger building at which the two Chinese would be designated for their work. Mr. Poore later observed that he had been careful not to alarm the Episcopalians with any suggestion of an act implying ordination to a particular ecclesiastical office. He used the term Scripture reader or lay agent to refer to the two young men.\n\nThere were some sour notes struck in the general community. One newspaper sneered at attempts to convert Chinese. Another tried to discredit the qualifications of the young men. In reporting these matters, Mr. Poore noted that the criticisms backfired. They attracted the attention of the community to the meeting and provoked curiosity and interest.\n\nThe Attorney General volunteered to be the main speaker. In his address he reassured his hearers that he had examined and cross-examined the candidates. For Mr. Poore there could have been no better confirmation of his efforts: \"It was a triumphant vindication, and, coming from such a quarter, admitted of no cavil.\"\n\nTo top it all, the committee had been able to secure the services of a missionary from China to accompany and supervise the newly appointed Scripture readers. Mr. Young, the missionary, had been stationed at Amoy. He was able to talk with the Hokien-speaking Chinese and the two young men with the Cantonese.\n\nThe team was sent off to the goldfields at Castlemaine. Here the Christian community had just built the first church in the town. After the arrival of the Rev. Mr. Young and the two Scripture readers, a meeting was held. Mr. Poore, who was present, reported: \"Meeting admirable, speeches good, great pressure of people, many could not get in... The whole Christian community seems to be pervaded with a tender concern for their salvation.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210878, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "212\n\n► - + CARL SMITH A notice of a different stamp from the August 14, 1855 issue of The Age is quoted in Geoffrey Serle's history of the colony of Victoria. It states that some 3,000 Chinese converts were present. \"The Chairman expressed his deep regret at the prevailing wickedness of the Colony. Popery ... was rampant (loud cheers). Puseyism was worse (hear, hear) and he should like to thrust the chopsticks of faith into the heart of tractarianism at once (applause). (The Government has done nothing for) the Anglo-Australio-Asiatico evangelical movement . . . A hymn, expressive of pity for all unconverted Chinamen, and the extremist doubt as to their ultimate destiny (was sung).” Serle pointedly remarks: \"Someone's leg was being pulled.\"\n\nIn spite of ridicule in the papers, opposition from the white miners and indifference among the Chinese, the Rev. Mr. Young and his assistants began their work. After three months, Mr. Young reported they had been round to the different camps of Chinese. \"We have visited them in their tents, at their diggings and have on Sabbath days convened them in places of worship.\"\n\nThe results were not as spectacular and inspiring as the initial enthusiasm which launched the mission. However, missionaries sometimes have a dogged persistence even though results are meagre.\n\nAfter a year, Ho A-low wrote to Dr. Legge asking him to send a former student, Leung A-to, to join the work at Castlemaine. Armed with a letter of introduction to the ecumenically constituted committee in Melbourne, A-to set off for Australia. Here he worked at Castlemaine until 1862. During that time there were some 20 converts.\n\nIn 1859, Chu A-luk, who had accompanied Ho A-low in 1855, returned to Hongkong. A-low had already severed his connection with the Castlemaine mission in 1856, but continued to live in Australia. I have no information regarding his future career, but he seems not to have returned to Hongkong. His brother Ho A-mei, who joined him in 1858, although not so", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210917, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 268, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "251\n\nShan. Po Shan Road is named after him.\n\nLeung On, alias Leung Hok-chau, was a man of maturity. He was the highly respected compradore of Gibb, Livingston and Company. For many years he had been prominent in affairs within the Chinese community and had been chairman of the organising committee for the Tung Wah Hospital. His standard of English, however, was a handicap in aspiring to the membership of the Legislative Council.\n\nWong Shing was Wei Yuk's father-in-law. He was a man of high principles, but quiet and reserved. He had been in the first class of the Morrison Education Society School in Hongkong and with three of his classmates had been taken to the United States to further his education by the headmaster of the school. His health, however, did not permit him to finish his studies. He returned to Hongkong and took up employment with the London Missionary Society, in a short time becoming manager of the society's printing establishment. For a brief period he was with the Chinese Educational Mission in the United States, but now he was looking after his properties in Hongkong and managing other business interests. He had no ambition to be a prominent public figure but when Ng Choy's successor as Councillor was named at the close of 1883, it was Wong Shing.\n\nIn January 1883, however, it appeared that Dr. Ho Kai was the most likely candidate for the seat. He had left Hongkong when still a young boy to receive an education in Scotland and England. He was a brilliant student earning degrees both in law and medicine.\n\nWhen he returned to Hongkong in 1882 he was thoroughly Anglicised, had a beautiful English bride and wore European clothing. He was also a professing Christian. Europeans did not doubt that such a man would be sympathetic to their views about the Chinese and Chinese matters.\n\nHo A-mei was of a different sort altogether. He had served the Kwangtung Government for a number of years in an official capacity.\n\nPage 26.8\n\nPage 26.8\n\nPage 26.8", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210918, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "252\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nHe had received a mandarin's degree from the Chinese Government. His education was limited to the years in Dr. Legge's school. He was not a scholar, but a promoter and financier. He sometimes expressed himself too bluntly on public occasions and was quick to engage in controversy.\n\nThe hostile attitude of Ho A-mei toward Dr. Ho Kai may not have rested entirely upon his ambition to be a Legislative Councillor. It possibly might go back to the days when they met as boys in the home of the Rev. Ho Fuk-tong, Ho Kai as a son of the family, A-mei as the poor relative. Whatever the foundation for A-mei's critical attitude towards the doctor, the Chinese deputation of 1883 provided the opportunity for him to express it.\n\nThe controversy within the Chinese community created by Dr. Ho Kai's remarks not only revealed that the Chinese were torn by parties and factions, jealousies and rivalries, but that Dr. Ho Kai, while eminently suitable from the foreign standpoint, might not be altogether acceptable to the Chinese as their representative and hence frustrate the purpose of having a Chinese on the council.\n\nThis possibility was acknowledged by the English press. In commenting on Dr. Ho Kai's remarks to the Acting Governor, an editor said: “Granted that the learned barrister had been a most successful student, and admitting that he is a person of great attainment and doubtless of some ability, it is only fair to remember that he is a young man who can have but a very imperfect knowledge, whether of his countrymen or of the political and social exigencies of Hongkong.\"\n\nIt concluded furthermore that the views he expressed “are merely the opinions of himself and perhaps a few of his immediate friends and supporters, but do not represent in any way the voice of Chinese public opinion in Hongkong.\"\n\nPerhaps it was unfortunate that Dr. Ho Kai assumed the responsibility of speaking for the Chinese before he had become thoroughly reacquainted after his long absence with the Chinese community in Hongkong. In terms of intimate knowledge of Chi-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210927, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 278, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "261\n\nnor, Sir Arthur Kennedy.\n\nBoth incidents reflect inner tensions within the Chinese community and the difficulty Europeans had in recognising which leaders of the Chinese had the support of the majority.\n\nThe Europeans favoured those Chinese who were most thoroughly Anglicised. These were such men as Ng Choy, Ho Kai and Wei Yuk, all of whom had been educated in Britain. The Chinese, on the other hand, were inclined to feel that men who had been elevated to a position of leadership by the Chinese community itself were better representatives.\n\nThe Honourable Ng Choy had been able to straddle this difference, keeping a foot on both sides. Ho Kai and Wei Yuk, however, at the time of the controversy, were young and inexperienced and the majority of the leaders of the Chinese community resented their being pushed to the front by the Europeans.\n\nWhen the news of Sir Arthur Kennedy's death reached Hong Kong, a public meeting was hurriedly convened to discuss a suitable memorial to him. The organisers issued an invitation to all sections of the community. They arranged for Dr. Ho Kai to be the spokesman of the Chinese.\n\nIn his remarks at the meeting he promised the support of the Chinese community to the proposal for a statue of Sir Arthur Kennedy. He also asked to make additional comments expressing the desire of the Chinese to have a fitting memorial for Sir Richard Macdonnell, Sir Arthur's predecessor.\n\nThe chairman rightly suggested that the two objects were different and as the present meeting was to consider only the honouring of Kennedy's memory, the matter of a Macdonnell memorial should be left for discussion at some later time by those interested in the project.\n\nDr. Ho Kai had dutifully fulfilled his obligation to the Chinese community when he raised the point; however, he did not mention a further desire of the Chinese to honour Sir John Pope", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210964, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "OBITUARY: K. M. A. BARNETT, O.B.E.\n\nThree contributions to the memory of a remarkable man, Fellow of the RAS of Great Britain and Ireland (1949) and a founding member of the Hong Kong Branch: from James Hayes, Derek Davies, Solomon Bard.\n\nThree weeks ago one of the most distinguished retired members of the Civil Service passed away in England. Mr. K. M. A. Barnett's death was noted in the South China Morning Post on 30 October 1987. A factual account of his services was provided, beginning with his posting here as a young Cadet Officer in 1932 and ending 37 years later with his retirement from Hong Kong, but with a further 10 years' service for the United Nations Organisation in Malawi and Bangladesh on duties connected with the census.\n\nIt is difficult to do justice to this exceptional man. Few friends of his own or a later generation could claim to have covered quite the same ground, or in the same way. For this reason, letters of appreciation have to come from several persons, and not from one pen alone. Dr. Bard's letter printed on 20 November is a case in point, (see pp. 8-10 below).\n\nAs a Hong Kong civil servant his greatest achievement was probably the 1961 Census, the first for nearly thirty years. He established the office (the present Census and Statistics Department) and was its guiding genius. The work suited him to a “T”, for he was able to bring to its organisation and subsequent reporting, all the knowledge, experience and intellectual qualities that make it a lasting and major landmark in the history of Hong Kong's post-war development. Each segment of the land and sea population, by origin and occupation, each type of dwelling place (and they were legion in those hard times), education, marriage and much else was covered in the 3 volume report, and he personally wrote the manuals for the field staff and supervisors. He conducted further investigatory work, including the 1966 By-census, before retirement in 1969.\n\nMy own association with Ken Barnett stemmed from our being colleagues in the Administrative Grade of the Civil Service, and from shared interests. He was District Commissioner, New Territories when I was posted to the District Office (South) in 1957, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "17\n\nOne must always take into account this French addiction to performing and making an impact on their public, whether dealing with the intellectual fireworks in honour of China in the eighteenth century, or on the occasion of more recent and far less pleasant pyrotechnics, somewhere in Polynesia.\n\nSo the Philosophes' encounter with China had, at its own level, contributed to the fall of the French monarchy. And for more than a century, French intellectuals were to be concerned with a completely different range of issues: political revolutions and counter-revolutions, France's position in Europe, industrial development and its social fall-out, freedom of speech and of thought, as well as colonial expansion. China had very little to do with these French-centred debates of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. It had by then become a target for Western imperialism including France, and its cultural prestige was accordingly declining. China only mattered for a few isolated if not eccentric French intellectuals. China in this period was a very marginal feature in French intellectual life.\n\nSome of these marginal Sinophiles of the nineteenth century were belated admirers of an ideal and abstract China in the grand philosophical tradition. In a little-known novel by Balzac, L'Interdiction — a legal measure depriving a spendthrift of control over his estate — a Marquis d'Espard spends all his fortune on reprinting old Jesuit memoirs on China. He is a devoted right-wing monarchist; he admires the Chinese imperial monarchy for allegedly maintaining a social order the French kings had been unable to maintain. His wife, a typical Balzacian marquise, has a legal interdiction passed on him.\n\nThe Marquis d'Espard is a lonely figure in Balzac's little world — the Human Comedy — and equally solitary was the young Baudelaire, who was at college when Balzac was flourishing. In one of his strongest poems, Le Voyage (or 'the trip', also with the colloquial connotations of this word), his concern for China is expressed through brief but extremely challenging verses — a concern he must have developed in his college years:\n\nDe même qu'autrefois nous partions pour la Chine", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "18\n\nLes yeux fixés au large et les cheveux au vent Nous nous embarquerons pour la Mer des Ténèbres Avec le coeur joyeux d'un jeune passager.\n\nLL\n\nJust as in the old days we would leave for China Our eyes looking out to sea and our hair streaming in the wind We shall sail henceforward for the Sea of Darkness Cheerful and lighthearted as a young traveller.\n\nThis is a major reversal, from the China ‘trip' into the Sea of Darkness. This is a remarkable and prophetic insight on the part of Baudelaire, a poetic formulation which is most relevant to our present-day intellectual crisis. We shall refer to it again a little later.\n\n—\n\n12\n\nAs the nineteenth century went on, as French political involvement in China and Vietnam became more effective, it was not unusual for French intellectuals to visit China and to empathize with her but always as isolated individuals. Such a one was Father Huc,1 a Catholic missionary whose minority voice, uncertain as it was, insisted on the specific values of Chinese culture and habits. China was a source of inspiration for diplomats posted there, such as Eugene Simon, whose book La Cité chinoise is a minor classic modelled on Fustel de Coulanges's standard essay La Cité grecque, and later Paul Claudel, a young consul in Tianjin, expressing his emotions in Connaissance de l'Est, a collection of poems in the Symbolist manner. French visitors to China included naval officers such as Pierre Loti, who had witnessed approvingly another sack of Peking by Western Allied forces after the Boxer Rebellion, or Victor Segalen, poet and archaeologist. Later still, intellectuals turned into revolutionaries, such as the young André Malraux who was involved in the 1926-27 Communist revolution in Canton, and who drew on this experience for his two major novels, Les Conquérants and La Condition humaine. Huc, Simon, Claudel, Segalen, Loti and Malraux had indeed very little in common except that they were somehow marginal figures on the French intellectual scene of their time. Even for those who were later to achieve international fame, such as Claudel and Malraux, China had not been much more than an", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210982, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "19\n\naventure de jeunesse as had been the case of young René Leys, the intriguing adventurer, the mythomaniac hero of Segalen's best novel, the secret lover of China's last Empress.\n\nSegalen's novel may allow me to say one more word on his unusual cultural itinerary, which began in Polynesia where he was searching for old Polynesian myths and also for Gauguin's manuscripts, and which ended up in China with René Leys and his cryptic poems Stèles. China and the Pacific probably fascinated Segalen because of their mutual irreducibility. They utterly contrast one with the other, one in its historical as well as geographical compactness, the other in its marine immensity and its tiny, highly diversified societies. It is hardly surprising that so few Western intellectuals have combined an active interest in both. My own intellectual detours between Chinese studies and the problems of the Pacific have probably brought me closer to Segalen's rather unique position.\n\n15\n\nAll these lively but isolated figures have left us with highly valuable literary contributions. However, they expressed little interest in China's historical fate and political plight. They were concerned with China's essence. China for them, or most of them, was a kind of cultural and aesthetic curiosity. And I am not sure that Malraux does not fall into this category, whatever the political setting of his novels. The powerful voice of Victor Hugo, combining artistic concern and political involvement and condemning from his Guernsey exile the sack of the old Summer Palace in Peking in 1860, has remained distinctly isolated:\n\nSomewhere in a dark corner of the world, there was a marvel of the world and this marvel was named the Summer Palace... It was a kind of frightening unknown masterpiece of Asian civilisation on the horizon of European civilisation.\n\nAll the treasures of our cathedrals would not match this formidable Museum of the East.\n\nTwo bandits once entered the Summer Palace... One of the victors filled his pockets, whereas the other filled his treasure chests... In the face of history one", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210984, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "21\n\nnineteenth-century sinologists had laid the foundations for modern China in studies in the West.\n\nBut this long episode of almost total neglect of China was to come to an end with the unexpected ascendancy of Communist China. French intellectuals were caught completely unprepared, all the more since there was strictly no equivalent in France to the sympathetic writings of Snow, Smedley and so many other reporters who had prepared at least some sections of British and American public opinion for the Communist takeover. The French intellectual scene was a blank page - a very Maoist feature and this was a decisive contributing factor to what has since been described as the 'love affair' between Maoist China and French intellectuals.\n\nThis love affair is a very complex story, and requires a much closer look. It had first of all to do with the rejection on the part of the French intellectuals of Soviet-styled communism, once so popular with them. China and Maoism provided ex-Communist Party members with an occasion to settle their accounts with Moscow. Chinese communism was also considered a valuable experiment in Marxist economic theory, and noted economists, such as Charles Bettelheim, always made this point. For Jean-Paul Sartre, who was in the late 1960s at the peak of his cultural and political prestige, Peking was definitely different from Moscow.\n\nChina also met a basic aspiration among French left-wing intellectuals, which I would describe as political exoticism, that is, the tendency to look for a political homeland and model of reference in distant, exotic countries. At times in Cuba, at one time in Algeria, in Vietnam, then in China; each provided a substitute for the ideal society France was unable to develop at home, especially after the failure of the May '68 movement which had been so popular with most intellectuals, and not only with students. The radical young intellectuals of the May '68 generation, such as André Glucksmann and Bernard-Henri Lévy, who were later to establish themselves as trendy 'new philosophers', were among the most devoted Maoists.\n\n—\n\nBut it would be just too easy to restrict the love affair between Maoism and French intellectuals to such radical groups. At least", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210986, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "23\n\nLa Pléiade was wide open to classical Chinese literature, which benefited from the Maoist vogue.\n\nThe Maoist mirage met nevertheless with reservations and condemnations from various quarters — from the conservative Catholic right-wing and also from the pro-Moscow French Communist Party, which was hardly surprising, but also from two more specific groups, rather influential among intellectuals. The academic sinologists, on one hand, were very critical of the pro-Maoist fashion; with very few exceptions, they were well aware of the simplistic naivety of the new sinophiles. Yet, one should wonder whether their open hostility towards the fashionable intellectuals was not, after all, a kind of defensive reaction against what sinologists considered to be trespassing on their professional estate! On the other hand, pro-Maoist intellectuals were harassed pitilessly by a radical and very vociferous group, the young situationists, whose overall attack against established cultural values of every kind had been an important contribution to the May '68 movement. Thus, an unexpected anti-Maoist alliance was formed between respectable sinologists and sniping situationists, which was to make a lasting impact in France and in which the Canberra academic scene also became involved.\n\nLooking at this strange, erratic, very emotional love affair at a distance, some fifteen or twenty years later, how should we react — including myself? The whole affair was certainly a strange combination of affectation and naivety, of misinformation and self-complacency, which deserves blame and regret and nothing else. We were definitely lacking intellectual rigour, caution, and integrity. Not only did we satisfy ourselves with a rosy picture of China, which was conveyed to us by visitors on short-term and carefully controlled tours, but we made this rosy picture an essential ingredient of our social prestige, our publishing careers, our popularity with the media. We failed completely to assess properly our responsibility towards French public opinion and especially towards those for whom China understandably meant hope, determination, the ability to shape one's own future. I am not sure that self-criticism was something George Ernest Morrison was quite familiar with. But I am pleased that the present Morrison Lecture gives me a convenient occasion for expressing such regret.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210990, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "27\n\nOur eyes looking out to sea and our hair streaming in the wind\n\nWe shall sail henceforth for the Sea of Darkness Cheerful and lighthearted as a young traveller.\n\nWe were departing for China with our hair streaming in the wind, and here is the Sea of Darkness. The worldwide ecological environment is in mortal danger in soil and sea, forests and atmosphere. The Third World is facing insoluble indebtedness, suburban youth is threatened with mass dereliction, our uncontrolled agricultural surpluses are unable to cope with hundreds of millions of famine-stricken people. Such is the Sea of Darkness before us. Some people, in Baudelaire's own words, may nevertheless be sailing for Darkness of Chaos with the light heart of a young traveller, fascinated by the achievements of computers, space technologies, high-tech communications and the like. I have met such people and they do exist, in China itself as well as in the West. But others are more careful, more demanding, more realistic in the long run, and not only among French intellectuals.\n\nLong ago, the French Catholic radical thinker Pascal was, just like so many of us, fascinated by the unique position of China in world history. He wrote in his sundry notes, his Pensées:\n\nHistorie de Chine quoi éclaircir\n\n- \n\n+ \n\n+ \n\n+ \n\nIl y a de quoi aveugler et de\n\nMais la Chine obscurcit, dites-vous. Et je réponds: la Chine obscurcit mais il y a clarté à trouver. Cherchez-la\n\n20\n\nThere is in China enough to blind us and enough to illuminate us.\n\nBut China makes things obscure, wouldn't you say! And I reply: China makes things obscure, but there is light to be found. Seek it out!\n\nYes, there is light beyond the Sea of Darkness. I thank you.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211028, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "64\n\nthe need to make the record appear to indicate a full three years' participation in such a scheme. This is slightly more convincing as an explanation. A final possibility is that Mok wished to draw attention away from the fact that he was a teacher at the Central School from 1884 to 1887. It is interesting to speculate about the reasons for this desire. Is it a coincidence, for example, that these were precisely the years during which Sun Yat Sen, the future revolutionary leader and President of the Republic of China, then known as Sun Tai Tseung, attended the Central School? It is possible that the young assistant teacher and the new pupil became friends. It is also possible that, in 1906, it struck Mok Man Cheung that public knowledge of this attachment would have been inconvenient and, therefore, he post-dated his teaching career's commencement to 1888, the year after Sun Yat Sen left the Central School for the newly formed Hong Kong College of Medicine for the Chinese. In 1906, the Empress Dowager was still alive. A belated Reform Movement was in operation in a last desperate, but vain, attempt to save the Qing dynasty and the Imperial system. As mentioned above, only two years earlier, in the first edition of his English Made Easy, Mok Man Cheung had given precedence to words like Emperor and Crown Prince. He had referred to queues and queue-strings as normal items, at the very time when for revolutionaries and even reformers they were regarded as symbols of Manchu oppression. There is no doubt that at this particular time open evidence of an affiliation with Sun Yat Sen would have been commercially, socially and politically undesirable, though, like several other middlemen of the period, Mok might have been quietly keeping his connections open with all sides.\n\nDiscussion of the significance of Mok Man Cheung's career\n\nSo much then for the worldly successes and possible problems of Mok Man Cheung. Whatever his innermost thoughts may have been, there can be little doubt that he strove outwardly to take advantage of the colonial, commercial, and social establishment of his time. Significantly, his book, English Made Easy, attempted to bridge the enormous gap between the Chinese and British communities in Hong Kong at the beginning of the twentieth century. As mentioned above, this was a period which was not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211035, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "71\n\n1901 (see below).\n\n36\n\nBrewin, who was promoted to Registrar General in 1901, had also served briefly, from 1897 to 1901, as Inspector of Schools in succession to E.J. Eitel. His endorsement was, therefore, particularly valuable. He had been appointed, together with his successor as Inspector of Schools, E.A. Irving, and the Chinese member of the Legislative Council, Ho Kai, to the 1901-1902 Education Committee, the report of which contains blatant calls for the separate educational treatment of the different races and a clear recommendation, compatible with the extremes of colonialistic paternalism, that, as far as Chinese education was concerned, the Government should concentrate its efforts and finances on the education, in English, of the few who could be regarded as potential leaders. Interestingly, the Secretary of State for the Colonies at this time, Joseph Chamberlain, totally rejected this recommendation (Chamberlain to Sir Henry Blake, Governor of Hong Kong, 12th September, 1902, in CO129/311, p. 481).\n\n\"For certain individuals, this explanation is something of a euphemism since the “medical and sanitary precautions\" involved burning down their homes.\n\nThe Plague first broke out in Hong Kong in the Spring of 1894. The death rate for the first five or six months was over 2,500, and, though, it was the Chinese population which was most affected, the Europeans were not untouched. Lady Robinson, the wife of the Governor of Hong Kong, was, for example, a victim. Dr. E.J. Eitel, the Inspector of Schools, provided details of the rumours circulating among the less educated Chinese, and their effects, in a memorandum to the Colonial Secretary on 22nd May 1894. Eitel wrote to report and explain \"the panic which has suddenly decimated the attendance in the local Chinese Schools\" and noted that the rumours began to spread in districts affected by the Plague on Sunday, 20th May and reached other districts the next day. The principal rumours were (a) that \"the Government intended to select a few young Children from each School to subject them to a surgical incision of the liver in order to obtain bile, this being the only known remedy for curing the plague”; and, (b) that \"every School would be visited by officers who would examine every child and send to the \"Hygeia\" anyone having the least boil or pimple on its body\". Eitel speculated about the origin of the panic, attributing it to \"the malicious distortion of the native medical fraternity\" and concluded: “I do not think anything very effectual can be done to remove the suggestions of native malice to native ignorance and suspiciousness. Distrust of the Government is still rampant among the lower classes of Chinese. Education will remove it in time. (Memorandum No. 38 of 22nd May, 1894, by Dr. E.J. Eitel, Inspector of Schools; in CO129/263, p. 190-193). 39 In Arnold Wright (ed.), Twentieth Century Impressions of Hongkong, Shanghai, and the Other Treaty Ports of China: Their History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources (London: Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Company, Ltd., 1908), p. 182, for example, Mok Tso Chun, “a native of the Heungshan district\" and formerly one of the directors of the Tung Wah Hospital, is described as the Chief Compradore of Butterfield and Swire. In the Anglo-Chinese Commercial Directory of circa 1915 (Chief Editor, Jan George Chance), a Mok Jao Chuen, clearly the same person as Mok Tso Chun, appears as Compradore for Butterfield and Swire, while a Choi Kung Po and a Mok Kon Sang appear as Assistant Compradores. Mok Man Cheung acted as witness to the will of Mok Tso [or Jao] Chun and the will, itself, makes it clear that Mok Kon Sang was Mok Tso Chun's eldest son. It was certainly not unusual for Compradores at this time to find positions for younger relatives.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211040, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "76\n\nwith records of the \"autobiography” of the Taoist saint Huang Chuping, the figure worshipped by many thousands of devotees in Hong Kong as \"Wong Tai Sin.\" This autobiography has been reprinted in official publications of the Sese Yuan, and reads as follows (using the Sese Yuan's translation):\n\nAs a young shepherd boy, I spent my early childhood at Kim Hwa [Jinhua] Mountain located at the north of Kim Hwa City in Chekiang [Zhejiang] Province. The mountain was said to have derived its name from Venus and Mou Nui Constellation (Wunüxing) both of which were directly overhead. Orientated at the north of Kim Hwa Mountain was the Hill of Red Pines where I took abode. This hill, densely forested and often hidden in clouds and fog, was seldom frequented by outsiders. Among thick natural vegetations and interlocking peaks there was a deep ravine named Kim Hwa, one of the thirty-six caves of the similar geological structures in the neighbouring district.\n\nMy childhood was marred by poverty and hunger, compelling me to start earning my daily bread as a shepherd boy at the age of eight. At fifteen I was fortunate enough to have been blessed by a fairy who led me to a stone cave where I learned the art of refining cinnabar nine times into an immortal drug. For forty years in succession, I lived in this seclusion from the rest of the world until my brother broke this isolation. His early efforts were at first futile. However, through the guidance of a Taoist fortune-teller, he located me. My brother queried me of the whereabouts of the sheep under my custody. To this I replied that they could be traced in the east of the Kim Hwa Mountain. He was surprised, on arrival, to find nothing but heaps of white boulders which quickly transformed into sheep at my call. Fascinated by this impressive show of mine, my brother also took steps to learn to become an immortal.\n\nOriginally, I was named Wong Cho-ping (Huang Chuping), a subject of the Tsun [Jin] Dynasty and a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "77\n\nnative of Tak Kai [Danxi] District. The derivation of my name as Red Pine Fairy was due to my living in seclusion in Red Pine Hill. To differentiate myself from the Red Pine Fairy who was in close company with Chang Liang [Zhang Liang], I wrote this autobiography. (Sese Yuan, 1971;3)\n\nThis autobiography is thought by some current members of the Sese Yuan to have been received from the god by the way of the fuji divination procedure, but actually it seems to have been drawn from the story related in the fourth century work titled Shenxian Zhuan (Biography of immortals). This work contains brief descriptions of the lives of eighty-four Taoist hermits and seekers of immortality. The passage on Huang Chuping is as follows:\n\nHuang Chuping came from Danxi. When he was 15 his family had him tend sheep. A Taoist seeing that he was good-natured and conscientious took him to a stone cave in the Jinhua Mountain. For forty odd years he stayed there without thinking of his family. His elder brother Chuqi searched for him for many years in the mountains but without success. Once in a marketplace he saw a Taoist. Chuqi beckoned him and asked \"My brother Chuping who was sent out to tend sheep has not been seen for more than forty years. I don't know where he is or whether he is dead or alive. Would you please find out by means of divination?” The Taoist said, \"On the Jinhua Mountain there is a young shepherd by the name of Huang Chuping. Doubtless he is your brother.\" When he heard this, Chuqi followed the Taoist in search of his younger brother. He found him. The brothers told each other of what had happened during all these years. Chuqi then asked his brother where the sheep were. \"Not far from here on the eastern side of the mountain,” Chuping answered. Chuqi went over there and looked for them. He didn't see them. He only saw white stones. He went back and said to Chuping, \"There are no sheep on the eastern side of the mountain,” Chuping said, “The sheep are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211053, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "89\n\nNorthern Vietnam) he asked to be relieved of office and left the capital for Guangzhou. In 327 he settled in the Zhuming cave of Mt. Luofu where he busied himself collecting medicinal herbs and refining cinnabar. His extensive writings include several important treatises on Taoism and Chinese medicine. (Source: Zongjiao Cidian [Dictionary of religion], Shanghai, Cishu Chubanshe (Lexiographical publishing company), 1981, pp. 997-998; see also Jin Shu [The Book of Jin], volume 72, Zhonghua Shuju). Needham calls him \"the greatest alchemist in Chinese history\" (Science and Civilization in China, vol. II, Cambridge University Press, 1956, p. 437).\n\n14 The story that Huang Yeren was late for the levitation because he was drunk, we heard from a young official of a local Taoist organization whom we interviewed in Guangzhou on August 27, 1987. Cultural affairs cadres whom we interviewed at the main temple on Mt. Luofu on August 28, 1987 indignantly denied this story. The young official also related the story that Huang Yeren (Huang the wild man) had originally been called Huang \"also [in Cantonese “yah”] man” (in many Luofu folk-tales the Yeren is said to appear in the shape of an animal). Later the character for \"also\" (in Mandarin “ye”) had been substituted by that for \"wild\" (in Mandarin also \"ye\"). We have not found any documentary sources which confirm this information.\n\n19 Michel, Soymié, \"Le Lo-feou chan\", 1954. Bulletin de l'école française d'Extrême-orient, Tome XLVIII (ler semestre), 1954, pp. 1-137, raises another possibility (see pp. 109-110): that the Yeren tradition is based on contacts in ancient times, possibly including periodic trading exchanges, between people of the plains of Guangdong and aborigines living on or near the mountain. In the eyes of the plainsmen, the aborigines would appear strange in many respects, especially in speech and appearance. Stories derived from these contacts might have become the basis for the Yeren legend. Supporting this interpretation, Soymié notes, is the fact that Yeren was thought to be able to appear as a man or a woman, a young person or an old person, and that Yeren is in fact a category of \"strange person apparitions” rather than a single figure. Clearly, once such a flexible figure had become established in the popular imagination, sightings of almost anything on the mountain could feed into the growing folklore about Yeren.\n\n16 Some stories of healings by Yeren are contained in Luofushan Fengwuzhi (Records of Mt. Luofu scenery), Guangdong Lüyou Chubanshe (Tourist affairs publishing co., 1984). This source also records the tradition that the cave of Yeren was guarded by a mute tiger. The chapter in which the healings are recorded is titled, \"The earth-bound fairy riding on a mute tiger.\"\n\n17 Source: Nanhan Shu (The book of Southern Han), Guangdong Renmin Chubanshe, 1981 (reprint), volume 17. This story was also related to Ragvald by scholars of the provincial Wenshi Guan (Research institute of culture and history) whom the first author interviewed in Guangzhou, September, 1987.\n\n18 These details are in notes provided to the first author by the Wenshi Guan scholars (see previous footnote), and were evidently taken by them from an addition to the Nanhan Shu, titled Nanhan Shu Kao Yi (Collating the variants), volume 17.\n\n19 We have not yet been able to verify the exact location of the temple, which apparently is called Huangxianweng miao (The temple of old saint Huang). There may be several other Huang Li temples in this region.\n\n20 According to Nanhan Shu Kao Yi (volume 17) his original name may have been Wang rather than Huang. Evidently he changed his surname to Huang (in Canton...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211068, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "104\n\nNorth, South and Number 2 Military Cemeteries in Manila, Los Banos, as well as the Protestant Cemetery.\n\nAs with so many cemeteries elsewhere in poor tropical countries, deterioration was rapid. Torrential rain washed away the soil around graves, grave stones were stolen to be recarved and used elsewhere and the cemetery became a playground for young and old. The Filipino “Chowkidar” (watchman) could do little to stem the decline.\n\nIn July 1973, fourteen years earlier than due, the Cemetery was handed over by the British Consul C.L.F. Parker to the Ayala Corporation, the successors in title to Roxas, who donated P10,000 to help in the transfer of all remains to their new resting place.\n\nThe grave stones said to be historically valuable were turned over to a 'British Association': their present whereabouts are a mystery.\n\nThe site of the old cemetery was developed by the Ayala Corporation, the developers of the \"new town\" of Makati, Manila's business district, into a housing estate for its middle management staff and is now known as Barrio Olympia (Olympia Village).\n\nThe few British graves in the Sual Cemetery, were at last report, being well tended by the local authorities. Sadly however, the Iloilo \"English Cemetery”, (lots 158 and 674) in the very \"heart of the city\" was closed in October 1946 “for the purposes of health and sanitation and as part of the programme of beautifying the City of Iloilo”, but the British Protestant remains lie peacefully in Southern Manila.\n\nAuthor's acknowledgement:\n\nI am indebted to several people for assistance in these brief and I am sure, not fully comprehensive notes; in particular, Father Gabriel Casal and Carlos Quirino of the Ayala Museum, Dr. Serafin Quiason of the Philippines National Library and Peter Karmy of the British Embassy in Manila.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211077, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "113\n\non the right side were stitched six $1000 notes. On either side of the characters were strips of red paper with gold inscriptions wishing the young couple health and good fortune, from the various family members who had contributed the money.\n\nOutside in the street female relatives and friends of the groom were busily cleaning cooking utensils and preparing for a feast. Other women were practising banging the gong and dancing in step, in readiness for the 'Dragon Boat' dance they would perform. Although the Hoklo people in Yim Liu Ha have been settled on land for more than four decades they still retain many of their customs originally performed on water. Instead of the bridegroom being transported by boat to worship and to fetch his bride, on land he is carried along in a procession called pa lung sung (扛龍船) by pairs of women pretending to row a dragon boat.\n\nThese women are gaily dressed in matching pairs with straw hats decorated with plastic flowers and paper tassels. Round their necks they wear collars embroidered and sequinned with nine Chinese characters symbolizing good fortune: up, down, in, out, double happiness, then the same ones repeated around the other side. At their waists they wear aprons in the same colour as the collar, and each woman carries a yellow painted stick to resemble an oar. Often the family will possess its own set of wedding attire, made by a clever seamstress within the family, but in this case the whole set had been borrowed from another family.\n\nAt 10 am the procession was ready to leave the groom's home. The women formed themselves into four pairs, with one at the front to bang the gong, and another older woman at the back carrying a fan, with her left trouser leg rolled up above the knee, who was said to represent the tail of the dragon. Then, at a given signal, the women set off at a steady pace, moving in a rhythmic rocking motion to suggest the rowing of a boat.\n\nThey were followed by two men who formed the head and back part of the Chilin, while behind them walked the band banging a large gong and clashing cymbals. Then came the bridegroom and his best man, both wearing Western suits of the latest fashion, with the groom in white shirt, maroon cummerbund and matching bow", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211080, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "116\n\nThe dragon boat procession reformed and set off in the direction of the groom's home where the newly weds would live. Two women in front were wearing funny hats: one banging the gong while the other thumped a plastic oil drum. They were followed by eight pairs of women rowing in formation, while at the back were the two women with the rudder of tin cans and the woman representing the dragon's tail. Above the bride's head was held the sieve of pomelo leaves and ginger root, carried by the 'fortunate' woman. One attendant, wearing a Western style short evening dress, was carrying a pink umbrella held over the bride, to which was tied a sprig of cypress and pomelo leaves with red cord. A second attendant carried the red and gold patterned tin suitcase known as gar chong (#), containing the jewellery the bride had been given, while a further attendant brought a large suitcase with the bride's belongings. Another woman carried a white enamel basin decorated with red characters for double happiness and flower motifs. In the basin food and other items were wrapped in red cellophane paper, and decorated with cypress leaves.\n\nThe procession stopped briefly in front of the earth god and again firecrackers were set off. At the Ma Jo temple the young couple paused and bowed three times before continuing to their new home. Cymbals rose to a crescendo; the couple, followed by other relatives and the Chilin, went into the house, and a long string of firecrackers was set off.\n\nThe rest of the procession now dispersed as those inside the house settled down for a cool soft drink. It was now 2.15 pm and in the street women were feasting on food prepared that morning, especially on a salty vegetable soup known as ham choy cha (**), chicken, and for dessert, sweet dumplings which are only served at Lunar New Year and special occasions such as wedding ceremonies. These are considered a lucky symbol of getting together. Later that afternoon the newly weds would offer tea to the groom's parents, and then at 6.00 pm all who had taken part in the ceremony were invited to a restaurant in the village of Sha Tau Kok for a large feast to round off the day's festivities.\n\nPlates 19-23 illustrate this article. They were taken by the author.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211083, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "119\n\nGovernor Hennessy had made him a Justice of the Peace in one of his bids to tie the Chinese more closely to the Government. The editor of the Hong Kong Telegraph described Wei Yuk as “a gentleman of great intelligence besides his wealth and position, exercising vast influence in all local matters appertaining to the Chinese.\" He served on the Legislative Council from 1896 to 1914 and became known after receiving a knighthood as Sir Wei Po-shan. Po Shan Road is named after him.\n\nLeung On, alias Leung Hok-chau, was a man of maturity. He was the highly respected compradore of Gibb, Livingston and Company. For many years he had been prominent in affairs within the Chinese community and had been chairman of the organising committee for the Tung Wah Hospital. His standard of English, however, was a handicap in aspiring to the membership of the Legislative Council.\n\nWong Shing was Wei Yuk's father-in-law. He was a man of high principles, but quiet and reserved. He had been in the first class of the Morrison Education Society School in Hongkong and with three of his classmates had been taken to the United States to further his education by the headmaster of the school. His health, however, did not permit him to finish his studies. He returned to Hongkong and took up employment with the London Missionary Society, in a short time becoming manager of the Society's printing establishment. For a brief period he was with the Chinese Educational Mission in the United States, but now he was looking after his properties in Hongkong and managing other business interests. He had no ambition to be a prominent public figure but when Ng Choy's successor as Councillor was named at the close of 1883, it was Wong Shing.\n\nIn January 1883, however, it appeared that Dr. Ho Kai was the most likely candidate for the seat. He had left Hongkong when still a young boy to receive an education in Scotland and England. He was a brilliant student earning degrees both in law and medicine.\n\nWhen he returned to Hongkong in 1882 he was thoroughly Anglicised, had a beautiful English bride and wore European clothing. He was also a professing Christian. Europeans did not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211084, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "120 \n\ndoubt that such a man would be sympathetic to their views about the Chinese and Chinese matters.\n\nHo A-mei was of a different sort altogether. He had served the Kwangtung Government for a number of years in an official capacity.\n\nHe had received a mandarin's degree from the Chinese Government. His education was limited to the years in Dr. Legge's school. He was not a scholar, but a promoter and financier. He sometimes expressed himself too bluntly on public occasions and was quick to engage in controversy.\n\nThe hostile attitude of Ho A-mei toward Dr. Ho Kai may not have rested entirely upon his ambition to be a Legislative Councillor. It possibly might go back to the days when they met as boys in the home of the Rev. Ho Fuk-tong, Ho Kai as a son of the family, A-mei as the poor relative. Whatever the foundation for A-mei's critical attitude towards the doctor, the Chinese deputation of 1883 provided the opportunity for him to express it.\n\nThe controversy within the Chinese community created by Dr. Ho Kai's remarks not only revealed that the Chinese were torn by parties and factions, jealousies and rivalries, but that Dr. Ho Kai, while eminently suitable from the foreign standpoint, might not be altogether acceptable to the Chinese as their representative and hence frustrate the purpose of having a Chinese on the Council.\n\nThis possibility was acknowledged by the English press. In commenting on Dr. Ho Kai's remarks to the Acting Governor, an editor said: \"Granted that the learned barrister has been a most successful student, and admitting that he is a person of great attainment and doubtless of some ability, it is only fair to remember that he is a young man who can have but a very imperfect knowledge, whether of his country or of the political and social exigencies of Hongkong.\"\n\nIt concluded furthermore that the views he expressed “are merely the opinions of himself and perhaps a few of his immediate friends and supporters, but do not represent in any way the voice", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "138\n\nhave no other effect than that of inciting his hearers to defy any law in the Colony.\n\nIn our day it is difficult to think of that much-honoured, decorated, revered and praised “grand old man of Hongkong,” Sir Robert Ho Tung, being so maligned by a Hongkong editor. However, when these words were published in 1895, Ho Tung was only on the way to making his multi-millions. This was one of his first appearances in a public meeting which attracted the notice of the English press.\n\nThe vitriolic journalist then gave the well-worn advice to dissidents: \"If you don't like it here, go elsewhere.\"\n\nHe did not expect his advice to be heeded, for Hongkong Chinese, he claimed, found \"it pays them best to live in any country except their own, under any government except Chinese. That is why Mr. Ho Tung and Mr. Ho A-mei stay in Hongkong, and glad they ought to be for the privilege; they would not be allowed to talk such screeching rubbish in any other country.\"\n\nThe editor was ready to give Ho Tung his marching orders. “Let Mr. Ho Tung go to Canton and try to hold a public meeting and say what he thinks of the officials of his own country and state his reasons for not trusting himself and his business in their grasp, and if he does not care to go, it would do this Colony no harm to send him there.\"\n\nIf the Hongkong Government had followed the advice of the China Mail, it might have lost forever one of its most famous sons.\n\nA regular columnist of the Mail, who styled himself “Brownie,” expressed a more moderate opinion than the editor. He felt that “after making all allowances for the translation of Mr. Ho Tung's remarks, I am inclined to exonerate that gentleman from any seditious leanings, and can only marvel at his appearance and attitude at the Tung Wah's meeting.\" He intimated that it would be well for the young Ho Tung to avoid getting mixed up with Ho A-mei and his party.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211191, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "227\n\nThe chairman of the public meeting had attempted to avoid these difficulties. He sensed that the community was about to launch itself into a stormy sea if it decided too quickly on a project.\n\nHe suggested that they might like to have more time to consider the matter. If so, he said he would be quite willing to entertain a motion for the meeting to be postponed until there was sufficient time for mature reflection. Or, as an alternative, if there was no wish for another meeting, the official committee which was to be named could be instructed to ascertain the views and wishes of the whole community.\n\nThese suggestions were wise, and much discord would have been avoided if they had been heeded.\n\nFollowing the meeting, one writer listed all the schemes which had come to his notice. He had heard of \"the enlargement of the already too large City Hall, of the removal of the Clock Tower to another site, of transporting the Dent Fountain to Wongneichong (to be buried there, perhaps) and of its replacement by a statue of the Queen in front of the City Hall, the addition of a ballroom to Government House, of a statue of the Queen anywhere or everywhere, of a subscription to the Indian and Colonial Institute, of the balance of subscriptions for a fete and rejoicings being handed over to the local charities, of a high school for girls, a home for the Protection of Young Girls, and (most wonderful of all) of a Poor House.\"\n\nTo put his own stamp of foolishness on the affair, the writer said: \"It has likewise been breathed softly, but not yet openly proposed, that a Home for Decayed British Merchants who have subscribed regularly for charities for say twenty years back might be suitable, as it seems likely to be a necessary mode of celebrating the historical event of Her Majesty's jubilee.\"\n\nA few of the proposals are of special interest because they reflect some of the social problems of the period. Two of them were concerned about the needs of girls in Hongkong.\n\nThe proposal for a middle school for girls would satisfy an", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211192, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 253, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "228\n\nunmet need. It was pointed out by one speaker at the meeting: \"We are turning out and shall continue to turn out young men more and more advanced, I hope, as the years go by\" here he was referring principally to Central Government School (later Queen's College).\n\n\"But,\" he continued, \"we are not providing in the same ratio suitable wives for them.\" In his view educated men would profit by having educated wives.\n\nThere was also another dimension to the education of females. \"We must also consider that the wife is mother of the future generations, and it would be a great thing, if we were sufficiently ripe for it, to educate the mothers of the future generations who are to dwell among us, and a great thing for the people of the country.\"\n\nIn his day, education for women meant preparation for their lives as wives and mothers, not as in our day for careers in business, the professions, industry or the arts.\n\nIn 1893, the Hongkong philanthropist, Emanuel Raphael Belilios, gave money to establish a middle school for girls. Today it is located on Tin Hau Temple Road.\n\nAnother memorial scheme discussed was a home to care for girls and women rescued from brothels. Many of these had been purchased and their status was not far from slavery. The buying and selling of children and women was prohibited in Hongkong, but its control was difficult. The demand for girls was great enough to encourage kidnapping in China and their transportation to Hongkong or to overseas Chinese communities.\n\nIn an effort to check these abuses and protect women and girls, the Po Leung Kuk had been organised in 1880. It was promoted by leading Chinese merchants and had been approved by the Government.\n\nNo provision had been made at that time, however, for the housing of those who came under the Society's protection. The intention was to send them back to their homes in China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211193, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 254, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "229\n\nAccommodation was needed until the girls could be repatriated. There were others who had no one in China to receive them and they needed to be cared for until proper arrangements could be made for their future.\n\nThe Tung Wah Hospital, however, agreed to make room for them, but, as a Government report states: \"There were no arrangements for the separation of the older from the younger girls, and no attempt at education, and the girls were, not unnaturally, a cause of annoyance to the Tung Wah Hospital patients.\"\n\nThe proposal for a hostel for children and young women, \"who have been rescued from a life of infamy and vice,\" was not adopted as a jubilee memorial. The discussion, however, prompted the Tung Wah to build five houses on New Street nearby the hospital.\n\nThe top floors of the houses were to be used as a home for the girls and women and the ground and first floors were to be let as shops and residences. The Po Leung Kuk had anticipated that the rent income would be handed to them for the expenses of the hostel. Instead, the Government decided they should be paid to the general fund of the Government treasury.\n\nThe Po Leung Kuk refused to occupy the quarters. It claimed they were not suitable and that the Kuk had no funds for their maintenance. It was also reluctant to sever connections with the Tung Wah Hospital for it had been underwriting some of the Kuk's expenses.\n\nTung Wah also featured in another proposal. There was a need for an institution for the poor. This would relieve the hospital from being used as a temporary refuge for them.\n\nNone of these schemes was greeted with much enthusiasm by the expatriate community because they would be of benefit to the Chinese only. And the Chinese when they came to consider their own jubilee memorial did not choose a charitable institution but settled for a meeting hall for a Chinese Chamber of Commerce.\n\nThe proposed park scheme, which had been adopted at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211200, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 261, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "236\n\nOne correspondent devoted his letter to reasons why the park scheme was useless. He explained that had he been at the meeting: \"I might have been tempted to abandon my customary reserve and lift up my voice to protest.\" As an alternative, he was presenting his views in the correspondence column.\n\nHe objected to labelling the scheme a park: “A park without trees is an anachronism.\" But given the fact that it would be a vast lawn where cricket, football, and tennis could be played, the question remained as to who would use it.\n\nIn the writer's opinion, \"not the gilded youth of our gay city,\" why travel to Happy Valley when the cricket ground (now Chater Park across from the Hilton Hotel) was within steps of their offices? Furthermore, next to the cricket ground at the seaside was the Victoria Recreation Club with a gymnasium, facilities for swimming and boating, and, perhaps the greatest competitor to Happy Valley, \"the seductions of the Boathouse bar.\"\n\nHe did concede that the ground at Happy Valley might be used for the occasional game of football, but otherwise it was not likely to pull sportsmen away from their more convenient facilities in Central. Otherwise, what one could expect to see at play in Happy Valley was \"a handful of European schoolboys and a few ragamuffins of the lower order of Chinese.”\n\nThe ground would hardly see the swirling skirts of females playing games. In the first place, a genteel lady would not disport herself on a public playing field. And in the second place, they had had since 1884 their own Recreation Club on the Peak Road as well as the lawns of their own homes for games of tennis and croquet.\n\nUse of the proposed park by Chinese could be ruled out because, in the opinion of the writer, \"they are not a playing people as playing people are known in the West.\" The sporting activity of Europeans appeared to the Chinese to be undignified and not in keeping with propriety.\n\nAnyone who would expect to find “young Chinese gentlemen", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211201, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "237\n\njoining in our manly games might as well hope to see them reducing themselves to the grade of the despised 'Tanka' or boating population by indulging in rowing; or forfeiting all claim to the calm dignity of a Chinese gentleman by masquerading in jockey costume in a horse race; or outraging all sense of Celestial propriety and decency by whirling in the sensuous waltz clasping the tender waist of some sweet thing of the opposite sex.'\n\nThe first signs of a change, however, were taking place. Around the time these views on the aversion of the Chinese to European sports were being written, a Hongkong Chinese youth was being awarded the first prize at the English Public Schools gymnastic competition at Aldershot.\n\nThe recipient Wei On was a student at Cheltenham College. His picture and an account of the event appeared in the Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News with the comment: \"We do not know how it will strike the modern gymnast that a native of the Celestial Empire is able to take the tuck of all public school forms, but there is no getting away from the fact that he is a wonderfully strong and finished worker, and thoroughly well earned the silver medal.\"\n\nIt seems the young student had not only adopted new forms of exercise but also had a new hair-style for a Chinese of his day. It was said that from the sketch in the magazine: “Wei On does not appear to wear the queue.\"\n\nAfter finishing his course at Cheltenham, the young athlete went on to study at Christ Church College, Oxford, and then in 1897 qualified to practise as a solicitor. He returned to Hongkong and was with the firm of Messrs. Johnson, Stokes and Master. He died in 1907. His brother, Sir Poshan Wei (Wei Yuk), served on the Legislative Council from 1896 to 1914.\n\nThe next generation of the Wei family also produced a noted athlete. Wei Wing-lok, son of Sir Poshan and a St. Stephen's Old Boy, won the world doubles tennis championship at Forest Hills, New York.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211213, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 274, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "249\n\nMr. Crow did not qualify. He was young. His position as a Government pharmacist did not put him in the same circle as the business taipans and senior government officials. The letter writer, in advocating a committee and the consideration of only written proposals, remarked: “It will never do to let any boy in the place get up at every meeting and have his crow.”\n\nThe writer himself had his own favourite scheme, but he modestly poses as one who knew his proper station. He said he would like to have spoken at the meeting on behalf of a girls' school, but had not because, “although an old resident, I am not a person of enough influence to put myself forward as its advocate at a public meeting, nor do I happen to be a ‘cocky' individual anxious to make my voice heard.”\n\nHe intimated that unless a proposer was a man of influence his proposal was unlikely to receive support: \"My idea may be good or bad in itself, but I do not wish to weaken it through its being advocated in a public meeting by a (signed) 'Nobody'.”\n\nWith such sentiment being expressed, it was unlikely the next meeting would be able to rise above snobbery, personal feelings and petty animosities.\n\nMUDDLED THINKING CLOUDS\n\nJUBILEE MEMORIAL ISSUE AND PUBLIC HAS TO DECIDE\n\nA meeting held on April 16, 1887 made no further progress towards reaching a decision on a suitable memorial for the Queen's jubilee than the meeting held four days earlier. At the conclusion of the meeting matters were still at a stalemate, even though there had been long speeches in support of the various proposals and the usual involved debate over procedure.\n\nThere was fear that this example of poor management, divided public opinion and display of petty feeling would be used as an argument against granting Hongkong citizens the privilege of more direct participation in the Government. There were demands being made at the time to allow the residents to elect a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211245, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 306, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "281\n\nIt might often have been the case that they predated the land people of the neighbouring villages. Theirs was not a symbiotic relationship. Even when they lived together in the same locality, they kept apart; the villagers in their houses and the boat people on their little family boats just offshore in the same or an adjoining bay. Despite some interaction, the two communities were separate and individual, contributing nothing vital to the other nor sharing anything important.\n\nIt was in such circumstances that my friend's family had probably lived at Causeway Bay for generations before the establishment of British Hong Kong, fishing the local waters and living in some proximity to the land people of the two nearest local villages of So Kon Po and Wong Nai Chung.\n\nThe number of indigenous boat people in the Causeway Bay anchorage was apparently not large. In her own words, \"When I was young, not very many of the boats in the anchorage were native to the area.\" These families gained their livelihood, then as in 1970, by fishing not far from home going most frequently over to Junk Bay and by ferrying people to and from the cargo boats and cutters using the anchorage. Some took out guests for a quiet dinner on the water, an entertainment for which this area became quite famous. Taking people out in this way was described as sung-yan t'au-long. Others used their boats for marine hawking, going among the other craft with daily necessities in those days before refrigeration made their services largely redundant.\n\nIn the last years of the nineteenth century, as in 1970, their local marketing area was the Tang Lung Chau market. This was the name of that locality, and not of the little island off shore which the British named Kellett Island. It later became the Royal Hong Kong Yacht Club, joined by a causeway to the shore at Tang Lung Chau. To the boat people, the old lady said, Kellett Island was simply known as “Chau Chai\" or \"the little island”.\n\nThe local boat people's main market village was Shau Kei Wan, with which she seemed very familiar. She particularly mentioned the songs of the boat people there, of the kind known as haam-shui.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211246, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 307, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "282\n\nkon ɔk. Before the tram service was opened in 1904, her family members used to walk there to buy goods, going also to the shops in the Western District of the Island. (She called it by its old name of Ham Yue Lan, or \"Salted Fish Dealers”). Before the trams, it was common for little wooden carts pulled by men (and probably women also) to carry goods along the north shore of the Island.\n\nThe Shau Kei Wan shops catered mostly for boat people, owing to the large number of craft using the anchorage. They included both local and visiting craft. The old lady's purchases were largely of fishing supplies. She particularly recalled buying the traditional dye stuff called shue leung. This was used for dyeing nets, and she remembered the large wooden vats set up beside the shore that were used to immerse the hempen nets in order to restore their strength.\n\nShue leung was also used for dyeing cloth, she said. At this point her son and daughter interposed, saying that their mother had been very competent at making clothes and had made all the family's garments for a long time, after first dyeing the cloth purchased from the shops.\n\nIn response to questions about the local temples, and her visits there, she said that when young and through her life, she had gone regularly once a year to the Tin Hau Temple at Causeway Bay during the annual festival, adding that there was a Kuan Yin or Goddess of Mercy image there as well. She did not seem much interested in the other temples of the adjacent areas, but did mention that she kept the traditional observances at the little shrine on board the family boat on the 2nd and 16th days of each lunar month (tso-nga #4).\n\nUnfortunately, I paid only the one visit.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nADDENDUM: For a detailed account of Tanka fishermen in a permanent local anchorage, see Section I, “Chinese Fishermen:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211265, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 326, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "301\n\nI understand that Mr. Ching is contemplating a book about the major families of Hong Kong, descended from successful men who came here in the 19th century with little more than their wits. On the showing of his first historical work, I cannot think of a more suitable person to undertake this task than Mr. Ching, and I hope that, warts and all, he gets all the cooperation and understanding of the requirements of the job from the families concerned.\n\nFrom there, or in the process, he could perhaps take up the true history of families great and small during the years of the Japanese Occupation of the colony, where the same rules apply. The job needs to be done, because of the way in which leading families have shunned the very mention of these years. Shanghai was not the only place where, as Mr. Ching writes (p. 458), the returning authorities looked down on those who had lived under the Japanese as tainted.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nMind Landscapes: the Paintings of C. C. Wang, by Jerome Silbergeld, Henry Art Gallery, University of Washington Press (Seattle and London), 1987.\n\n132 pp. + plates, bibliography, index, US$40.00 (cloth); US$19.95 (paper).\n\nC. C. Wang is certainly one of the most intriguing Chinese artists in the later twentieth century. His life chronicles cataclysmic changes many Chinese have endured and his path — artist, collector, connoisseur, businessman and exile was rarely clear. He was called upon to continuously redefine his relationship with China and the West as he travelled, explored and matured.\n\nHaving been born into a Suzhou family of mandarins in Imperial China in 1907 and having had a traditional Chinese education till the age of 14 assured young Wang the basis for blossoming into a twentieth-century version of the literati. But young Wang longed for a Western-style education, into which he switched at age fourteen and from which he went on to study law in Shanghai at China's distinguished Suzhou Law School. But his art education, which started as he learned to read and write, was carried on simultaneously and ever more seriously. Over time he had many art teachers and, indeed, became a teacher himself at an early age.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211266, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 327, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "302\n\nMind Landscapes enables C. C. Wang to describe the challenges he faced to see paintings in a land without public museums; \"There were no good museums in China at that time and you couldn't see the work of a contemporary painter in a museum or gallery. But since they had to be mounted or remounted, they could be seen in a mounter's shop. Suzhou was famous for its mounters. They would paste the paintings to be mounted on the walls of their shops, and if you walked around every few days, you could always see new paintings.” (p. 15).\n\nMr. Wang also talks about his teachers and how he was able to view various private collections: \"For me, as well as for painter-scholars of the past, friendships with other painters and collectors were extremely significant. Each new meeting meant a new collection to see. In those days private collectors were never publicly displayed. To see a particular painting you had to know the owner.” (p. 17).\n\nWhen the great Chinese Imperial Collection was being prepared for the London Exhibition at Burlington House in 1936, C. C. Wang was a consultant and had a chance to study all those great paintings another significant step in his development into a connoisseur-collector-painter.\n\nCollecting as well as creating paintings soon became young Mr. Wang's principal preoccupation. However, he supported his collecting and his family by some real estate ventures because he was not able to make enough money through the sale of his paintings.\n\nThe story of C. C. Wang's journey to the West (New York) and attending classes at the Art Students League, his explorations of modern Western art and his artistic evolution is marvelously told through well written prose of Jerome Silbergeld, Professor of Art History at the University of Washington in Seattle.\n\nProfessor Silbergeld comes to his subject with a deep knowledge and background in classical Chinese painting and provides a sinological, art historical perspective of C. C. Wang's work. But the author does not avoid his role as contemporary critic, analyzing the relationship of the artist and modern art. When C. C. Wang's breakthrough to his mature style comes in 1971-2, the author allows the events to unfold like high drama. Moreover, throughout the text, the artist is permitted to state his own views on the elements of his art such as line, color, composition, dots, texture,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211267, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 328, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "303\n\ncultivation of controlled accidents, synthesis of East and West: \"Chinese brushwork is really individual, like Western color. Good brushwork is so beautiful. It can make you look at it many times... It's just like with voice when I hear one song, if the voice is good I want to hear another song. It's the same voice, but each time it's a little bit different: that attracts me so much. . . .” (p. 42).\n\nOther notable scholars and critics who have written about artist-collector-connoisseur Wang have also been allowed to speak with their own voices, which gives the story a clarity and authenticity rarely achieved in a scholarly book. Moreover, the book is lavishly illustrated not only with Mr. Wang's works of all periods but also with the paintings that were most influential in building his style.\n\nIn addition, Professor Silbergeld recounts the long history of C. C. Wang as collector, and how he has been a central figure in influencing the growth of major collections of Chinese art in the West, notably that of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, through the sale of his own collections.\n\nMind Landscapes has been laid out with great beauty and intelligence. It would have been impossible to produce such an outstanding volume without financial support. This was provided through grants from the Henry Art Gallery Association, PONCHO, the University of Washington Press, and the J. Paul Getty Trust. Yet it is rare to have such a thoughtful and handsome product even if one has the resources. Kudos are also due to the designer, Douglas Wadden.\n\nThe publication of Mind Landscapes coincides with a major retrospective of C. C. Wang's work and serves as a catalogue to it. This book is a fitting climax to Mr. Wang's career and sets a standard of excellence in its field. Let us hope that young scholars in Asia and the West will take note.\n\nJOAN LEBOLD COHEN*\n\n* Joan Lebold Cohen, art historian and photographer, is a lecturer at Tufts University and the School of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Her most recent books discuss various aspects of contemporary Chinese painting: The New Chinese Painting, 1949-1986 (1987) and Yunnan School, a Renaissance in Chinese Painting (1988).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211268, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 329, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "304\n\nSteve Yui-sang Tsang, Democracy Shelved, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1988.\n\nThough about the 1945-1952 period, Democracy Shelved is important and timely because its publication coincides with another period in which plans for democracy in Hong Kong have been shelved.\n\nSteve Yui-sang Tsang, a Research Associate at Wolfson-St. Antony's Chinese Studies Centre and Rhodes House Library, Oxford, has written a blow-by-blow account of the abortive attempt to introduce major constitutional reforms in Hong Kong in the immediate post-war period, when decolonisation was in the air.\n\nThe book is important for the light it sheds on an important historical period but, even more so, for its illumination of the reasons behind events transpiring today.\n\nOn one level, it is the role of personalities. Sir Mark Young retired before he could see his reforms, dubbed the Young Plan, implemented. Similarly, Sir Edward Youde died before his proposal \"to develop progressively a system of government the authority for which is firmly rooted in Hong Kong, which is able to represent authoritatively the views of the people of Hong Kong, and which is more directly accountable to the people of Hong Kong,\" could take shape.\n\nBut Steve Tsang shows that Young was no wild-eyed radical. His reforms were moderate. And he was enough of a realist to know the importance of China's views on the colony. That is why he recommended the appointment of a Political Adviser to the Hong Kong governor who would be a specialist on Chinese affairs.\n\nSteve Tsang concludes by raising the question whether failure to implement the Young Plan represents a lost chance. His answers it in the affirmative, concluding: “On balance, it would appear that the Young Plan could have worked successfully during the period under study.\"\n\nThe reader is free to draw his own conclusions as to what the ramifications would be for today's Hong Kong as it wrestles with the need for political reforms on the eve of its return to Chinese sovereignty.\n\nFRANK CHING", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211338, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "30\n\nhad already departed. Of the original allied commissioners, only Harry Parkes was still there for the final ceremony which included a tri-national group of Chinese, French, and British dignitaries.\n\nIf the allied occupation of Canton was not as uneventful as some historical accounts record, it nevertheless had very successful elements to it and may have had an influential impact on future Sino-European relations. At least two employees of the Allied Commission, Robert Hart and Prosper Giquel, both young men at the time, went on to play major roles in future Sino-European co-operative ventures later in the century, Robert Hart as the famous director of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service and Prosper Giquel as the future European Director of the Foochow Dockyard and eventually head of several Sino-European Educational Missions of the 1870s and 1880s. That their earlier experiences had been in the somewhat more co-operative world of the Sino-European police forces and the Sino-European coolie emigration inspection teams is certainly likely to have proved significant in the careers of these two men who were later so much more able than most of their countrymen to work with the Chinese on an equal basis.\n\nNOTES\n\nAbbreviations\n\nAE Archives de la Ministère des Affaires Etrangères\n\nCCC Correspondence consulaire et commerciale\n\nCP Correspondence politique, Chine\n\nArmee Les Archives de l'Armee de Terre, Vincennes\n\nFO British Foreign Office\n\nPRO British Public Record Office\n\nSHM Service Historique de la Marine, Vincennes\n\nAN Archives Nationales\n\nRanbir Vohra, China's Path To Modernization: A Historical Review from 1800 to the Present (New Jersey, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1987) citing Christopher Hibbert, The Dragon Awakes. China and the West 1793-1911 (N.Y., Harper and Row, 1970), p. 229.\n\n2 Douglas Hurd, The Arrow War, Anglo-Chinese Confusion 1856-1860 (New York: Macmillan Company, 1967), pp. 121-125 and Immanuel C.Y. Hsu, The Rise of Modern China, 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), p. 121-125.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211352, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "44\n\nTHE FIRST CHILD LABOUR LAW IN HONG KONG\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nA Reminiscence\n\nWhen I first came to Hong Kong about twenty-eight years ago, I observed cases of open and of hidden child labour,\n\nIn certain Chinese tea houses, young girls and boys carried the trays of dim-sum by means of a strap passed around their necks. One could see these children, who seemed only ten or eleven years of age; they may have been a little older, with arched backs to counter-balance the weight of the trays which they carried in front of them. Usually, they were wearily dragging themselves past the tables, but at other times chattering merrily among themselves, but too often one could see the strain of their job on their faces and bodies.\n\nThe hidden and less obvious use of children as labourers, I would see in the building I lived in at Tai Po in the New Territories. At that time, it was the tallest building there - a six-storey walk-up. I lived on the top floor. As I climbed the stairs, I passed a flat used as a workshop for sewing sequins on cloth. The room was filled with children, many of whom appeared to be no more than ten or twelve.\n\nChild Labour and the Mui-tsai Question\n\nAgitation about children in domestic service, that is, the mui-tsai system, or, as it was called by some, child slavery, and a movement for regulation of the labour of children outside the home arose about the same time, but each problem had its own history and its own development.\n\nBoth problems were initially brought to the attention of the general community by expatriates. In the case of child labour, a law was passed largely in response to pressure from the European community. As for the mui-tsai, though it was a British Naval officer and his wife who began the agitation, a portion of the Chinese community soon took over the campaign for its abolition.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211354, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "46\n\nwithout being confronted at every turn by Acts of Parliament, and systems of espionage, that seem especially designed to restrict individual enterprise and frustrate industrial endeavour.\n\nLetter of 1900 - Hong Kong Telegraph\n\n▬▬\n\nThe effects of this \"freedom\" of the individual to sell his labour but occasionally pricked the conscience of the Hong Kong resident only occasionally. A letter writer using the pen-name \"Balthasar\" observed in the Hong Kong Telegraph, 18 May 1900, that,\n\nAmong the labourers carrying bricks and lime up the Glenealy may be noticed several children whose physique is quite unequal to the toil. These poor young children gasp under their burden. One of them, on being spoken to, answered that his father had died of plague, and if he worked not had no rice. He was thirteen years of age, and yet carried two baskets of lime, usually borne by adults, and which he had to lay down several times along the way.\n\nAfter describing these conditions, the writer asked, \"Is there no law in Hong Kong to regulate the employment of minors?\" The answer, as he well knew, was \"No\".\n\nIt was not that there was no money in Hong Kong for charitable purposes. He reminded the community that a Colony \"that can exceed all expectations in its contribution to the War Fund [the Boer War] may well look to the relief of its own stricken poor\".\n\nBowley's Articles on \"The Children's Charter\"\n\nMr. Francis Bulmer Lyon Bowley, a solicitor practising in Hong Kong since 1893, published a series of articles in a Hong Kong newspaper in 1911 on \"The Children's Charter\", that is, the British Children's Act of 1908. He contrasted its provisions with the situation in Hong Kong. The Attorney General took the matter up and two provisions were subsequently introduced into the laws of the Colony.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211361, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "53\n\nas could be expected under present conditions.\n\nThe Board felt it could propose, however, that children should not be employed in factories and workshops after 6 p.m. except when special permission had been obtained from the Board, for such employment must be injurious to the health of young children who would certainly be better in bed than working by artificial light in stuffy rooms. As the returns obtained by the committee on working conditions showed that most factories stopped work at 6 p.m., the prohibition of children working after this hour would not interfere to any appreciable extent in \"the better managed factories and workshops”.\n\nMr. Bowley admitted that the fixing of the age limit at fourteen was a compromise. In England a ten hour day was the maximum for women and children of any age. For Hong Kong he would have wished an age limit much higher than fourteen, but the Chinese members of the committee had not agreed and “for the sake of unanimity I accepted the age proposed by them\". The Chinese also urged the lowering of the English statutory age of fourteen for children engaged in dangerous occupations to the age of thirteen. They claimed that Chinese children developed more rapidly than European children.\n\nThere would be another difference between the factory legislation in Britain and in Hong Kong: both had a limit of ten hours, but in Britain there was to be no work on Saturday afternoon or Sunday, thus there was a work week of fifty-five hours, while in Hong Kong, where there were only two holidays every lunar month, the weekly average would be sixty-five hours.\n\nAll in all, Mr. Bowley regarded the recommendation before the meeting as reasonable and moderate and should “commend itself to every fair-minded person”.\n\nMr. Alabaster, the Chairman of the Board, put in a cautionary note. He conceded that everyone would be in sympathy with the proposed regulations, but how were they to be administered? The burden of the Sanitary Department would be greatly increased. One problem for the Inspectors would be to determine the age of Chinese children and it would be difficult for them to state what would be injurious to a child. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211362, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "54\n\npassing of the regulations would probably mean that the qualifications of the Inspectors would need to be upgraded. To be really effective they would need to possess medical knowledge.\n\nThe Chairman commented that while all agreed it was distressing to see small children struggling with loads up to the Peak, to prohibit them from doing so would deprive their families of needed income so the children would not have enough to eat and in the end would be worse off. He did point out that in the area around Bridges Street there were places set apart where children from the age of about eighteen months to six years were cared for by old, invalided women, but older children would not remain under the charge of such old women willingly and would wander the streets instead, thus running the risk of getting killed or encountering some other danger. Would it not be better for them to be engaged in some work?\n\nIn view of all these considerations he moved that the last clause in the resolution be deleted. It was not that he had no sympathy with the object of the resolution, he said, but there would be too many difficulties in carrying it out. Mr. Chatham suggested that Mr. Bowley would probably agree to this deletion, but if not, he would second the amendment made by Mr. Alabaster.\n\nMr. Bowley, for his part, was not willing to agree. If the number of inspectors were increased, their duties and tasks under the new regulations should not be excessive. It was merely a matter of money. As to determining the age of a child, the regulations might be changed so that a Magistrate or some other responsible person might estimate the age. He was not willing to support a deletion of the latter part of the resolution. He would be willing, however, to have it amended to the following, and prohibiting the employment of children and young persons under the age of thirteen in factories and workshops likely to be injurious to his or her life, limb or health, regard being had to his or her physical condition\". A list of such trades could be drawn up by medical and other experts for the guidance of the Sanitary Department in implementing the regulations. He was not asking the Board to legislate on the matter, but only to endorse certain principles which would then be forwarded to the Government for consideration. The amendment as changed by Mr. Bowley was then accepted and carried unanimously.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211370, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "62\n\nas they can, it shows the need for some laws to help people in spite of themselves\". She realized that “the people one is trying most to help are the ones who will most rebel against it'. \n\nMiss Pitts appealed to Christian principles and the influence she believed they exerted. “I do think we should have a very strong Christian conscience on this matter. What is being done by young Chinese, by students and the younger leaders of the day, is really all the results of Christianity. It is Christianity that makes them see that women and children ought not to be oppressed and that money made at the expense of exploiting human strength is not money one would like exactly to possess.\n\nA columnist in the Hong Kong Telegraph who regularly provided \"Rambling Thoughts on Current Matters\" took exception to Miss Pitts crediting Christianity with all social advance. It was part of a new spirit, he said, which “in spite of wars and the brutality and bestiality attendant on wars, is steadily and ceaselessly at work\". He, however, commended the general remarks of Miss Pitts. He testified that the blunt manner in which she had dealt with the question of child labour had made him uncomfortable. He saw a hard road ahead of those who were advocating change. Something would be done only if they kept on shouting until they got near to being troublesome, for \"the only way to get things done in a place like Hong Kong is to make yourself almost a nuisance”. \n\nReport of the Commission on Child Labour\n\n15\n\nThe report of the Commission on Child Labour was placed before the Legislative Council on 27 September 1921. The Commission had collected evidence from ten factories. This showed that few children worked less than seventy hours a week. Most were on piece work. In a tobacco factory the children were on a time rate of twelve cents for a nine-hour day. There were no rest halls, eating rooms or wash houses.\n\nMr. Li Ping, a member of the committee, was commended for providing a school for small children whose mothers worked at his factory at Sham Shui Po. On the other hand, conditions were particularly bad at a glass factory where boys worked from 6 a.m. to 11 p.m. for a dollar a month plus their board and lodging.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211375, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "67\n\nTo counteract this he recommended that the Government should establish trade schools for poor children. These could be operated by the Confucian Society and the Tung Wah Hospital Committee. Both were already sponsoring free schools. The Government should assist them to open more. He was not, however, advocating compulsory education at this time. He felt Hong Kong was not yet ready for it.\n\nThe Senior Unofficial Member, the Honourable Mr. Parr spoke in support of the views expressed by Mr. Chow, and said, “I think my Unofficial colleagues will agree with me that the Government should make some arrangements on the lines suggested.”\n\nEditorial comment\n\nThe leader of the Daily Press on the day following the discussion of the Bill in the Legislative Council took up the problem of young children between the ages of five and ten who were taken to factories where their mothers worked. With the passage of the Bill the factory owners would probably discourage the practice as the children's presence might raise questions as to their exact age and activities when inspectors visited the factories.\n\nAs an example of what enlightened factory owners might do in Hong Kong, he pointed to a textile factory in Shanghai where the Chinese - probably Sincere or Wing On Companies — provided facilities in the factory compound for the care of young children while their mothers were working.\n\nowners\n\nFR\n\nProvisions of the Ordinance\n\nThe Ordinance came into effect on 1 January 1923. It contained regulations which may be summarised as follows: (1), No person under fifteen was to be employed in a dangerous trade; specified were boiler chipping, manufacture of fireworks and glass making. The regulation applied not only to trades dangerous in themselves, but also to trades injurious to health. (2), No child under fifteen was to carry more than forty catties or a weight unreasonably heavy in regard to the child's age and physical development. (3), No child under ten was to be employed in a factory, and no child under twelve to be employed in carrying coal,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211380, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "to be the official collectors of pearls. They were paid by the Government, and in the fourth year of Yin Yau (#) A.D. 1317, three government officers were put in charge of them, who were very highly paid, and ranked among the highest officials.\n\nThe collecting was thus carried on, the same primitive methods being used, until the first year of T`aai Ting (4) A.D. 1324 when a local elder Cheung Wai Yan (30) protested with such force against the loss of life and suffering involved that in the seventh month of the same year an order was sent out abolishing all the pearl fishing.\n\nDuring the following fifty years the industry was resumed and discontinued several times, but the pearls were gradually getting less and less in number. Eventually in the seventh year of Hung Mo (PA) A.D. 1374 of Ming (]) dynasty, it was found that half a catty was all the result of five months labour. It was then finally stopped, and pearls for imperial use were collected from the sea near Lui Chau (HM) and Lim Chau (EH) instead.\n\nThe present Tai Po market is not the original one, which was situated to the east of the present one, and is now called Old Tai Po market by the country people and can be found on the map under the name of Yin Pun Ha. Old Tai Po market was built in the time of Maan Lik (46) A.D. 1573-1619 of Ming dynasty, to commemorate the devotion shown by the son of an inhabitant of Lung Kwat T'au ( ), a village near Fanling. (See Note 2). This young man, named Tang Sz Maang (BE) lived during the period of Lung Hing (M) 1567-1572 of Ming dynasty. Maang's father was captured by a noted pirate Lam Fung (#) who held him up for ransom. (See Note 3). Maang went to his father-in-law and said, \"We are too poor to pay the ransom and redeem my father, so I shall beg the pirates to take me in his stead“. His father-in-law would not agree and tried to stop him, but Maang slipped away secretly and found his way to the pirate ship. With much eloquence he pleaded for his father, saying, “If you keep my father it will mean that I and my brother will have no father, and my father will have no son, but if you free my father then my younger brother will still have a father, and my father will still have a son. Moreover my father is old, he cannot work as well as I, because I am young and strong”. Then he knelt to the pirate and kept on begging with many tears, until his request was at last granted.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211386, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "78\n\nand entered a village belonging to a family called Lei (*). One of the villagers was holding a big religious ceremony and feast (called Paat Kwaan Tsaai A which is a vegetarian meal given free to all that call) in his house, and into the midst of this Pooi To walked calmly, and put his rice basket down in the centre of the hall, and sat down to meditate. The guests at the feast were much disgusted at his dirty appearance and tried to take the basket away, but found they could not move it. Lei himself tried to lift it, and called his sons to help, still they could not move it. Then Pooi To, taking no notice of them, started eating the rice and food set on the table, and when he had finished his meal, he got up, lifted up the basket and went out. Turning back at the door he said, \"The four Kings of Heaven will send a lot of Happiness to your family, Lei.\" While he spoke a young child was peering into his basket, and he quickly ran and told his father that he had seen four miniature children only a few inches long and beautifully dressed, lying in the basket. Then Lei realized that Pooi To must be a holy man, and he wanted to ask him to stay, but he found Pooi To had gone. For three days he searched for him, and at last found him sitting in a little wood to the west of his house. So Lei took Pooi To back to his home, and he stayed with him for many days. The people living round about soon learnt that he was a holy man, and brought their sick to be cured by him. They would offer him money and presents, which Pooi To with his characteristic inconsistency sometimes accepted and sometimes refused.\n\nLater on a higher officer named Lau Hing Paak (A) heard about Pooi To and invited him to stay in his house. Pooi To arrived carrying, as usual, his rice basket. Lau hospitably sent his servants to meet him and to carry his basket for him, but they found they could not pick it up. More servants came until there were ten of them, yet even they could not move it. Then Lau himself looked in the basket and found in it only one torn coat and one wooden cup.\n\nPooi To stayed with Lau about 30 days, and then returned to Lei. One day, just at daybreak, Pooi To asked his host to make him a new coat, and said that he wanted it by noon. Lei started off at once to make it, but when noon came it was not finished, so Pooi To said, \"I want to go out for a while, but I will return this evening\". Evening came but Pooi To did not come back. Lei noticed a very sweet smell filling the house, and wondering where the fragrance came from, he went out\n\ni", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "81 + trying to find food and help. At last they came to a grasscutters path which they followed. After walking about ten miles they heard the sound of monastery bells and smelt the fragrance of burning joss sticks. Filled with hope they knelt and prayed to Buddha to bring them to safety. Then they came to a monastery, large and beautifully decorated, and saw ten or more priests outside, but coming nearer they found that they were made of stone. The travellers were amazed, and being afraid began to pray to be forgiven their sins. In the distance they heard a voice shouting to them, and searching in the direction of the voice they came across another priest, but found he also was made of stone. Many times they heard voices calling them, but could find nothing but some stone figures. Then they said to each other, \"Those are all Saints, we are unworthy wicked men, so how can we see them\", and they knelt down and prayed very earnestly for forgiveness. When they had finished praying they looked up and saw a real priest coming towards them, who welcomed them kindly and brought them into the monastery. A meal was set before them, all the dishes were ordinary vegetables such as Buddhist priests eat, but they smelt very fragrant, and tasted delicious, and the travellers had never tasted anything as good before. When the meal was over, they asked the priest how to get to the capital city, who answered, \"From here to the capital is more than 200,000 miles, but do not worry, make up your mind to go and you will reach there quickly\". Then he asked Chuc, \"Do you know Pooi To?\" The minister answered, \"Yes, I know him well\". Then the priest pointed to the north wall and showed him a cloth sack, a tall Abbot's staff, and a priest's alms bowl hanging there. He said, \"Those are Pooi To's things. I beg you to give him back this alms bowl when you see him, and this letter that I will give you. And here is a green bamboo stick, which when you get back to your boat, throw into the water in front of the boat and shut the windows of the boat and sit quietly. You need not trouble to row or sail, for you will arrive at the capital very speedily.\"\n\nThey all said goodbye and a young priest took them to the monastery door and showed them a path to follow which would bring them back to their vessel quickly. Once more on board they did what they had been told, and soon found to their amazement that the boat had left the water and was sailing over the tops of the trees. After three days of this novel means of travel, they reached the Waai river (17) and arrived at a place named Chue Tseuk (k) not far from the capital. Here they\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211400, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "44\n\n+\n\nheard it they shouted for joy, and started off to their homes at once, full of hope. But when they found their houses half fallen down, some villages entirely hidden by the long grasses, and the paddy fields covered with weeds, they were much dishearted, realizing that they were not any better off when they were inside the boundary. San On district had in the meanwhile been re-established and Lei Hoh Shing (5) the district magistrate gives a pitiful picture of the condition of the land and people. ... I arrived as district magistrate and found many old and young lying in ditches, having died from hunger. The strong young men are gone to other places to earn their livings. When I look down from a height all is dense undergrowth and fallen walls and I cannot hear the voice of a single wild goose in the distance . . . . so I get oxen trained to plough..... and every so often I collect one or two lucky-to-be-alive people and try to encourage them to develop the barren land. We stand about and talk, but when the talking is not half finished each of us cannot help sobbing with grief. . . .\n\n++\n\nThus gradually the land was worked back to its old state, and to perpetuate the memory of the two men who had done so much to help the people, a hall was built in Shek Woo Market (M) by the Sheung Shui (E) villagers and their neighbours. The name of the hall was **Tuk Foo I Kung Ts'z** (A) \"The Viceroy and the Governor, these two Sirs Hall\". Over the front door three characters were written Po Tak Ts'z \"Return thanks for the Bounty Hall\". The hall was used for the village council for many years and every year on the birthdays of Governor Wong and Viceroy Chau a feast is held in the hall by the village elders. Another such hall is in Kam Tin (see H.K.N. VIII, page 207 and plate 20(2))* and has been used as a school for many years. It is situated on Taai Sha Chau (7) amidst beautiful scenery and near it is the Kam Shui (*) “ornamental stream\", with a big lawn like a tennis court in front of it. A large lichee orchard is on the left-hand side of the hill.\n\nSince the 10th year of Kin Lung (#), 1745, each Yuet Chau (ZE) year, which occurs every ten years [sic], the Kam Tin people have a matshed erected for Kin Tsiu ( ), the festival of the Dead. Two water colour paintings of the Governor and Viceroy are displayed\n\n* Vol. 14, of the Journal, plate 41.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211406, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "98\n\nMy Paternal Grandparents* \n\nGreat Grandfather Chan Tak Yong \n\nwas born around 1816. He was married twice, and bore one son by his first wife and four sons by his second. He traded in pottery and earthenware, a business which took him to the cities of Macau and Canton where he had the opportunity to deal in silver and gold exchange. As he prospered, he built a home for each of his sons and provided for their common use a library, a store-house for grain and one for wood. He operated a grocery business and a pawn shop, where villagers could borrow money or bank their savings. Apparently such a life of ease provided no incentive for his sons to become independent, and several of them became addicted to opium and died in their early 20s, leaving young widows without male issue and without financial means. The Chinese saying that wealth cannot last more than three generations came true. \n\nThe oldest of Great Grandfather's sons was Jok Jun F, several of whose grandsons emigrated to the United States: George Goon Sun who settled in Los Angeles; Harry Wah Kwok who settled in Santa Anna; and Henry Wah Heen, also known as Bak Wing Ĥ who settled in San Francisco. \n\nMy grandfather was the second son of Tak Yong, but the first son of his second wife. Grandfather was born on 29 June 1845. His 'milk name' was Ngee Lok; his marriage name was Jok Chiu f'FBB; and his name in the business world was Chock Gee #2, the name by which he was generally known. Because Great Grandfather's younger brother, Tak Loo, died at the age of 22 without male issue, Grandfather was 'adopted out' to him. \n\nJok Sau F, the third son, bore three sons by his first wife and three more by his second. I met one of them, Dai Mee, a not very bright-looking fellow, who was given a job at the Bank of East Asia in Canton by First Uncle. \n\nThe fourth son, Jok Sui F, died young without male issue. Therefore Jok Sau 'gave' one of his sons, Ngit Chiu FJE, to this brother. \n\n* See Table 1.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211411, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "103\n\nlater. He had always been concerned about the future of his sons, sending the two older boys to California to seek their fortune, nurturing the two younger ones with schooling in Mills School and Punahou Preparatory School, and giving them constant counsel, as evidenced by the many letters he sent to Father in Hilo.\n\nGrandfather finally decided to go back to his native land, still depressed over the loss of his youngest child. His sight was already failing because of cataracts. In 1907 or 1908, he departed for his home village, accompanied by Aunt Yim and her family, but he stopped over in Shanghai to visit with Second Paternal Uncle and his family. After about four years, he proceeded to Hong Kong, on his way back to the village. He was met in Hong Kong by his nephew, Gut Kau, and taken to a hotel. One morning as he was reaching for a towel, he collapsed and passed away, no doubt from a heart attack, without seeing his native home again. The date of his death is recorded as 14 May 1911.\n\nGrandfather had always maintained that a nephew was like a son, and coincidentally, it was a nephew who was with him at the end and who took care of his interment. I was told that he was 63 years of age when he left Honolulu and 67 when he died. Although I have no recollection of Grandfather, I do have a mental image of a fine-looking, elderly gentleman in a Chinese cap and gown from a large photograph which graced our parlour wall for many years, and I feel a sense of pride and love for him from whom I am descended.\n\nFirst Paternal Uncle\n\nFirst Paternal Uncle was born on 3 January 1868. His 'milk name' was Ping Wing, his name upon marriage, Hee Kau, and his business name, Shing Min. He was a distinguished-looking man, tall and handsome, with nicely-formed features. He held himself erect and kept a trim figure even in his later years when I came to know him well. My father told me that his two older brothers were considered the two handsomest young men in their village. After studying English in Hong Kong and getting married, he emigrated to the United States in 1886 as a carpenter's apprentice. He eventually became connected with the Bank of Canton in San Francisco and was rumoured to be the idol of women entertainers in that city.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211422, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "114\n\nGeorgette, herself a lawyer, married Iu Bing Leong, also a lawyer. Because he had been involved with the Nationalists in a minor role, he left his wife and daughter for the United States upon the rise of the Communists and is reported to be living with another woman, a fact that has deeply wounded Georgette, who has remained in Shanghai, ill with cancer.\n\nMoo Yun was a beautiful girl and while still young, married well. However, after a brief marriage, she was divorced and became dependent on her parents until she died after a goitre operation in Canton in 1934.\n\nMoo Sau, a graduate of Lingnan University, teaches in Hong Kong. She married a dancing instructor, who died in 1974, and is the one to keep her siblings informed of each other's doings.\n\nTing Cheong was 'given' posthumously to Father, who had taken a liking to the boy when they first met in 1919 and had suggested the possibility to Mother before he died. A male heir must have been important to him. Mother tried to be fair with her meagre resources by contributing to his schooling and sent whatever money she could spare from time to time, including a share of what Grandfather left Father. Uncle, in fairness to all his children, pooled what he received from Mother with his own assets in order that all of his children would share equally in his estate. We saw little of Ting Cheong and know less about him as an individual. He seemed shy and retiring, a man of few words. I often wonder if he resented being 'adopted out', even though this was in name only and as a gesture of love between brothers. Ting Cheong had had no say in the matter.\n\nI seem to recall that Ting Cheong had some training in the Customs Service in Peking before he was accepted and sent to the Customs Service in Canton, where he remained until 1949. He was 'punished' together with his colleagues for crime by association, rather than by evidence, because of the corrupt reputation of the service. Later he was allowed to work in Hainan Island until he obtained permission to move to Canton in 1978. He was given a small pension upon retirement, barely adequate for his needs. He and his concubine lived with his elder daughter until his unexpected death of tuberculosis on 25 June 1979. His first wife predeceased him and his four children are by his second wife. They are:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211428, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "120\n\non 23 June 1898, and was thoroughly spoiled by Aunt Yim. When George was nine years old, his mother took him to China, but after a year he returned alone to live with First Paternal Uncle in San Francisco. On his way to California, he stopped over for a night in Honolulu. A year later he went to Los Angeles to join his father, who was working for Dr. G. S. Chan in his herb business. Although inducted into the army during World War I, George never saw active duty. In 1919 when Uncle Yim died, he took his father's remains to China for burial, first stopping over at First Paternal Uncle's home in Hong Kong where his mother was waiting for him. This was during the time my father was there, ill with tuberculosis.\n\nGeorge finally gave in to Aunt Yim's continual pressure and married Sai King Auyoung of Ma Tse Village in 1919. She was a young bride (born in 1904) when I visited them that year. In 1922, after the birth of their daughter, Gladys Yung Hoy, on 8 June 1922, George left his family for Honolulu. His wife then entrusted the care of Gladys to Aunt Yim and went to work. In 1931 when Aunt Yim died, George sent for his daughter. It was not an easy adjustment for a girl of ten, but a good relationship with her stepmother developed and after some schooling, she went into restaurant work where she met her husband, Lam Kwai #, born in 1906, by whom she had a daughter and a son, Claudia Ngit Oi A and a son, Calvin Yuen Tim K.\n\nBefore Gladys joined her father, he had married Josephine Kekai Fung Kyau Liu, who was born on 30 September 1910. From this union came Kwock Wah, born on 7 January 1930. He is a pharmacologist on the staff of Purdue University. They subsequently adopted one of Josephine's nieces, Lorna Siu Lan. Josephine's father was a Chinese from See Yup and her mother was a Chinese-Hawaii-Caucasian woman. From this multi-ethnic background, she learned to speak Chinese fluently as well as to cook authentic Chinese, Hawaiian and Western dishes. These skills enabled her to work as a cook for many years before she had to retire because of a bad knee.\n\nGeorge found employment in the Navy Yard after working as an auto mechanic for several private shops. After his retirement, he made a visit to China to see his ailing first wife before her death in 1968 at the age of 64. He had a great deal of warm feelings for his Chan relatives, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211430, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "122\n\nof Chung made a good marriage, for her husband, Leong Ting Bau of How Village, was the holder of the highest military degree, which gave him honour and status. He, however, had turned out to be an unfaithful husband and a ne'er-do-well, and Aunt Leong did not have an easy life. She had two children but they both died very young. I regret that I did not ask Father to tell me more about her.\n\nThird Paternal Aunt\n\nThird Paternal Aunt, the youngest of Father's three sisters, was Chan Yung Yick, born on 27 January 1872, and married to Auyoung Chew Chong ‡, a native of Ma Tse Village. He was born on 9 December 1871. Their children, all sons, were:\n\nSuk Jun born 8 August 1889\n\nSuk Nam born 22 September 1905\n\nSuk Chiu born 26 June 1909\n\nUncle Auyoung settled in Reno, Nevada, when he went to the United States, where he worked as a tailor. In 1921 Suk Jun followed his father to the United States to study in San Francisco, sailing on the S.S. China. He remembers Father taking food to him when the ship docked in Honolulu because as an alien, he was not permitted to go ashore. It was a happy meeting, their first, and the beginning of a long friendship between him and us. Suk Jun said his mother often missed her siblings and would show him my Father's photograph.\n\nIn 1912, when his mother was ill, his father told him to go back to take care of her. On 24 December that year, he married Ching Lai So, a native of On Dung Village. She was born on 6 March 1906. They settled in Hong Kong, where he worked as a bank clerk. They had four sons and three daughters.\n\nUncle Auyoung returned to China in 1926 with his wife and youngest son when he was 55 years old to retire in his native village. After Aunt Auyoung died on 24 November 1948 and the takeover of China by the Communists, he went to live with Suk Jun in Kowloon, where he died on 19 April 1957 at the age of 86. It was then that Suk Jun felt that he had fulfilled his responsibility to his parents and that he would now seek a new life for himself. Thus, in 1962, he returned alone to the United States, first to Chicago, and later in 1973 to California where his wife", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211434, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "126\n\nlocated off Nuuanu Avenue near the waterfront. A third child, a son, was born three years later. As the Chinese in those days rarely registered the births of their children, especially when they were girls, there are no official records of these births. When Mother was about two years old, the family moved to a larger community known as Wai Jook Yard #1, bordered by Nuuanu Avenue and Pauahi Street, probably named after Ching Wai Jook who operated a store on Nuuanu Avenue. The site became known as 'The Children's Playground' later.\n\nIt was at that time that Grandfather started a shoe-making business, but this was not successful because he had to rely on hired workers.\n\nWhen Mother was three, my grandparents made a trip to Shekki, taking Mother and the infant, but leaving Tin Yau in care of Cousin Chang Gum Chin. It was on this trip that Grandmother bought a young bond servant girl, Chang Chun Moy. After Grandfather left by himself for Honolulu, the infant died unexpectedly. Grandmother, alarmed that she would also lose Mother, again pawned her jewellery and returned with Mother to Hawaii, bringing with them Chun Moy. This was in 1891.\n\nGrandfather insisted on having a business of his own, even if it were as small a venture as just selling peanuts. He did not, however, succeed in any of his undertakings, including a restaurant, a dry goods store, and a farm in Moiliili. He tried selling baby chickens and ducks to local farmers, buying the eggs and hatching them in an incubator heated by charcoal. The eggs that did not hatch were fed to the family, then considered good for one's health. Because of much bickering among the workers, he gave that up. His final attempt at being an independent businessman was to buy ready-made 'dim sum', luncheon pieces, and have Uncle peddle them to native Hawaiians. At that time Uncle was a student at St. Louis School, and Mother was in the 4th grade. The average profit of 25 cents a day had supported the family on two meals a day. Finally, with a saving of $10, enough to buy ingredients and fuel, Grandfather hired a cook to make their own luncheon pieces. The cooking was done in an area in the back of the house, and Grandmother, who was suffering from severe headaches at that time, would sit on the back stairs to watch and to supervise. Uncle had to continue peddling even during school days and learned to speak Hawaiian.\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211435, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "127\n\nfluently in the process, although he suffered much teasing and abuse from the native boys.\n\nBorn and bred in the city, Grandfather was an intellectual and romantic, but not a good businessman. He loved to read, an enjoyment my mother also shared. Physically he was fair-skinned and fine-haired. Grandmother, on the other hand, from a village environment, was warm, hearty and practical. I have no recollection of her, but I understand that she was an active person, with a good deal of energy and drive. A snapshot of her shows an angular face with rather long teeth and high cheek bones. Cousin Helen Jong Zane is said to resemble her somewhat in looks and temperament.\n\nGrandfather handled Uncle with little understanding. The latter was required to do more than was reasonable for a growing boy. He had little energy left to do well in his studies, for he often fell asleep while doing his homework. Grandmother thus felt compelled to be protective of him against Grandfather's explosive temper. Mother, bright and delicate, was very pleasing to Grandfather and did not have to do any hard manual work. She became a fine needle worker and helped to supplement the family income by sewing denim slacks and buttons at home for tailor shops. Neither Uncle nor Mother had the opportunity to have much schooling.\n\nAlthough Grandfather was able to make a small profit from his 'dim sum' business, the Chinatown fire on 20 January 1900 disrupted it, and the family was, among many, to be confined in a camp set up in Kalihi during and following the conflagration. My grandparents were not among those residents who received compensation from the government for their losses after their release from the camp. Later that year, Grandfather bought the lease to a farm at Kapatai, Luluku, Kaneohe, for 1,000 dollars from Chun Chiu Yee8, the father of Mrs. Sam Young. The farm was named Hook Sung Waiiii and was a leasehold from Mendonca, a Portuguese of some means, although I was given the impression that the Magoons owned the land. This large piece of property was located on the Pali side of the present site of the State Hospital, at the foot of the Koolau Mountain range. It embraced a profuse spring pouring clear, cold and delicious water into a deep stream flowing through and past the entrance of the farm. Mother said that she would always watch with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211436, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "128\n\ngreat anxiety whenever Grandmother stepped gingerly into the deep water at its source to gather watercress. I believe this spring still supplies water to the Kaneohe area today.\n\nHook Sung Wai was reached from Kamahameha Highway via a narrow unpaved road, but at one point passed by a wide stream, where many rocks and large boulders could be seen in the clear water and which became a terrifying dangerous torrent of rushing water during heavy rainstorms. As there was no bridge over the stream, Uncle found it both difficult and worrisome when he had to drive his horse-drawn buggy across it in bad weather. The children, who walked to Benjamin Parker School, somehow managed to get to and from school safely, regardless of the weather.\n\nIt must have been before the family went into farming that Grandmother found a husband for Chun Moy. He was a middle-aged Hakka farmer surnamed Heu, who took her to Wailuku, Maui, and then to a farm in Kula. After his death and after raising a large family, Chun Moy got in touch with her relatives, a Chang family running dry goods business on Nuuanu Avenue, between King and Hotel Streets. I remember her vaguely as a plain woman, with a worn outlook that clearly reflected her hard life. She died in her sleep on her last visit with these relatives. My generation came to know her children as a result of a meeting at their home between my cousin, Helen, and Robert Zane, whom she married. Two of Chun Moy's sons were Heu Fook and Heu Sam Fat, both now deceased. The latter was eager to learn something about his mother's background, wondering how she had come to Hawaii. He was told that Chun Moy had been adopted by my grandmother. Some of Chun Moy's grandchildren have done well, and are active politically in Hawaii.\n\nGrandmother thought it would be mutually beneficial to advance money to bring her two nephews, Chang Lum Gin and Chang Lum Tim, from China to help on the farm. Following this, she welcomed into the household a 16-year-old girl, Wong Fung, said to be a native of Shanghai and brought to this country by Chun Kwai Ha, a neighbour who was taking his family back to China. It was an acceptable cultural practice in those days to bring a young maid into a household and marry her to a member of the family at a later date. Grandmother had intended Wong Fung to be the bride for Lum Gin, but\n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211437, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "129\n\nwhen she became very ill, she married the girl to Uncle, thinking that she could be a companion for Mother, who at that time was 14. Aunt Jong's version was that Lum Gin had wanted to marry my Mother, but Grandmother would not consent to it. Regardless of the reason, her two nephews became angry and left without repaying their indenture and the family relationship was severed. Lum Gin later married and settled in Hecia where he had a small country store, but the strain continued. In 1901, Uncle married Wong Fung. On 16 March 1903, my Mother, then not quite 16 years old, was married to my Father.\n\nFarm life was rough. The adults had to work hard and diligently, but rice farming did not prove profitable. There seemed to be constant worries if it was not the unpredictable weather, it was the depressed price of rice. To add to the family's problems, Grandmother's illness became more serious. A herbalist tried unsuccessfully to 'burst' a growth in her abdomen which he had diagnosed as a 'turtle'. There was much bleeding and intense pain. She probably was suffering from cancer. It was during her terminal days that I fell off the porch of the farm house onto broken glass, and sustained a cut on the top of my head, a scar I bear to this day. Grandmother died on 5 December 1907. Although I was only two at that time, one incident during the wake stands out in my memory, Mother and Aunt sitting on the floor in front of the bier, joss sticks smoking and flickering candles burning, as Uncle poured wine into tiny cups and ordered us four girls to empty the cups and kowtow before the coffin. Because we giggled during the ceremony, Uncle gave each of us a hard rap on the head with his knuckle. Grandmother was buried on the farm. Her remains were exhumed about 10 years later, stored temporarily at our Broad Road home until they were taken to China by Cousin Gum Chin for final burial.\n\nIt was not until my paternal Grandfather Chan, who was a partner in the Iwilei Rice Mill, offered to mill the grain and sell the rice in California at a better price, that Grandfather Jong was able to realize a profit. With savings of about 1,000 dollars, he returned to Shekki in 1909 when he was 55 years old. I remember being with Mother to see him off at the pier, which was located opposite the Oahu Railroad Depot not far from our Iwilei home, and observing tears in her eyes as we stood beside the s. s. Manchuria. The next year Grandfather married a widow with a young daughter, who was later to become the wife of Pong Fai,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211447, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "139\n\nAs reasonable as these amounts seem to us today, Father could not continue without financial help. Highly motivated, he again turned to his brothers for assistance, because he felt that men without an education were like 'dumb cattle driven by others.' First Uncle replied on 6 July 1898 that he felt 'miserable' because he could not help. He compared himself to a well, drawn dry and needing time to be refilled, because his responsibilities had increased with so many relatives dependent upon him. However, he promised to do what he could. Second Uncle, who had gone to Shanghai, wrote on 29 August 1898 that he was in no position to assist and added that he was glad Father was earning money by teaching and that Father should go on to college and study law, medicine or dentistry.\n\nThe next year, on 3 May 1899, First Uncle again wrote, urging Father not to discontinue his schooling until the end of the year unless he had the consent of Grandfather, even though the job offer he received from a local newspaper might be tempting. Father must have finished the school year, for on 7 July 1899, First Uncle wrote to congratulate him on his graduation, noting that he had accepted a position with the Honolulu Chinese Times Bar as translator and reporter, and regretted that he was unable to advise him about going into business because conditions were not the same in different places. Second Uncle also wrote on 19 July 1899, commending Father for choosing a 'good' subject to deliver at the graduation exercises and encouraging him to continue to study while working.\n\nFather probably was looking for a job and business opportunities at the same time. He corresponded with friends in Kauai, in Hilo, and as far as Australia. A friend, Au Goon Bick, who had gone to Kapaa, Kauai, wrote in July that he was working for Lum Keed and that Yim Goon Siu of Honolulu was visiting him then. (Yim was the uncle of Cousin George Yim and was also working for the Honolulu Chinese Times. He later went to Shanghai where he ran a printing business.) Yim also wrote several times to Father about this Kauai trip - how he became seasick as soon as the boat passed Waianae and how he forgot his discomfort as soon as he met a number of young ladies with whom he had much fun singing. He expressed surprise that one of them, a sister of Wong Fat and a student at Kamehameha School, could speak English as well as both the Heong Shan and Nam Long dialects. (I suspect that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211450, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "142\n\nThe plague continued in the city and the Board of Health was advised by the medical profession to burn all buildings that might harbour plague-carrying rats, a measure Hong Kong had successfully taken to prevent its spread. C. K. Ai gives the following account of what happened in his autobiography. On 20 January 1900, the Board of Health ordered the Fire Department to burn a building on Beretania Street between Nuuanu and Maunakea Streets, with two engines on guard to contain the fire. Unfortunately the wind direction shifted, sending sparks onto two wooden stables belonging to the Kaumakapili Church which was located on Beretania near Maunakea, spreading the fire through Chinatown in spite of help from volunteers to douse the fire. The police drove the residents out of the danger zone, down Kekaulike Street, along Queen Street, to Kakaako where emergency camps were set up. By two o'clock that afternoon, all Chinatown was in flames. Fortunately no lives were lost, but it was a pitiful sight.\n\nFather learned from Grandfather that 300 stores, both wooden and brick, were destroyed. Luckily, the conflagration just missed Wong On Tai, Yuen Chong and Kwong Li Yuan, but they were forced to relocate nevertheless. Father, Aunt Yim and her husband were sent away to a camp in Kalihi, where my Mother and her family were also confined. In his letter dated 20 February 1900, Ping Lim gave graphic description of the insensitive way in which the Chinese were evacuated and of their strong feelings of degradation. Further news to Father came from Yim Goon Siu who voiced his resentment against the 'white bandits' who 'chased' all 'foreigners', Japanese and natives, young and old, male and female, to the camps in Kalihi and Kakaako. When the block in which Mills School was located was quarantined following the death of several Chinese working for the Pantheon Stables nearby, the Rev. Damon had already moved his students to an island owned by Samuel Damon near the 3-mile pumping station in Moanalua. Ping Lim was thus free to visit and take food to the family when they were first interned in Kawaiahao Church in Kakaako, and to send mail to them when they were moved to Kalihi. During this period, according to First Uncle, the 'white bandits' took similar action in San Francisco by sending the Chinese away from Chinatown, and he was not permitted to send to Hawaii medical supplies which Father had ordered for a friend, although the supplies had been purchased from 'white' people.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211453, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "145\n\nwere married on 16 March 1903, in appropriate Chinese fashion and in a Christian ceremony. This was followed by an elegant dinner given by Grandfather for relatives, friends, and Father's colleagues and superiors at the bank. There were many compliments on the beauty of the bride and the exceptional choice of dishes.\n\nMy sister Ruth McLan was born on 4 April 1904. I, Violet MeBigT, was born on 20 January 1906; MeYukE on 21 September 1907; and Dora MeSunX4 on 7 October 1917. Because Me means 'beautiful' and because we were born in the United States, called the 'Beautiful Country' by the Chinese, Grandfather chose that character as a part of our names.\n\nAfter MeYuk was sent to First Uncle in her infancy, and when Helen was still very young, I was babied longer than customary, often on Father's lap. One night, shortly after we moved to Broad Road, he beckoned me to sit on his lap. For some unexplained reason, I demurred shyly, whereupon my mother supported me by saying, 'You are a big girl now'. For a while I shared a bed with Father, while Mother slept with Helen, the baby. During that time two incidents made a deep impression on me. The first was the cracking sound of frightened chickens emanating from under our house, where they roosted, that roused us one night. I was very much afraid and Father felt it was the better part of valour not to go out to investigate. Loose chicken feathers we saw the next morning told us that someone must have tried successfully to steal our chickens. An even more frightening experience which left me trembling in bed late one night was hearing a woman next door whimpering each time her husband beat her. I swear I could hear the swish of the rattan. Not one adult in that extended household interceded. We concluded that the man, a gambler, must have vented his anger on his wife when he lost money that night.\n\nFather showed more affection for his children than most Chinese men did in those days. He enjoyed teaching Ruth because she learned easily and did so well in school; he enjoyed Helen because she was a very sweet child and a cute performer; he enjoyed Dora because she was the baby. He liked me because I provided personal service, such as massaging his face, brushing and combing his hair, trimming his toe and finger nails. He would take us walking with the youngest child in his arms and the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211455, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "147\n\naway from a Sunday evening service to watch some people playing dominos, even though I was too young to realize that they were gambling. This was the only time Father had ever whipped any of us, an indication of his extreme anger at me. He really did not approve of the corporal punishment that Mother administered on Ruth and me, and when Helen came along, he asked Mother not to spank Helen so much. He was never tempted to do anything against his sense of right and wrong. When a relative tried to involve him in opium, he would have none of it, even when his relative thought Father would succumb to the temptation once the drug was sent to him without his consent. When the 'goods' arrived at the pier and Father got the bill of lading, he refused to accept it so that it was returned to San Francisco.\n\nFather was always trying to advance himself and his family, educationally, not only with books but also with experience. I can still picture him before a kerosene lamp at the family table reading, practising calligraphy, or teaching Ruth before she was old enough to attend school. Ruth was quiet, studious and bright, and learned quickly. I was active, impulsive and spirited, somewhat of a clown at times, but not so bright as Ruth. On one occasion when I was no more than four, he tried to teach me addition in Chinese by memorizing 'one tangerine and two tangerines make three tangerines'. I consistently got it wrong, and in frustration Father rapped me on the head with his knuckle, at which I ended up in tears so that Mother had to come to the rescue.\n\nHe bought books and dictionaries for himself and children's books for us. I used to be fascinated with a book about birds where the bluejay acted as the policeman among them. I used to pour over repeatedly the illustrations in our huge Bible and in other books, letting my fantasies take over. He bought a large bookcase for these books, which included textbooks he and Ping Lim had used and the Chinese classics he had studied in China. I grew to love them and often used them as references. Mother, who had a tendency to throw away anything that reminded her of her deceased loved ones, unfortunately gave away most of these books while I was in Nebraska. It was lucky for me that she kept these Chinese books that included the classics which I had proudly used when I attended Chinese language school and which Father would explain to me if there was something I could not absorb at school. When Ruth graduated from the 8th grade, Father shed tears of joy. How much greater his joy would", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211456, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "148\n\nhave been had he been alive when Ruth graduated from McKinley High School first in her class, with honours and a gold medal, or when she received a degree in medicine.\n\nAlthough our dresses were home-made, our shoes and hats were from fancy shops on Fort Street, then the main shopping centre of Honolulu. Whenever Father took us out, he would tell us to 'dress up like a duchess'. Sometimes he would take us to a cinema, or to a stage show, or to a musical at the Y.M.C.A. A visit to the Bishop Museum was always followed by a pause at the site of the mental hospital then located on School Street, where we would peep through the knot holes of the fence to observe the bizarre behaviour of the inmates. When Queen Liliuokalani died and her body was on view in Kawaiahao Church, he took Ruth, Helen and me to this sad and historical event. I remember him carrying me out onto our porch in Iwilei to point out a comet with a wide spray of bright light. I believe it was Halley's Comet. These may not be unusual experiences for children of today, but in the early 1900s, they were not common for Chinese children.\n\nFather's interests extended beyond our home. There were always illiterate women friends asking him to write letters. He did volunteer work at the Berentania Street Mission under the direction of Mrs. Elijah J. Mackenzie, a missionary who spoke fluent Chinese. There he taught English to young men newly arrived from China, gathered with them in worship, and interpreted for the Sunday and evening services when a sermon was given in English. When the Rev. Schenck came to Hawaii to administer the missions for the Hawaiian Board, he dispensed with Father's help so abruptly that it hurt Father deeply. Father had other community interests. He was one of the early members of the Chinese Y.M.C.A. which was located behind the Fort Street Chinese Church. Among its members were En Sue Kong, Luke Chan, Yim Quan and Tom Joon Yai. Father also served as English secretary for the See Dai Doo Society for many years, until his death. He would often drop by Wing On Tai for a chat or to do business; he would visit with friends from his village or nearby areas at the Pui Gun Horse Stable, located off Pauahi Street near River Street. There he enjoyed their fellowship and the news from 'home'. He would always buy a bag of roasted peanuts from a well-known shop on Pauahi Street to enjoy on his way home.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "152\n\nyears later, Maternal Grandmother had her third child, a son, who died in infancy in China when he and Mother were taken there for a visit.\n\nMother was a very good-looking woman. She had rather large eyes, well-formed features and a fair, pleasant face. Her hair was dark and very fine, a characteristic she had inherited from her father, who, she said, had hair of silk and skin that was fair, smooth and hairless. There was an air of gentility and femininity about her. A modest, humble and friendly person, she made friends easily and always avoided conflict. She formed strong and lasting friendships with many who found in her an understanding and sympathetic confidante. Because she was a fine seamstress, many sought her help in cutting or sewing their Chinese clothes. Mother never lost her sense of pride, even though early years of poverty left their mark on her to save and deprive herself for that \"rainy day\" which never came. She was a pessimist, always anticipating disaster, and consequently was cautious and conservative, often warning us, \"Walk with hand holding onto a wall\".\n\n—\n\nBeneath her soft appearance, however, Mother was a person of strength. She dominated our early lives and we submitted whether we agreed with her or not, due to an ingrained sense of respect for our elders. It was not until I was nearly 30 years old that I began to exert myself and this resulted in a few emotional confrontations. Because it was felt that education would cause daughters to become too independent and also too old to be sought after as wives, Mother was allowed only a few years of schooling. On the other hand, because Hakka (**) parents saw the advantage of a good education, some of Mother's Hakka schoolmates went on to become teachers or prominent citizens. One of them was Mrs. Samuel Young and the other was Mrs. How Fo Chong, wife of a minister and daughter of Lee Toma. From these early associates, Mother learned to speak the Hakka dialect fluently.\n\nBright, alert and curious, Mother had a great thirst for knowledge and never hesitated to ask when she did not know. With added guidance from Father, she could read and write both Chinese and English better than many Hawaiian-born Punti girls of that era. She would tell us stories about the heroic deeds of old, about which she had read in such Chinese classics as The Three Kingdoms and The Dream of the Red Chamber. Even up to a year before her death, she left evidence of having used", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211461, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "153\n\nthe dictionary to look up the meaning of unfamiliar words she had come across in her reading. Whether she was scolding, philosophizing, or teaching, she would usually quote a Chinese saying to reinforce her idea.\n\nAlthough before her marriage Mother knew only how to boil water, she became a very good cook and developed a fine taste for gourmet dishes. Endowed with a good reasoning mind, she managed to figure out how to make household repairs. Widowed at 32 and left alone to cope with the responsibility of raising four young daughters, she proved to be a skilful manager of what Father left us. Except for requiring good behaviour of us, she made no other demands on us. I am sure that she derived much strength from her deep faith in God and in the knowledge that she had fulfilled her promise to Father, before he died, that she would give their children the best of care.\n\nWhen my parents were married in 1903, Father was 25 and nine years older than Mother. Mother had found it very difficult to be dominated by a husband after having been indulged by a fond parent. Still more difficult was the fact that she began married life in the home of Aunt Yim Ali, who took on the role of surrogate mother-in-law and had a sharp tongue. Because Father felt he owed much to his sister, he tended to cater to her and did not think of giving support to Mother. Since Father was earning only 25 dollars a month, there were only two meals a day — breakfast and dinner. Mother spoke of being very hungry, for on the farm where she grew up there had always been plenty of food. At that time adequate nourishment was especially vital for her because she had become pregnant and was still a growing teenager. Whenever possible, Grandfather Jong would bring her a piece of poached chicken leg, salted, and some snacks, which she would hide away for herself. Later, Father found an apartment in a frame duplex located on the corner of Prison Road and a lane running towards the waterfront, and opposite the original site of the prison. He was now able to give Mother two dollars a month with which she was able to have lunch, usually a Chinese flat cookie, called Kiangsu Cake.\n\nBeing chief homemakers, Chinese women rarely went out. Social relationships were usually with neighbours and family members. Our next-door neighbours were the Leong Nam's, with whom we shared a common porch. They had one son, Ah Sui, and three daughters, named", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211463, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "155\n\nI remember crying in pain and rage because adults and children gathered around me to watch.\n\nMother also used some of the ointments that Grandfather Jong brewed for us. One white jar contained a blackish, gummy substance, a bit of which in warm tea was for gastro-intestinal discomfort, and which I later learned contained a little opium. A jar of pink ointment was for drawing influence to a head after it had been warmed over a small flame and applied as a poultice. Mother was so pleased when Uncle Yim sent us a dried gall bladder of a bear because of its \"cooling\" effect on an infected area. Once she dissolved some of it in water and applied it to me. When I fell and cut my head, what Mother did was to press some tobacco, which Grandmother Jong used for her water-pipe, on the wound to stop the bleeding.\n\nAs we grew older and Mother began to learn more Western practices from some of her new-found friends, in particular Mrs. Lam Quan, a neighbour who had studied at Kawaiahao Seminary, castor oil was the first order of treatment when any of us got sick, followed by a dose of Chinese herbal tea to “cool” our system. According to Dr. Joseph Lam, the herbs served as a diuretic. Diet for the sick would always be congee, or sweet potatoes boiled in water and sweetened with cakes of brown sugar from China, or a thin sweetened gruel of white-flowered sweet potato flour, also imported from China. For a congested chest, she would rub the area with warm peanut oil and the feel of her soft, warm hand would give me comfort and reassurance.\n\nMother's health was always fragile, but she took very good care of herself. I do not know what her early ailments were, but she used to buy \"Vivai\" from a Mrs. McAllister upon the advice of Mrs. Lam Quan. Mother would drink the liquid and have either Ruth or me massage her back with the ointment at bedtime. Young and tired, I would often doze off while trying to do the boring task. Fortunately, this did not last long. In addition, Mother would use all kinds of Chinese medicines, often referring to a handbook of medicine. Soon after Helen was born, she suffered such severe gastric pains that a herbalist was called in to treat her. When I was in high school, it seemed that every time I planned to go to a football game, she would get so sick that I would have to be home with her. Later, after Father's death, when women were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211464, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "156\n\nmore emancipated, she underwent surgery several times for a uterine tumor, for hemorrhoids, for a gastric ulcer and gallstones, and finally for intestinal obstruction at the age of 79. She was fortunate to come under the care of excellent surgeons Dr. Wah Kwai Chang, Dr. Samuel Yee, and Dr. Livingston Wong. And Dr. Richard Chun treated her for many years for hypertension and a bad heart.\n\nI do not think that Mother had ever worked through her feelings of repeated separations and losses. At the tender age of 16, she became separated from her family by marriage, only visiting once or twice a year, although Kaneohe was only about 12 miles from Honolulu. The death of Grandmother Jong in 1907, the departure of Grandfather for China in 1909, never to return, the gift of Me Yuk to First Paternal Uncle Chan before she could walk, her death at five years of age, and Grandfather Jong's rejection of Mother when he learned that she had embraced Christianity and wrote that he had lost his daughter — all these increased Mother's feelings of loss. When I was growing up, I would sometimes come upon her with tears in her eyes. Although it troubled me, I never thought to ask her the reason and I was too young to understand and to give her comfort. These experiences no doubt coloured her outlook on life, for whenever any of us left home, she would cry and worry unnecessarily. Oddly her fears were often confirmed.\n\nMother was never pressured by Father to become a Christian. An elderly Chinese Bible woman, whom we addressed as \"Fourth Aunt\", would visit us in Iwilei, talk with Mother, and teach Ruth and me to sing \"Jesus Loves Me, this I know\" in Chinese. At Christmas \"American\" ladies would come by and give us cornucopias filled with candy. We still have a booklet from them, pasted with pictures of Bible stories and a photograph of Central Union Church on its cover. I used to look at the pictures over and over again, and was particularly struck by a picture of a boy lying on the ground and a woman sitting beside him in a prayerful attitude with her face turned towards Heaven. I later learned that it was Ishmael and his mother in the desert after Abraham sent them away.\n\nIn 1911 when we moved to our home on Board Road, Mother became acquainted with two staunch Christians, Mrs. C. K. Ai and Mrs. Edwin Cooper, under whose influence she became more enlightened and\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211469, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "161\n\nfaith, the Lam Toy's and Lam Quan's, who became our life-long friends. By this time Chinese women were freer to visit with each other, and Mrs. Lam Quan taught Mother how to sew Western style dresses for us children, to bake cakes, to make delicious ice cream (which was a great treat in those days), and to use Western medicine. When Mr. and Mrs. Ai took a trip to China in 1913, their son, Samuel, would often play with me or Helen. One afternoon while he, Mung Yee Yap and I were playing ball, the family dog, tied to a mango tree, bit Samuel repeatedly when he tried to retrieve a stray ball. I stood immobilized and horrified by his screams. He happened to be wearing clothes his friend had loaned him when his head became wet while playing in a stream, and the unfamiliar scent must have provoked the dog. Fortunately his sister Bessie, who happened to come to the front door, rescued him. It was also traumatic to hear Samuel's scream while he was being treated on the back porch by Dr. Francis Wong-Leong.\n\nAmong Mother's non-Christian friends was the first Mrs. Siu Kit who lived in a small lane behind the Dutro's. She had come from China with her oldest child to join Mr. Siu, who ran a butcher shop at the corner of King and Aala Streets. She bore five more children, but the youngest died of whooping cough before he was even a month old. After the death of this infant, Mrs. Siu seemed to have no will to live, and, again, pregnant, became very ill, possibly from influenza. She died in 1919, insisting to the end that Mr. Siu had taken in a concubine in his village. There was no foundation to her accusations, because only after her death did he go to Japan, where he met and married a young girl from the village selected by his family to be his second wife. This second Mrs. Siu also became our life-long friend, who looked upon Mother as a surrogate parent and was always generous and thoughtful. She found the care of five undisciplined stepchildren and seven of her own a difficult responsibility. When the exchange rate was very favourable, Mr. Siu retired to Shekki with his whole family but gradually sent his children, two or three at a time, back to Honolulu. He died during the Japanese occupation of China. Mrs. Siu returned to Honolulu after the Second World War to live with her daughter, Siu Ying Chun, and died in 1985 while on an extended visit in California.\n\nThis was a worry-free and happy period of my life in spite of the fact that occasionally I had a stormy time with Mother, who did not spare", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211473, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "165\n\nChinese girls there. Very feminine and attractive, she had no end of male admirers, much to Mother's anxiety.\n\n1\n\nOn February 6, 1932, young and inexperienced, Helen was married to Edmund Tin Wai Tong W, who was some years her senior and much more sophisticated. He had been educated at Lingnan University in Canton and at the University of Pennsylvania, and was working for the Chinese-American Bank, of which his father, Tong Phong, was president. This union was pleasing to both my Mother and to the Tong Phong's. A son, Edmund Yee Sing, was born on 28 September 1933. Following the failure of the bank when it encountered financial difficulties, Helen and Tin Wai were divorced on 18 January 1937. This was a disappointment to the parents on both sides, but the in-laws remained good friends. With the passage of time, Helen and Tin Wai are now on friendly terms.\n\nHelen began her working career as a kindergarten teacher for a year and a substitute teacher at a junior high school for about half a year. For a year in 1937 to 1938, she went to San Francisco to attend a fashion designing school as well as a business school. She returned to Honolulu to work along these lines, first for others, then for herself in a dressmaking business, until the Second World War when she worked for the Office of Civilian Defense in a secretarial capacity. When the war ended, she accepted a civil service position as a statistician with the Territorial Bureau of Sight Conservation and later as a clerk-stenographer with the Territorial Board of Health. Due to the fact that she failed to receive child support, as ordered by the Court, from Edmund's father, Helen was forced to change jobs whenever a better paying one opened to her. Alone she eventually saw Edmund go through college with a degree in dentistry from the University of Illinois.\n\nIn 1946 on a vacation trip to Chicago to visit Dora, Helen met and married Tso-yu Futon on 14 March, 1947. He came from Wen Chou, Yung Chia Hsian, Chekiang Province MT and owned a Chinese art business, which ended when no merchandise could be imported from China. At the time of his death on 14 March, 1971, as a result of an automobile accident, he was a managing editor of a Chinese newspaper. After two more children, Lynnette Wen-chu X, born on 29 July, 1948, and Russell Wen-chau M born on 10 September, 1951,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "170\n\nmen, steeped in the Classics, is one of my positive experiences in this school.\n\nAs I remember it, starting school was not a traumatic experience; I went alone to the Fort Street Chinese Church and, without any ado, sat with other children in the kindergarten that was supported by the Free Kindergarten Association. In those days, there were no automobiles and very few hacks, so it was not unusual for me, at my age, to travel alone to a place where I attended church services with Mother every Sunday. One of our friends, Mrs. Chun Nam, even asked me to take her son to this kindergarten without the necessity of registering him beforehand. My teacher was a Japanese woman dressed in her native garb. This year left few impressions on me.\n\nAccepted into Central Grammar School, I found my first-grade teacher, Miss Armstrong, a warm and conscientious person, who had many charts from which she drilled us in the sounds of the vowels and consonants and in the combination of these into words, using a pointer to guide us. Arithmetic was simple addition and subtraction or the reciting of the multiplication table, which could always be found on the back of our notebooks. The majority of the class were white children, and I did not feel comfortable enough to make friends with them. In the next three grades, I began to socialize with them and was included by them in play, as I was an active girl and swift on my feet when competing. As we advanced in years, the different races tended to chum around with their own ethnic groups. Many of the white children came from the army base and were driven to and from school in army vans. When Mrs. Carter retired, the school became less segregated.\n\nMiss Smith was my second-grade teacher, a young lady of rather generous proportions. She was warm and likeable, yet firm. She taught me to sew carefully and neatly a miniature book, the pages of which served as a place for pins and needles, something I treasured for years. Promptness was imperative. One day, when I arrived late for class, I was so afraid of her that I went home, only to be sent back to school by Mother, another disciplinarian, after she scolded me for dallying with my morning chores. Without asking for any explanation, Miss Smith had me hold out a hand, and then whacked my palm with a ruler; I felt exceedingly embarrassed. It did not lessen my fondness for her, and I", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "176\n\nMemories of teachers in other departments remain with me. Dr. Douglas Scott, whom I had for English, extended himself to get me oriented in my first few weeks at the university and several years later, gave Bung Fong a free ride to the West Coast. I enjoyed Dr. Lawrence Fossler, a tall and large-framed German, for his great sense of humour and his ability to make German classes interesting. Pharmacology under Dr. Lyman was my most relaxing course because he had an easy manner in teaching. Although Physics is generally difficult for some, I surprised myself by doing well in it. My Waterloo was Organic Chemistry, which I eventually passed by the skin of my teeth. Because I had little social life, except on rare occasions when friends of Mrs. Johnson included me at their gatherings, my contacts in school fulfilled most of my need for companionship.\n\nThe depression which began in 1929 was still on in 1932, and jobs were hard to find. I accepted a position to teach senior biology under a three-year contract with the True Light Middle School at Paak Hok Tung in Canton. This was a prestigious high school supported by the Presbyterian Mission. Its principal, the Rev. Stephen G. Mark, had known me when he was pastor of the Beretania Chinese Church in Honolulu, where I had done some volunteer work and where I had taught English at night to Chinese male immigrants. On my way to China I stopped over in Honolulu for about two months as the guest of the Tong Phongs, who had welcomed Mother and Dora into their home following Ruth's death. Helen and her husband were also living in her in-laws' home at that time.\n\nMother, Dora and I obtained third-class special passage on the Empress of Japan, sharing a room with Pyun Kyau Zane Minn and her mother. There were many Chinese young men and women on board, some returning to their native land and some going to China for the first time to study at Lingnan University or Yenching University. Among the Hawaiian passengers were Hung Wo Ching, Irma Tam, Deborah and Joseph Kau, Bunny and Ethel Au, Sing Chang, Kim Tet Lee, Emma Tenn, and Ellen Lo. A favourable exchange rate, a sense of identity with their roots and a desire to contribute to the progress of China motivated many American-born Chinese to go to China.\n\nMy three years in China were interesting and enlightening, but one...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211485, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "177\n\nof the most tragic periods of my life. The students were bright and eager to learn. They were tolerant of my inadequate command of Chinese and were helpful in teaching me a more refined use of the language. Among them was Sally Sun, the adopted daughter of Sun Yat-sen. She followed me to Honolulu and lived with us while she attended the University of Hawaii until she left after her freshman year for Pomona College. To this day I am in touch with many of my former students.\n\nI was glad for the opportunity to meet many relatives, some for the second time, and to know them better. I felt welcomed in the homes of First Paternal Uncle and Cousin Toby. The former lived in a traditional compound on the bank of a small river in the Lai Chee Wan district\n\nin Canton, an area where the elite of the old regime resided. He also maintained a home on Kennedy Road, in Wanchai, Hong Kong, a sturdy building of British design. About once a month, on pay day, I would invite Bertha Young, Sarah Mao, and Miriam Simpson, teachers at True Light, to spend a weekend at Uncle's Kennedy Road home. This gave us a chance to savour foreign food, perhaps to see an American film, or to attend a tea-dance at the Hong Kong Hotel.\n\nCousin Toby and his wife Louise lived in the Tung Shan I section of Canton where many westernized Chinese congregated. Staying with them on occasions was a pleasant change. Sometimes I would go with them to the Euro-American Club for a night of dancing.\n\nBecause my salary was only 120 Mex. dollars a month (about 20 U.S. dollars), I could not see as much of China as I would have liked. I was able to visit Father's birthplace and our Chan relatives a second time, and to pay respects to the graves of my grandparents and great grandparents during the Ching Ming Festival. I also paid a short visit to the home of my maternal grandmother in Shekki where we had lived in 1919, and to the new home of Aunt Pong nearby. In the summer of 1934, with Bertha Pang, Tiu Kei and Suk Kei Chan, and Ethel Au, I set out to see Peking by rail from Shanghai. I found Peking a charming old city and was thrilled to visit the Great Wall and the Imperial City and other attractions, so rich in history. People here seemed more refined, more cultivated; even the salesmen were very polite. On the way back, we stopped at several well-known places. We met and were joined at times by Daniel Yee, William Leong, Deborah Kau and Elizabeth Ching.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211486, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "178\n\nWe climbed half-way up Mount Tai, sweltered in Nanking, found Hangchow entrancing, and considered Shanghai too foreign and bustling to be interesting. The great discrepancy between the rich and the poor was evident everywhere. The extreme poverty and degradation of life with no prospect of change for the poor influenced my decision to become a social worker when I left China.\n\nIn 1931 Bung Fong returned to the University of Nebraska for graduate work in electrical engineering, but left in 1933 to join me in Canton hoping to find employment there. On a brief visit to Hong Kong he became infected with a \"boil\" on his chin, and a dentist friend, not realizing it was a carbuncle that gave Bung Fong a toothache, extracted the teeth. This was a disastrous procedure for it spread the infection into the soft tissues, leading to septicemia and his death on 23 November 1933. Antibiotics had not been discovered then, and surgery and medication were not effective. It was a long and agonizing night as I stood vigil by his hospital bed and watched him slowly losing hold of life. The Rev. Chong Jook Ling, who had served in Honolulu, was a great help and support to me in making funeral arrangements and in conducting a service at the Hop Yat Church for Bung Fong before burial in the Christian cemetery in Pokfulam. Some years later, in the 1960s, his brother, Robert Wong, re-interred his remains in Honolulu. Again, like Ruth, a young person with a promising future had died. It left me depressed for several years until I felt he would have wanted me to have a happy life. In reaction, I pursued life with complete abandon the next few years.\n\nIn my last year at True Light, I served reluctantly under the new principal, who expressed a condescending attitude toward us American-born Chinese. Inasmuch as Mother was very much worried about my safety when Japan began to rattle her sword, I returned to Honolulu upon fulfilment of my contract. To have a new outlook on life, Mother had built a two-bedroom cottage in Puunui on a lot that I had found for her when I was working for Judge Robinson. This has been our home ever since and it holds many fond memories, especially of Mother who enjoyed this humble abode to the end. I arrived home very much out of touch with what had been going on in the United States. The social programmes, such as the WPA, FERA, CCC, etc. were just alphabets to me at first. It was still difficult to find employment,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211489, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "181\n\nproceeding to New York to see Sarra Sam. While she and I were on a sight-seeing trip to Coney Island, we were bombarded with the exciting news of the end of the Second World War. We immediately returned to Chinatown where there was already great rejoicing. After a return visit with Dora and her family, and a short one with Mrs. Johnson, I left San Francisco on the Monterey for Honolulu, arriving home on 5 December, 1945.\n\nIn April 1946 I was briefly seconded to the American Red Cross to interview victims of a huge tidal wave that swept the islands and claimed a number of lives. I was assigned to the island of Molokai, where I found that those with losses were mainly Hawaiians leading a simple life of agriculture and fishing along the seacoast.\n\nOut of the clear sky in 1947, I was invited to apply for a scholarship from the Honolulu Chapter of the National Foundation of Infantile Paralysis under the chairmanship of Mr. Riley Allen. I had been recommended by Miss Mary Cattan, Director of Social Services at Queen's Hospital, who had given assistance to Ruth during her hospitalization. It was a generous grant and the only condition was that I would return to serve the community for two years. Accepted by the New York School of Social Work, Columbia University, during the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower. I studied there from March 1947 to August 1948 for a Master of Science in Social Work degree. My field work was at the Presbyterian Hospital and my thesis was \"An Explanatory Study of Thirty Poliomyelitis Patients Having Social and Emotional Difficulties”, patients selected from the Poliomyelitis Research Project, Department of Rehabilitation and Physical Medicine, New York University, Colleges of Medicine, at Bellevue Hospital, under the direction of Miss Mary C. Jarrett.\n\nI lived with Sarra Sam on 135th Street, between Riverside Drive and Broadway. She also shared her apartment with her sister Esther and with a friend from Fresno, Eunice Ma. Although the apartment was small and crowded, we managed to have some enjoyable gatherings there. We had many visitors from Hawaii: Ching Wan and his son Edmund; B. Y. and Mary Kamin Wong; Dr. F. H. Tong and his wife; and Bernard Young. Lillian Louis, Charlotte Wong and Jean Shigemura, all studying at Columbia, often shared our pleasantries. Dr. John Kometani, after", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "183\n\nMaine, from 1953 to 1958. With some help from us and from scholarships, both managed to obtain a college education on their own earnings, Gar Shucy from the University of Massachusetts in Amherst in 1960 and Gar Ling from Pembroke College in 1962.\n\nBefore long I was working temporarily as an interpreter with the U.S. Immigration Service and later as a typist for the Library Mutual Insurance Company. In November 1954 I found permanent work as a social worker at the Children's Unit of the Metropolitan State Hospital in Waltham. I left this psychiatric setting for a day care agency, the Associated Day Care Services of Metropolitan Boston, in September 1959, because I felt that preventive work with young children was more effective than attempts to restore their mental health. It was depressing to feel the guilt and anguish of those parents who had mentally-ill youngsters. The day care experience proved to be challenging and rewarding. By the time I retired in 1973, I had become Director of Social Service under Mr. Sibley Higginbotham, a very sensitive and understanding administrator. From August 1975 to October 1976 I served there once more to fill a temporary vacancy. I am now enjoying permanent retirement with time to appreciate married life with a calm and supportive husband, and an excellent relationship with other members of the family and with my friends.\n\nDuring my years in Brookline, I brought Mother home several times for extended visits or have gone to Honolulu whenever she was ill. Since her death in 1974 John and I have continued to make an annual trip to the place of my birth, no doubt to recapture precious memories and relationships which have made my life so meaningful. In my twilight years, always aware of the fragility of life, I have endeavoured to record some aspects of my life and of those people who touched upon it, with the expectation that in the future someone in the family might become interested in his roots. It is also due to my own need to leave part of myself behind. In addition, it is my hope that what I have gathered would give a bit of historical perspective of the early Chinese immigrants as reflected in the history of our families; that it would give an insight to their industriousness, sacrifices, and handicaps, their hopes and ambitions, and the opportunities opened to them; and that it would give a glimpse of some of their social and cultural practices. I am a simple, uncomplicated person, intelligent and of good common sense, but subject", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211495, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "187\n\nMunicipal Council, 718 volumes and pamphlets were purchased from Wylie for Tls 1,767.50 to form the nucleus of the society's library. The Shanghai Municipal Council stipulated that the society would be responsible for providing “suitable rooms and a librarian”, and should they fail to do so, the books would be given to another organization.\n\nO. R. Crockett was appointed the \"honorary librarian\" in 1864, the first of at least twenty-eight people to hold this office. Over the years they represented at least four nations, England, the United States, Germany, and France. The third librarian, the American-born Frenchman Henri Cordier who compiled the monumental Bibliotheca Sinica, was the real founding father of the library.\n\nUnlike many members of the society, Cordier was a young man newly arrived in China, and full of both curiosity and energy. He immediately struck up a friendship with Wylie and was instrumental in the transfer of his books to the library. His first task for the society was to compile a catalogue of its recently assembled collection. As he recalled later:\n\nOn the first of April, 1871, Mr. Ney Ellis, then a merchant, took me to the library, which was indeed in a most dilapidated state in a large room of the Commercial Bank Building... I began at once the Catalogue of the books, which was published the next year (1872) at the Ching-Foong General Printing Office.\n\nThis catalogue showed 1,300 titles in Western languages, arranged according to Klaproth's classification, \"at least in its principal divisions\", with Wylie's books noted with asterisks. Not catalogued were an additional 1,023 volumes in Chinese, mostly from Wylie, and the **Transactions of Learned Societies and Periodical Publications, which form one of the most important classes of the Library**. Cordier noted in the preface:\n\nHowever valuable this collection may be, its deficiency is very great; and many a volume which an Orientalist ought to find is sought in vain through the pages of the Catalogue. Now that the paucity of our resources is known, no doubt people will come forward and help us fill the blanks.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211517, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "210\n\nof the ground, so that they can rise up with the balloon in due course: these youths have to light the fuses at just the right moment when the balloon takes off (see plate 6).\n\nOnce the balloon is fully erect, the oil-soaked ball is set alight and fixed to the centre of the wire struts at the rim. The balloon is pulled down to the ground and held down by as many of the village youths as possible, to maximise the heating effect of the very ardent fire produced by the oil-soaked ball (see plate 7).\n\nLighting of the old peanut oil ball was not always easy, and often took some time; the modern diesel soaked balls are much easier to light. In either case, once lit, the balloon soon begins to glow like a huge lantern, and the whole balloon quickly starts to strain upwards. The young men of the village try to restrain the balloon until the whole surface of the oil-ball was well alight, to ensure that the balloon flies upwards quickly and directly, with no dangerous lurches to the side where village buildings and crops stand ready to be set on fire. Usually, the balloon's lift is, however, so great that the young men are unable to restrain it for more than a few seconds. This is the most dangerous time, as the risks of the balloon catching fire at this stage are high: about half, in fact, fail and collapse in flame in this stage. If they don't burn out, the lift is great enough to carry the balloon up to a height of several thousand feet: balloons will cross the mountains of the New Territories with little problem. Ideally, the night for flying a balloon should be still and windless, so that the balloon goes straight up and hangs like a great lantern over the village, only drifting off slowly (see plate 8). A well-made balloon with a peanut oil-ball would burn, the villagers state, throughout the night and into the following day. Certainly, within the last 3 years, the author has seen balloons still hanging two or three hundred feet above the ground well into the morning after the Mid Autumn Festival. Diesel fired balloons burn out quicker, and tend to drift back to earth after an hour or so.\n\nThe villagers are and were aware of the fire-risks inherent in these balloons. The danger was when the balloon came back to earth still burning rather than staying in mid-air until the oil burnt out and the balloon drifted, dead, slowly back to earth. If the balloon was not restrained for the first few seconds after it was lit, or if the paper dome\n\n!\n\n!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211518, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "211\n\nwas ill-constructed so that it broke up, or caught fire, in mid-air, or if the night was very windy so that the paper dome tore, or the balloon was driven down by a squall, then fires were quite likely. Hill fires, and, worse, crop fires and fires burning houses, cattle sheds and other buildings as a result of hot air balloons are known to villagers in Sha Tin, Sha Tau Kok and Tuen Mun.\n\nAt present hot air balloons are still made, particularly by villagers in the North District, and the numbers of balloons is still high - the author saw seven in the sky within one hour during the 1986 Mid Autumn Festival and more than ten within one hour during the 1987 Festival.\n\nThe current generation of village elders, in their late 70s and early 80s, are unanimous that the current balloon construction and flying practices are identical with those they used in their youth (i.e. in the 1920s), and that the elders in their youth said that the practices when they were young (i.e. in the 1870s) were also the same. The elders specifically said that the rim of the balloon was stiffened with thin wire in their youth. The only changes are the switch from hemp cloth rags or kapok to cotton waste, and from peanut oil to diesel. The paper used for the balloon skin has changed a little as the older, coarser paper is not now available, and a shinier paper is now used. The elders all feel the modern paper is better, as the shine allows the paper to \"slip through the air easier\", but they are dubious about the switch to diesel: while easier to light, it does not give so clear a light, nor does it burn for so long. It would seem likely, however, that at some stage the balloons may well have been smaller, and used green bamboo shavings where the modern balloons use thin wire, but this is only a guess. At all events, the memories of the elders make it clear that balloons of the sort described above have been a widespread tradition in the New Territories for at least the last 100 years.\n\n5\n\nNeedham in his Science and Civilization in China refers to setting off hot air balloons as \"an ancient sport\" and a \"pastime\", and refers to cases in Fukien, Cambodia, and Yunnan. The Yunnan case is particularly interesting as it refers to activities by a certain minority tribe in Yunnan during the slack period between the planting and weeding of the rice and the harvest. The Mid Autumn Festival also falls in this same slack period, although, in the New Territories double harvest...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211521, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "214\n\nMeasurements:\n\n―\n\nAg. wt.: 4.60g - 0.43g. (wt. of 3 pins and lock) Size: 1.8 cm, diam., 4 mm. thick.\n\n=\n\n= 4.17 g\n\nSimilar original gold coins weigh 132.7 grain = 8.547 g. and have a diameter of 0.7 inches. It is only natural that the silver coin weighs much less, its density being 10.7868 compared to that of gold which is 19.6967.\n\nThe comparative volume of the coins shows a great approximation, Au. 43/Ag. 39, despite the difficulty in assessing the weight of the silver of similar original silver coins one.\n\nReports point to the possibility of the present coin being original. It is true that while gold was the precious metal ‘par excellence’ in Europe and in Asia Minor, silver was more commonly sought after in Asian countries. The coin is probably a contemporary or near contemporary copy of the gold original, probably made somewhere in the Persian Empire.\n\nDescription of the Coin\n\nObverse:\n\nHead of Demeter or Hera (?) wearing stephane (head band) and veil on the back of the head, earring and necklace. On the left, in front of the forehead, the letters TAPA (in Greek: Tara). A dolphin at the left, down the side, and a letter K near the neck, in front. A border circular line.\n\nReverse:\n\nYoung horseman (Kastor or Taras), naked, with javelin in the right hand and resting on the right shoulder. The horse is galloping or cantering. Below: AΠOΛ. In front of the horse's head a thunderbolt. On certain parts of the coin border dots are visible.\n\nNotes:\n\n1. TAPA is an abbreviation for TAPANTΩN, (Taranton), of the Tarantines.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211535, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "228\n\nIt reads in translation:\n\n+\n\n+\n\n\"There are two sorts of rice huller. One is made of wood. The other sort is made of mud. This sort is made with a round bamboo frame, filled with clean yellow mud. Bamboo teeth are pressed into both the upper and lower hulling faces. The upper frame of the huller has a hollow to receive the grain, the capacity of which is double that of a wooden huller. If the grain is at all damp when it goes into the huller, it will be crushed. After hulling 200 shek (E) of rice, a mud huller will start to fall to pieces. Wooden hullers require strong men to operate them, but mud hullers are suitable for operation by women or young people. The ordinary peasants use mud hullers of this type.\"\n\nI am grateful to Mr. Yau for drawing my attention to this description.\n\nJames Hayes\n\nA GLIMPSE OF THE LAND SETTLEMENT AT SHEK PIK VILLAGE,\n\nLANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG\n\nIn the opening years of this century, following the lease of what is now the New Territories of Hong Kong, all land that was being utilised or had been occupied was surveyed by the new government. A Land Court was set up to settle all claims to ownership of land, and any disputes were adjudicated. Finally, a register of ownership for each of the 355 Demarcation Districts was prepared and bound into a folio together with a survey sheet and a Block Crown Lease.\n\nWhilst the work of the survey and land court are well-documented in the official reports of the time,1 few materials showing the process in the villages have survived.\n\nTo my mind, the most interesting of these are the small printed \"chits”, known to villagers and government staff alike as Chi Tsai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211637, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "27\n\nOne of the unique features of the cult of the Jade Emperor is the extent to which members of his immediate family also appear on altars. In Taiwan and South-East Asia in Fukienese community temples, some of the daughters of the Jade Emperor are portrayed in image form on altars both with their father and alone, and prayed to in their own right. The Jade Emperor is said to have sons and four, or according to others, seven daughters. Temple keepers, when asked, without exception denied that the sons and daughters were approached by devotees who hoped for indirect but preferential treatment of their requests from the Jade Emperor.\n\nGraham in Suifu noted two statues in Jade Emperor temples portraying his daughters. (Regrettably Graham did not provide characters, simply giving their titles as Yin Fei U Nu and U Giang U Nu (the U Nu probably being Yuh Nu)).\n\nThough his daughters did not become prostitutes in the ordinary sense of the word, many amusing and ribald stories are told about them. The Jade Emperor's seventh daughter, Chang Ch'i-chieh (A) [Chang the seventh sister] chose to marry a woodcutter who, from the description in the legend, must have been not far off mentally defective. He did not even understand what a wife was. She overcame the woodcutter's mother's natural reluctance to see a beautiful and intelligent young woman throwing away her life to marry her idiot son. Ch'i Chieh was a good wife and all went well. However, unfortunately, she came to the notice of a rich and handsome young man who was determined to have her. She arranged to marry him in exchange for a very large bride-price to be paid to the idiot and, being an immortal, she punished the rich man severely on their wedding night. He promptly changed his mind and released her, whereupon she returned to the idiot who was now rich, and bore him a son. She then returned to Heaven having fulfilled the curse, but at the same time, she had punished the wicked and rewarded the filial, if idiot son.\n\nIn one temple only, small images of the mother and two wives of the Jade Emperor stand alone in a small shrine behind the main altar on which stands the image of the Jade Emperor himself. This temple layout in Silat Avenue in Singapore is very rare as the consort of the Jade Emperor, according to several different god carvers, is never portrayed on the altar. However, Graham, in Suifu in Szechuan in 1928, noted an image of the Jade Emperor's mother on the side altar in his temple, called Yuh Huang.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211653, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "43\n\nto the Afterworld during the major festival of the Hungry Ghosts.\n\nIn Chinese ethnic communities other than the Fukienese, pestilence deities are rarely known as such, though individual 'deified doctors' (deities prayed to for specific cures and illnesses) are believed to have special abilities to prevent or cure plague and pestilence. They are not referred to or considered as Wang Yeh. A good example of this is the image of Sui Ching-po (#24(1)) brought to Hong Kong in 1894 during a major outbreak of plague.\n\n4\n\nAmongst the large number of Pestilence Wang Yeh temples in Taiwan the most popular is, as already mentioned, at Nan K'un Shen at Peimen, just north of Tainan. This modern temple is located on the site where the Five Wang Yeh are believed to have first arrived in Taiwan from Fukien province some four centuries ago aboard their Spirit Boat. It began, as did most modern temples, as a tiny shrine of mud and stone, and as time passed and the community became wealthier, and of course, when the cult proved efficacious, the building progressed from wattle and daub, to wood and then to brick and tile. The Nan K'un Shen (A) temple contains a blend of cults, of Wang Yeh, of a protective general and the spirits of the unknown dead, the Yu Ying Kung.\n\nLegend has it that several hundred years ago a youth looking after cattle took shelter from the rain under a tree and stayed dry due to the special quality of the tree. The boy died young, seventeen according to some, and was buried under the tree as he had stipulated in his last wishes. From time to time his spirit, which was at first called the Spirit of the Broom (k) appeared to villages who built a small shrine for him referring to him now as Yu Ying Kung (A).\n\nHe was looked upon as the 'prince' of the surrounding area. However, later five Wang Yeh arrived in their Spirit Boat and the spirit of a general was brought over to Tainan; they asked the Yu Ying Kung spirit to permit them to have a temple in which they could live to be built nearby. The Yu Ying Kung refused and said that he had stuck a needle into the ground to mark his possession of the territory. The Wang Yeh countered this by claiming that they had buried a coin in the ground and thus they too had a claim on the territory. It came to blows until Kuan Yin intervened and a compromise was reached with the two temples standing side by side sharing one common wall which separated them. Thus it is that the Plague Gods (The Wang Yeh), the general (an unidentified and unnamed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "81\n\nwhich had been allocated for that purpose, but as they had to start with exactly nothing it was difficult. I was dumped off my lorry in front of the hospital-to-be at about 1 o'clock, and it was 5 p.m. before the staff had cleared a room and found enough beds to get the most elementary of wards going. There I stayed exactly two months. Meanwhile my wife had found a corner for herself in a room with three other married couples and a baby. She got on very well with two of the other couples (and the baby), but the third couple were very disagreeable and behaved in an almost incredibly disgraceful way towards the other people in the room, but particularly to my poor wife. So when I was fit to be moved from the hospital we tried to get quarters elsewhere but the billeting committee couldn't fix us in anywhere and the Japanese Chief Supervisor was unhelpful, so I just had to make one more in an already overcrowded room. And there we stayed, with one brief excursion to the French Hospital to have my knee X-rayed, until the Americans were repatriated early in July when we were moved into the block vacated by them where we shared a room with Mr. and Mrs. Witham and their baby and one other couple. Here we were perfectly happy and were facing with equanimity the prospect of internment for the duration when on July 20th we were told that we could, if we wished and if we paid our own fares, go to Shanghai. No further explanation was forthcoming and the permission did not extend to the rest of the Embassy and Consulate personnel in the camp. Of course I said we would go (the Swiss Consul sent in enough money for the fares) and we were shipped to Shanghai with some 60 other people who had also been allowed to leave the camp. I assumed that once I was in Shanghai I would be entitled to be repatriated with the rest of the Embassy people; but as soon as the ship berthed in Shanghai a Japanese Vice-Consul came on board and told me that though I had been allowed to come to Shanghai I was not going to be repatriated. It looked as if I was going to share with Sir Mark Young (who is interned at Woosung) the melancholy distinction of being the only British officials in Japan and occupied China. We were taken to the Cathay Hotel where the outport Consulate staffs and other persons destined for repatriation were being collected. We were given a comfortable suite and, except for the restriction in our movements, had nothing to complain about. I telephoned to Mr. Le Rougetel who had not been told that we were coming. He got the Swiss Consul-General to inform the Foreign Office and it seems that a special exchange agreement was made for me and my wife. So on August 17th we embarked on the \"Kamakura Maru\".\n\nAs regards conditions in Stanley Internment Camp I wrote a few notes,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211716, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "106\n\nis expensive and because of its \"burnt\" smell.\n\nSandalwood is obtained from Santalum album, the best of which is found in Sydney, Australia. This species is often referred to as Hsin-shan sandalwood (新山檀香木, US). The core part of the tree trunk, being older, has the stronger scent and thus is most valued and gains the name of Ta hsin-shan (大新山, II). The next rank is called T'ou-tsai (頭材, Bff) and is obtained from the shoot of the tree trunk. The branches and the bark of the tree, being either too young or too rough, are less valued and are termed as Chih-tsai (枝材, literally meaning \"little branches\") and Shêng-p'i (生皮, literally meaning \"tree bark\", ) respectively. An inferior species is called Ju-lai-fên (如來粉, 403) which is a little pungent in smell. Some of the sandalwood, however, comes from Indonesia and is called Di-men (低門, HP) which is not as odoriferous as that from Australia. Sandalwood is also imported from Papua New Guinea and the islands of the South Pacific. It is this type of scent which is most favoured by the public and is used in the production of both joss sticks and incense coils. In 1987, more than 50 factories reported the use of various grades of sandalwood.\n\nBenzoin, in contrast, is obtained from Styrax benzoin from Sumatra, S. hypoglaucus, S. macrothuyrrus from China and S. tonkinensis from Siam. This fragrance has a very strong smell and was widely used in the 1960s and 1970s. In the 1960s, 60% of the incense wood ground in a single incense wood mill in Shek Kong was benzoin wood (around 200-300 tan per month). Today, less than 30 tan of benzoin wood is ground in a year. Lign-aloe-scented joss sticks, however, are produced with a mixture of wide varieties of Chinese medicinal herbs; examples include Illicium verum, Foeniculum vulgare, Rheum spp., Cinnamomum cassia, Syzygium aromaticum, Nardostachys chinensis, Zanthoxylum simulans, Lysimachia foenumgraecum, Angelica anomala, Kaempferia galanga, Angelica sinensis, Glycyrrhiza uralensis, Xanthoxylum and Eleutherococcus gracilistylus. Ch'ien-nan (沉南, £), the common name for this kind of joss stick, was particularly used in Malaysia and Thailand in early days to fumigate the tin mines.\n\nThe last common type of incense powder used is from ordinary sawdust. Though increasingly fewer incense stick factories produce joss sticks with sawdust, at least 20 factories in 1987 had small sections devoted to the production of this kind of low-grade commodity. The end product so manufactured is called Ts'u-hsiang (**粗香**, “crude joss sticks”, H)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211752, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "142\n\nsteady waves. This sensible and pragmatic defence plan lead to the villages near Kan Tau Wai being formed into five Yeuk, which radiate out from Kan Tau Wai like the spokes of a wheel. The villages to the north-east, furthest from Kan Tau Wai, formed a sixth Yeuk: its duties were to guard the other entrances to Ta Kwu Ling, the Fan Li Au and to keep an eye on the Cheung's allies in the area, especially Lin Ma Hang and Sai Ling Ha. The arrangement of the area into six Yeuk lead the area to be called the Ta Kwu Ling Luk Yeuk (\"Ta Kwu Ling Alliance of Six\"). The Yeuk seem to have been very united in their opposition to Wong Pui Ling — the deaths of villagers in the fighting were very evenly shared between them.\n\n29\n+\n\nThese arrangements required the Ping Yuen Hap Heung to be split, Ping Che joining Tong Fong and Kan Tau Wai in one Yeuk, centred on the Ping Che Road, and Ping Yeung with Nga Yiu Ha and Wo Keng Shan forming another centred on the Miu Keng road. The Loi Tung villagers had no interest in the Law Fong bridge, and did not join the Ta Kwu Ling alliance; their political interests lay elsewhere. Similarly, the old grouping of Kan Tau Wai, Lei Uk and Tai Po Tin had to be split, with Lei Uk and Tai Po Tin being joined with Shan Kai Wat further along their common access path. These arrangements seem to have been introduced no earlier than about 1850, and were limited to defence and mutual assistance matters; ritual and other arrangements continued to operate according to the older groupings. Hence the management of the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz was unaffected, and even though Loi Tung and Man Uk Pin were probably friendly with Wong Pui Ling, the political contacts of the villages near the pass did not end, and probably helped to stop the dispute escalating too far.\n\nAlthough it is something of an irrelevance to this article, it is, perhaps, worth saying something further about the Luk Yeuk. The alliance was successful in its war with Wong Pui Ling: the bridge was built (it was a very fine, three-span granite structure), with an inscription set up at the bridge foot detailing the donors. Wong Pui Ling had to accept defeat, and see its influence disappear throughout Ta Kwu Ling and beyond. The Ta Kwu Ling villagers, after peace had been secured, set up an organisation to ensure that the area could go back onto a “war footing” at short notice if required. This was the Shing Ping She (\"Peace Secured Society\"). This organisation ensured that all the young men were trained in martial arts, and that patrols \"to keep the peace\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211753, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "143\n\nwere maintained throughout the area. How long the watch on the Ta Kwu Ling was maintained is unclear, but a watch of some sort on the entrances to the area was kept up for a long time.\n\n33\n\nThe Shing Ping She was probably managed by a management committee, composed of one representative from each of the six Yeuk. The names of the committee appointed in 1924 survive. Below the management committee, there seems to have been a manager or managers for day-to-day activity.\n\n14\n\nThe villagers wanted spiritual protection as well as physical protection for the area. The Ping Yuen temple at Ping Che watched over the Ping Che road, and the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz over the Miu Keng road. The Shing Ping She established a third temple, the Kim Ho Temple, between the two bridges, where the Sham Tsun road passes through the gorge. This temple was built where the extinct Cheung market had been, and may have been a re-foundation of an older temple, since most markets in the area had temples. The re-foundation or foundation would, in any case, have marked very clearly the ending of Cheung power in the area. The Kim Ho temple was a Tin Hau temple, and the divinity was invited to the new temple from the Ping Yuen temple. This linked the new temple with the old one. In addition, a nun was appointed to live in the Kim Ho temple and conduct Buddhist rituals in a side-hall. Thus the three main entrances to the Ta Kwu Ling area were well defended spiritually, and ritually connected together into one system.\n\nThe Shing Ping She also rebuilt the temple at Ping Che. It was rebuilt as a temple in two parts, the main worshipping hall, with the altar to Tin Hau, and its side-halls, and a second worshipping unit consisting of a Heroes Shrine, to commemorate the young men who had died in the fighting with Wong Pui Ling. After the rebuilding, the temple was returned to the Ping Yuen Hap Heung for management. The Heung continued to own the main worshipping hall, but the Shing Ping She owned the Heroes Shrine, as a couplet in the Shrine, commemorating a repair in 1915, confirms.\n\n15\n\nThe Shing Ping She worshipped communally at the Heroes Shrine at Ping Che at the Spring and Autumn Rituals, followed by a communal vegetarian meal in front of the temple. Similar rituals then took place at the Kim Ho temple.\n\n36", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211765, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "155\n\n27\n\nAs noted above, 20,000 people a month used the Miu Keng pass. Probably as many again used the road from Ping Che to Kan Tau Wai, or started their journey within Ta Kwu Leng. 40,000 users of the ferry a month is a likely figure. Probably 25% of them carried goods. This represents more than $50 a month income, or about $600 a year. Even depreciating heavily for the salary of boatmen and costs of maintenance, $400 a year clear profit seems likely.\n\nThe date of this war was probably in the 1860s, as Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., p. 104, shows.\n\n29 For the arrangement of the Yeuk, see map. The information in this section comes from Mr. Chan Yau-tsoi and Mr. Chan Wa-chun of Ping Yeung, Mr. Man Kam-muk of Ping Che, Mr. Yeung Choi of Fụng Wong Wu, Mr. Man Lei-wa of Tong Fong, and Mr. Hau Foh-tai of Law Fong, all very knowledgeable elders. I met them as a group, and include here only what they were unanimous in agreeing was the case. I would like to express my particular thanks to them for the several hours of discussion they had with me. As to Sai Ling Ha, this village, although it lay within the Ta Kwu Ling hills, supported Wong Pui Ling in the fighting, I was told. It had no part in the Luk Yeuk. However, when the Communists took over, most of the inhabitants of Sai Ling Ha crossed into Hong Kong, and set up homes in Ping Che. They were then allowed to become part of the Luk Yeuk, as part of Ping Che Yeuk. The account of the Luk Yeuk given here differs in detail from that given in Faure, op. cit., pp. 103-104.\n\n+1\n\n-\n\n30 The deaths are recorded in the \"Heroes Shrine\" () in the Tin Hau Temple at Ping Che, which was the community temple of the Ta Kwu Ling area. 23 names of the **Heroes who died in protecting the villages, who knew how to perform the duties of filial piety\", or the \"Heroes who defended the Yeuk\" as they are named in two inscriptions *澳四總鎮源樂友例段英雄履考之神位 and \"MX\") are recorded. Of these, 3 (all surnamed Chan) came from the Ping Yeung Yeuk, 4 (3 surnamed Tang and 1 surnamed Chau) from the Lin Tong Yeuk, 4 (1 surnamed Chau and 3 surnamed Lei) from the Lei Uk Yeuk, 4(2 surnamed Yiu and 2 surnamed Hau) from the Law Fong Yeuk, 2 (both surnamed Yip) from the Lo Shue Ling Yeuk and 4 (2 surnamed Wong and 2 surnamed Man) from the Ping Che Yeuk. One Law died he came either from Law Fong (Law Fong Yeuk) or Kan Tau Wai (Ping Che Yeuk). A Lau Ah-ngau (劉亞牛) also died -- he could have been from Wo Keng Shan (Ping Yeung Yeuk), where there was a tiny clan of Laus, or could possibly have been a servant, as his name suggests his name is entered last on the tablet. 23 deaths suggests very bloody fighting. It is unlikely that the population of the whole of Ta Kwu Ling in 1860 was higher than 1750 (representing an average village population of about 80, or perhaps 12 households), and the adult males could not have been more than a quarter of that (440). The young men of fighting age were probably no more than about 200. 23 out of 200 is about 11.5% deaths of those involved, which is a very high percentage. The population of the Ta Kwu Ling villages within the New Territories totalled 1441 in the 1911 Census (Sessional Papers, 1911, no. 17, Noronha & Lo, Hong Kong, 1911, \"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911”, Table XIX p. 103 (32)).\n\n+\n\n-\n\nLoi Tung, with its lineage brethren of Lung Yeuk Tau, and the small villages between them, formed the Sze Yeuk (四約, “Alliance of Four''), which was, to a large degree, designed to ensure that the ancient enmity of the Tangs of Lung Yeuk Tau and Loi Tung with the Pangs of Fan Ling was tilted in favour of the Tangs. The Pangs supported the Luk Yeuk in its fight with the Cheungs this almost certainly means that the Sze Yeuk supported the Cheungs, as did Sheung Shui, the other ancient enemy of the Pangs. Man Uk Pin was a Yeuk of the Sha Tau Kok Shap Yeuk, as well as forming a part of the Sze Yeuk. The Shap Yeuk were dubious about the activities of the Luk Yeuk. Free travel between Sha Tau Kok and Sham Tsun was vital to the Shap Yeuk. With the Cheung Shan Kwụ\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211786, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "176\n\nOr perhaps Miss Durable might suit your views. Such beauty on a stage is rarely seen\n\nHow well too they contrived their Crinoline! Oh! Bachelors give up your wretched lives.\n\nAnd take these beauteous damsels for your wives\". 85\n\nWith hindsight it is of course easy enough to see the wit and irony of these lines and for contemporaries they must have been crystal clear.\n\n96\n\nNot many other accounts have been left to us, but some photographs of a French amateur performance in the early seventies have been published, and there is the following amusing description of a staging on board H.M.S. Scout, when she lay in Shanghai in 1861, of J.M. Morton's farce \"Lend me Five Shillings\" by one of the participants:\n\nJimmy Towers and I, being the only ladies, had to go ashore to be measured for our clothes which we thought was great fun and I must say Towers who was a handsome boy, when made up and after judicious padding and paint made a most bewitching Julia. I, being rather thin, had to be padded up also and as the sun had taken such liberties with my complexion it required a great deal of paint and labour to make me presentable, and as it was a ballroom scene we had low-neck dresses and bare arms. However we were a success and I believe that those who came off shore never knew that Towers was not really a girl. A discussion then arose as to what to wear under our dresses, and it was decided that white duck trousers were admirably fitted to represent an important article of feminine attire. This, as the sequel proved, was quite correct. The play went on well, until getting too near the footlights I had to turn quickly to prevent my clothes catching fire [candles were used JH] and being unable to manage my crinoline properly, it flew in the air and a young wretch right behind remarked in a voice loud enough for anyone to hear: 'Look at her drawers'. This of course raised a great laugh at my expense\". (see also Appendix III, p. 91-93.)\n\n―\n\nDespite the often benevolent attitude of the local paper, the actors were well aware of their limitations, as witness the prologue by Peter Proteus on February 18, 1857:\n\nAnd tho' our Acting may not be the best\n\nApprove what's pleasing and forgive the rest\n\nRememb'ring what we all must e'en confess", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "192\n\n12.12.1850 (Thur)\n\nG.A.A. BECKETT: \"Roofscrambler\" (1835)\n\nT: Burlesque\n\nW.H. MURRAY: \"Diamond cut Diamond\" (1843)\n\nT: Farcical interlude (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (A)\n\nR: NCH 14.12.1850. From the file I have been using the pages on which the review appeared were missing, so no further information can be given.\n\n28.1.1851 (Tue)\n\nJ. KENNEDY: \"Love, Law and Physic\" (1812)\n\nT: Farce\n\nW.B. RHODES: \"Bombastes Furioso\" (1810)\n\nT: Burlesque tragic opera (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (A)\n\nR: In only a short impression the Herald wrote that \"the performances went off with much spirit amidst repeated plaudits and continual bursts of merriment. The present company seems likely to become highly popular and the public are much indebted to them for according such seasonable diversion at this dull period of the year\" (NCH 1.2.1851).\n\n21.4.1851 (Mon)\n\nG. COLMAN Jr: \"Heir at Law\" (1797)\n\nT: Comedy (5 acts)\n\nJ. TOWNLEY: \"High Life below Stairs” (1759)\n\nT: Farce (2 acts)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (A)\n\nN: Final performance of the season.\n\nR: About the actors the critic thought it \"uncourteous to select where all did their best and there was much to praise; we will, therefore, only say in allusion to Heir at Law that STEADFAST maintained the character of the fine old English bachelor with spirit”. In the same issue appeared a letter from \"A Stranger\": \"The character of Dr. Pangloss (in Heir at Law) was performed with much quiet humour and the pedantic stolidity of an L.L.D. and A.A.S. (sic!) were exceedingly well portrayed, though at intervals much too low to enable the back part of the audience to catch the full force of the quotations\". The Herald added that the part of Dr. Pangloss is, perhaps, the most difficult in the play, for an Amateur to sustain; the curt witticisms and various learned quotations require an experienced actor to give with effect\".\n\nHigh Life below Stairs \"flagged somewhat from the previous exertions of the actors, but we must not omit to notice the excellent acting in the representative of the Lord Duke's servant'\n\nDespite this and in spite of the editor not being very much satisfied with some of the language in the plays he thanked “our young friends for their kindly endeavours to promote amusement amongst the community, they were spared neither trouble, time nor expense to cater for the intellectual appetite of Shanghai in the classical drama” (NCH 26.4.1851).\n\n26.1.1852 (Mon)\n\nD. BOUCICAULT & C. MATHEWS: \"Used Up\" (1846)\n\nT: Comedietta (2 acts)\n\nH. CAREY (music: J.F. LAMPE): \"The Dragon of Wantley\" (1837)\n\nT: Burlesque opera (3 acts)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "193\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Prologue, music\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (A)\n\nN: First performance of the season\n\nR: The proscenium had been adorned with \"a very pretty drop scene of the Port of Leghorn\". The report was in general terms only; both pieces were cleverly and effectively sustained”, During the interval “a most effective Irish song was sung and the orchestra under the veteran melodist Sir George Smart gave unqualified satisfaction* (NCH 31.1.1852).\n\n23.2.1852 (Mon)\n\nT. MORTON: “A Roland for an Oliver\" (1819)\n\nT: Farce (2 acts)\n\n\"No!\" by W.H. MURRAY or F. REYNOLDS\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (A)\n\nN: Second performance of the season\n\nR: Tonight there was a \"numerous attendance of the beau monde, but not so much as on the previous occasion\". A Roland for an Oliver was \"an old established favourite and we need only say that the scenery was admirable, the ladies well dressed, the bride quite lovely and the whole went off amidst enthusiastic cheers and bursts of applause”. The other farce \"No!\" was \"replete with fun and sly sarcasm on unequal matches between lovely young wives and gentlemen rather the worse for wear\". Somewhat contradictorily the critic continued, \"it decidedly exhibited much more spirit than its precursor and was hailed accordingly with more enthusiasm and good will\".\n\nThere was also “a solo on the pianoforte by a young lady, her first appearance, as we believe, on any stage. The rapidity of her fingering, the clearness of her touch and what is so frequently wanting with many performers, her musical emphasis, were striking. We hear that the young lady graduated at the Conservatoire at Paris and her style is characterised by that brilliancy and distinctness so marked in performances at that capital”. No more was heard of this pianist; as to her name and career we are left in the dark. Was she the wife of a local merchant or a touring artist? Or was the \"lady\" in this instance too, a “gentleman\"?? (NCH 28.2.1852).\n\n24.3.1852 (Mon)\n\nG. COLMAN Jr: \"The Review\" (1800)\n\nT: Musical farce (2 acts)\n\nR. AYTON: \"The Rendezvous\" (1818)\n\nT: Operetta (1 act).\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music\n\nTh: New Theatre Royal (A)\n\nN: Third performance of the season\n\nR: For the occasion a new drop scene, depicting the Bay of Naples, had been painted. Apart from the plays \"a company of excellent jugglers amused the visitors, with a good display of surprising feats of sleight of hand\". Possibly these were Chinese, for in the announcement (NCH 20.3.1852) it was stated that there are several parties endeavouring to obtain Native Conjurers for the next theatrical night\".\n\nOf course the whole “went off with much eclat, the characters were well sustained and admirably dressed, the scenery as usual very good and the music first rate” (NCH 27.3.1852).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211807, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "197\n\nfrom Shanghai on the 20th. Despite that, the \"soirée\" was \"kept up to a late hour with great spirit\". The programme consisted of tunes by Dabney, de Costa and Tripp: one of them was called \"Japanese make yourselves ready\" (NCH 26.5.1855).\n\n23.1.1856 (Wedn)\n\nE. MAYHEW: \"Make your Wills” (1836)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nW. BROUGH: \"No 1 Round the Corner\" (1854)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Whitebait at Greenwich\" (1853)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music\n\nTh: D\n\nN: Once more politics crept into the theatre since, due to the Anglo-French campaigns in the Crimean War, \"the proscenium was very tastefully emblazoned with the arms and ciphers of the Allies”. The drop scene now represented the \"Lake of Geneva with the far famed Castle of Chillon” (far famed because of Lord Byron's poem \"The Prisoner of Chillon\"). For a change the Herald allowed itself some criticism of the amateurs, but about the costumes only: \"We are perfectly aware of the great difficulties which beset the wardrobe department of the Theatre here, but still we think that two or three alterations might be made with advantage. It must be remembered that the assumption of a part on the stage requires the submergence of the individual into his assumed character. Proteus must not be more unlike his last shape than the actor must be unlike his mere self and the difficulty of effecting this is enormously increased by an appearance in every-day costume. In melodramatic pieces some decided change is absolutely necessary because success depends on the power of exciting the sympathies of the audience for the various situations of the actors and it is quite impossible that the desponding accents of one young gentleman or the grasping villainy of another (both of whom we know to be very good fellows and far from desponding or hypocritical characters) in the garb of 1856 can excite these sympathies. In Farce it is less important because the effect depends upon a successful appeal to our sense of the ludicrous and this may be done by situations which are quite within the range of every-day life. (...) It also struck us that a little more attention to the chronology of dress would be attended with increased effect; there were two or three anachronisms: for instance the mob cap of Mrs. Foreright (a most admirable 'make-up' by the way) hardly accorded with the modern elegance of Clara; or the venerable beard of the implacable Mr. Ireton with the modern costume of his disinherited son. It is astonishing how greatly unity in these matters adds to the effect of such performances and in spite of the difficulties of such performances and in spite of the difficulties of securing dresses we think a consultation between the Manager and the performers might produce a harmony which would be attended with the best effect”. The music too was thought to be \"ineffective\", but for the remainder it was, as usual, amusing, with Whitebait at Greenwich as the hit of the evening. The character of Buzzard — by no means a graceful one — was played with great effect and we heartily congratulate Mr. SLOWCOME upon the power he displayed\". In Make your Wills the reviewer could not \"forbear mentioning the excellent impersonation of Joseph Bragg by Mr CLAY\" (NCH 26.1.1856).\n\n21.2.1856 (Thur)\n\n—\n\nJ.S. COYNE: \"The Infanticidal Farce\" (1846)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nMrs. C.G.F. GORE: \"A Good Night's Rest\" (1839)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Slasher and Crasher\" (1848)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211820, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "210\n\nBagshaw and Bradshaw, the critic had to admit that \"what it was all about we were utterly unable to discover\" (NCH 4.6.1859).\n\n15.2.1860 (Wedn)\n\nL.S. BUCKINGHAM: \"Take that Girl Away\" (1855)\n\nT: Comedy (2 acts)\n\nC. SELBY: \"A Fearful Tragedy in the Seven Dials\" (1857)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: N.N. (F)\n\nN: First performance of the season\n\nR: The new theatre was only a small one and therefore it was announced in the Herald of February 11 that \"admission will only be given to ticket holders. Tickets will be distributed with the Bills to the various Hongs and any Gentleman who may be accidentally omitted will be supplied on written application to the Manager\". From time to time politics continued to turn up in the playhouse. It was the time of the English and French wars in China; the United States was not taking part in them, only sharing in the spoils, yet the following remark closed the review: \"We beg permission to observe that we should have been glad to have seen the 'Star Spangled Banner' floating over the proscenium along with the colours of France and England. All honour to the Anglo-French Alliance! But our American cousins form, in every respect, so important a section of this community that the absence of their flag on an occasion like Wednesday evening would seem to be a discourtesy of which we feel very sure that the worthy management never was intentionally guilty\". Tonight, and on March 15, the faces of Messrs. PICKWICK, BRUSHWOOD, and TINTINNABULUM as well as that of Mrs. NESBIT were absent from the stage; others like Miss WALTERS and Mr. PETREL had remained. Making their debut were Mr. ADOLPHE, \"gifted with both self-possession and a good voice\"; Mr. WITHAM who, as Cuttle (in Take that Girl Away) \"displayed a steadiness and a clearness of enunciation calculated to make him a valuable actor in 'utility' parts\"; and Mr. NATIVE whom the reviewer thought \"better fitted to shine as a sentimental than as a grotesque lover\". Miss WALTERS was \"dressed to perfection, played as well as ever (can we say more!) and was charmingly feminine\". In A Fearful Tragedy in the Seven Dials, there was the first night of Mr. C. AITCH as Slumpington for whom **a great future success in 'character parts' was predicted. These hopes were not realised, however, for I have not found his name again. For the umpteenth time, the Herald judged the pieces that were represented weak - to put it mildly. (NCH 18.2.1860).\n\n15.3.1860 (Thur)\n\nT. TAYLOR: \"Still Waters Run Deep\" (1856)\n\nT: Comedy (3 acts)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Poor Pillicoddy\" (1848)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music by the band of H.M.S. Imperieuse\n\nTh: N.N. (F)\n\nN: Second performance of the season\n\nR: This second night took place in a house that was \"crowded in every part\" and proved \"in every respect highly successful\". The \"Man on the Bund\" had no longer a say in the theatrical reports, and the piece about which he had been so dissatisfied (see 23.4.1857), Still Waters Run Deep got a far better critique now: \"in that scene in the second act in which the villain Hawksley is unmasked, the interest was raised to an exciting pitch and sterling dramatic ability displayed by the performers\". No actors were mentioned, but in Poor Pillicoddy, a \"young gentleman made his first appearance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211821, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "211\n\non any stage with ease and aptitude. And the part of the soubrette was acted \"in a manner for which we had not given the young lady who sustained it credit\" (NCH 17.3.1860).\n\n10.5.1860 (Thur)\n\nJ. COURTNEY: “Time Tries All\" (1848)\n\nT: Drama (2 acts)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: “To Paris and back for £5\" (1853)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music by the Germania Singing Club and the band of the 101st regiment\n\nTh: N.N. (1)\n\nN: Third and last performance of the season\n\nR: Time Tries All was a revival from 1858 and in it some of the old familiar faces could be admired again. This time Mr. TINTINNBULUM personified Matthew Bates and he \"threw an amount of grace and feeling into his acting that make us well regret his absence in the two former representations“. Mrs NESRIT gave a repeat of her Laura Leeson. One of the newcomers, Mr. ADOLPHE, “has assumed the character of negative instead of the positive villain of the last representation and almost succeeded in making us gape, so natural was his representation of that peculiar because catching disease\". Phunago BRUSHWOOD reappeared in To Paris and back for £5 and this farce offered **full scope to his laughter moving capabilities, both as to acting and costume\". There was music too, by the Germania Singverein – which reminded the critic “of their own charming Soirées Musicales\" (not recorded). However, the construction of the theatre was \"such as to mar to a considerable extent the effect of their well chosen and well executed pieces“ (NCH 12.5.1860).\n\n17.3.1861 (Sunday)\n\nConcert by the band of the French 101st regiment, conducted by Mr. Dumas. Programme:\n\nG. DONIZETTI: \"La Favorita\", D.F.E. AUBER: \"La Part du Diable\", overture, **Haydée” (an opéra-comique), fantaisie, George BOUSQUET (1818-1854); “Hélène” (waltz), DENEAUX: Mazurka.\n\nLocation: Headquarters of General De Montauban at Messrs. Rémi, Schmidt & Co French Concession. (NCH 16.3.1861).\n\n24.3.1861 (Sunday)\n\nConcert by the band of the French 101st regiment, conducted by Mr. Dumas. Programme:\n\nGURTNER: Pas redoublé, DUMAS: Ronde tyrolienne. D.F.E. AUBER: \"La Muette de Portici\", overture, G. ROSSINI: **[Il Barbiere di Siviglia” fantasia, D.F.E. AUBER: **Les Diamants de la Couronne\", overture, “La Brise”.\n\nLocation: as on 17.3.1861 (NCH 23.3.1861).\n\n31.3.1861 (Sunday)\n\nConcert by the band of the French 101st regiment, conducted by Mr. Dumas.\n\nProgramme:\n\nBOSCH: Pas redoublé. C.W. VON GLUCK: \"Armide\", F.M.V. MASSE: \"La Chanteuse Voilée\", overture, G. ROSSINI: \"Mosè in Egitto”, chorus **Valse allemande“. GURTNER: \"France\" (polka).\n\nLocation: as on 17.3.1861 (NCH 30.3.1861)\n\nNovember 1861\n\nConcert by Signor Robbio.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211840, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "230\n\nN: J.B. Creswick's benefit\n\nR: For the second time a scene from Shakespeare could be seen in Shanghai: now it was act V from Richard III in which the king is confronted with the ghosts of his victims, lights his enemies ('A Horse! A Horse! My kingdom for a horse!') and is finally killed. In what kind of version it was played must be a matter of conjecture, although the worst days of adapting, cutting and rewriting Shakespeare's dramas were over. The Record found it \"somewhat disappointing. Richard was too declamatory and an evident appearance of striving for effect predominated\". Who personated the role of Richard III was not stated, but as it was Mr. CRESWICK's benefit it may have been him. The Frantic Husband went off well, with Tilly EARL as the \"Injured wife\". Miss NYE as Mrs. Alibi and Mr. GILL in the leading parts (SCR 5.5.1865).\n\n27.4.1865 (Thur)\n\nNo titles were given, but probably:\n\nJ.H. PAYNE: 'T was (* (1825)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.T. RODWELL: \"The Young Widow\" (1824)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nN: Miss Nye's benefit\n\nR: Miss NYE was described by the Commercial Record as a \"ladylike and pleasing actress\" who had a good house. \"The performance was light and amusing. She acted neatly and with pleasing unconsciousness of doing so. This actress will some day occupy a position which will still further develop her as a personifier of light and agreeable parts\" (SCR 5.5.1865).\n\n28.4.1865 (Fri)\n\nM. BARNETT: \"The Serious Family\" (1849)\n\nT: Comedy (3 acts)\n\n\"Cinderella\"; by H.J. BYRON? T. TAYLOR!\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (D)\n\nR: In Cinderella, a burlesque, Miss NAYLOR once again “looked and acted with well assumed demeanour\" one of the ugly sisters of the heroine. The latter part was possibly played by Mrs. GILL, \"the most accomplished of the troupe. She pays great attention to dress (...) and there is a quiet repose in her manner that is not easy to attain and only adds to the effect and spirit of her acting“. Miss Tilly EARL also took one of the parts; she was \"vivacious and fascinating\". Only the singing was \"not so good as usual, but one of the fair warblers was suffering from a cold\" (SCR 5.5.1865).\n\n29.4.1865 (Sat)\n\nH.J. BRYON: \"Aladdin or the Wonderful Scump\" (1861)\n\nT: Burlesque extravaganza (1 act)\n\n\"The Lady of Lyons\". Arthur either LYTTON or BYRON.\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nR: This was the farewell performance of the Company as well as Mr. Henry Birch's benefit. BIRCH was described as \"an old hand on the boards of the theatre. He has acted with many well known celebrities and to a certain extent still retains the manner of a school now almost extinct. The Company had left a good impression, although the Record's critic occasionally thought the actors deficient in making “a lucky hit by the casual introduction of a remark. They depend in some instances too much on the prompter and considering the case they act with one another this should not be\" (of the Herald's\n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211850, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "240\n\nRODWELL, James Thomas Gooderham (d. 1825)\n\n\"A Race for Dinner\" (15.4.1828). P: Announced in March 1854 but not performed. \"The Young Widow or A Lesson for Lovers\" (1.11.1824), P: 27.4.1865\n\nSELBY, Charles (1802?-1863)\n\n\"The Boots at the Swan\" (5.4.1843). P: 14.12.1865\n\n**A Fearful Tragedy in the Seven Dials\". P: 15.2.1860\n\n**A Lady and a Gentleman in a Peculiarly Perplexing Predicament\" (9.8.1841), P: 13.2.1864\n\n**The Unfinished Gentleman'' (1.12.1834). P: 17.6.1865\n\nSHAKESPEARE, William (1564-1616)\n\n\"King John\" (1594–1596). P: 12.11.-18.11.1864 (Prison scene, Act IV.1 only) **Richard III\" (1592-1593). P: 26.4.1865 (Act V only)\n\nSHERIDAN, Richard Brinsley (1751 1816)\n\n**The Rivals\" (17.1.1775). P: 28.9.1858; 23.11.1864\n\nSUTER, William E. (1812-1882)\n\n? \"Lady Audley's Secret\" (22.2.1863). P: 28.12.1864\n\nTALFOURD, Francis (1827-1862)\n\n\"A Household Fairy\" (24.12.1859), P: 26.11.1864\n\nTAYLOR, Tom (1817-1880)\n\n? \"Cinderella\" (12.5.1845). P: 12.11.-18.11.1864; 28.4.1865 \"Still Waters Run Deep\" (3.3.1856). P: 23.4.1857; 15.3.1860\n\nTOBIN, John (1770-1804)\n\n? \"The Honeymoon\" (31.1.1805). P: 19.4.1865\n\nTOWNLEY, Rev. James (1714-1778)\n\n\"High Life below Stairs\" (31.10.1759), P: 21.4.1851\n\nWEBSTER, Benjamin Nottingham (1797-1882)\n\n? \"Aurora Floyd' (11.3.1863). P: 26.11.1864; 17.4.1865\n\n? \"The Golden Farmer or the Last Crime\" (26.12.1832). P: 8.10.1857\n\nWILLIAMS, Thomas John (1824-1874)\n\n\"Nursery Chickweed\" (12.11.1859), P: 28.3-5.4.1865\n\n\"On and Off\" (6.6.1861). P: 25.4.1864\n\nAPPENDIX II\n\nAn alphabetical list of plays staged in Shanghai 1850-1865\n\nThe Adventures of Bonnie Prince Charlie or the Rising of 1745: N.N.; 13.6.1864.\n\nAladdin or the Wonderful Scamp: H.J. Byron; 2.9.1864, 19.11.1864, 29.4.1865,\n\nAnything for a Change: C.W. Brooks; 15.5.1854.\n\nApartments: W. Brough; 23.3.1853.\n\nThe Area Belle: W. Brough & A. Halliday; 30.9.1865.\n\nAttic Story: J.M. Morton; 6.5.1852.\n\nAurora Floyd: C.S. Cheltnam? C.H. Hazlewood? J.B. Johnstone? B. Webster? 26.11.1864, 17.4.1865.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211853, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 268, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "Richard III: W. Shakespeare; 26.4.1865.\n\nThe Rivals: R.B. Sheridan; 28.9.1858, 23.11.1864.\n\nA Roarer: N.N.; 19.4.1865.\n\nRob Roy; C.H. Hazlewood? W.H. Murray? 28.3.-5.4.1865.\n\nA Roland for an Oliver: T. Morton Sr; 23.2.1852. Roofscrambler: G.A.à Beckett; 12.12.1850.\n\nThe Rose of Castille: A.G. Harris; 8.10.-14.10.1864. The Rough Diamond: J.B. Buckstone; 13.4.1865.\n\nThe Serious Family: M. Barnett; 8.10.1857, 2.6.1859, 23.3.1865, 28.4.1865. Siamese Twins: G.A.à Beckett; 5.5.1853.\n\nA Silent Woman: T.H. Lacy; 29.6.1864.\n\nSink or Swim: T. Morton Jr; 16.2.1857.\n\nSlasher and Crasher: J.M. Morton; 21.2.1856.\n\nStill Waters Run Deep: T. Taylor.; 23.4.1857, 15.3.1860. Sweethearts and Wives: J. Kenney; 11.4.1865.\n\nTake that girl away: L.S. Buckingham; 15.2.1860; 3.12.1864. Time tries all: J. Courtney; 5.5.1858, 10.5.1860, 21.3.1865. To Paris and back for £5: J.M. Morton; 10.5.1860, 21.3.1865. The Turned Head: G.A.à Beckett; 27.1.1853.\n\nTurn out!: J. Kenney; 10.11.1865, 20.11.1865.\n\n'T Was I: J.H. Payne; 27.4.1865.\n\nThe Two Bonny Castles: J.M. Morton; 22.3.1854, 8.5.1865.\n\nThe Unfinished Gentleman: C. Selby; 17.6.1865.\n\nUrgent Private Affairs; J.S. Coyne; 5.5.1858.\n\nUsed Up: D. Boucicault & C.J. Mathews; 26.1.1852, 27.1.1853, 18.2.1857.\n\nThe Wandering Minstrel: H. Mayhew; 24.5.1865.\n\nWhere There's a Will There's a Way: J.M. Morton; 26.3.1863.\n\nWhich is which?: W.B. Gill; 27.3.1865.\n\nWhitebait at Greenwich: J.M. Morton; 23.1.1856, 16.2.1859, 26.5.1864.\n\nThe White Horse of the Peppers; S. Lover; March 1863, 16.3.1863.\n\nA Wonder: H. Carey S. Centlivre?: 12.11.-18.11.1864,\n\nWoodcock's Little Game: J.M. Morton; 14.12.1865.\n\nThe Young Widow: J.T.G. Rodwell; 27.4.1865,\n\n243\n\nPage 268", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211855, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 270, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "# BIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n245\n\n1. Archives:\n\n\"London Missionary Society\": Incoming Letters, Central China.\n\n2. Newspapers and Periodicals:\n\n**Boletim do Governo de Macao**, Macao, 1855-1865.\n\n\"China Mail\", Hong Kong, 1845-1860.\n\n\"North China Herald\", Shanghai, 1850-1867.\n\n\"Puck, or the Shanghai Charivari\", Shanghai, 1871-1873.\n\n*Shanghai Commercial Record*, Shanghai, 1865.\n\n3. Books and Articles:\n\nAdams, W. Davenport: \"A Dictionary of the Drama. A Guide to the Plays, Playwrights, Players and Playhouses of the United Kingdom and America from the earliest times to the present\", Vol. I (A-G) (no more published). Philadelphia, 1904.\n\nAppleton, William W.: \"Madame Vestris and the London Stage\", New York - London, 1974.\n\nBarr, Pat: \"The Deer Cry Pavillion. A Story of Westerners in Japan 1868-1905\", London, 1968.\n\nBlack, J.R.: \"Young Japan. Yokohama and Yedo. A Narrative of the Settlement and the city from the signing of the treaties in 1858 to the close of the year 1879\", Tokyo-London, 1968 (reprint of 1880-1881 edition).\n\nBoase, Frederic: \"Modern English Biography\", London, 1965 (reprint of the 1891-1921 edition).\n\nBooth, Michael (Ed): \"English Plays of the 19th century\", Volumes I and IV, Oxford, 1969-1973.\n\nBritish Museum General Catalogue of Books.\n\nBrown, T. Allston: \"A History of the New York Stage from the first performance in 1732 to 1901, 3 vols.; New York 1964 (reprint of 1903 ed.).\n\nBuckley, C.B.: \"An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore 1819-1867, Singapore, 1902.\n\nCarse, A.: \"The Life of Jullien\", Cambridge, 1951.\n\nChesterfield, Lord: \"Advice to his son on Men & Manners in which the principles of politeness and the art of acquiring a knowledge of the world are laid down in an easy and familiar manner\", Chiswick, 1826.\n\nConolly, L.W. and J.P. Wearing: \"English Drama and Theatre 1800-1900. A Guide to information sources\", Detroit, 1978.\n\nCordier, Henri: \"Bibliotheca Sinica\", second edition; 5 vols.; Paris 1904ff.\n\nDavis, Jim (Ed.): \"Plays of H.J. Byron\", Cambridge, 1984.\n\n'Dictionary of National Biography\".\n\nDyce, C.M.: \"Personal Reminiscences of Thirty Years' Residence in the Model Settlement. Shanghai 1870-1900\", London, 1906.\n\nEngle, Gary D.: \"This Grotesque Essence. Plays from the American Minstrel Stage\". Baton Rouge, 1978.\n\nFétis, F.J.: \"Biographic Universelle de Musiciens\", Paris, 1864; Supplement by Arthur Pougin, 1880.\n\nFitzgerald, Percy: \"Principles of Comedy and Dramatic Effect\", London, 1870.\n\n\"The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians\", London, 1980.\n\nHaan, J.H.: \"Origin and Development of the Political System in the Shanghai International Settlement\" in: \"Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of Royal Asiatic Society\", Vol. 22 (1982), p. 31-64.\n\nHaan, J.H.: \"The Shanghai Library: A history of the first foreign library in Shanghai\" in: \"Journal of the Hong Kong Library Association\", 1987.\n\nHartnoll, Phyllis: \"The Concise Oxford Companion to the Theatre\", London, 1972.\n\nHoward, Diana: \"London Theatres and Music Halls, 1850-1950\", London, 1970.\n\nPage 270\n\nPage 271", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211863, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 278, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "253\n\ndescribed by other missionaries. It included a ship's captain who was irreligious, malicious, and perhaps incompetent; a sailing ship that suffered doldrums, storms, groundings, and tensions between officers and crew; a trip that subjected the passengers to tedium; a call at a tropical port that exposed the missionary to the wider colonial world; and, at the end of the voyage, the excitement of the unknown in China.\n\nFryer wrote a \"Diary of Voyage to China\" in the form of a letter to be circulated among his parents and friends in England. The “diary” is no doubt an abstract of a journal he kept, edited for home consumption, and titled to coincide with his 22nd birthday on August 6th. Although Fryer mentions keeping a journal or a diary in several of his later letters, no such journal has surfaced.\n\nThe Diary is the earliest example of Fryer's writing to come to my attention. It is well thought out, expresses Fryer's deepest convictions, conveys a sense of confidence in himself and his mission, and describes the excitement and adventure experienced by a young man about to make his mark on the world.\n\nThe Diary starts with expressions of faith and anticipation about the future. In it one obtains a feeling for Fryer's upright character and resoluteness, characteristics that were to serve him well in his life's work as a translator, introducer of Western science and technology, advocate of the superiority of the West, and educator. During the trip he familiarizes himself with nautical terms and the names of items on the ship; he studies the Chinese language; he observes and notes the changes of climate and visible stars, discusses local flora and fauna, describes people he met and records strange fruits and vegetables. In the **diary** he comments on customs of the sea and on peculiarities of both colonized and colonizer in Batavia. Above all, he describes the terrors of a journey fraught with danger and uncertainty.\n\nThe text of the holograph Diary required editing only in details. Minor changes were made to bring dates, prices, capitalization, emphasis, and spelling into conformity with modern usage and to improve readability. Fryer's use of the apostrophe and various punctuation marks was often capricious. Usually, Fryer wrote just one run-on paragraph for each day's Diary entry. These have been separated into smaller units for ease of reading. Where a single day's entry is broken in the original into more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211866, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 281, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "256\n\nMonday, March 11th\n\nBreakfast at half past eight. Walk on deck. The deck is a very convenient place, and being high, and clean, and quiet, forms a nice walk to and fro. Only the captain and passengers, and chief mate have any business on the deck. In hot weather we shall have an awning spread over, and it will be very pleasant. At present it is too cold to sit; the wind being very keen.\n\nAt ten we were under weigh, and rounded the North Foreland, and were off Deal in almost no time. The ship is a fast sailor, and far surpassed all the other ships that were going out with us. Just as she came to the cross tides she began to roll very much, and shortly after, my headache increased, and I had my first turn at sickness, though it was not seasickness, nor anything like it. We anchored off Deal, and could have a fine view of the town and of all the coast of Kent. I put my room in order, and made it tolerably comfortable.\n\nTuesday, March 12th\n\nRose early and had a walk on deck. The wind unfavorable, sea rough, and no sign of making a move. However the wind shifted, and we made for the Downs where was quite a crowd of shipping, waiting for favorable wind. So we came to anchor among them, and remained all day. I have now become more reconciled to my berth, and hope soon to feel myself quite at home.\n\nToday Capt. Moate came on board. He is to be my fellow passenger for the journey. If I had to select a companion for the voyage I should not have chosen him. He would do very well for a fast young man, but not for me. There will be little sympathy between us during the voyage.\n\nWednesday, March 13th\n\nToday the wind shifting we followed the example of our neighbours, and made a start. It was mid-day before we could get fairly off. At last off we went, past Dover, Folkestone, and poor old Hythe.3 My thoughts and feelings as we went along, however, I shall not attempt to describe, since they are indescribable. We were soon round Dungeness, and up to Beachy Head; when about midnight the wind", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211892, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 307, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "282\n\nand look at them, and made remarks on their condition. No wonder they go almost naked, the heat is enough to make anybody do so. They wear sun hats exactly like a large wash pan turned bottom upwards. A boy was steering who was the most good-looking of the lot.\n\nThe captain bought a monkey, which was quite young and has since afforded us plenty of amusement; also about four crates of yams and some bottles of curry powder. I waited for the next boat and invested half a crown in seven cocoanuts, a quarter hundred oranges and an immense bunch of bananas. The banana is a fruit in shape like a cucumber, only larger when they are well cultivated, and about a hundred grow on one bunch. My bunch was quite as much as I could lift, and being quite green I hung them over the ship's stern where in a day or two they ripened and were quite yellow. Their flavour is delicious, and is something like that of a ripe pear. When fried in butter they are delightful. The captain also bought 300 oranges for the use of the cabin, but madam ate them nearly all herself in less than a week. They were wild ones I believe, but the flavour was very good. Afterwards when other boats came off, we bought plantains, eggs and no end of things.\n\nTwo ships came in behind us, to one of which we afterwards spoke; she was the Wynand from London, and came out above 20 days after us, and turned off up to China, where she will in all probability reach in 100 days, as we should have done had we had a proper sort of man to act as captain. We ought to have gone off behind him, and never to have gone to Batavia, which has hindered us at least a fortnight, if not three weeks; so say all the ship captains at Batavia. We however turned off Point Nicholas and scarcely came under Babic Island when the wind ceased, and for four days we scarcely moved as many miles.\n\nI grew quite disgusted. To amuse myself I got a hook and line and went fishing. But in throwing it out on the next day the hook caught the top of my finger and tore it clean through, taking away the whole of the upper part of the nail. I got it doctored up a bit, and what with cold water and other appliances it was nearly well in a day or two. I caught no fish, through not having any proper bait, although the fish were leaping out of the water by thousands, and the natives in their canoes were pulling them up by hundreds. We saw them also pulling in their nets, and trying by shouting to frighten the fish into their nets.\n\nA boat at last came off at night out of Bantam, to ask for a job in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211899, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 314, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "289\n\nEvery few yards you see people bathing. Women come down and go out into the middle of the water up to their shoulders, and then dip and scrub the little brown youngsters and teach them to swim. In places the water is quite alive with them, men, women and children altogether. It is quite disgusting to see such scenes of indecency, but people there seem to think nothing of it.\n\nOn the second day of my walk, I went into town and found a French watchmaker, and got him to put me a new glass, in place of the one I broke in the Channel. I had to pay three rupees, (5/-) for it. Nobody there charges less, and they never do any job to a watch under five rupees. I had a good chat with the old fellow, and got him to repair the hands into the bargain. In his shop I found a young German who could speak almost every European language.\n\nDuring the time I was at Batavia the horse races came off. The plain in front of the Hotel was the race course. Although of course I had nothing to do with the races, I amused myself by looking at the people from the verandah. There was a motley throng of people dressed in their gay holiday clothes. The Malays of all descriptions were dressed in pink cotton clothes. The Chinese in white coats, light blue trousers and straw hats. The Armenians in long flowing robes of yellow or blue, the Arabs somewhat similar, with large turbans. The half-caste and Europeans were dressed as is the universal custom in white. Consequently there was a mixture of colours, as well in dress as in countenance. The fruit sellers were very busy, and seemed to be making a deal of money. The Chinese, with their usual carefulness and forethought, each brought a little bundle of fruit with them so that they might not have to pay through the nose for it. Of the races I can say nothing since I saw nothing; only it pleased me to see a tremendous shower come on in the middle day of the three, and put a stop to the day's fun.\n\nOne day I bought some clothes of the men who infest the place, viz. two kobias, a kind of loose white jacket to sleep in, and wear in the morning, and two pairs of perjaumers, or native loose trousers for the same purpose. Of course people here never think of using bed clothes, and these sleeping clothes are as thin as possible. I also bought a light silk coat, and a pair of white jean trousers.\n\nDuring our stay Captain Moate, unknown to me, got two quart bottles of gin, and got dead drunk. I could not have thought it of him,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211907, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 322, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "in our family prayers, as you sailed down the Channel and set out on your voyage to China. I hope this will find you arrived in Hong Kong, and we shall await with much interest your first communication. There will be just time to answer this before Mrs Smith and I embark D.V. on October 4th.\n\nI am glad to find that Mr Beach is likely to be in China on your arrival. He will kindly direct you until my arrival, as to your course, and I doubt not you will find in him a kind friend, and a prudent counsellor.\n\nMrs Smith if she were with me would write in the expression of our best wishes and kind remembrances.”\n\n(I must omit a lot for want of time.)\n\nI remain, my dear Mr Fryer\n\nYours very sincerely,\n\nG. Victoria.\n\nET\n\n297\n\n^His portrait hangs over the drawing room fire place. I often look at the old chap as he hangs there. From what I have seen and heard of him I cannot help really liking him. Everybody seems to love him and speak of him with the greatest respect and veneration.\n\n^Mr Beach is a good sort of fellow. As rough and blunt as you can imagine, but under the rough exterior I believe he has a manly warm heart. There is no \"gammon” about him. We agree remarkably well together, and he leaves everything to me, although I would rather he should not do so. For a clergyman and chaplain however, I think there is not anything like the amount of the elements of religion in him that are necessary. He is too much like a gay young man.\n\nA Mr Cleverly, the Surveyor General, is a middle aged man, and a thorough gentleman. He pleases me much. Mr Beach goes in a few days to Tien Tsin, where he remains, so that I shall be all alone. He will give up everything to my control, and I can do what I like till the bishop comes.\n\nI had no idea that the institution was so large, or that the duties required", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211926, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 341, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "316\n\nG. Gwok-Yin jou\n\nA segment of the Ching Lok Tong worth mentioning is the Gwok-Yin jou, which has a small ancestral hall in Wing Lung Wai. It has ancestral tablets for Lam-Mau (one of the great grandsons of Fong in the 20th generation), two of his sons, neither of whom had had any descendants, and Gwok-Yin his third son (with a title of mou-leuk-ke-wai), and Lam-Mau's grandsons Chiu-Yip, Chiu-Yung, Gwan-Leung (also with a title of mou-leuk-ke-wai) and Gwan-Haak. Dang Ying-Yun, a grandson of Gwan-Leung, is represented by a horizontal inscribed board to congratulate his mou-geui-yan degree award in 1789. In all likelihood, the titles of Gwok-Yin and Gwan-Leung were conferred in consideration of the imperial degree of this descendant of theirs.\n\n13\n\nSung (1974:173-174) provides some information about Dang Ying-Yun. He wrote the calligraphy for many inscriptions, including those for the repair of the Jau and Wong Temple in 1824 and the rebuilding of the Ling-Wan Monastery in 1821. His involvement in public affairs was not limited to calligraphy. Sung recorded the oral tradition that he was instrumental in the construction of a fortress in the present Kowloon City and a county school in its capital town.\n\nH. Ji-Ga Tong\n\n14\n\nAccording to his descendants and other informants, Ji-Ga Tong prospered after the marriage of Dang Kyun-Hin (1755-1822), its founder. He was a member of the Fourth Branch, the descendants of Gyun, and was originally poor. He had worked when he was young for a Gwok-Yin jou person known as Haan sau-choi who had a peanut oil factory. His wife was a servant girl of the sau-choi's. The family prospered afterwards. The good fortune was partly attributed to the wife. The family was very large and wealthy. According to oral tradition recorded by Sung (1974:175-176), Dang Kyun-Hin \"had four sons and twenty-four grandsons and the number of his family and servants together are said to have totalled two hundred.” He built a hall called Sou-Lau Yun, better known to local villages as Ji-Ga Tong, which term is also used for the lineage segment consisting of his descendants. Chung-Shaan, one of his sons, built a hall called Cheung-Cheun Yun which had two side rooms, one for a school and one for martial arts. When he died, a banquet was held in Ji-Ga Tong for seven days. The guests included some people from Yuen Long and Pat Heung. The youngest of Kyun-Hin's sons, Yu-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211931, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 346, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "321\n\nThese accusations were made at the county magistracy. The Kam Tin Dangs got news of the accusation and arranged that all their young men gathered in the various ancestral halls and temples to read, so as to deceive the investigators from the county government. The county magistrate was deceived, and believed that the Kam Tin Dangs were all scholars and would not give any time to the accusation. Therefore he did not pursue the case any further.\n\nSome of the Dangs believe that the fighting between the people of Kam Tin and those of Pat Heung was over agricultural resources such as irrigation water. The Dangs of Kam Tin used only one bei reservoir, the one called Fui Sha bei. The water flowed from Pat Heung, near Lin Fa Tei, and the Pat Heung people could stop the water. One recent (about 100 years ago) example of a dispute over agricultural resources was the Ngau Wong Wui association which had been started to organize the cowherds of Kam Tin, to protect them against their Pat Heung counterparts, and to preserve Kam Tin pasture rights.\n\nOne piece of documentary evidence of the conflict between the Dangs and their Pat Heung tenants has survived. It is a stone inscription dated 1777 found in both the Daai-Wong Temple of Yuen Long Old Market and the Jau and Wong Temple of Kam Tin. It records a rent dispute.\n\nFive Dangs are named as the landlords in this inscription. In general terms, the document calls the landlords \"the Dang surname\", and the land \"the land of the clan\". It is therefore clear that the landlords were all from the same lineage and the property was considered as linked to the lineage as a whole albeit it was probably individually owned. Four of the five names can be found in various documents from Kam Tin. All four appear in a silk embroidery presented to a Dang of Kam Tin to celebrate his birthday in 1771. We have more specific information about two of them: one, Dang Si-Daan, was a descendant of Yam's second son Gwong-Yu, and the other, Dang Chung, is a descendant of one of the other sons of Hung-Yi, most probably Gyun. It is therefore clear that one of the parties to the dispute were many of the Dangs of Kam Tin, including members of different branches and represented in general terms the Dang lineage.\n\nA few names are also given of the tenants. There were about the same number of Dangs and non-Dangs among them. While the landlords were referred to as members of a lineage, the tenants were referred to as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211954, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 369, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "344\n\npolice. A cluster of smaller temporary structures were built to house the paper images of the Jade Emperor, the City God, the Daai-Si Wong and Baak Mou-Seung. The Daai-Si Wong, also known as Gwai-Wong (King of Ghosts) is a transformation of the goddess Gwun-Yam, who has a fierce appearance befitting his role in the ritual: to oversee the ghosts when they come for the offerings. The Baak Mou-Seung, literally the White Unpredictable, is one of the two Unpredictables, both members of the Underworld bureaucracy who take peoples' spirits when they are to die. Further away from the main paang was a larger structure for general gods, which was to house most of the gods invited from local temples and shrines.\n\nDecked out with many fa-paai banners from the villagers and outsiders, the main structure had several partitions. At the entrance in front were two huge paper images of two armed gods, who served as the supernatural guardians of the paang. Beside them were two horses with attendants, and a pair of lions. Furthest from the entrance was a stage divided into three sections, all facing the entrance. The middle one is the Taoist altar where the priests performed many of their rites. To the right was the altar for the Dang ancestors Hung-Yi and his two wives. On the left side was the puppet stage, on which plays were performed. On both sides of the central area of the paang were rooms for each of the five gu villages/groups of villages, plus Ying Lung Wai. On the same rows were two rooms for the guards for the festival site, one for guards drawn from the young men of Bak-Bin and the other from those of Naam-Bin. Nearer the front on the right side was a temporary altar for Gwun-Yam.\n\nOn the left side was a large partition dedicated to four separate groups of paper images, many with pottery/ceramic heads. The area was known as the yau-saan, a place to harbour ghosts. Each of these groups was divided into three levels. Two large groups depicted the ten Kings of the Underworld on the topmost level. Under the Kings on the middle level were ten shops, each with signs indicating the business: barber's, brothel, sundry goods shop, pawnshop, second-hand clothing, department stores (two), tailors, porters, and “cool” drinks. On the lower levels were some devils, ghosts under torture in the Underworld, and many shoppers. The subjects of the two other groups were more difficult to identify. One of them was labelled Zizhu Lin, “Purple Bamboo Grove”, the place associated with the Goddess Gwun-Yam. She and her male and female attendants were recognizable among the images on the topmost", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211957, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 372, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "347\n\nwho were not allowed to compete for the other places among the 60 ritual representatives.\n\nThe selection of ritual representatives, which I did not witness, took place on the fifth day of the first moon. It lasted twelve hours on this occasion, and I was told that in the past it took even longer. Several hundred men were present. In casting the bui every man in the chu could try his luck. Therefore those chu having more members had better chances of winning the first places. The men from each chu numbered from two to a few dozen. The first five places were filled before the others, and some of the participants avoided them because the first five places entail much work. Many people repeated the divination process several times for better results.\n\nIn the festival memorial one can see that for the Dangs of Kam Tin, there were 60 ritual representatives entries and only 50 ordinary entries, and the number of members in each chu, as represented by an entry, ranged from a few to almost 100. It is obvious that for those who could get more people into their chu it would not be difficult to get a good place among the ritual representatives.\n\nEach of the 60 places was actually shared by all the male members of a chu, who took turns to attend the rites in their cheung-saam. There were different reasons why a person would be eager to compete for a good place in the group of ritual representatives. I know in some detail the case of a young man in Tsi Tong Tsuen. His deceased grandfather had had the position in many of the previous celebrations, and he had been pressed by his mother to compete for a place. To gain the favour of the gods by worship was one of the reasons why she would like him to be a ritual representative. Another important factor is that ritual representatives get better seats in the opera matshed than ordinary participants, and the higher one was in the list of ritual representatives, the better the seats one got. It is usual that a Kam Tin family invited their relatives to the opera. In the case of this young man, the family had invited his mother's brothers, among others, and the guests took up the six seats they received in the distribution. Seats were distributed to each chu, but the seats for ritual representatives were towards the front, while the other seats for the chu were towards the back.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211958, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 373, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "348\n\nD. The Taoist Priests and Their Rites\n\nThe Taoist priests who performed the rites in this festival were hired on a contract basis. More than ten of them were involved, among whom four were in a senior position. The oldest of the four, Mr. Lam Pui, born before 1910, was from the New Territories. Another, Mr. Jeung Hoi, was from a village just across the present Chinese border. Mr. Lam Choi was probably from the New Territories too. Both were born about 1920. These three had been active as ritual experts in the area since when they were young, and had been in leading positions at least in the last few decades. The four had all performed in the 1965 celebration of the Kam Tin jiu festival. The other senior priest, Mr. Chan Gau, was from Sa Jeng in the western area of Bao'an county. He had come to Hong Kong more than ten years ago and since then has worked in the New Territories. Mr. Leung Tung, though not a priest by profession, had been working with this group of priests as a musician, and had trained in an early stage of his career in ceremonial music bands in the Bak Bin villages. Chan Gau, Jeung Hoi and Lam Pui were the partners who undertook to provide the priestly services on this occasion, and the other members of the team were hired to help.\n\nBesides the three-times daily Scripture chanting and small processions to make offerings at different spots, the priests performed about 20 rites in the festival. About ten of them were more elaborate and were considered to be the main ones.\n\nEach of the four senior priests took the leading role in different rites. Mr. Lam Pui, being the oldest and the most knowledgeable, acted as the high priest in most of the main rites, including the Opening Rite, the Purification of the Ritual Area, the Posting of the Placard, the Escort of the Holy Ones, and the Great Offering to Ghosts. Mr. Chan Gau, being younger and good at acrobatic feats, took care of the more martial rituals: the martial arts section of the Purification of the Ritual Area, and Going through the Gates of Life and Death, and headed the team for the Dipper Rite. Mr. Jeung Hoi acted as the main priest in some of the other important rites. Mr. Lam Choi, partly because he was not one of the partners, played secondary roles. The morning, noon-time, and afternoon Scripture chanting and offerings were performed by the more junior members of the team, as were the short concluding rites on the last day.\n\n60\n\nAlthough the rites differ one from another, there were many elements", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211962, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 377, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "352\n\nF. Theatre\n\nAfter the seven-day rites period, the main paang was modified for use as the opera theatre. The raised area originally partitioned for the Taoist rites, puppet plays and the ancestral altar was converted into the opera stage. The ancestral tablet of Hung-Yi and the statue of Gwun-Yam were moved into the smaller paang for the general gods. The rest of the main paang became a raised audience seating area divided into left and right halves. The right half was for Bak-Bin and the left for the Naam-Bin. Here Bak-Bin included Ying Lung Wai. There was also a clear partition of each half into two sections. One section was for males and the other for females. Between the seating areas for Naam-Bin and Bak-Bin was a separate area, the front part of which was seating for guests, and the rear part of which was left empty, probably for standing audience.\n\n64\n\nIn the afternoon before the first opera performance, the rite of exorcism, Jai Baak-Fu, was performed by the opera players on the stage. To the accompaniment of percussion patterns played on large cymbals, gongs, and drums, a man in black fought with a yellow \"white tiger”. Although the opera troupe's ritual practice was to perform this ritual only at places where there had never been any theatrical performance before, the Dangs, for the sake of safety, made a special request and paid the troupe an additional fee to have the rite performed.\n\nThe allocation of theatre seats caused some conflicts among the villagers. I had been told that the seating was allocated on the morning of 24th December, and a chu was allocated seats according to its position in the jiu Memorial. A young man from Shui Tau told me that a fight almost broke out on account of the seating arrangements. There was hot disagreement between some youngsters of Wing Lung Wai on one side and those of Kat Hing Wai on the other. There were more than ten of these young villagers from each of the two villages who were quite ready to fight.\n\n65\n\nSome others solved their seating problems in a more peaceful manner. I learned about the case of a Kat Hing Wai family which was not one of the ritual representatives and had therefore been allocated seats very far from the stage. But the eldest son of the head of the family managed to purchase some seats for his parents to express his filial piety. Another Kat Hing Wai villager had asked him (the son) for a loan of a few", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211974, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 389, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "364\n\nThey left the festival site, passing Tai Hong Wai and Ko Po, where those who took part were offered drinks. They next reached Ying Lung Wai, where they were met by the lion dance of the village, and treated to soft drinks. They first worshipped at the altar of the God of Earth and Grain of Ying Lung Wai, then the san-teng and the village gate.\n\nThey proceeded to Tung Tau Tsuen, where they worshipped at the Tin-Hau Temple and then the Gwun-Yam Temple. No one came to meet them. But nearby two elderly ladies exchanged these remarks among themselves, \"The two temples belong to Kam Tin fellows, they wanted to repair them, but Tung Tau Tsuen would not let them\".\n\nThey proceeded to the Old Market. First they worshipped at the market gate then at the Bak-Dai Temple, and then at the Daai-Wong Temple.\n\nThen they moved on to Nam Pin Wai, where they worshipped at the altar of the God of Earth and Grain, the san-teng and the village gate. A man in his fifties sitting under a tree cursed the Dangs when he saw the Ambulance which was in attendance in case anyone was overcome by the heat. He said, \"Right. Let this Ambulance carry these Kam Tin fellows\".\n\nAt the nearby Sai Pin Wai they worshipped at an altar for the God of Earth and Grain. There was a reception. They proceeded to a Lam Yi-Hing Tong” inside Sai Pin Wai, and then the village gate and an altar of the God of Earth and Grain.\n\nThe procession finished with the Old Market and the surrounding villages, and went on to Yuen Long New Market. When they reached Sau Fu Street, they were offered soft drinks by people who had come from Kam Tin for that purpose. From there they walked back to the festival site at Kam Tin.\n\nF. The Procession with the King of Ghosts\n\nThe procession with the King of Ghosts took place during the evening before the Great Offering to Ghosts. In the first stage the Bak-Bin villagers carried the huge image of the Daai-Si Wong through their villages. Their Naam-Bin counterparts waited near Kam Hing Wai to take over the paper image for the second part of the procession. These were 22 young men, many carrying long bamboo poles with metal ends", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211975, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 390, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "365 \n\nfor supporting the back frame of the King of Ghosts. From their conversations I learned that the procession was to exorcise \"dirty\" things. Such evil spirits resided at places such as waterfronts where people had been drowned and the sides of the road where traffic accidents had taken place. Such spots were \"cleansed” by letting the King of Ghosts face them for a short moment. The procedure was referred to as \"shining on [the dangerous place]\" (jiu) by the villagers. \n\nAs in the other rites where ghosts were involved, speaking peoples' names out loud in the procession was taboo. One of the young men told his companions to phone the Ko Po people, \"Tell them not to speak peoples' names\", as it was unauspicious to do so. Although those young men gave the impression of a taboo against women seeing the King of Ghosts in the procession, this was denied by an elder and a middle-aged lady whom I talked to. According to the elder it was unlucky only for pregnant women to see it. The lady told me that some women, including herself, were afraid of the ghosts, and therefore would avoid seeing the Daai-Si Wong. \n\nThe procession was accompanied by simple gong patterns played by one of the villagers. The exact pattern to use was made clear near Tai Hong Wai when the gong beater was told to correct the rhythm. The pattern he was beating was that for funerals (which was a quick succession of beats). The appropriate rhythm was two medium quick beats followed by a short pause, which sounded, to me, the same as the one used in processions with the statues of the gods. \n\nAt about eight o'clock in the evening the Bak-Bin team arrived with the King of Ghosts, which was about 25 feet tall. The first thing their Naam-Bin counterpart had to do was to take over the gong and continue the beating. The paper image was lowered from the supporting poles of the Bak-Bin villagers and was carried flat before it was raised on the poles of the Naam-Bin team, who performed the second part of the procession. \n\nThe Naam-Bin procession went towards the Mung Yeung School, avoiding trees and lamp-posts on either side of the narrow road. From near the school they proceeded towards Ko Po on the main road. On the way they turned the paper image occasionally towards either side of the road. Once they were in Ko Po the team shouted to a few young girls who watched, “Close your doors, and do not come out to look”. \n\nPage 390\n\nPage 391", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 391, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "366\n\nThe procession soon turned back without entering the village. By now, I noticed, the team had grown to more than 100 young men. They moved towards Kat Hing Wai. On the way they turned the paper image to \"shine on\" an alley opposite the food stall at the market, and the paths leading from the main road to Tsi Tong Tsuen and Tai Hong Tsuen. Beside the alley was a shop, where a few women fled when they saw the King of Ghosts facing them. Then the same \"shining on\" procedure was repeated at the other spots they passed on the way to Wing Lung Wai: the path leading to Tai Hong Wai, the path leading to the Tung Tak School of Shing Mun San Tsuen and a place on the other side of the road. Partly for fun, the young men did the same to the two doors of the Jockey Club betting centre, \"to influence the outcome of bets\". The procedure was also applied to the village gate of Wing Lung Wai and a spot opposite the gate across the road. Then the procession turned back and proceeded to Tai Hong Wai, where some of the men in the team shouted, \"tell people to keep clear and shut their doors\". Some of the younger men added, \"thank you for your co-operation\". I had the impression that they were talking like that partly for the fun of being in command. The procession went back to the main ritual area after \"shining on\" the village gate of Tai Hong Wai.\n\nG. Renewal of the jiu\n\nThis took place in the morning after the final main rite of Grand Offering to the ghosts, after the Taoist priests had performed the brief purification rites at the individual households. It took place at the temple of Jau and Wong, the two main gods of the festival. To their altar was escorted the image of Gwun-Yam, the other patron god of Kam Tin.\n\nIn the preparation for the rite an elder explained to a younger ritual representative that this rite is to heui-ping-on, to beseech the gods for well-being, giving a promise that in ten years' time another celebration will be held. Only the no. 1 to no. 15 ritual representatives (which was in accordance with the traditional rule) and the priest participated. The priest chanted a eulogy and the invocation for blessing.\n\nH. Sending off the gods\n\nThis took place after the end of the Opera performance period. I overheard previously the villagers telling one another that those who fetched a god should send them home afterwards in this rite.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211985, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 400, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "375\n\nOfuchi (1983).\n\n5.1 These two kinds of embroidery were always found in major festivities and at temple altars.\n\n54\n\nBoth are reproduced in the Dang Clan Association handbook in Huge Baker's collection of genealogies, with commentary. One of the Dangs I talked to had some doubt about the authenticity of the alleged painting of Song Wuizong. He observed that the calligraphy was not of the typical style of the emperor, the shou-zhen ti.\n\n55 Although the wong-gu was a common ancestress, her relics were not public property. The painting of the eagle belonged to a wealthy leader of the Dangs of Kam Tin, and the other pieces to the Wan-Gaan jire segment or one of its members.\n\n57 On this divination instrument, see Ahern (1981:45-47).\n\nDiscussed in the next part of this report.\n\nSV For more information on Lam Pui and his family, see Tsui (1985).\n\n60\n\nThe rite is locally found probably only in the Kam Tin jiu festival. The priests explain it by alluding to the legendary Baiguai Zhen battle formation of Zhuge Liang, a stateman and strategist in the period of the Three Kingdoms (220-265). I think it is probably more directly related to the gimen dunjia style of magic.\n\n42\n\nA handheld small metal idiophone with a handle.\n\nSee Schipper (1974) for a thorough discussion of the Memorials in the Taiwan case, which is very close to the one I am describing.\n\nThe Oral History Project collection and Osuchi (1983) include most of the manuals used in this festival.\n\n64 The actual seating no longer observed the segregation of the sexes, although this used to be the practice.\n\n65 The difficulty was due partly to the fact that there were more Naam Bin people than their Bik Bin counterparts, even when the Ying Lung Wai villagers were added to the latter. As I have mentioned already, the seating area was divided into two halves, one for Naam Bin and one for Bak Bin. This gave the Bak Bin chu more seats each.\n\nI learned from a different source that the elder left early on the day because he felt that some younger villagers were being hostile to him.\n\n67 The informant explained that it was usual for the Village Representatives to keep their position until they die. Therefore, those who are interested in becoming one always fail, except in Shui Tau, where the villagers generally have more exposure to the outside world and re-elect their V.R. once every two years.\n\n68 I saw another lady doing waan-san at Ying Lung Wai. In addition to the san-seng, she made offerings at the village gate as well, which I guess is the normal practice.\n\nThe two men were elders/ritual representatives, neither was the head of the lineage, probably due to the lineage head's age.\n\n70\n\nExcept in the case of Tin-Chyun San-Gwan, I have relied on the Daojiao Yuenliu, the priests' manual to which they often refer when asked to explain their tradition, for interpretation.\n\nThere were some young ladies in the procession this time, which represented a recent development.\n\n72 Ancestral tablets could be seen inside, but Mr. Dang Jik-Waai said that the place used to be a sun-teng, and was worshipped by the procession because of this.\n\n73\n\nIn which case only the woman herself would suffer.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211997, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 412, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "387\n\nWith this in mind the people of our Yeuk, all joining together in a meeting, showed a spirit of mutual assistance and unanimity. A notice was pasted up in red characters, and young men began to practice martial arts. Action was taken to guard against bandits and precautions were taken against thieves. Severe rules were agreed. Should any outsider now loiter about or enter our premises, or any outside bandits form gangs, or anyone break into houses to rob and steal, then they will at once be captured and investigated. Every detail will be uncovered. Patrols will capture bandits, and send them to the Magistrate for interrogation, and there will be no question of influence getting them off.\n\nThereafter bandits from outside will not dare to cause trouble here: within the Yeuk the people will be happy and live in auspicious peace. Then in the future we will see fine customs; they will spread everywhere. Everyone will sing and dance, as the sun rises in peace: every family will enjoy a common happiness as in the times of Yao. Thus it is written.\n\nA public announcement by the community of ... Yeuk.\n\nKuang Hsu... Year, ... Month, ... Day.\n\n[Note: punctuation in the translation basically follows that in the transcription]\n\n犯約服罪式\n\n立服罪人〔^姓名]口後不敢復爲非禮之等情因〔^口〕係不守法有鄉犯規竊得[^姓名]物[“幾多]小因彼〔姓名〕拿得贜眞證確今悔遇自身求免送官按情願徑衆公罰日後永迎約束規條如有復行非禮之時任案公送官法徵此係並服約束亦不敢挾盖陪害等情恐口憑立並服數據照\n\n【從read經,東read諫〕\n\nExemplar of a Document by which someone confesses a crime against the rules of the Yeuk\n\nThe writer of this document [... name], who confesses his crime, will hereafter not dare to commit anything improper again. The reason is that, on [... date] I did not obey the law, but was guilty of breaking the rules of the Heung, and stole things [... quantity, [... name], and also because I was captured by [... name], with the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212013, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 428, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "403\n\nis starkly countered by David Arkush's study of Hebei village opera in the twenties. Concluding his perceptive study of the underside of China's recent history, Arkush observes that, at least in rural northern China, 'the moral categories and values of the ruling elites did not totally dominate the thinking of the subordinate classes', (p. 105). The illustrations presented to support this claim reveal not only a rupture in thought but also in language. How true was this of the pre-Republican period? Do these folk themes reflect a popular contrapuntal, an unprinted Zhuangziese, which actually questioned the values and concepts inherent in Confucian discourse?\n\nThe ‘optimistic this-worldliness' Metzger discovers as a continuous element of Chinese scholars' historiography and cultural analysis tends to bypass Wyatt's identification of metaphysical themes which, though 'premodern', are still approached without intellectual incredulity by some of these same scholars. Metzger recognizes this fact, but believes that an issue more important than general philosophical discussions of human nature is the actual production of ‘self-propelled adults' in Chinese society, (p. 284). These morally autonomous leaders are in fact the reason why China could maintain its cultural continuity as well as uphold a normative vision of culture for her future generations. Whether in premodern China or in Mao's Republic, this salient feature of the morally autonomous individual can be observed. Metzger draws this to a point by announcing that modern China has 'fully merged with liberalism and humanism', (p. 288).\n\nThis evaluation is explicitly denied by Leo Ou-Fan Lee, who carefully distinguishes between the adoption of 'historical modernism' by Chinese intellectuals in the twentieth century (i.e. progressive history) and their general irresponsiveness to Western 'esthetic modernism', (pp. 109 ff). Examples of the latter are few and far between, as Jeffrey Kinkey's study of a young writer in the eighties affirms. Metzger was more reserved in his judgement earlier in his essay, admitting that China, following Alistair McIntyre's criteria for modernity, had only committed herself to socialism and not to existentialism or some form of ethical scepticism, (pp. 269, 279). Metzger's promotion of an ‘anti-teleological' historical methodology as the proper tool for more critical studies of China by Chinese intellectuals flies in the face of Lee's awareness of the salient historically progressive element in China's modern consciousness. The suggestion may well be beneficial, but it sets up a tension between Chinese and non-Chinese forms of modernity. It seems a poignant truth that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 436, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "411\n\nJerome Silbergeld, Mind Landscapes: The Paintings of C.C. Wang, Henry Art Gallery, University of Washington Press (Seattle and London), 1987. 132 pp. + plates, bibliography, index.\n\nC.C. Wang is certainly one of the most intriguing Chinese artists of the later twentieth century. His life chronicles cataclysmic changes many Chinese have endured and his path - artist, collector, connoisseur, businessman, and exile - was rarely clear. He was continuously called upon to redefine his relationship with China and the West as he traveled, explored, and matured.\n\nHaving been born into a Suzhou family of mandarins in Imperial China in 1907 and having had a traditional Chinese education till the age of 14 assured young Wang the basis for blossoming into a twentieth-century version of the literati. But young Wang longed for a Western-style education, into which he switched at age fourteen, and from which he went on to study law in Shanghai at China's distinguished Suzhou Law School. But his art education, which started as he learned to read and write, was carried on simultaneously and ever more seriously. Over time, he had many art teachers and, indeed, became a teacher himself at an early age.\n\nMind Landscapes enables C.C. Wang to describe the challenges he faced in seeing paintings in a land without public museums: \"There were no good museums in China at that time, and you couldn't see the work of a contemporary painter in a museum or gallery. But since they had to be mounted or remounted, they could be seen in a mounter's shop. Suzhou was famous for its mounters. They would paste the paintings to be mounted on the walls of their shops, and if you walked around every few days, you could always see new paintings,\" (p. 15).\n\nMr. Wang also talks about his teachers and how he was able to view various private collections: \"For me, as well as for painter-scholars of the past, friendships with other painters and collectors were extremely significant. Each new meeting meant a new collection to see. In those days, private collections were never publicly displayed. To see a particular painting, you had to know the owner,\" (p. 17).\n\nWhen the great Chinese Imperial Collection was being prepared for the London Exhibition at Burlington House in 1936, C.C. Wang was a consultant and had a chance to study all those great paintings — another", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212022, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 437, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "412\n\nsignificant step in his development into a connoisseur—collector-painter.\n\nCollecting as well as creating paintings soon became young Mr. Wang's principal preoccupation. However, he supported his collecting and his family by some real estate ventures because he was not able to make enough money through the sale of his paintings.\n\nThe story of C.C. Wang's journey to the West (New York) and attending classes at the Art Students League, his explorations of modern Western art and his artistic evolution is marvelously told through the well-written prose of Jerome Silbergeld, Professor of Art History at the University of Washington in Seattle.\n\nProfessor Silbergeld comes to his subject with a deep knowledge and background in classical Chinese painting and provides a sinological, art historical perspective of C.C. Wang's work. But the author does not avoid his role as contemporary critic, analyzing the relationship of the artist and modern art. When C.C. Wang's breakthrough to his mature style comes in 1971-2, the author allows the events to unfold like high drama. Moreover, throughout the text, the artist is permitted to state his own views on the elements of his art such as line, colour, composition, dots, texture, cultivation of controlled accidents, synthesis of East and West: \"Chinese brushwork is really individual, like Western color. Good brushwork is so beautiful. It can make you look at it many times... It's just like with voice when I hear one song, if the voice is good I want to hear another song. It's the same voice, but each time it's a little bit different: that attracts me so much. . .', (p. 42).\n\nOther notable scholars and critics who have written about artist-collector-connoisseur Wang have also been allowed to speak with their own voices, which gives the story a clarity and authenticity rarely achieved in a scholarly book. Moreover, the book is lavishly illustrated with not only Mr. Wang's works of all periods but also with the paintings that were most influential in building his style.\n\nIn addition, Professor Silbergeld recounts the long history of C.C. Wang as collector, and how he has been a central figure in influencing the growth of major collections of Chinese art in the West, notably that of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, through the sale of his own collections.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212023, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 438, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "413\n\nMind Landscapes has been laid out with great beauty and intelligence. It would have been impossible to produce such an outstanding volume without financial support. This was provided through grants from the Henry Art Gallery Association, PONCHO, the University of Washington Press and the J. Paul Getty Trust. Yet it is rare to have such a thoughtful and handsome product even if one has the resources. Kudos is also due to the designer, Douglas Wadden.\n\nThe publication of Mind Landscapes coincides with a major retrospective of C.C. Wang's work and serves as a catalogue to it. This book is a fitting climax to Mr. Wang's career and sets a standard of excellence in its field. Let us hope that young scholars in Asia and the West will take note.\n\nJOAN LEBOLD COHEN\nTufts University\n\nPamela Atwell, British Mandarins and Chinese Reformers: the British Administration of Weihaiwei (1898-1930) and the Territory's Return to Chinese Rule, Hong Kong, Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. 302 + xxiii pp. Appendices, Notes, Bibliography, Glossary (with Chinese characters), Index.\n\nThe year was 1898 and the sun was setting on the Ch'ing dynasty which had ruled the Chinese Empire since 1644. China's defeat by Japan in 1895 had revealed its weaknesses once more to the world. Foreign powers sought to take advantage of the vulnerability of the Ch'ing government to intensify their demands for territorial and economic concessions. The powers rushed, or \"scrambled\", to attain their objectives before others could get to them first.\n\nIn one respect, they had the support of Chinese officials, who, implementing traditional Chinese policy of using barbarians to control barbarians, sought to achieve a balance of power in China. By 1898, the Russians had built a naval base at Port Arthur while the Germans had established their presence over the province of Shantung. In April 1898, the Chinese government leased Weihaiwei to Britain. Weihaiwei, at the tip of the Kiaochow Peninsula in northern Shantung, was then occupied by the Japanese. It was hoped that, from this vantage, the British would be able to counter Russian and German strength in North China, and all of them would keep out the Japanese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212032, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 447, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "422\n\nMao Zedong translated, with an Introduction and Notes, by Roger R. Thompson Report from Xunwu, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1990, pp. 1-1x. 1-278.\n\nThis is Professor Thompson's translation of a social enquiry report compiled within the short space of ten days in a small Chinese county town on the borders of Guangdong, Fujian and Jiangxi in 1930, not in peaceful times but in a period of turmoil as the Communists took over towns and villages in the surrounding countryside. Eleven persons including Chairman Mao as chairman and secretary produced the Report (p. 47).\n\nThe translator has also provided a most helpful introduction (pp. 3-41). This sets the scene and explains why the report was not included in the 1941 edition of Mao's Rural Investigations and had to wait until Chairman Deng Xiaoping sponsored its publication in 1981.\n\nProfessor Thompson calls the Report \"an extraordinary document, far exceeding in scope and depth the other investigations Mao made in Jiangxi and Fujian 1930-34\", which were published in 1941. The high degree of care taken with the text prior to eventual publication involved the editors in spending 51 days in retracing Mao's steps of half a century before. In all, they travelled 5000 li (1600 miles), talked to 35 organisations and 14 families, and conducted discussion sessions, making, all told, 800 textual emendations of information in categories like proper names, place names and the names of goods and products. As Thompson puts it (p. 37), there was an \"intense scholarly effort to prepare the text for publication\". He supports the authenticity of the text and explains how Chairman Deng found the report a useful vehicle to demonstrate his own legitimacy and to underwrite his call for accurate fact-finding to help solve the problems of the present (pp. 31-32).\n\nThe long Chapter 3 dealing with shops and commerce in Xunwu is especially interesting. It is almost as long (67 pp.) as the chapter on Traditional Land Relationships, Chapter 4, indicating the importance Mao attached to the subject. Mao's frankness is engaging. He says in the Report (p. 64) that he lacked \"understanding of what a market town is\". He had recognised the problem, but had never found people who could supply sufficient data. \"Two old gentlemen\" had been introduced by Comrade Gu Bo (the local communist leader). \"Many thanks to these two gentlemen\", he continued, \"for allowing me to become like a young", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212034, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 449, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "424\n\nthe collection of the Victoria and Albert Museum, and written text by Craig Clunas, this work is an attractive volume for general readers interested in Chinese furniture.\n\nRobert Ford, Captured in Tibet, Hong Kong, Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1990, reprint of 1957 edition. 266 pp. Index, Photographs. This is a reprint of a highly readable account of the Chinese take-over of Tibet in 1950, with an additional introduction by the Dalai Lama. The author, seconded by the British Army as a radio communications officer to the Tibetan Army, spent a year as a prisoner of the Red Army.\n\nChristmas Humphreys, A Popular Dictionary of Buddhism, London: Curzon Press, 1984. Paperback reprint, 1987. 224 pp. Little more than a dictionary, this book will be of help to English-readers who need a quick reference to Buddhist terms in Sanscrit, Chinese, or Japanese.\n\nRobin Hutcheon, First Sea Lord — The Life and Work of Sir Y.K. Pao, Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1990. 170 pp. Index, Photographs. A short commissioned biography written by the former editor of the South China Morning Post, this book is attractively presented with a number of photographs. A definitive study of the shipping and property giant, Sir Y.K. Pao and his phenomenal accomplishments, both in Hong Kong and worldwide, is still required.\n\nNigel Cameron, The Chinese File, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1990. paperback, 246 pp. Illustrations. First published in 1958 by Hutchison and Co. in London for an English readership, this book has been reprinted by Oxford University Press in Hong Kong. By now, the author is a well-known prolific writer in the territory. Cameron's observations as a serious traveller in China before he became a specialist, on such various topics as the Great Wall, the Minorities, the Deep South, and Sian, are interesting and enlightening.\n\nValery M. Garrett, Mandarin Squares, Oxford Images of Asia Series, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1990. 66 pp. Bibliography, Glossary, Index, Illustrations. In addition to delightful descriptions of the embroidered squares from court robes of the Qing officials, popularly known by Western collectors as Mandarin Squares, Garrett has presented in this most attractive volume in very simple terms how the Manchus came to the Chinese throne and how young men were trained to become officials.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212067, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "year as your President. Have we coped, you may ask? Well, I believe we have, and for this I need to thank my fellow councillors for the very loyal and hard work they have put into ensuring that the Society's affairs run in a smooth and on the whole organised way. In particular mention must be made of Elizabeth Sinn for arranging a varied programme of activities and lectures, Carl Smith, for his loyal and perceptive encouragement, Patrick Hase, for arranging interesting visits and editing the Journal (perhaps the most arduous duty), Robert Nield for keeping us on the right financial track, for our team of ladies, Evelyn Caldwell our Secretary, a post which really holds the Society together, Anita Wilson for doing the newsletter, and our Assistant Secretary, Sharon Bruce, also our Librarian Y.C. Wan, and all those other Council members and helpers who help to make this Society tick and move forward.\n\nSo what have we done and where do we stand? I will start with the Programme. During the year there were the following talks and visits:\n\nTalks:\n\nChang Tsong Zung\n\nPeter Leeds\n\nMichael Luk\n\nPeter Steyn\n\nJames Hayes\n\nWang Gungwu\n\nMiss May Wong\n\nAnne and Stephen Selby\n\nSister Beatrice Leung\n\nSusanna Hoe\n\nRichard Stott\n\nVisits\n\nHong Kong Art in the 80s\n\nHistory of Transport in Hong Kong\n\nThe Origins of Chinese Bolshevism\n\nMemories of India\n\nThe Libraries of the Royal Asiatic Societies in China\n\nWestern Scholarship, Asian Continuities\n\nChanging Lifestyle of Young Japanese Women\n\nPidgin English on the China Coast\n\nSino-Vatican Relations and the Recent Developments of the Chinese Catholic Church\n\nGin and Bridge All Day: Myths about Western Women in Hong Kong 1841-1941\n\nHong Kong Birds\n\nVisits were to Waglan Island, organized by Geoff Roper and Roger Perry, Wo Hang Mid-Autumn Festival visit organized by Dr. Patrick\n\nviii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212096, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "15\n\ndeities worshipped in the local temples, a Chinese author touches on one important aspect of these events:\n\n**In raising the funds they [the organizers] talk about their god, what he did in the past and what he still means to the people. The theatricals dramatize the divine history. The idol in the temple characterizes him. The tablets and the scrolls in the temple and the opera matshed] call to mind his traits and his relation to the people.**25\n\nIt was the practice on these occasions to prepare and distribute festival brochures which contain such information. This was a tradition that was followed in some of the more popular Tsuen Wan temples.\n\n(c) The Surroundings\n\nAs if the process of indoctrination was not already thorough, the decoration of the temples and the better class of houses, shops and ancestral halls provided a milieu in which cultural influences were strong and could make an impression on youthful minds. Although a small place, Tsuen Wan District had its share of old buildings (and some not so old, dating from as late as the 1920s and 1930s) whose walls were decorated with eaves-paintings in the traditional style. Besides depicting the usual auspicious symbols for long life, good fortune, advancement, wealth and posterity, and the flowers and animals with similar associations, they also carried paintings of well-known stories and persons known to history or from the opera. Verses from T'ang poetry were also commonly included.29 Obviously, the better class of local buildings were not to be regarded as complete without this impressive cultural array.\n\n(d) The Lion and Unicorn Dance Teams\n\n30\n\nBesides what was taught in the rural schoolroom and learned outside its doors, one of the most powerful influences upon young village males was undoubtedly exercised through their training in the village lion or unicorn dance team. In Tsuen Wan and the other settlements of the Hong Kong region, these teams were at the heart of village ceremony. On social, political or religious occasions, they were the personification of the village's collective respect for important visitors and the means of marking the main events in the social life of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212098, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "17\n\nwith its inculcation of “right thinking\", the complete process has been summed up in a few well-chosen words by Dr. Monlin Chiang, one of the most prominent educationalists of the early Republican period:\n\n“These moral precepts came from the Confucian classics. Moral ideas were driven into the people by every possible means — temples, theatres, houses, toys, proverbs, schools, history and stories until they became habits in daily life, 233\n\nThe effect of both the legacy and the drilling was not lost on competent Western observers. Writing over 150 years ago, in his standard work on China first published in the 1830s, a future governor of Hong Kong, Sir John Davis, then only lately returned to England from many years' membership of the Honourable East India Company's Select Committee at Canton, had this to say: \"The Chinese lower classes are better educated or at least better trained than in most other countries”.\n\nPART THREE: “Right Thinking\" in Action in Tsuen Wan\n\n134\n\n+\n\nTsuen Wan District (like all the rest) provides plenty of evidence for the effectiveness of the indoctrination, as well as occasional examples of emulation and performance. People knew what to think and what to do, and recognized the attainment of the prescribed high standards of conduct and behaviour even if they themselves did not measure up. Men who did so were greatly respected, to the point of veneration.\n\nIt is the general opinion among Tsuen Wan natives, then and now, that such a one was the late Mr. Chan Wing-on, a former Tsuen Wan Rural Committee leader and also Chairman of the New Territories Heung Yee Kuk. Mr. Chan, who unfortunately died comparatively young, left a fine reputation behind him. He is commemorated by a tablet in a traditional-style pavilion, named for him, which was erected the year after his death near the entrance to the Chuk Lam Sim Yuen, one of the large religious houses located above the town. The memorial tablet records his life and achievements as a teacher and as a public figure; with an emphasis on his virtuous conduct and character and how it had influenced others for good:\n\n\"Entering the teaching profession, he taught the village", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "20\n\nenough, it was to be remembered and duly acknowledged long after. A contemporary example from the Tsuen Wan villages may be used to exemplify these continuing obligations.\n\nThe endeavours of one of my Tsuen Wan village friends to recognize and continue to honour help given to his family in the distant past is a striking example of the kind. The founding ancestor of his clan had settled in a small village outside Tsuen Wan in 1724; but as sometimes happened in the local settlements the family did not prosper, and for three or four generations just managed to produce enough adult males to survive. A crisis ensued when the only adult male in one of the later generations died when still a young man, leaving behind a pregnant wife. By great good fortune, a family from another of the clans living in the village took pity on her; and after she gave birth to a boy who was reared to adulthood the future of my friend's family was again secured. This happened around 150 years ago. The descendants of this other family died out or went away pre-war never to return. When part of the village burial area was needed for development in the 1970s, my friend approached the District Office for a resiting of one of the old graves of the other clan. He was not applying for cash compensation as he was willing to pay all the expenses, but he did want another site in order to express, in tangible form, his family's continuing gratitude for the kindness done to the young widow so long ago. This was provided.\n\nAnother instance of a similar kind involved the old grave of a husband and wife, dated to 1813, which had to be removed for development at Sam Pak Tsin, Texaco Road, Tsuen Wan about 1975. Elders from another lineage belonging to Hoi Pa Village had responded to our notices posted on site, stating their obligation to arrange for removal and reburial of the remains. They said that the link with the persons buried in the grave was through the female side of their family but was no longer known clearly to even its oldest living members.40\n\nIn another, even older expression of gratitude for past assistance, the Ho clan of Muk Min Ha Old Village (settled in 1712) had built a special hall next to their main ancestral temple to honour a man of another surname who had helped their founding ancestor. One of this man's daughters had married the newcomer, and land had been given which enabled him to make a good start in a new place. The donor's clan still lives in one of the hill villages of the District. When Muk", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "22\n\n\"help to reinforce in the young certain clearly-defined modes of behaviour and ways of looking at the world regarded as acceptable to the community”.\n\n43\n\nEven after making every allowance for the variable gap between Confucian indoctrination and the degree of acceptance among Chinese individuals, and for human behaviour in practice as opposed to precept, it has seemed to me that some great and tangible quality, part of the legacy of the old order of “right minded-ness” in doing and thinking, had manifested itself in the people of Tsuen Wan in those crucial decades. It was certainly something that made all the difference to the execution of the Hong Kong Government's schemes for developments.\n\nThere is, of course, another and more pessimistic view to be taken, which would attribute the people's behaviour less to cultural characteristics and ethical indoctrination than to the fact that they were still part of the \"peasant masses\". In at least one historian's mind, the **peasant masses** had still in the then fairly recent Republican period:\n\n“continued to be supernumeraries as they had been throughout Chinese history, the anonymous human dough that suffered and submitted, the governed...\" \n\n44\n\nresigned to poverty and what it brought as their fate; and that moreover, in a country of whose society Dr. Sun Yat-sen had once quipped that it \"was composed of only two classes, the very poor and the less poor\". Nevertheless, whilst accepting that poverty and acceptance of fate had undoubtedly played their part in Tsuen Wan's postwar saga, I much prefer an interpretation which is more complex and accommodating; allowing more scope for the human quality that is so visible in this narrative, and for the liveliness and enterprise so abundantly observable in the people who went to live there in those spartan and difficult times.\n\nNOTES\n\nR.O. Joliffe in Yi-fang Wu and Frank W. Price, China Rediscovers Her West, A Symposium (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1942), pp. 20-21. See, too, the almost identical estimate given nearly forty years before by the well-known American missionary Dr. Arthur H. Smith in The Uplift of China (London, Church Missionary Society, 1908), pp. 49-50.\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212127, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "46\n\nmonastery in China was founded in 638, in the capital Ch’ang-an (modern Sian), though some Nestorian missionaries may have reached China earlier. In 845, a major attack on the Buddhist church in China was launched by the emperor Wu-tsung, and in an imperial decree of that year providing for the dissolution of the Buddhist monasteries and the return of the Buddhist clergy to lay life, there is a minor clause ordering the expulsion from China of over 3,000 foreign monks, some of whom were probably — though the text of the decree is ambiguous — Nestorian Christians. This decree was rescinded soon afterwards, and may not have been enforced in the more remote cities of China. Certainly, although we hear no more of Nestorians in Ch'ang-an, an Arab writer refers to Christians among the foreigners slaughtered in Canton in 877 by Huang Ch'ao's rebels, and Nestorian Christianity may have persisted in parts of China for some time after Wu-tsung's decree of 845. But it is clear that Christianity had for all intents and purposes died out in China by the end of the tenth century. The Arabian author Abu'l Faraj mentions meeting a Nestorian monk in Baghdad in 987 who had just come back from China:\n\n\"In the year of the Hegira 377, in the Christian quarter behind the church, I met a monk from Najran who seven years before had been sent by the catholicus to China with five other clergy to set in order the affairs of the Christian church. I saw a man still young and of a pleasant appearance, but he spoke little and did not open his mouth except to answer the questions which were put to him. I asked him for some information about his journey, and he told me that Christianity was just extinct in China; the native Christians had perished in one way or another; the church which they had used had been destroyed; and there was only one Christian left in the land. The monk, having found no one remaining to whom his ministry could be of any use, returned more quickly than he went.\"\n\nThe dates for Nestorian Christians in China during the Yüan period are equally vague. Although individual Nestorians are found in various parts of China from about 1200 onwards, including some siege engineers in the Mongol armies, they appear only to have come in force after the final defeat of the Sung regime in southern China by the Mongols in 1279. Most references to Christians in Yüan China are found later than 1280 and earlier than 1340. A special government department,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212163, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "a cure. He was born in Anhui province during the latter part of the seventeenth century and was a kind and upright junior official. He was regarded as a local sage and much respected. Particularly skilled at medicine, he saved countless lives, and one year he successfully mediated between two fighting factions. He died in his bed and proved so popular that within a few years an image of him was carved and placed on a local altar. In 1714 a devotee from Hsing-an prefecture in Fukien province emigrated to Taiwan and brought the cult with him, building a shrine in his honour in Taiwan. Much later, a scholar from Taipei, visiting Tainan, the local capital, to sit his first examination, passed the shrine and knelt before the deity promising that if he were successful in his examination he would set up a similar altar in Taipei. He was successful and did as he had promised. Much later, when the cult had grown much larger, a temple was built in Taipei where the image of Hsin Ting now stands.\n\nThe third case of deification of a charismatic worthy is Ch'en Chang, born in Yunlin in central Taiwan during the reign of the Ch'ien Lung emperor. He was a noted philanthropist in the town of Tsao-t'un in Nantou county where he moved later in life. He did numerous good deeds and was greatly respected. His good works, however, annoyed a local petty tyrant who had Ch'en convicted on a trumped-up charge and imprisoned. Ch'en died in gaol. The locals mourned his death and built a shrine in his honour in which they first placed his tablet (later to be replaced by a standard image with no special identifying characteristics). His title then became General Ch'en despite the fact that he had never served in the army nor had he ever fought in any battle. He became the local protective deity with an annual festival on the 15th of the first lunar month.\n\nCults of the Deified Spirits of Insignificant People\n\nThe following are examples of legends and cults connected with ordinary people. Cults of twelve deceased very ordinary people have been chosen at random from the hundreds of such stories available. They highlight how their cults, some preserved by oral tradition and others with their histories now long forgotten, evolved.\n\nA young man in his early twenties was killed in a now forgotten accident near Kaohsiung in southern Taiwan. He was buried on the spot and, because he had been a brave settler, his family, the Ts'ais,\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212164, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "83\n\ntook some of the soil from his tomb and raised a shrine to him in his native village nearby. Almost immediately other villagers discovered that one could obtain good advice through divination at the shrine and his fame spread. Shortly after the Japanese occupied Formosa some of their cavalry passed through the village destroying crops. The angry Chinese villagers were unable to protest but that night as the cavalry troop tethered their horses around the shrine one of the horses neighed once and dropped dead. This was seen as hidden retribution by the spirit of Ts'ai on behalf of the villagers, punishing the Japanese without providing an opportunity to blame the villagers for the mishap.\n\nA very local cult in a village near Tainan is based on the worship of a 'Young Girl' (Hsiao-niang). A two-year-old baby died in about 1908 and was deified after she reappeared as a spirit in 1935. The cult would appear to have been forced upon the family by the appearance of, and pressure from, the deity herself.\n\nMiss Ch'en Jui lived during the Ch'ing dynasty, 'about a hundred years ago', in Yen-shui in southern Taiwan where she died a spinster at the age of 28. All that is known about her according to the temple plaque is that 'her spirit did not disperse and she was deified'. A thatched shrine built over her grave was rebuilt with bricks in 1928 and the only image within is that of Miss Ch'en. Devotees claim that since she was deified she has delivered them from perils and cured their illnesses.\n\nA native of Chia I, a town in central Taiwan, was killed in about 1853. A short record of his life is kept in Chia I itself although the local residents who worship at his shrine know nothing more than his name, Luo An, and that he was a neighbourhood peasant who died \"about a hundred years ago\". None knew why he had been deified. The short record explained that Luo An had been involved in the fighting around Chia I between migrants from Chang-chou and those from Ch'uan-chou, both groups from the mainland. Although he had neither official nor unofficial status he struggled hard to prevent the fighting spreading into the town of Chia I itself. After he had succeeded and peace had been restored he was accused of acting in his own interests and killed. People remembered him as a brave man who had saved their town and a shrine was erected in his honour. His cult grew, with Luo An as a local protective spirit with an annual festival celebrated on the 29th day of the first lunar month. Like many of the very local", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212188, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "107\n\n: with splinter holes, and inside broken glass and damaged furniture lay scattered around. In the vain hope that she might avoid further attention the \"Whangpoo\" had taken the hulk for a \"cruise\" up the river, while a British officer stood all the time with a loaded revolver guarding the lashings to prevent the excited crew cutting the hulk adrift. It was eventually decided to move an anchor over to the hulk and to moor her off by herself. To the officers of the Merchant Service this sort of thing is all in a day's work. To stand on his bridge and listen to the flow of language addressed by the Captain of the \"Whangpoo\" to the panicking refugees below was a treat not to be missed.\n\nIn the evening a reply was received from Wuhu that the officer commanding the Japanese troops had declared that, if any ship moved on the Yangtze it would be fired at. He was the notorious Colonel Hashimoto, a prominent member of the young Officers' group, who staged the military rising in Tokyo in 1936 during which several leading members of the Japanese government were murdered.\n\nThe news was discouraging and we had to face the possibility that in the morning the attacks would be renewed and the ships sunk, because we could not expect our phenomenal luck in avoiding direct hits to repeat itself. It was decided that before dawn all the merchant ships should be placed along the north bank, where there was deep water, so that the Chinese could step off onto the shore to hide in the reeds. That night it was thought wiser to leave all the ships' lights on in the belief that the Japanese would be less likely to fire at ships, of whose presence they had been repeatedly notified, than if the ships blacked-out and showed no marks of identification. Hurried arrangements were made against the possibility of having to abandon ship. We opened the Captain's safe and shared out thousand-dollar bundles of notes, on the one hand to save them going down with the ship, and on the other to finance any cross-country travelling which might lie before us.\n\nDawn found the ships tied up at intervals of 200 yards along the bank, with only a few foreigners and members of the Chinese crews left aboard. The bulk of the refugees were hiding in the reeds. Many of the sailors and engine-room hands, as well as the Chinese employees of the foreign firms, decided not to risk another day in this dangerous neighbourhood, and disappeared into the interior of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212196, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "115\n\npromotion and increases of pay. Brilliance and initiative are not requisite. In fact, unless well controlled they are a definite handicap. It is fatal to the career of the young official if events prove he was right where his senior was wrong. He will soon be stowed away on some remote shelf. All that is required of him is that he shall answer \"Yes\" at proper intervals; and not advance new ideas, or disturb the even tenor of the way of his superiors.\n\nAnother unhappy manifestation of colonial administration was seen in 1940, when the Japanese menace caused the authorities to issue an order to British women to leave the colony. You would have thought that the wives of colonial officials would have been proud to set an example. But not at all. The majority of the female relatives of Hongkong administrators used their influence to have themselves declared indispensable in order that they might stay in the colony. They wangled jobs as nurses, secretaries, and so on, while the less fortunate — as it then appeared — wives of the commercial community, who were not in a position to pull strings, were shipped out to Australia and other places. It naturally produced a lot of ill-feeling, but not, so far as I am aware, any Colonial Office enquiry.\n\nThe police force in Hongkong consisted of 14 British officers, 255 British other ranks, and 803 Sikh and 1022 Chinese constables. Despite its heterogeneous composition the force was quite efficient. The wealth of Hongkong attracts evil-doers from China, which has its full share of the criminal element. After decades of civil war they are usually well enough armed; but in Hongkong the statistics of serious crime, and particularly of malefactors brought to book, compare quite favourably with, for instance, those for Kentucky.\n\nChinese of the lower classes generally wear a short jacket, while Chinese of the gentle class wear a long gown buttoning up the side and reaching down to the ankles. Chinese gun-men also invariably wear long gowns, I suppose, the easier to hide their weapons. They are often of sleek appearance, but there seems to be a look about them which makes them easy to recognise. When I was staying at the Gloucester Hotel I noticed there were usually one or two long-gowned Chinese in the hallway outside my room. I asked my Chinese boy who these men were and he told me that in the bedroom on one side of me I had Mr. Tu Yuen Seng, and on the other side Mr. Wang Shao Lai. They were the chiefs of the Green and Red \"Tongs\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212200, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "119\n\nLiuchow where one of Colonel Chennault's schools for training Chinese pilots was at that time established. I arrived just in time to observe the results of a Japanese air-raid on the field, when they succeeded in shooting up two of the latest type of Curtis Hawk fighters, the only two at that time in China, concealed in some trees on the edge of the field. Training under such conditions was not easy and the school soon had to move west again into Yunnan province.\n\nThree hundred kilometres a day is good going on these lightly metalled roads. I reached Kweilin on the evening of the third day after leaving Wuchow, and put up at the government hostel. From time immemorial the idea of travel has filled Chinese with apprehension, induced not only by fear of the ubiquitous bandit, but also by the abomination of the fetid roadside inn. With the advent of the motor car, the need for better hotel accommodation became evident, and the various provincial governments opened official hostelries at key points. While these left much to be desired by western standards, they were a prodigious improvement on the old-style inn.\n\nKwangsi is one of the more progressive provinces, for long controlled by Generals Li Tsung Jen and Pai Chung Hsi, who rank next to the Generalissimo himself. The hostel at Kweilin was better than average. There was a wireless in the lounge, and a small crowd of us sat and listened to the news as it came in. It was the period before Munich. A young German amongst us, flushed with arrogance, gloated over Hitler's successes. My first contact with the aboriginal Nazi spirit left me angry and dismayed.\n\nChinese buildings are flimsy. The rooms are small and dark, and not clean. When you have made allowance for this idiosyncrasy, Kweilin appears a delightful little town. The city wall circumambulates from shrine-crowned hill to hill; the river is full of junks that sail down to Wuchow; the roads are wide and straight, and shop arcades cover the pavements on either side. The little separate hills rise steeply from the plain, in those fantastic shapes seen in Chinese paintings. Their rocky tree-fringed summits staggered drunkenly beneath the sky. The hills are full of natural caves, most convenient for storing war supplies, or to act as shelters in the event of raids. But Kweilin was still far from the war. The Kweilin merchants believed that the Japanese planes would have difficulty in locating their little city snuggling amongst the hills. The excitement was all about the new railway,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212203, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "122\n\nOur office had removed to a new building, a tall building with lifts and American plumbing. But the old office was still there, a little way down the Bund, in the French Concession, built of red bricks in a style which can only be described as Sino-Edwardian, though decked with a hangover of that rococo embellishment, which was not one of the glories of Queen Victoria's reign. It was in that office so many years ago that a dear old Chinese merchant had patiently explained to me how in Hankow the yolks of all the eggs were in the centre of the egg, because Hankow was in the centre of China. Not a little bit up the egg, or a little bit down, but just in the centre. I asked him where the yolk of the egg was up in the north at Tientsin, but he said he did not know as he had never moved far from Hankow; and, I fear, he attributed my ill-concealed scepticism to callow youth. I do not suppose all those young Chinese officers who now walked briskly along the road worried where the yolk of the egg was. For since the fall of Nanking, eight months earlier, Hankow had been the capital of China, and also the headquarters of the army. The Japanese were held up at the Mateng bluff, where the Yangtze narrows some miles below Kiu Kiang, but the pressure was increasing and it was thought that Kiu Kiang might fall soon.\n\nBefore leaving Hongkong I had taken the precaution of providing myself with six bottles of whisky, as I had heard that supplies were running short in Hankow. My information was not quite accurate. I found there was plenty of whisky, but it was a green colour, derived from the solder-flux of the Kerosene tins in which it was despatched from Hongkong. Freight on the railway was reserved for war material, and it was easier to bring up an odd tin of whisky than to find space for a case. The green whisky, it was discovered, could be taken, in the usual small doses, with impunity. Nevertheless my six bottles, containing liquid of a more agreeable shade, were acceptable. They unfortunately did not go far. I heard afterwards that an enterprising chemist found a way of removing the green colour from the imported whisky to the joy of patrons who had qualms regarding the effect of solder-flux on gastric juices.\n\nHankow was a very busy place. Amongst other things the rolling stock, which had been salvaged from the north China railways, was being ferried as quickly as possible over to the south bank. Locomotives of diverse size and vintage were shunted down to Hengyang onto sidings where they were held for spare parts or for...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212215, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "134\n\nphone. It was a friend of mine, a former N.O., to let me know he had just heard from the British gunboat that the Luftwaffe was bombing Warsaw. I went over to a party at another table to tell them that the launch picnic we had arranged for the following Sunday would be off. The news spread from table to table. No emotion registered on the faces of the stolid English people sitting on the verandah of that exclusive club. A stranger coming in just then would have noticed nothing out of the ordinary except, perhaps, that it was later than usual when the members scattered from their tables to go home to dinner. I do not think that this display of composure was entirely due to British phlegm; it sprang in part from an unimaginative failure to realise what the news meant. Warsaw was very far from Shanghai. My Sunday picnic need not have been cancelled for all the difference the war made in its early stages. The chief problem seemed to be whether those with children in England should move them elsewhere, to the States or to China. There was no encouragement to join up; in fact, young men were informed officially that it was their duty to stick to their jobs to keep British trade going.\n\nSince the outbreak of the war between China and Japan, there had been a succession of political murders and outrages in the foreign areas of Shanghai. I think probably that the Chinese government started it. They considered any \"puppet\" fair prey and, I daresay, those Green and Red tongs came in useful. Then the Japanese retaliated by organising terrorist gangs of their own, and attacking Chinese with prominent government connections, or such as refused to collaborate. It almost amounted to a reign of terror, under cover of which ordinary crime, too, increased. The police found great difficulty in coping with the situation. They themselves were sniped at by both sides. The police, in both foreign areas, were remarkably efficient, but unpopular with the official Chinese, because so often involved in suppressing illegitimate political activities, which had a long history in Shanghai.\n\nMy wife and I were living in a small flat in the French town, and several of us, in preference to joining the Shanghai Volunteers, decided to join the French Special Police. We were issued with a blue uniform, with a thin red line down the trouser, a police kepi, and a French tin hat; also a large Mauser automatic, one of numbers collected from time to time at the Concession entrances from disbanded Chinese troops seeking admission to the safety of the foreign area. In this accoutrement we paraded several evenings a week at the Central", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212223, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "142 \n\nnumber of bicycles, and despite having to dismount frequently to cross ditches, alleged to be anti-tank but too narrow to be effective for the purpose, made forty miles in a day along the footpaths amongst the hills. \n\nTens of thousands of coolies were carrying loads over the track from Mirs Bay to the East River: it shewed what a large flow of supplies still entered China from Hongkong despite the Japanese blockade. I even saw the parts of wholly dismantled lorries being carried along, four coolies to each pole on the heavier loads, such as the frame. Unfortunately a cholera epidemic was raging, and the Chinese government appeared to have made no effort to provide medical and sanitary supervision, on what was one of the few remaining routes of entry into China. A plague of flies hovered over the human excreta which defiled the edges of the road along its whole length. Coolies were dying by the dozen. They would collapse by the side of the road and crawl off to expire in the scrub. In places the stench was so strong as to make you retch. On arrival next day at Mirs Bay we were offered tea at the little Chinese customs house, while waiting for the launch. As the bay was entirely inside Hongkong territorial waters, Japanese ships could not enter, and the launches ran twice a day with impunity. \n\nI stepped ashore at Taipo, a village in the New Territory, in time to catch the evening train from Fanling, but I was now feeling ill myself and half wondering whether I too had not caught cholera. I was unable to join the golfing fraternity in the saloon car to listen to the highlights of the day's sport, or to partake of refreshment, and on arrival at the Gloucester I retired to my bed. \n\nThe luxury, however, of a modern hotel soon put me on my legs, and I was further fortified by the comfort of a passage to Shanghai in one of the Canadian-Pacific Company's liners. \n\nIt was November. Many of the younger men had left to join up, either in Malaya or in India, where it was thought their services might prove more useful than in England. Nevertheless with the addition of the people who had been brought in from the outports, there was no shortage of staff in the offices; and the Clubs, if anything, appeared rather crowded. Owing to the stagnation in trade, people had not much to do. Yet managers seemed reluctant to release their young men, too many of whom, as it appeared to me, seemed quite content to stay; while, surprisingly, older middle-aged men were being allowed \n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212226, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "145\n\nher over there until she could get a passage across the Atlantic to England.\n\nI had been hoping to be called up myself, and in the meantime saw a good deal of the two able liaison officers left behind by the British Army in Shanghai. One was a Japanese interpreter, and the other spoke Chinese. We were all impressed with the importance of the Chinese guerilla effort, and hoped that the British government would be able to provide technical assistance for their support. I am afraid that the seed then sown fell on stony ground. Regular generals do not comprehend the implications of guerilla warfare, nor do those schooled in concentration appreciate the advantages of dispersal; moreover, generals are not interested in small groups; they prefer the big battalions.\n\nWhen the time came, in May, and I was recalled to join up in Burma, I was glad to leave Shanghai. Many excellent people, detained by their duty, reluctantly remained there; but generally the atmosphere, so thick with complacency, had long jarred on me. As late as September 1941 the deluded residents of Shanghai were willing to oversubscribe fifty times a new share issue, which a British Cotton Mill Company elected at that time to place on the market. Long after the comforting assurance of the period of \"phoney\" war had ended so catastrophically in Europe, its demoralising effect continued at work in the Far East. At last, on December 7th, 1941, the house of cards collapsed; and the final bankruptcy of British leadership in Shanghai shewed itself, when the young men, caught there by that cataclysm, failed even to attempt to escape from a net, whose meshes were not closed until some weeks later.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212231, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "150\n\nSix of them by means of bamboos can carry a very large block of granite to any distance. Their ingenuity is very surprising. There are a few cows, and a few goats to be seen, but there is little verdure except for the goats and mountain sheep. The Chinese dogs are not worth a straw, except to eat, and their flavour is no doubt not so bad. They keep cats in hutches like rabbits; and feed them with rice till they are in good condition for eating. Rats are very abundant; pigs abound, for pork is the chief native food. The birds are not very numerous. Fowls are sold by the pound, at the same price as pork. Geese the same. Wild birds are not allowed to multiply very much. There is the common house sparrow, magpie, the wag-tail, and different species of pigeons. Insects are far too plentiful. Butterflies as large as birds. In fact I have sometimes to look for some time to distinguish whether what I see is a bird or a butterfly. Spiders are very large, and look like young crabs. Cockroaches and beetles are also quite gigantic and very plentiful. They eat up whatever they can get hold of, not being particular whether it is books, shoes, hats, clothes, or food.\n\nThe ants are the worst of all the vermin; black ones are like those in England, perhaps smaller, and not injurious. They take however a great fancy to hair-brushes, so that before you can use one you have to knock out all the inhabitants. They get everywhere, but one does not mind them. The white ants however are greatly dreaded. In one night they will completely destroy a box of clothes, so that in the morning you may find the fragments of the box, that will crumble in your fingers, and find nothing but a few rags and dust for the clothes. They get everywhere. The other day I happened to notice something wrong in a box of Mongolian bibles in the Lumber room. On taking it out, the box fell to pieces, and there were just a few fragments of leaves left, the books being all reduced to black looking dust. I have to be very careful of my boxes, and stand them on bricks to keep them off the ground, which is considered as some protection. The only way to preserve food, etc., is to stand each leg of the meat-safe in a small bowl of water, so that they cannot get at it. The same with things kept in cupboards, etc. These things however do not trouble me in the least, for the servant has all that to attend to. The mosquitoes, that were represented to me as so formidable and annoying, seem quite a hoax. Neither at Batavia nor here, have I so much as seen one. I have no clear idea what they are like; as to being bitten by them, it is out of the question. Mosquitoes to me are quite fabulous. Perhaps however I am one of the favoured ones whom they do not molest. At Batavia I had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212236, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "155\n\nworldly minded, money-making, aristocratical people. Having come here to make money it is all they seem to think about, except their own pleasure, which is not always of a sinless description, as the cemeteries testify. Yet they are munificent, when charity is required, thinking as they often say, \"Charity covereth a multitude of sins\". Dress is carried to great excess. About six o'clock when the sun sets all the year round, they come out, dressed up regardless of expense, and parade the streets, and public walks, in their sedan chairs. If however they prefer walking, you invariably see the chair carried along behind. If Mr Brown wants to take Miss Jones out for a nice little quiet walk in the country, and have a little pleasant conversation, you always see their two chairs carried along a hundred or so yards behind them, by the industrious Chinese. Nobody ever thinks of walking except just in the evening for pleasure, and even then they generally ride! Consequently all the young men are poor pale looking things for want of exercise. For my part I will never, unless absolutely unable to move, ride in the lazy things. Some are very neatly covered up; some open at the top, while many are merely constructed of two long bamboos, a small board for a seat, another to lean back against, and a board hanging down to rest the feet upon. A fellow looks, as I told Mr Beach, just like \"Guy Fawkes\" going to be thrown in the bonfire. Sometimes ladies, just to show themselves, ride in these last species: making great I do not know what's, of themselves. At church there is a display of aristocracy and fashion. The service is gone through in a listless sort of way, and every one seems glad when it is over. Many ladies ride on horseback. I have seen no one, as yet, with whom I care at all to associate with. There is plenty of work for me to do however for my pupils in one way and another, so that company is perhaps out of the question.\n\n―\n\n―\n\nThe Parsees come next in point of number, and importance. They are a fine looking race of men, bearing a strong resemblance to the ancient Jews. Their complexion is very brown however and they wear a long black beard. They dress in long flowing robes, and could not be distinguished from Arabs but by their hats, the shape of which is very strange. You may have perhaps seen pictures of them. It is enough to make anybody laugh to see them. What surprises me is that the hat does not fall off. They are a very wealthy class of people and are considered excellent subjects. In fact they may be said to be but a very little behind the English. They have a fine cemetery in Happy Valley.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212247, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "166\n\ncomes up to Anna's. In the Cathedral when she sings she can be heard at times quite distinctly from the powerful organ, and an efficient choir. She wants me to join the choir, but I am in no hurry to do so, till I can find out the character of the members. The organist is quite a young man, but a very fair performer.\n\nMy description must now soon be brought to a close. I must however just say a few words as regards my pupils. They seem generally very shy, what I have seen of them. Two in college now will shortly leave. Hah-choong, the elder is a tall genteel looking youth of 18. His father was an Englishman and his mother Chinese. He was left an orphan, but a German missionary has care of him and his brother and when they come of age there is property for them. I take a great interest in the elder he does all he can to oblige me. He will soon get an appointment in an English counting house, but I hope to be able to keep my eye upon him.\n\nWhen I first came I could not get near enough to speak to them, they would all run away. Even now I cannot get them to talk. They stand motionless when I call them up to me. I find them as the Bishop said, a very cold hearted set. They take everything with the coolest indifference. Whether pleased or displeased one never knows. It is rather discouraging, but I shall adopt an even course of conduct with them, which will break down the barrier between us eventually, I hope. Indeed I may say it is fast improving already.\n\nThe parents of some of the children are quite respectable people. The other day a Chinese B.A., or graduate of the First Class, called to get his son admitted. He came with a very low bow, and presented his visiting cards, which I enclose as a curiosity. One gives his family name, the other his surname, and his rank. I will also send you one of my bills which the industrious A-tse brings me every morning. I can now keep accounts in Chinese.\n\nMany of the pupils are still heathens in heart. I trust however that with God's blessing on my labours I may be enabled to do some good among them. It is only by his Spirit's influence that the heathen notions, and strong prejudices can be wholly extirpated from their minds.\n\n我又有美非此牢者。\n\n21", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212270, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "189\n\nthe 1970s, the multiform traditions of China are becoming known in other languages besides Chinese, Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese\n\nmaking the in-depth study of these materials possible, perhaps for the first time. Still, of course, knowledge of the original language is essential for first-rate scholarship, leading us to the fundamental reality of Legge's immense scholarship.\n\nDue to these pragmatic problems, one can understand why it is that Legge has been effectively avoided in accounts of the European encounter with China. This lacuna is damaging, however, because of Legge's continued influence in the study of traditional Chinese culture, especially the Confucian tradition. In seeking to correct this oversight, I have become aware not only of my own limitations, but also of a certain number of critical interpretive issues which can aid us all in gaining a more complete vision of Legge as a person, a missionary, and a scholar. In the rest of this paper, I propose to discuss seven clues to Legge's life and academic achievements which will, it is hoped, correct misunderstandings about James Legge and his works.\n\nSeven Clues to the Life and Academic Achievements of James Legge\n\nLegge's monumental service to Anglo-European sinology needs to be understood from insights gained in reviewing his motivations, his cultural background, academic influences, and his work, methodological commitments, and philosophical convictions.\n\n1. Legge's Academic Discipline\n\nA great secret of Legge's productivity was his consistency in study habits, a life rigorously disciplined.\n\nLegge developed the habit of early rising from his grammar school days. Having achieved a high rank among his classmates in Latin studies, the young James was expected to become first in the class. Unfortunately, just before the deciding examination the young boy was involved in a fairly severe accident which left him with a badly broken leg. Knowing that he could not compete that year, he employed the months confined to bed in translating from Latin to English and then vice versa various texts. That winter in Scotland Legge\n\n31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212271, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "190\n\nbegan the habit of studying from 3:00 to 8:00 am, carrying the habit with him into his missionary life in Malacca (1839-1843) and Hong Kong (1843-1872), maintaining it even through his twenty-one years at Oxford.\n\nII. Legge's Scottish Inheritance\n\nAlthough Legge mentions numerous sources and authors in his autobiographical reflections written just a year before he died, the most profound early influence came from the 16th century Scottish intellectual, George Buchanan. Two of Buchanan's works had a long-lasting effect on Legge: the paraphrased psalms and his History of Scotland. Much more was elicited from Legge as a consequence of his exposure to these two works than might be initially expected.\n\nLike many pious Scots, James' mother memorized the Psalms and often sang them during her daily work. While he was in grammar school, Buchanan's paraphrased psalms became a great attraction to the young Legge.\n\nThese rhyming psalms provided Legge with a stylistic framework into which he rendered the Chinese classic, The Book of Odes, (*) among other works. Some of Legge's most astute translations of the terse Chinese poems from this classic, first published in 1871, reflect the paraphrastic flexibility which Buchanan achieved in his work. A few years later Legge published a metrical version of the same Chinese classic, rendering its poems in everything from stylish English to Scottish drone, pursuing the goal of portraying the rich variety of language and style The Book of Odes itself contains. Here the influence of Buchanan is particularly clear.\n\nBuchanan's influence on Legge went beyond the medium of Chinese verse. Before entering Oxford, Legge also rendered into English the whole of the Hebrew Psalter in similar paraphrastic poetry, accompanied by a critical introduction, as was his custom. For reasons unknown, this manuscript was never published.14\n\nHaving recognized the mnemonic value of rhymed paraphrases, Professor Legge also prepared a rhymed piece which cleverly related to new students the titles, order, and distinctions of the many dynasties within traditional Chinese history.\n\n35", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212273, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "192\n\na transformation as did the revolutionary activities of Legge's own lifetime. Buchanan, a convert at first reluctant in tone but later adamant in commitment, could not have left a more profound influence on his impressionable Scottish student. Legge began to recognize his own need for conversion—a conclusion drawn as much from Buchanan as from his family's involvement in the relatively new Non-Conformist movement. In his autobiography, Legge spoke of his need to resolve this issue as a matter involving his passage into maturity.\n\n37\n\nAs a Scotsman of the nineteenth century, Legge rediscovered his Scottish uniqueness through the pen of Buchanan. In addition, through him, Legge gained a perspective on the rise and fall of clans and nations, a perspective broader and more reflective than usual in the sixteenth century.\n\nAt the end of his life, James Legge must have been a remarkable religious figure. Yet what his own statements suggest is that there was as much of the scholar in his early life as there was a missionary. Perhaps it would be more correct to say that it was the scholar who discovered his spiritual need, at least in part, through identification with the conversion of his Scottish predecessor. The religious and scholarly were intimately intertwined, but, as with Buchanan, it was the scholarly route which first awoke Legge's mind to greater things, leading later to the spiritual conversion which was the primary motive force for Legge's mature life.\n\nIII. Legge's Educational Philosophy\n\nJames Legge's first job was to teach Mathematics in Blackburn, England. He was quickly able to demonstrate his competence in other fields and was soon afterward also given responsibilities in teaching courses in his strongest subject, advanced Latin. It was during this period that the young Legge pursued the “question of religion”. The headmaster under whom he worked was also a Non-Conformist and so not only permitted him exposure to the Latin Church fathers, which he taught to students, but also involved him in weekend trips to nearby villages for preaching. Through these experiences and relationships, James Legge became convinced that he should become a missionary, and so after one and one-half years of teaching, he entered Highbury College, a Non-Conformist Seminary, to prepare for service in the London Missionary Society.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "198\n\nin Hong Kong. Legge set up schools for Chinese girls which were run by his wife and, later on, his two daughters. After arrival in Oxford in 1876, Legge also took up the cause of women's education. He was, for instance, on the initial committee which founded Somerville College at Oxford in 1879, helping to draft its \"religious but not sectarian\" rules.\n\nA photograph provides us with a fitting symbol of Legge's life, love for Chinese, and his educational commitment. Students in his class during November, 1897, took a picture of his notes in Chinese left on the blackboard from the last class with the Professor. The picture one sees there manifests a startling simplicity: Professor Legge was still teaching a beginner's class in classical Chinese, and so had left there, in the very shaky hand of an octogenarian, situational phrases meant to prompt discussion. They began with, \"On the top of the mountain there are three men\" and went on describing animals on the mountainside and a river at the bottom. Somehow in the midst of this simple lesson religious issues arose, for in the bottom left-hand side of the board, in a portion where he may have been drilling students on specific characters, he wrote the two characters for \"Jesus\".\n\n• 52\n\nThus Legge had a deeply thought-out programme of educational philosophy and scholarship. It is a misapprehension that Legge was simply portraying China for Western audiences. He was just as much involved with teaching Chinese, and promoting education generally.\n\nIV. Legge's Sense of Mission and Duty\n\nThis sense of duty is central to Legge's intensity of study, his drive for excellence, and the unwavering convictions which were deeply embedded in his academic writings.\n\nDr Legge's academic approach to Chinese culture was prompted by the desire to make the Christian message known to Chinese people.\n\nAlthough the young Legge had reacted against some aspects of the form of Calvinism brought to Scotland in the reformed theology of John Knox (which he learned by memory with his classmates through the medium of the Shorter Catechism), the adult James Legge gained a new appreciation for the sovereignty of the true God, especially", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "205\n\n“Scottish Commonsense” philosophy was a conscious effort in the eighteenth century to counteract the sceptical implications of the radical philosopher, David Hume. The young Legge had read the writings of Thomas Reid, Dugald Stewart and Thomas Brown while a student at King's College in the early 1830s. He claimed later that he did not agree with all their philosophical implications, preferring a less rationalistic philosophy (perhaps that of William Paley), but even his granddaughter, the late Prof. Mary Dominica Legge, underscored his preference for Aristotelean ethics over the Confucian equivalent. If the content of James Legge's thought is rooted in the Biblical interpretations of the Non-Conformist tradition and Paley's evangelical system of natural theology, the categories came largely from the Commonsense tradition.\n\n72\n\nIt was these categories which, as translator and interpreter, James Legge employed in evaluating Confucian ethics, education, and epistemology. The lack of rational precision in a number of places in Confucius' life evoke from Legge a sense that there was a “want of freedom” in Confucius' behaviour. He likewise criticized the important Song dynasty Confucian commentator, Zhu Xi, for implying that, when knowledge is complete, the thoughts are by this means necessarily made sincere or without self-deception. For Legge, the moral life stemmed from a spiritual source related to the moral will, which was more penetrating and more complex than a mere mental grasp of things.\n\n7.1\n\nIn his study of Confucius' philosophy, Legge identifies specific details of the sage's biography in which his evasion of the truth (in one case involving an oath) is claimed to have produced an \"injurious influence” as an example to later Chinese people. There is also a conflict between Confucius' more humble claims about himself and the claims made about him by later Confucianists. At times these claims approach blasphemy, and Legge minces no words in decrying these assertions. The fact that other canonical texts included passages in which Confucius appears as the advocate of an ethic of revenge, especially when it involved family or clan ties, was an additional issue Legge regarded as deserving unqualified criticism. Whether or not these texts were historically reliable, their negative ethical influence was undeniable.\n\nWhat is important here is that the ethical questions Legge asked", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "212\n\nKong CT. London Missionary Society Archives, South China, April 24, 1845: Legge writes to the headquarters, sending copies of Collie's work to them.\n\nC Andrew J Nathan, \"The Place of Values in Cross-Cultural Studies: The Example of Democracy and China\", in Paul A. Cohen and Merle Goldman, eds., Ideas Across Cultures: Essays on Chinese Thought in Honor of Benjamin I. Schwartz (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 293-314. I quote here the three relevant sections.\n\n**After World War II] relativism especially recommended itself as a corrective to our society's nineteenth and early twentieth-century missionary impulses... that their way of life was not going to sweep the world.... (Ibid. p 296).\n\n**The relativist position |-| adopted in order to prevent missionary zeal from clouding our understanding of the non-Western world |. led in some cases to an equal but opposite kind of self-deception”. (Ibid. p 304).\n\n\"Evaluative universalism by no means requires a return to the missionary mode of promoting Western values. It is not a call for proselytism but an expression of the belief, first, that value differences when they exist can, and can only, be honestly expressed, and second, that beliefs originating in different societies can fruitfully be confronted with one another, compared, and judged, even though disagreement is expected to persist”. (Ibid. pp 312-313).\n\nRecorded in Legge's autobiographical account entitled \"Notes of My Life\" (pp. 25-27), kept now in the Bodleian Library in Oxford.\n\n12 These books are Paraphrasis Psalmorum Davidis Poetica (n.p., 1566) and Rerum Scoticorum Historia (ed. apud A. Arbuthnetum, 1582). English translations of both were available in Legge's time.\n\nLi\n\nThis version was apparently intended as a replacement of the earlier rendition of The Book Of Poetry published by Legge in 1871. It was a completely revised text of both the verse and the commentarial notes. Because it only included the English text and not the Chinese text which appeared in the first edition, however, the later Oxford edition of 1893-1895 republished the earlier text. A comparison of this earlier rendition with the second edition (which others called Legge's \"metrical“ Shijing \"jén) would display the kind of discipline Legge had as a translator of classical texts. See James Legge, The Chinese Classics: translated into English, with Preliminary Essays And Explanatory Notes – Vol III: The She King; or, The Book Of Odes (London: Trübner & Co., 1876). See also Alfred Lister, \"Dr. Legge's Metrical Shi-King\", The China Review 5:1 (July 1876), pp. 1-8.\n\n11\n\nThis Hebrew Psalter was prepared with a twenty-seven page introductory essay which included some critical commentary, and over three hundred pages of metrical paraphrases of the Psalms. Legge's position in presenting the Psalter was primarily meditative and not textual-critical; neither did this tome contain the kind of extensive commentarial apparatus which The Chinese Classics always included. Perhaps it is for some of these reasons that the manuscript was never published. It is now kept in the library of New College at the University of Edinburgh.\n\n14 The printed text of this poetic summary of Chinese history I found in the Oriental Studies Library in Oxford. It was clearly planned and printed as part of some larger work.\n\nFor the value of \"cherishing the old\", see the Analects 2:11, The Chinese Classics: Vol 1, op. cit., p. 49. Han Yu's opposition to Buddhist and Taoist superstitions, his courageous attack on their spiritual deceptions, and his consequent punishment must have stood as a courageous example to Legge. Han's specific interest in the old style, and his influence in stimulating interest in the renewed study of ancient texts and writing styles, parallels some of Legge's own interests.\n\n17 After graduating from King's College, the young James spent time with his father", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "213\n\nand older brothers, discussing the possible future vocation he might take up. Becoming a minister or missionary was considered, but that was \"dependent on my becoming a true Christian, and I knew that I was not then such\". He decided to put off all final decisions and become a teacher (9) \"till my mind should become in a more settled condition on the great subject of religion”. Living with his older brother, George, in London in the interim, James went to hear many preachers, but was particularly impressed by the minister of Weigh House Chapel, a Mr. Thomas Binney. (Two years later, when he entered seminary and studied Chinese at the University of London, he made the extra effort to hear Binney's sermons \"frequently and always to my benefit^^.) Later, he heard a message by a famous Congregational minister, Dr. Me'all, on the vow of Jacob in Genesis 28. This encounter set in motion the determination on James' part to be a \"truer and more consistent servant of Christ'. These events took place in 1835 and 1836. Finally, while teaching mathematics and Latin in a school in Blackburn, James joined the Congregational Church in Blackburn. His comment on this commitment reflects his sense of duty and spiritual fulfillment: \"The doing what is right always brings with it an exhilaration of spirit, and gives concentration to the powers of the mind\". There is no note here of an emotionally ecstatic experience, but there is the overcoming of a deep and pressing burden of spiritual accountability. He completed this autobiographical account with the quotation of Biblical passages (predominantly Philippians 3:13-14) and with the Christian witness' simple statement; now he was following Christ, and Christ, he was assured, would not leave him. See James Legge, \"Notes of My Life\", op. cit., pp. 58-67.\n\nIn his eighteen months at the Blackburn school, James taught the upper class boys, who were only a few years younger than himself, mathematics and passages from a number of classical Latin sources. The young teacher later admitted that two texts he taught during this period left a deep impression upon him: Lactantius' Institutiones Divinae (Antwerp, 1539) and Boethius' Consolatio Philosophiae. The latter is particularly important because of the Augustinian commitment to which Boethius was bound: that philosophy could be an aid to and lead one on from the search for human understanding to a humble acceptance of a guiding trust in the living God. In addition, the well-structured poetic strains of Boethius may also have had a continuing impact in Legge's rendering of Chinese poetry, but by his own statement, it appears that George Buchanan's style was more often in mind as a model for translating. See \"Notes Of My Life\", op. cit., pp. 65-66, 72.\n\nT\n\nFor details on Legge's Highbury College experience and first studies in Chinese, see \"Notes Of My Life\", op. cit., pp. 80-87, 102-105.\n\n411\n\nBrian Harrison has written about Legge's attitudes at the Malacca site, arguing that he was a young and inexperienced missionary who stubbornly refused to adopt an older missionary's and other administrators' attitudes toward the College. Other research has challenged this opinion, showing Legge to have been stubbornly opposed to practices which he believed were not only religiously and ethically unacceptable, but also more aligned with both the London office and the original plans of Morrison and Milne. See Brian Harrison, Waiting For China: The Anglo-Chinese College At Malacca, 1818-1843, And Early Nineteenth-Century Missions (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1979) and R. L. O'Sullivan, \"The Departure of the London Missionary Society from Malacca,\" Journal of The Malaysian Historical Society 23 (1980), pp. 75-83.\n\n41\n\nSee The Rambles of the Emperor Ching Tih in Keang Nan, A Chinese Tale. (Vol. 1, 320 pages; Vol. 2, 322 pages) trans. Tsin Shen, ed. James Legge (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longman, 1843). The second work was attributed to Legge by Alexander Wylie, who [according to Dr. R. Gary Tiedemann, currently of the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London] was also tutored in elementary Chinese by Legge during the latter's first furlough (1846-1847) See A Lexilogus of the English, Malay, And Chinese Languages; comprehending the vernacular idioms of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "226\n\nif the wife of Swire's Taipan, accompanied by two pipers, did fire Jardine's gun to salute the arrival of 1967. Although 1967 saw several months of 'Disturbances' (spillovers from the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China), it was also Swire's centenary in the East and a nice gesture on Jardine's part to invite the Taipan's spouse of the rival firm to fire their cannon.\n\nOriginally, the company was a textile firm, founded by John Swire (1793-1847), in Liverpool in 1816. It was inherited by his two sons, John Samuel (1825-1898) and William Hodson (1830-1884), by which time the firm was involved in the import-export trade. An office was opened by Richard Shackleton Butterfield (a Lancashire mill owner) and John Samuel Swire in Shanghai in 1867, and in 1870 a trading and shipping branch was established in Hong Kong. Even until 1974 the company was still known as 'B&S' (Butterfield and Swire), Its Chinese name, Taikoo (**太古**), means great and ancient. The partnership did not last long. John S. Swire wrote:\n\n\"Mr Butterfield retired (in 1868) from our firm at my suggestion; he was grasping and bothered me.\n\nThe astute, disciplined, sarcastic, autocratic John Samuel Swire was proud of his Yorkshire origins. Common expressions of his were:\n\n**I told you so!**\n\n\"I write as I speak, to the point.\"\n\n\"I aim to be strong enough to be respected, if not beloved.\"\n\nIt was maintained by an American contemporary that he lived by and for business alone. He was addressed as 'The Senior' by his partners. Like many taipans, John Samuel Swire did not remain long in the East.\n\nHe was said to have been single-minded, forthright, ruthless and energetic, and drove himself and his staff, whom he discouraged from taking part in civic affairs. After his successes on the Yangtze he decided to expand into coastal trade. Here he used the same tactics\n\na vigorous attack that disheartened his rivals.\n\n―\n\nA residence had been constructed on the Peak for the B&S taipan and messes for the young 'gentlemen' officers of the firm by the late", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212308, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 250, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "227\n\n19th century. In 1891 the Hong Kong Telegraph spoke of the firm in less than complimentary terms;\n\nthe everlasting Bugbears of Eastern commerce, the nigger-drivers, the sweaters, the Jews worse than Jews,\n\n-\n\nfor no Jew was ever so full of hatred and persecution and intolerance of all others...\n\nYet Swire's was sometimes also accused of having more liberal racial views, and comments were rife when B&S invited Chinese brokers to a dinner. A recorded comment was:\n\n+++\n\nthe Swire lot blustering away among the Chinamen (hobnobbing) with every unwashed devil in the place\n\nJohn Swire died in 1898, wealthy and prestigious.\n\nDuring World War I Governor Sir Henry May accused Swire's of reluctance to help the war effort for failing to provide volunteers for the defence of the Colony. Today, with people in their employ like Lady Lydia Dunn, Howard Young and others, Swire's can certainly no longer be accused of lacking in community spirit.\n\nFrom 1878, Jardine's acted as agents for the China Sugar Refining Company at East Point. But after going East, Swire soon started to diversify. John Samuel's first marriage was to the owner of a sugar refinery, and not only did he consider he knew something about the business but a study conducted in Hong Kong satisfied him there was potential for two refineries. Consequently, Taikoo Sugar Refining Company was first registered in 1881, although it did not commence production until 1884, at Quarry Bay, in a refinery based on a design of a factory in Scotland.\n\nBy the early 1900s Taikoo was the largest sugar refinery east of Suez, with a turnover of approximately 2,000 tons a week. At one stage it was said to be the largest in the world under one roof. The company was the first in Hong Kong to provide living accommodation on site for its staff. A new factory was completed in 1925. This had to be refitted after World War II, but in the early 1950s there were about 650 workers and it was still the largest sugar refiner in the Far East.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 261, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "238\n\nCompany joined Dairy Farm and became known as the Dairy Farm, Ice and Cold Storage Company Limited, following the merging of the food sections of Lane Crawford and Dairy Farm.\n\nBecause records were lost little is known of the company's history between 1920 and 1942. The directors who were not killed fighting the Japanese in 1941, however, did manage to hold a minuted board meeting, on June 1st, 1942, in Stanley prison camp. They later held a joint meeting with the directors of Lane Crawford's when it was suggested the two firms should co-operate after hostilities ceased.\n\nThis idea materialised in 1960 with limited success. In 1972, Hong Kong Land acquired Dairy Farm in the first contested takeover bid in Hong Kong. The old building on Lower Albert Road, used by the Dairy Farm Ice and Cold Storage Company Limited until 1978, now houses the Foreign Correspondents' Club and the Fringe Club. In the late 20th century milk is tankered into Hong Kong mainly from China.\n\nWatson's\n\nAnother of the few firms that is as old as Hong Kong itself is A.S. Watson's. It is connected with the Canton Dispensary which operated from 1828 to 1858. The Hong Kong Dispensary was opened in a matshed at Possession Point by Doctors (Peter) F.H. Young, a naval surgeon, and Alexander Anderson. The latter became the first Colonial Surgeon of Hong Kong. Doctor John Morrison, son of Doctor Robert Morrison who founded the Canton Dispensary with Doctor Livingstone, was also involved. In July 1841, a bad typhoon destroyed the Dispensary's matshed at Possession Point as well as other structures in Hong Kong.\n\nThe main purpose of Di Yeuk Fong (†) (big medicine shop as it was then called) was as a dispensary for soldiers and sailors. On 1st January 1843 it moved to Captain Morgan's Bazaar, and the same year a Doctor Samuel Marjoribanks, a surgeon, joined as a partner. In 1845 the dispensary moved to permanent premises, in Queen's Road, and Doctor James Hume Young (a relative of F.H. Young) became manager.\n\nThe first member of the Watson family to go East was Thomas", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212352, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 294, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "and from then on for quite two months we naturally heard cannon-fire every day. However, this did not develop as just an artillery duel. Small arms fire, both from eight foot long Chinese jingals, and from guns of European pattern, played the main role in this struggle.\n\nYou should not think of the conduct of this village war in terms of European conflicts. The martial elements of the clans built up their spirits to the levels necessary for fighting with loud cries, insults, and the help of alcohol. They then, when ready, went out against the enemy's position with loaded muskets and spears to over-run it. At the head of a wild crowd of people ran the strongest and most skilled of the young men: behind them, the weaker and more timorous encouraged them on with a tumult of loud cries.\n\nThe fighters pushed ahead fiercely in the hope that they could overthrow and set fire to the positions of their enemies, take control of them, break through in the same way, and thus eventually return each to his own village. To achieve this, everyone ran as fast as they could.\n\nThere was one man of the Cheungs who did not take enough time for his retreat, or else it happened while he was fleeing, and who fell into a ditch - an easy thing to do amidst fields many of which were full of water. He was taken by the enemy. Since he was brave, he took up his spear to continue the fight. His people did not come quickly enough to his aid, and he was captured and taken by the superior forces of his enemies, or, as so frequently happens, he was recaptured. His victorious enemies were heartless enough to take his life. Without more ado, they transfixed him with their spears. They thought this would be a means to make them courageous and ready for battle. However, as far as this extremely shameless act goes, it would appear that, even if, by some means, the conflict had not come to Sham Chun, yet, nonetheless, such outrageous deaths are not rare where full-time soldiers, or robbers, are concerned.\n\n271", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212357, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 299, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "276\n\nthe river more or less helpless unless a steam launch either towed them out, or at least assisted in turning them round. The wharf proposed was to be built very close to the Imperial Maritime Customs station: the Customs supported the proposal since it would make their anti-smuggling work in the area far easier.\n\n―\n\nA lease (for a smaller area of 850 feet not so obviously blocking the channel) was granted by the Hong Kong Government. The Tung Ping Kuk, however, (represented by two Cheungs and a Wong; by this date the Wongs were normally allies of the Cheungs, being united by their mutual antagonism to the Tsois whose land lay between them) complained to the San On Magistrate, who promptly had the Yuen elders imprisoned for the \"fraudulent attempt to divert the toll from the Kuk to themselves\". The District Magistrate also made a strong statement of the rights to take toll being a Government right, founded on Government ownership of the wastes of the river bank. The Kuk sent young men to tear the new wharf down. The affair then petered out - the Magistrate was willing to take a far more active role in 1903-1905 than in 1875 or earlier, and the opening of the railway a couple of years later made all discussions of rights to toll somewhat academic, since trade now began to flow in different directions altogether.\n\nThese documents show three points of interest: the ineffectiveness of the Magistrate in settling affairs of this sort in the mid/late-nineteenth century; the critical importance of control of markets, roads, ferries, bridges and other nodal points of the traffic system in local politics; and the blood-thirsty and implacable nature which inter-village disputes could assume.\n\nThe disputes over the ownership of the landing place at Sham Chun lasted some seventy years, from the 1830s to 1905. Effective action by the District Magistrate seems to have been limited to the period 1903-1905: the actions of the Magistrate in 1875 were ineffective in the extreme, and there seems to have been no action at all in earlier disputes. In 1875, it was only when the dispute had escalated to such a state that the army was forced to intervene that any effective Government action was seen but it came very late. In other inter-village disputes in the area in this period the same ineffective inaction by the District Magistrate can be seen. There seems to have been no action taken by the District Magistrate in the bloody fighting (about 1850-1860) between Wong Pui Ling and Ta...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212370, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 312, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "of the shops come from these villages. Of course, not everyone who belongs to the \"Market Association\" has a share in a shop, but they have an interest in the market, and therefore they have been accepted as members of the association. The population of the 45 villages of the small associations is roughly 6000, out of which 250 live here.\n\nThe Chinese population consists of four ranks. Here and in the surrounding area live people of all four ranks. The first rank consists of literati, and all the Government employees of the Empire belong to this rank. The lowest class of the literati are the so-called \"book-readers\", who have read the Four Books of Confucius, and the Five Classics, but who have failed at the District Examination, and have no degree. If they can gather a sufficient number of students they found a primary school and subsist on the meagre payments from them, which is just adequate for survival. They do not get any employment from the State, and, as a rule, they have to find their own means of survival. They earn comparatively the same as a primary school teacher receives at Home. They number a high percentage of the literati in China.\n\nThe candidates who have passed the District Examination receive the first degree, and they are called Siu Tshoi [Sau Tsoi]. This means \"Elegant Talent\". It has to be mentioned that many unworthy students receive this degree through corruption, whereas some knowledgeable young men, without resources, will have to give way. A Siu Tshoi also gets no Government employment. Should he want employment, he will have to apply himself to further study and examinations. However, he already has some advantages as a Siu Tshoi. He is allowed to open a Private School in which he can prepare students for the District Examination. By doing this he can earn quite good money. Besides, it is a great honour for a Chinese to have received a first degree. Literati of this kind are much rarer than the \"book-readers\". However, some live in this particular district, and Brother Lechler's teacher [the other missionary resident in Sha Tau Kok] in\n\n289", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212385, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 327, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "304\n\nShe first arrived in Hong Kong in May 1857 under the agency of Dent & Co, one of the major trading companies in the rapidly expanding colony. For the next three years the Norna carried general cargo along the China coast between Hong Kong and the Treaty Ports.\n\nIn 1860 Dent & Co. decided to move her to the more profitable tea trade route to Australia. The Norna, under the command of Captain Wilson, received orders to make sail for Foo Chow, load her cargo of tea and proceed to Sydney. For crew, Wilson had eight Europeans and twenty lascars. As was not uncommon at the time, he also took along his wife and young son.\n\nOn the 27th September 1860 the Norna, loaded with tea chests, made her way down the Min River and headed south for Australia where she arrived two days before Christmas. Within two weeks the Norna had completed unloading and sailed in ballast the short distance up the coast to Newcastle. Here she took on coal for delivery to Hong Kong.\n\nOn the 3rd March the Norna had taken on over 400 tons of her cargo and put to sea for the return passage to Hong Kong. Lying in her path in the Western Pacific, just north of the equator, were the Caroline Islands. This group of islands stretch for about 2,000 miles east/west between Palau and Ponape (Pohnpei) and consist of about 560 coral islands, islets and atolls, the majority uninhabited.\n\nAs the evening closed in on the 31st March 1861, the wind had increased to a strong breeze and the Norna was sailing at a steady 10 knots on a west nor'west course. Unknown to Wilson, he had his bows pointed directly at the coral-rimmed Oroluk Lagoon. Somehow his precise navigation had failed him.\n\nAt 2200 hours that night, the Norna struck hard and remained held fast in the coral, her timbers splintered and beyond repair. The following morning Wilson established that the atoll was about 15 miles in diameter with the small half-square-mile island of St Augustine 12 miles to their north-west.\n\nThe crew worked feverishly around the wreck for a week to salvage what they could, and in the three ship's boats rowed across the lagoon to the uninhabited St Augustine island. After ten days", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212390, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 332, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "309\n\nSOJOURNERS IN XIAMEN: NOTES ON THE RAS VISIT\n\nIt was up-up-and-away' on Friday March 6, 1992, as 18 stalwart RAS Members took a one-hour flight to Xiamen Island, in Fujian Province. Also known as Amoy, the town is similar, in some ways, to Hong Kong. Both are situated in the typhoon belt. Also, like Macau, there are isolated 'dip-nets' for coastal fishing, mournful water buffalo haul ploughs as in Guangdong and 'knife-bean' and flame trees adorn skylines as at Repulse Bay. As in most of China for the past decade, 'free markets' exist in Xiamen with intriguing street stall smells.\n\nBut this city, where Chinese still stare at Europeans, is also different from Hong Kong. Limited English is spoken, and, when it is, people often have Japanese accents. Nor is there the same high-rise concrete jungle, sampans and junks have more pronounced curves, straining bare-footed labourers pull carts and street sweepers use brooms made from branches of trees.\n\nAlthough one of the People's Republic's Special Economic Zones, Xiamen cannot be compared to hectic Shenzhen. But if direct relations can be established across the shallow, 150 kilometre wide, Taiwan Straits, instead of routing transactions through Hong Kong, the volume of trade could increase rapidly. To make it easier for the Taiwanese, to attract business many of the street signs in Xiamen are in conventional Chinese characters, as in Hong Kong, rather than the simplified ideograms normally used in China.\n\nThe Group's first stop on arrival in Xiamen, arranged by Member David Norris, was to 'Meixia Arts and Handicrafts' established and run by American Bill Job and wife Kitty. They manufacture and export stained art glass murals, windows and lampshades.\n\nThe following day, the couple invited the Party to their spartan but adequate house, built in 1928, for which the present rent is US$120 a month. An open well and grapevines grace the forecourt. Their two young daughters attend the Chinese school and are fluent in both Putonghua and the local dialect. The latter sounds more nasal than Cantonese. When the Group arrived the two girls were playing ball with Chinese friends in the narrow street at the front of their home.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212395, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 337, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "314\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nPeter Hopkirk, The Great Game, On Secret Service in High Asia. (Oxford University Press 1991) 524 pp. illus., index.\n\nWhere Britain and other Western powers extended their colonial influence by the sea-routes, Russia's empire was achieved overland, first into Siberia and then east and southeast into Central Asia. Inevitably this brought Russian armies and officials nearer the frontier with British India, causing alarm in London; and throughout the nineteenth century a continuing system of intelligence-seeking and diplomatic nursing of local chiefs occupied some of the brightest and most adventurous of Russian and British officers and agents.\n\nThis was the Great Game of Hopkirk's title, a phrase popularised by Kipling but first coined by young Lt. Connolly of the 6th Bengal Native Light Cavalry fifty years earlier. It was certainly not a game for the soft-hearted, the difficulty being that any Briton found making maps or gathering information in the wild kingdoms north of the Himalayas was suspected of plotting a British invasion and would certainly risk death.\n\nThe story begins after the defeat of Napoleon when the Russians were strong and confident and felt that Central Asia was their rightful sphere. Russian troops fought their way southwards through the Caucasus, then inhabited by fierce Muslim and Christian tribesmen, towards northern Persia. Then the pressure switched eastwards, and by the middle of the century, as one after another of the cities and khanates of the former Silk Road fell to Russian arms, it looked part of a grand design to bring the whole of Central Asia under Russian control. Once that was achieved, strategists in London feared, the final advance would be on India.\n\nAs the gap between the two frontiers gradually narrowed, the Great Game intensified. Despite the dangers, there was no lack of young officers ready to risk their lives, filling in the blanks on the map, reporting on Russian movements. One of the earliest in the field, in 1810, was young Lt. Henry Pottinger, who would become Hong Kong's first Governor thirty-odd years later. He was bright, brave and self-confident. And there were just as courageous operators on the Russian side.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212406, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 348, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "325\n\na continuum from an adopted daughter or future daughter-in-law at one end of the spectrum to a brutally treated slave-prostitute at the other. It is, indeed, arguable that the continuum went even further, for, if a man could sell his infant daughter without her consent into another family for adoption as a future daughter-in-law, so also could he dispose of her without her consent in marriage or concubinage, and even then he would receive something for her from the bridegroom's family by way of bride-price. At the other end of the spectrum, a man could certainly sell his infant daughter into a brothel, but he could descend even further, into female infanticide. There was no \"normal\" Mui-tsai life-style, but a range of possibilities.\n\nDr. Jaschok is to be thanked for this study of the Mui-tsai. A full-length study has long been needed indeed, more than one is required. This study throws considerable light on what it meant to be a Mui-tsai. It is essential reading for anyone wishing to understand more fully family life in Hong Kong between the Wars. It is well-written and readable. The descriptions of family life in the first two-thirds of the book are lively and exciting, atmospheric, and entirely enjoyable. The study contains a number of valuable Appendices, especially Appendix A (a useful summary of the chronology of the Anti Mui-tsai Campaign), Appendix B (a list of sale prices and details of 53 young people sold at various dates between 1918 and 1940), and Appendices C-F (translations of a number of documents of sale). Less happy are the absence of a Chinese glossary, the poor paper and binding, and the improvable charts and tables. The Index is full and easily usable.\n\na study\n\nAt the same time, it must be said that this study is that but no more. It is not quite The History its title claims. The author's thesis is that Mui-tsai were slaves, slaves pure and simple, slaves life-long, and treated as uniformly badly as slaves elsewhere. This cannot be defended on the basis of the slight evidence put forward. Three families are discussed in depth in this book, and a further family less fully. These case-histories occupy over two-thirds of the main text. Each one of these three fully described families had a Mui-tsai who became a concubine of the head of the family, and who caused major disturbances within the family. Two of the three families have a female descendant of pronounced views and strong mind, whose views were a source of bias in the interviews.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212408, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 350, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "327\n\nRussian empires came into conflict culminating in the Crimean War of 1854. This focused Hong Kong's attention on matters of defence. This concern was already heightened by pirates and elements in the local population which led the administration to review the consequences should the navy and military leave the young Colony unprotected. A pirate attack near Macao in May of 1854 prompted the then Lieutenant-Governor, William Caine, to address the issue of the unsavoury locals, \"The danger to be apprehended is that during an attack by an enemy or a gang of pirates, these vagabonds might form themselves into bands for the purpose of plunder, to be joined perhaps by others from this vicinity, and then immense loss of property and life might ensue through their progress; nor must it be forgotten with what facility the Chinese houses in some parts of the town may be fired by incendiaries to increase the confusion, and consequent facility to plunder. The existence of a reserve such as would be formed by a Colonial Volunteer Corps might stop such proceedings at the outset or prevent them altogether\" (p. 10).\n\nThis concern for internal security against the backdrop of patriotism led to the formation of the corps Caine advocated. The ability of the author to place the reader in the overall context of the times adequately is something often found lacking in history books. That Mr. Bruce has this talent is shown by the book's portrayal of the fears and aspirations surrounding each stage in the evolution of the Corps.\n\nHis profile of certain of the original 99 volunteers is particularly intriguing with such asides as 'Dent was the great rival to Jardine and that is probably the reason that none of the 99 were connected with the latter firm' (p. 15). In this first chapter we meet many of the characters who were the first Volunteers. These individuals reflect the frontier town atmosphere of the embryo port-city. There was Thomas Lane, clerk and shopkeeper who is remembered today in the name of one of Hong Kong's leading retail stores 'Lane Crawford' (p. 15). There was George Cameron who ran the El Dorado Tavern and, when he died in 1859 left it jointly to a friend and to the Chinese woman with whom he had lived for the previous seven years' and schoolmaster Joseph Thornton who must have known his way around the town's pubs as he eventually had to be dismissed for what were described as 'irregular habits' (p. 17), or when Alexandre Grandpre caused a stir when his wish to marry in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "15\n\nHe returned with his savings. In middle age, he started his own business, a timber shop in Hong Kong.\n\nWhen I was young I lived in the village. When grown up I went to California. I came to Hong Kong in my middle age and established the business of the Kwong Ut Lung timber shop. Fortunately I accumulated some savings and invested them in property, business and shares of which the following...\n\nLi Hing, a Dongguan native, had worked in an opium shop in Hong Kong for more than twenty years. As he said, he was diligent and economical otherwise he could not save money. It was known that his \"little money\" amounted to 5,440 taels, for Li held partnerships in a native bank, two opium shops, a timber shop and a wharf in Hong Kong. In addition he also had eleven shops and a share in the Hong Kong Fire Insurance Co. of $340. As he mentioned in his will:\n\nI (Li Hing), alias Peng Sam, maker of this will, I am a native of the Village called Tong Mei, in the District of Tung Koon, I have been employed, as a Manager, in the Tuk Lung opium shop over twenty years. I have always been contented with my lot, and I have always behaved myself with decorum. I have been diligent and economical, and by self-denial, I have fortunately obtained favour from Heaven above, and saved a little money.\n\nLi was not only employed in the opium shop, but he had also invested for himself, though we do not know from the above whether his investment was started after he left the Tuk Lung firm or when he worked in the firm.\n\nTable 1\n\nNative Origins of Hong Kong Merchants\n\n \n Native places\n 1850-70\n 1871-80\n 1881-90\n 1891-1900\n 1901-06\n Total\n \n \n Xinning\n 7\n 3\n \n 4\n \n 14\n \n \n Xinhui\n 3\n \n 4\n 6\n I\n 14\n \n \n Kaiping\n \n 2\n \n 2\n \n 4\n \n \n Xiangshan\n 2\n \n 2\n 9\n 3\n 17\n \n \n Baoan\n 1\n \n 2\n 2\n \n 6\n \n \n Panyu\n 3\n \n 5\n 9\n 2\n 8\n 5\n 15\n \n \n Nanhai\n among the richest of the Chinese compradors in the treaty", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "46\n\nshi lue, 16 juan.\n\n17\n\nHistory and Statecraft: Chou ren zhuan, 46 juan, started between 1797 and 1799 but not completed and printed until 1810, was the first effort of any Chinese scholar to put in chronological order summaries of the lives and works of 242 Chinese and 38 non-Chinese astronomers and mathematicians, thus providing materials that made possible a systematic history of mathematics and its related field, astronomy, as well. Ruan Yuan also wrote biographies of scholars, including those who were not officials and therefore would not have been included in official compilations, in Guo shi ru lin zhuan and Guo shi wen yuan zhuan, 1810. Discourse on contemporary administrative issues included Liang Guang yen fa zhi (Salt administration in Guangdong and Guangxi), Hai yun kao, 2 juan (sea transport), 1805, Hai tang zhi, 30 juan (Coastal Gazetteer of Haining), and an essay putting forth his suggestions on the most efficient way to transport tribute grain, Liang chuan liang mi jie fa shuo, composed while he was director of grain transport.\n\nHistorical Geography: In addition to encouraging other scholars to compile provincial and local gazetteers, Ruan Yuan himself compiled two provincial gazetteers, Guang dong tong zhi, 334 juan in 1818-1822, and Yun nan tong zhi gao, 216 juan, in 1835, when he was governor-general in the respective provinces.\n\nBibliography: As a scholar, Ruan Yuan relished in collecting books. He made sure that cataloguing of well-known collections, such as that of the Fang Family in Ningbo, was brought up to date, in Tian yi ge shu cang shu mu, 4 juan, 1804. He established libraries that included Classical as well as contemporary works in the Lingyin Monastery (Hangzhou) and the Jiaoshan Monastery off Zhenjiang, and compiled catalogues for the collections. As director of studies in Shandong, he drew up a list of books for young students to peruse, Shan dong xue zheng Ruan Yuntai shi tong sheng shu mu, 1 juan.\n\n20\n\nLiterature and Other Collectanea: Ruan Yuan collected and published works of literally thousands of poets, including women and other social minorities, whose work would not have otherwise survived. Liang Zhe you xuan lu, for instance, contained 9,241 poems by 3,133 poets from Zhejiang, including 381 poems by 183 women poets, and 314 poems by 117 monks and priests, together with biographical notes of the poets. His own essays and poems are also published in Yan jing shi ji, 54 juan,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212513, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "47\n\n1820-1840. Ding xiang ting pi tan, 4 juan, 1800 and several other volumes.\n\nHow Ruan Yuan managed his scholarly projects\n\nAs Chief Executive in the provinces, with authority to allocate public resources and solicit private funding, Ruan Yuan was able to make decisions to sponsor academic and scholarly activities. With government affairs demanding his constant attention, the scholars around him, with expertise in various fields, were entrusted with the actual research and writing of the works. Ruan Yuan could draw from the large field of scholars he knew who either did not qualify or had preferred not to enter government service. A number of these scholars from Ruan Yuan's own home district, the Yangzhou and Jiangdu area, which had enjoyed a long literary and intellectual tradition, followed him throughout his career. From the provinces of Shandong and Zhejiang where the scholarly heritage was also exceptionally strong, and where there was a rich legacy of book collecting as well, he was able to recruit many scholars. In addition, as examiner for several provincial level examinations and in particular as Metropolitan Examination examiner in 1799, he could lay claim to a network of 'students' all over the country. Lynn Struve's observation about the Xue Brothers is equally applicable in Ruan Yuan's case.\n\nThe opportunities to serve as examiners for the most important capital and provincial examinations, through which they could develop networks of \"student-teacher\" relations among the most promising examinees in the country.21\n\n122\n\nRuan Yuan himself showed how he gave up all his time away from government affairs on literary production. “I have no time-consuming avocation. Nor do I enjoy a capacity for wine. Therefore, I tend to spend all my spare time with a brush in my hand, in the company of books and scholars.” He indicated in the preface of each work where the idea for its creation had originated. The subjects for his earlier works as a young Hanlin had been assigned to him. Two major subjects for compilation later on had been proposed by other scholars—the Chou ren zhuan by Li Rui (1765-1814) and the Shi san jing zhu shu fu jiao kan ji by Lu Wenchao (1717-1796). In addition to the scholarship needed for such tasks, Ruan Yuan provided the management for such productions. He wrote on how his writing projects were organized.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212516, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "50\n\nby combing through all of Ruan Yuan's publications, more than 30 published chronological biographies (lie zhuan) of Ruan Yuan of various lengths in Chinese; one essay each about him written in English, French, German and Japanese; numerous annotated catalogues of Qing writings; literally hundreds of biographies or biographical notes of Ruan Yuan's contemporaries who might have had an affiliation with Ruan Yuan; and as many informal writings by these scholars as I could locate and tolerate. I did not include anyone, no matter how well-known, whose association with Ruan Yuan appeared to be only incidental. For instance, I did not include Commissioner Lin Zexu (1785-1859) who paid a courtesy call on Ruan Yuan in Yangzhou after he was dismissed from office in 1840 or 1841.\n\nI have found information on these 200 individuals, some more complete and others only sketchy. The main reason for their association with Ruan Yuan was a common interest in scholarly pursuits, encompassing calligraphy, textual criticism, ancient inscriptions, phonetics, etymology, historiography, poetry, and, in a less expected area for 18th and 19th century China, a concern for the environment, but Ruan Yuan also had among his associates people with lesser scholarly achievements, perhaps, but with greater claim to his largess, for instance, relatives, townsmen, and other scholars he had to accommodate.\n\nThrough Zhu Gui, Shao Jinhan (1743-1796) and Wang Niansun (1744-1832), had exposed the young Ruan Yuan to the new vistas of the School of Han Learning as well as the application of the empirical method devised by Dai Zhen (1727-1777) to investigate the Classics. Ruan Yuan was to become a powerful exponent of Han Learning. Bi Yuan had introduced to Ruan Yuan the excitement of studying ancient inscriptions on stone. Zhang Xuecheng had written to Ruan Yuan “about collecting antiquities in Zhejiang, an activity Ruan Yuan might be interested in in his leisure time.” Zhang also decried that \"there were many libraries and a strong historical tradition (in Zhejiang in the past); many of the scholars who worked on the Yuan and Ming histories came from this area, and there were better historical collections here than elsewhere, But all is scattered and lost!\" In time, Ruan Yuan was to cajole private collectors to preserve and catalogue their libraries, and looked for titles which had not been included in the Si ku chuan shu.\n\nA number of senior scholars received largess from Ruan Yuan. Two", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212544, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "78\n\nproblems were blamed no longer on the Cultural Revolution activists and the Gang of Four, but also on those presently in power and those in power before the Cultural Revolution.\" With the emergence of **exposure literature**, artists and writers began to experiment with new forms. Wang Meng, for example, writing less on political issues and more on the emotions and relationships of everyday life, experimented with a variety of styles, including stream of consciousness. His short story, The Butterfly, in which he successfully used the technique of stream of consciousness, won him national recognition.\n\nThe If I Were Real episode turned out, however, rather differently. In terms of interaction between political developments and those of art and literature in the post-Mao era, probably no other single instance can provide as much insight as the play If I Were Real does. By comparing it with Wang Meng's experiments and with a later case, the Bitter Love episode, conclusions about how much artists and writers could push politically and artistically can be better tested.\n\nIf I Were Real was initially a play script depicting a young man who deceives officials in Shanghai, by pretending to be the son of a high military officer in Beijing. Because of his supposed good connections, the young man is granted all kinds of privileges, from theatre tickets to having a “friend”, who was actually himself transferred from a farm to Shanghai. When he is finally caught, he protests that he has done nothing wrong. He explains: “If I were really the son of some high party official, then whatever I have done would be considered legal.\" Thus the playscript went beyond criticism of the Gang of Four to criticize the current system.\n\n1920\n\nAs for the form, the experimental side of If I Were Real was shown in its actual staging. Audiences participated in the whole process at the beginning of the play. Pre-planned, the play begins later than the set time. When the audience grows impatient and asks why it has not started, one actress would appear in the name of the theatre manager to tell them that they cannot begin until some important “officials\" arrive. Then the audience would grow even more impatient and protest against the inequality of treatment. Then those \"officials\" would appear, among them is the \"son\", and soon some \"policemen\" follow up to arrest him and explain the story to the audience. Of course, all of the people involved are performers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212556, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "90\n\nThe CFEIC's policy of selecting films which show unflattering sides of American life is motivated by ideological reasons. It can be seen as an expression of the ideological antagonism China has maintained toward capitalist countries. Though the pitch of such antagonism has been lowered since 1978, its impact has not been wiped out completely. As films can reflect social life very closely, and as they are very popular among the Chinese population, the depiction of American life in American movies, once they reach the Chinese audiences, can largely determine what the people think the United States is like. A positive image of the United States in films can possibly contradict the image of capitalist societies which have been portrayed in China as inferior to socialist societies. Besides, motivations to balance the positive image the United States government created through other channels also played a role in such a policy.\n\nAside from political considerations, the state of the art of Chinese movie making also loomed large in choosing particular American movies. As the Cultural Revolution caused a serious setback in movie making, it was not possible to import foreign movies too much ahead of what the Chinese audiences could accept or the established conception of what movies should be. For example, a picture of two people kissing in an English movie which appeared on the back of the fifth issue of Popular Films in 1979 caused a six-month long debate in that magazine. Most of the people who were for it said that kissing was a natural expression of the love between the characters. Therefore, the magazine should not be blamed for printing that picture. Though it ended with an apparent victory by the more liberal-minded, the debate shows careful treatment of the importation of movies was by no means unnecessary. Out of the same considerations, movies with explicit sexual scenes are not imported.\n\n34\n\nThe last consideration influencing which movies are chosen for import is the popularity of the movies. As young people make up the major part of the movie audiences, efforts were made to meet their taste. In this case, First Blood is a good example. With its scenes of conflict in American society, and being free from sex scenes, (plus a temporary consideration, the negative image of the Vietnamese depicted), its violence would suit the young audiences, and therefore bring profits, also a consideration of increasing importance, though the CFEIC admitted it was a poor movie. Conversely, the film Miracle Worker, a much more highly regarded movie, without scenes of violence and much suspense, was not nearly as popular as First Blood. As a result, the CFEIC had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212559, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "93\n\nThe contributions the American cultural presence made to China's cultural pluralism are obvious. In the area of music, many pieces visiting American musicians played had never been included in the repertoire of Chinese musicians. Through their performances, American musicians also introduced to the Chinese people the works of American composers. In July 1980, the Minnesota University Symphony Orchestra toured China. The pieces it presented were almost exclusively by contemporary American composers. Some of what was served up for cultural consumption was especially impressive to Chinese audiences for its American characteristics. The dances by Graham Young's students were loudly cheered by the audience, a major part of which was of college students, as there had seldom been on Chinese stages such vivid and humorous performances or such a free treatment of the actor-audience relationship.\n\nThe diversity American artists brought to Chinese cultural life was also expressed in the expansion of activity to performances of some particular instruments on the Chinese stage, such as the harp and mouth organ. Before the Chinese-American mouth organist Huang Qingbai made his first visit to China in 1979, this instrument had been regarded by Chinese as merely a toy. Though his efforts, the mouth organ has been established as a musical instrument of artistic value and incorporated in the orchestra, though some Chinese musicians still hold a negative view of it. Similarly, Chinese audiences first saw a harp solo and harp ensemble during performances of incoming American musicians in 1981.\n\nThe influx of American artistic endeavours also affected the activity of already established Chinese artists. Thus the first generation of Chinese ballet dancers were trained by Russians. As a result, Chinese ballet followed a distinctive Russian tradition. But what has surprised the Russians in recent years was that they have seen a successful combination of both Russian influence and Western approaches in the current performances of Chinese dancers. There are, of course, many factors in this transformation, but the most direct source of the new approach came from Ben Stevenson, the artistic director of the Houston Ballet who has been deeply involved in China's dance education since 1979 and who has visited China several times since 1980 when he came to China as the first American on the short term exchanges sponsored by the Center for U.S.-China Arts Exchange.\n\nNurtured by a ballet school which originated in Russia and was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212570, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "104\n\nCHINESE FUNERALS: A CASE STUDY\n\nDAN WATERS\n\nThe boast of heraldry, the pomp of power,\n\nAnd all that beauty, all that wealth ever gave\n\nAwaits alike the inevitable hour;\n\nThe paths of glory lead but to the grave.\n\nThomas Gray, Elegy Written in Country Churchyard.\n\nIntroduction\n\nThis paper examines an actual, fairly typical, present-day Chinese death in urban Hong Kong and the funeral services and mourning that follow. Comparisons are made with past customs in Hong Kong, with traditional Hong Kong New Territories funerals and European funerals. Because this paper is largely about Hong Kong, Cantonese terms and Romanisations are mainly used rather than pinyin. Currency quoted is in Hong Kong dollars.\n\nThe author is grateful to Mr Gerald C.S. Siu, manager of the Hong Kong Funeral Home, Doctor James Hayes, the Reverend Carl T. Smith, Mrs Judy Kant Young and other persons and organisations named in this paper. Help varied from recommending source material to providing information.\n\nThe Case Study\n\nOne November night in 1988, a couple received a call saying the wife's mother had been taken to hospital. Shortly after midnight the couple, together with the wife's two younger sisters and two granddaughters, gathered around the corpse.\n\nTraditionally, Chinese hope for a peaceful death in old age with family mustered around the deathbed. In this case the end came suddenly. As Chuang Tzu, sometimes named as the first important Taoist writer, phrased it:\n\nWe are born as from a quiet sleep,\n\nWe die to a calm awakening.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212578, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "112\n\n20\n\nA one-inch diameter, ancient bronze-coin, costing $60, with a 1/4-inch square hole in the centre (a pearl or jade object is sometimes used instead), had been placed in the mouth of the corpse. This practice can be traced back to Liangzhu culture in ancient China 3,900 to 4,900 years ago. The purpose of this talisman is to deter evil, to prevent body spirits escaping before purification and to safeguard the corpse against rapid decay.\n\nIt was expected that the dead person's spirit would come to the funeral parlour. There were two bowls of peanut oil with a wick made from dried seaweed in the farewell room, 'to lead her on her way'. A packet of cooked rice and a pair of chopsticks lay on the floor to placate fierce dogs which she would meet three weeks after death on the road to heaven. Possessions she treasured, such as special clothes, a cassette of Chinese songs and her handbag with knickknacks, including magnifying glass, cigarettes, lipstick, compact and a piece of jade, were placed in the coffin. Coffin jade, which has been reclaimed after many years of burial, is valued for 'protective' properties. For practical reasons keys and a notebook, which contained telephone numbers, were not placed in the casket. Nor were spectacles. Cremation would splinter them and they could injure the corpse although there seems to be a contradiction here with the magnifying glass.\n\nAlso at the back of the hall, on the left of the altar, was a stove around which relatives and close friends, including children, folded 'gold' and 'silver ingots' out of tin-foil. These imitation bars, together with pieces of paper resembling bank notes (a tale has it that a little boy once found one and went to the bank to try to cash it), were burned continuously until midnight. Money is needed by the dead, among other purposes, to bribe officials to obtain good positions in the after-world. Five Buddhist nuns with shaved heads and colourful robes chanted prayers. One had a series of initiation, incense stick burn marks on her scalp.22\n\n21\n\nChinese children take part in funerals, and, with the extended family, it is important they 'farewell the dead'. This appears in no way traumatic. With English funerals children tend not to participate. Certainly with the author's generation (pre-World War II) death was a taboo subject for the young.\n\nA Chinese saying has it:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212587, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "121\n\nbirthday and would have brought bad luck. Nor did he celebrate his birthday that year. Presents were returned with an explanation.\n\nThe third tsat (three times seven ceremony) fell on the 27th of the month. If a tsat falls on the 7th, 17th or 27th of the Chinese calendar this is propitious. Close relatives also attended the fourth tsat and there was a great deal of banter, such as, 'Hello Mummy, how are you!' in front of the altar in second daughter's home.\n\nThe most important of these weekly rites was the fifth tsat held at the Buddhist Hall where the dead person's ling paai (spirit tablet), complete with small photograph, was placed. The function was advanced by one day and 2.00 to 7.30 pm was selected by the fortune teller as a propitious time. (Buddhist and Taoist priests sometimes supplement incomes by telling fortunes). Conforming with Buddhist doctrine close relatives were not allowed to eat living things before the ceremony. They also bathed in water purified with pomolo leaves. With the old Chinese day divided into 12, two-hour periods, it starts at 11.00 pm. One could thus bathe any time after that. Sexual intercourse was still forbidden (齋戒沐浴).\n\nClose relatives wore the same white clothes and shoes as before, but the hemp surcoats had been burned after the funeral service. The same picture was placed on the altar and many mourners maintained the deceased looked stern when they arrived. Her appearance became cheerful as the service progressed. A cigarette was kept lit on the altar. There was food, such as cookies and oranges. It was an impressive spread so the dead woman could invite ancestors. The altar was surrounded by wreaths and paper offerings sent by friends. Many came to pay respects.\n\nOne ceremony was conducted by six nuns. A monk led the invocations. Some knew the long mantras by heart. At appropriate times the leader threw coins and flowers. Any mourner who caught one was considered lucky. The chanting Buddhist nuns were quite young with shaven heads. They wore green and the leader a red robe. For most of the 5½ hours, various ceremonies, some long, were conducted. Also, continuously, friends and relations painstakingly folded paper ‘gold bars'.\n\nA 'charade' was later acted out by close family members. The deceased person's new spirit shrine (one had previously been cremated)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212588, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "122\n\nwas held by the eldest daughter. The spirit had to pay spirit money and cross the 'demon gate barrier'. Six weeks after death the 'gold and silver bridges' spanning rapids and whirlpools, with enormous snakes in the water, had to be crossed. The deceased was placed on a pair of scales. The good person is 'as light as air': the sinner 'weighs the balance down'. While all this was staged the son-in-law held a lantern and a granddaughter fingered her Buddhist prayer beads. All the time mantras were chanted, cymbals clashed and a flute was played. There was a paper bath house: the dead woman's spirit entered: the second daughter went through the motions of bathing her. This whole charade lasted about 20 minutes.\n\nAt seven o'clock everyone went up to the roof to burn the addressed, paper trunks, containing paper money, in a steel incinerator. 'Good' and 'silver bars' were also sent to long dead relatives. In addition effigies, made of coloured paper and cardboard stretched on bamboo or rattan frames, of a maid, a driver, a car (with lucky registration number 888), a house and furniture, and little black mourning strips which had been pinned on jackets, were burned. The names and messages of all donors were also burned so the dead person would know who had sent her presents. A Japanese business associate of the eldest daughter donated $1,000 'condolence money' (##) to purchase offerings. In 1988 an ordinary paper car was $350-1500, a Rolls Royce $2,000 and gold and silver bridges $500 each. A television set cost $100. It takes about two days to make a paper car. The middle-aged and elderly craftsmen who made them had served apprenticeships.\n\nA young Chinese friend of the deceased had sent her a doll from Canada two years earlier. She had become very fond of this. It was therefore burned and ‘dispatched' to her. But the donor telephoned from Canada to say the deceased had asked her in a dream, days after the doll had actually been burned, for it to be 'sent'. Everyone wondered what had gone wrong with communications.\n\nThis custom of burning offerings stems from earlier times when live slaves (later terra cotta warriors replaced them), sets of household utensils and elaborate paraphernalia were buried in tombs to ‘serve' the dead.\n\nIn this study, at the end of this fifth tsat, all immediate family members kowtowed three times and received lucky packages. The picture of the deceased's mother, who had died earlier in Canton, was also placed in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212593, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "127\n\nwhere offerings are burned. In another dream the deceased said money was wasted. Excessive food was placed on the altar. Conversely, in another dream she complained that people were hon (cold) and foo (bitter) because they did not put out enough for her to eat. But she was pleased with the arrangements for her funeral.\n\nA friend was told in a dream to go to the home of the deceased to collect a piece of jade which she wished her to have. Another person dreamt that the deceased instructed the young to respect their elders more. In another dream an associate had been informed by the dead person that the maid had wiped her face, first with a cold and then with a hot towel. The previous morning, it transpired, the maid had, in fact, wiped the deceased's picture, first with a wet and then with a dry cloth.\n\nIn another dream the dead woman told a friend she was staying in the house of the Chan family and that she was to be reincarnated as a boy. \"He\" would be easy to recognise, playful and would turn a somersault in front of \"her\" eldest daughter. The eldest daughter later dreamt that the deceased, who seemed neither happy nor sad, appeared. She then disappeared and a little boy stood in her place.\n\nSurvey\n\nDuring 1992 and 1993, the author questioned 122 Hong Kong Chinese men and women to ascertain whether they believe in reincarnation. This sample can be divided roughly into two. Most of the first section of interviewees (but not all) had completed secondary studies. Generally, they live in housing estates and work at white or blue-collar level, similar to the bulk of the population in Hong Kong. Of this group of 46 persons, 35 said in a convincing way that they believed in reincarnation, eight did not and three \"did not know\".\n\nThe interviewees in the second group work in the professions or at senior management level. They had all received university or college education and most had studied or worked for periods overseas. Of this better-educated group of 76, 35 said they believed, 25 did not, and 16 \"did not know\".\n\nThe conclusions emerging from this survey were not only that the better-educated and the western-educated are less likely to believe, but that men are less likely to believe than women. In six cases women admitted they believed in reincarnation although they were Christians.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212608, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "142\n\nChinese troops in India was no new one. Sir Henry Wade, who was British Minister to the Imperial Court at Peking in the 1870's had the same idea, frequently pressed, but without success.\n\nSun Yat Sen, if one is to judge from what he writes in the \"Three Principles\", claimed that Burma should belong to China. For several centuries, it is true, though maybe spasmodically, the Court of Ava sent a decennial tribute mission to Peking, and this continued even after the British occupation, until 1896, in much the same way as Siam, for instance, sent a mission every four years; but there seems little doubt that the Burmese considered the mission more in the nature of a cultural courtesy than as a token of submission. Any reassertion by China to a claim to tribute would undoubtedly be resented.\n\nThe Burmese, like the Indians, take religion seriously. Every Burmese young man spends a period, even if only a few days, in a Buddhist temple. The monks, or pongyis, as they are called, number about 1% of the Buddhist population. Their shaven heads and yellow robes are a common sight, particularly in the morning hours when they go around with the wooden bowl, begging for the day's share of rice. In recent years they have taken an active part in politics, and there was some evidence that the Japanese were using them as a fifth column. The Chinese troops, during the fighting, were so convinced of this that they shot any they caught. The political activities of the pongyis are not approved of by many true Buddhists, and opinion should be reserved on this aspect, until more is known about the facts.\n\nThe Burmese enjoyed a large measure of self-government. Unfortunately the sense of responsibility in their politicians was insufficient to overcome the native propensity for intrigue and corruption. The graft in the administration stank to high heaven: it was a situation in which Japanese money could talk. The Prime Minister himself, U Saw, slipped up and had to be arrested for high treason; as it happened, while passing through Honolulu, only a few weeks before the attack on Pearl Harbour.\n\nMeanwhile, Germany had invaded Russia, the British entered Syria, the Japanese entered Indo-China, General Tojo formed a new government, the U.S.A. decided to arm her merchant ships, and the Bush Warfare School staged a demonstration for Mr. Duff Cooper and the Governor of Burma. On the edge of the jungle a small fort had been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212615, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "I should like here to explain that the Japanese intelligence service is efficient; very little that goes on in China is not quickly known to it. But obviously considerations of security, no less than a courteous regard for a great Ally, require a severe discretion in what may or may not be mentioned while a war is still in progress; unperceived by the reader there will be gaps in the story which follows, a story of some minor assistance given to our Chinese Allies in the 3rd War Zone by the British, when themselves hard-pressed during 1942. For similar reasons, where persons are concerned, I propose to refer to them by their Christian names.\n\nI had asked that the Chinese government should provide me with an interpreter for my trip; but Michael was much more than that. He had been educated in Peking and at the Chelu University in Tsinanfu, and was the type of modern young Chinese patriot, on whose enthusiasm, integrity, and sense, the future of China depends. The horizon of these young Chinese is only too often limited by the fact that not only have they never travelled outside China, so that their knowledge of the foreigner is confined to the few they may have met in their schools or in their immediate environment, but also they know so little of their own enormous country. The displacement of schools brought about by the Japanese aggression has helped much to overcome the second difficulty; and it is to be hoped that far more extensive opportunities will be provided after the war to enable the youth of China to visit foreign countries. In the past, by reason of proximity, Japan has received most Chinese students; followed by the United States, where special endowments, arising initially from the excessive claim made for indemnity at the time of the Boxer trouble, and the facility of “earn while you study”, have attracted students. A few, far too few, have come to England.\n\nMichael spoke fluent English, had seen much of his own country, and for his years carried a wise head on his shoulders; he had, moreover, a most engaging personality. For a year he was my constant companion, on whose advice I came to rely much. I found also awaiting me at Kweilin members of General Ku Chu Tung's staff. We left for Hengyang by train, and thence motored a thousand kilometres to Shangjao, the headquarters of the 3rd War Zone. I was the first foreign officer, Russian liaison officers apart, to visit the 3rd War Zone in two years: I was, in fact, a visible token of the assistance which China might now expect from her new allies, and my reception was correspondingly cordial. I was shown everything; the Arsenal, in a cave; The Prisoners of War cage, where some twenty Japanese were kept pending transfer further west;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "153\n\nEve dinner. We parted the next day as our ways lay in different directions.\n\nAfter completion of the reconnaissance I returned to Shangjao, where General Ku Chu Tung again very kindly accommodated me at his personal headquarters. Michael and I and the Chinese officers attached to us had our own little mess, and General Ku sent his own cook to prepare our meals, a signal courtesy which was much appreciated. Soon after my return I was delighted to hear that the two British Army Liaison Officers, had also escaped from Shanghai, with a third companion. They passed through shortly after on their way to Chungking. On December 7th they had had to go to earth, as the Japanese had raised a hue and cry after them: however, with the assistance of Chinese friends they finally made their way out past the wire. I hope one day the account of their adventures will appear in print,\n\nThe Japanese in Shanghai did not commence to round up Allied civilian foreigners for concentration in camps until the autumn of 1942, and the concentration was not completed until the spring of 1943. The foreigners were permitted to continue in occupation of their houses and to keep servants, though the limited funds released from the banks did not allow of living at the same standards as previously. To economise there was a tendency for households, or messes of bachelors, to amalgamate. Quite a few foreigners lived in houses outside the barbed-wire barrier and for the first few weeks one could pass in and out of the gates on the few roads which led through the barrier by claiming that one lived outside. During this period, Jim, an English missionary who spoke the Shanghai dialect well got out. He was waiting with Mac at Chin Ya when we returned there in March. In the course of time the Japanese brought a system of passes into use, and the issue of special passes to persons wishing to visit friends outside was restricted. Nevertheless, the arrangements were such as to provide plenty of opportunity for those who wished to pass through the barrier. At the worst one could crawl under the wire at night, when the sentries were mostly withdrawn to their main posts. But few young Britons seized the opportunity to escape while they could. In the upshot more Americans got away than British, though American residents only numbered about one third as many as the British, of whom some 5,000 were interned, including of course a considerable proportion of women and children.\n\nA small party of three American journalists escaped at about this time through Hangchow. I did not meet them. The next escape to be reported", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212620, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "154\n\nwas that of two Americans and an Englishman in April 1942. In the summer of 1942 a young American, who spoke fluent Chinese, hearing that he would soon be ordered into one of the concentration camps, walked up to the wire one night, crawled under it, and got through to the guerillas without previous preparation. Later still a small party of Russians came out. Then there was a gap until the summer of 1944, when five British civilians made a daring and successful escape from one of the camps, followed soon after by an equally daring escape by a mixed American and British party of military personnel, from another camp. The guerillas always gave the utmost assistance to those who succeeded in getting as far as their lines, sometimes at considerable risk to themselves. At least two parties, of whose attempted escape I received information, came to grief. The one loitered in the vicinity of Shanghai too long, while one of their number returned to recover some arms they had left behind. Through an informer the Japanese got onto their track; and, when the foreigners opened fire with their weapons, the Japanese are reported to have taken and murdered them all, including one woman. The other party was just unlucky and ran into a Japanese patrol; they were held for trial, and sentenced to long periods of solitary confinement.\n\nIt was quite impossible for the Japanese to prevent information from Shanghai leaking out to the guerillas. They were maintaining the fiction that the Wang Ching Wei government was in alliance with the Axis powers; under those circumstances the control of movement in and out of Shanghai, a control anyhow of great difficulty owing to its size, was left largely to the puppets, who were neither efficient nor loyal to their overlords.\n\nHongkong had fallen in December, much sooner than expected, and the sinking of the American fleet at Pearl Harbour, the full significance of which was not yet understood, had certainly not facilitated the defence of Singapore. Things were going badly for Britain; but the Chinese generals by whom I was surrounded never once made any remark which could be construed as a reflection on the British, or as evidence of any lack of confidence in the final outcome of the war. Such amiability was noteworthy.\n\nAt about this time I was joined by Mac. He had been one of a party of foreign journalists and military officers sent to Changsha to witness the results of the victory recently won there by the Chinese when they", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212624, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "158\n\nit responsibilities of adjudication, or what by Chinese custom is better described as arbitration, in the small affairs of the village; and, more important, of tax collection. By his own account Mr. Hsiao was renowned as a catcher of robbers. He had once caught two, and frequently in his cups, for Mr. Hsiao was the soul of charity and was always inviting us to feasts, he would relate how he had been visited by the two miscreants, had recognised them and made them drunk while he sent round for the police. They had been tried, sentenced, and executed on yonder hill. Mr. Hsiao did not drink the mild yellow rice wine, known as Shaoshing wine, with a taste rather like thick sherry; he plied us with a raw white spirit, also distilled from rice, a spirit of great potency, and what is more he did not only drink it neat of course, Chinese wine is not mixed with water - out of the little thimble cups commonly used, but would challenge us to empty it out of rice bowls, three bowls at a time. The Chief was the only one who could compete, and by the time Mr. Hsiao had finished with him they would be telling each other stories of interminable length in a language which the ignorance of each of the other's mother-tongue confined to gesticulation.\n\nWhile still in Kinhwa I had been concerned at the delay of the Chinese in finding interpreters for us, for work in class; and as, with the Japanese occupation of the Settlement in Shanghai, many young Chinese men were moving into the interior to avoid having to study under Japanese auspices, I took the opportunity of a Y.M.C.A. relief organisation there to enquire for suitable candidates. We found three lads of about twenty, who spoke good English, and took them on at what by Chinese standards were really high salaries. They were nice lads, but infected with the Kuo Min Tang teaching which made them very touchy about their dignity. Soon after our arrival at Chin Ya there was an unfortunate development. It had been my hope that we could all eat in mess together, but in practice we found the limits imposed by scattered accommodation, small kitchen facilities, and the scarcity of foreign table utensils, knives, forks, spoons, plates, and so on, made it impossible to eat all together at one time. When we travelled we all ate Chinese food, and very good it was too as a rule; but British stomachs are not used to a rice diet, and from my own experience I knew I kept fitter if I had an occasional change to our own type of cooking. So I was anxious that the British members of our party, while at Chin Ya, and it must be remembered that the various members were often absent for long periods, should have the comfort of eating their own kind of food, and so it seemed to be going rather far to go to the trouble of providing them with food to which they were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212625, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "159\n\nunaccustomed and which they might not like; it is, of course, a good deal more difficult to provide foreign fare in China than Chinese fare. So we decided to have one Chinese mess and one British mess. We found a very good cook for the Chinese mess, but were less successful, until later Lao Teng joined us, with a cook for our own food. It seemed the obvious solution, but the young Chinese interpreters from Shanghai took it in ill part and claimed that we were giving them \"unequal treatment”. The Hongkong boys were only too pleased with the arrangement, as were the accountant and storekeeper I had engaged; they had previously worked in a foreign firm and were not influenced by the same inferiority complex. It was unfortunate, and it was a dilemma which we never quite got over.\n\nOn April 1st we held the opening ceremony and our training commenced. We were extraordinarily encouraged by the quality of the students sent to us. I should explain that we were accredited to the Chinese Regular Army, not to the guerillas; but I had heard such favourable reports of the work the guerillas were doing, that I had asked especially that some guerilla teams should be sent to us. There appeared to be reluctance in agreeing to this request; possibly because, as we were to discover later, the guerillas only owed a nominal allegiance to the 3rd War Zone; they were really directly under Chungking. However, we did get guerillas, and also some men from special front-line organisations, who appeared to be a cross between guerillas and regular troops.\n\nAs the success of our type of work depended so much on team spirit, I was determined from the start only to teach in teams, and so far as possible we tried to arrange that the teams sent to us for training should remain as teams when they returned to the field. We had some difficulty in putting this idea over, and I am afraid that our teams, only too often, after leaving us were shuffled. Each team had a leader, and we had insisted that only men who could read and write should be sent to us. In practice that meant that our students were mainly drawn from the ranks of the junior officers or non-commissioned officers. The students proved extremely keen; they were intelligent, good with their hands, and developed a fine team spirit. In the first course, we had a good many students from the engineers, though I was not too anxious to receive these, because I feared our object might be misunderstood and that our ideas would be confused with the work of defensive military engineering, where the deliberate methods of laying explosives on your own ground before the arrival of the enemy were quite different to the type of hasty attack demolition calling for expert team work in which we were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212653, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "188\n\nwe would spend time in identifying and studying them. Then we usually brought them to the Museum. That is how I got acquainted with the Museum, its Directors and personnel.\n\nThe first persons I came to know were Octave Piel S.J. and P. Bourgeois S.J.. Piel was a distinguished entomologist as well as an archaeologist. He studied Hymenoptera and specialized in the research of Parthenogenesis of a group of ground wasps. His description of new species and experiments were published in a series of Notes entomologiques du Musee Heude and other worldwide scientific journals. His interests in Archaeology and Art were evident by show cases exhibiting Chinese artifacts, antique curios and vases, set out at the entrance of the museum.\n\nP. Bourgeois was not a scientist, as far as I know. He was some kind of general manager of the Museum, while at the same time he taught pre-university students. He was a friendly gentleman introducing students and other people to the Museum activities, collaborating with scientists and university students in their projects; translating, typing manuscripts, compiling lists and indices; in short, doing all the donkey work.\n\n—\n\nWhen Piel went into semi-retirement, a young clergyman replaced him progressively. This was P. Becquaert. I knew Becquaert well. He was very active and seemed to do a good job. His interests: the Staphylinidae family of insects or staphs. My colleague and I would have collected, among other insects, hundreds of staphs, picked up from special baits set up in the garden in order to satisfy Becquaert's insistent demand. Unfortunately, Becquaert had no scientific training; he was no match for the eminent scientists that had preceded him. It was wartime and the authorities were unable to obtain anyone of, say, Piel's calibre. Soon, Becquaert got involved in dubious connections. He not only lost his interest in entomology, but also his priestly state and his faith. He had published a book on staphs. But the introduction was so full of scientific errors, full of incorrect assumptions and spurious statements, that his successor had to withdraw the book from distribution. Before introducing his successor, however, I must mention a few other people.\n\nDr. Jacques Roi S.J. came to Shanghai in 1944. He had spent a few years in North China at the Geo-Biologic Institute of Beijing. In 1941, he published Phytogeograph of Central Asia, a highly scientific paper with graphs, plates, and maps. During his short stay in Shanghai, he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212655, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "190\n\nFr. Decooman who succeeded Becquaert as an entomologist, was appointed Director of the Museum after the war. He did not belong to the same Society or Order as his predecessors. He was a member of a Belgian Order. He had come from Vietnam (French Indo-China) where he had spent some 40 years. As a missionary in remote areas, he spent his free time collecting insects. He was a trained entomologist, specializing in the Scaritidae family. He first directed his attention to reorganizing the museum that had suffered neglect by his predecessor and had thousands of insects mounted from collections still lying unpacked in the drawers. He also looked for manuscripts which could be published. At that time, I was part-time in charge of the Botany Section of the Museum, Fr. Decooman approached me and suggested that I should prepare Belval's manuscript as well as one of my own: Trees and Shrubs of Shanghai for publishing. I was working on these two projects when I met the young Hsu Pin-shen, already a keen botanist, now Professor and President of the Botany Department in Shanghai and in all China. We worked together on the Trees and Shrubs of Shanghai; that was in 1950-52. Needless to say, the events that followed did not allow the publication of these two manuscripts. But between Hsu Pin-shen and myself, a lasting friendship had developed which was delightfully revived when Prof. Hsu kindly invited me to spend a month with him at Fudan University.\n\nThe purpose of my visit to Shanghai is actually to update not exactly Belval's manuscript but one based on it; one more complete and developed, written by my colleague Paul August and to which I contributed as we were working in collaboration. Besides updating the manuscript, I must also include the section on the Pteridophytes which was lacking in both manuscripts. To this effect, I was invited by Prof. Zhan Sho-Ling and the municipality of Shanghai to spend six months here, in this country which was for 18 years my country of adoption. The project is sponsored by the University of Melbourne and funded by The Australia-China Council. My work so far has been made easy, thanks to the great help given to me by the Museum of Natural History and to the friendly collaboration of the office staff.\n\nI must thank Prof. Hsu and my colleagues at the Botany Department for the invaluable help they have been giving me. But their acceptance of an old foreigner among the staff, the attention and friendship they have shown to me will be valued much more and will last as long as I live.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212662, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "197\n\nA NOTE ON HONG KONG'S WILDLIFE\n\nDAN WATERS\n\nIn the mid-1960s, an Indian bird-watching friend counted 48 different species at King's Park, in the heart of Kowloon. In early 1955, when I first lived in Conduit Road, the western end resembled a delightful country lane and there you could occasionally hear barking deer call from Victoria Peak.\n\nSince late 1980 I have been going up and around the Peak regularly, four or five times a week. At first, I felt there was little wildlife left, but, more recently, largely because it is mainly nocturnal, my conclusions, agreeing with a second school of thought, are that there is far more than most people appreciate.\n\nOn 26 April, 1989, I saw a dead masked palm civet in Barker Road. This was followed, on 11 November, 1990, by a dead ferret badger on Plantation Road, and, on 17 November, 1991, another on Severn Road. All had blood on their snouts and had probably been struck by vehicles. The last two were seen at daybreak.\n\nThere are also 'good' years for snake sightings, and, in the autumn of 1991, I spotted a young cobra crossing Po Shan Road, near dwellings. The first snake I saw in 1992 was a cobra sunning itself, in mid March, on a hilly path off Hatton Road. Less frequently, one sees the odd fresh-water crab even as high up as Lugard Road, and blue-tailed skinks seem to appear in batches.\n\nAlthough not on the Peak, on the Royal Asiatic Society outing, on 4 March, 1989, high up near a plantation on Tai Mo Shan, RAS member Rosemary Lee and the son of Dr Elizabeth Sinn spotted what was believed to have been a crab-eating mongoose run across a track, off Route TWISK, in front of our coach. Patricia Marshall, in Wild Mammals of Hong Kong (1967), says, about the mongoose, 'Probably no longer exists in the Colony.' Nevertheless, according to a game warden at Mai Po Marshes, one was spotted by bird watchers at Tsim Bei Tsui at Christmas 1987.\n\nI have also been told of barking deer and porcupine being seen", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212668, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "203\n\nNobody seemed to care.\n\nIn very short time we established ourselves. Patrols picked up stray Japanese and we asserted control over the Colony. Food, we soon discovered, was a black market commodity and could not be bought with money due to the fact that the Japanese had flooded the economy with forged bank notes. We had the answer to that one. The ships had brought in a supply of new currency.\n\nThe population was invited to take all its money to various points of exchange within a certain number of days. It was a common sight to see rickshaws with suitcases crammed with worthless money and, later, owners emerging from banks with somewhat slim wallets of new notes in exchange.\n\nI found the chief bartering medium for Hong Kong citizens was packets of cigarettes. Imagine what these packs looked like having passed from hand to hand in some cases for up to almost four years. A tablet of Lux soap would buy almost anything. I 'bought' a pair of leather, hand-stitched, snake-proof boots for one such tablet. I was amused to think we hadn't any snakes aboard ship.\n\nFood was the next problem. We had an abundance brought in by freighter but how to distribute it equitably was a headache. How this was finally resolved I didn't stay in Hong Kong long enough to find out.\n\nThe organisation that was put into force was fantastic. We had all our time cut out to stabilise the economy, to get the people back to work, and to restore law and order. One of the things we needed to do was find guns and munitions the Japanese had abandoned. We discovered a number of suicide boats. These were roughly made of plywood, packed with high explosive, but sea-worthy enough for one-way trips. Two of these were taken back to the United Kingdom to present to Belfast Naval Museum. We also had to re-establish the rather small police force and set up courts; medical supplies and clinics were, of course, needed.\n\nWe employed some young girls aboard ship to scrub and clean and to do other general tasks. They were paid a dollar or so for which they were grateful. The women I had in my charge were very cheerful and took a delight in watching soap bubbles. I gave each one a small piece of soap and, on completion of their duties, I allowed them to keep the...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212719, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "13 \n\nimposes upon readers. He had joined the large skirmishing force led by General Liu Ho-ling, commander of the Ko-i Force of the Szechuan Army Corps and Mesny's immediate chief, to harry the Miao tribesmen. Mesny remarks that upon retiring the General and Mesny came under fire from a Miao ambush with hundreds of bullets whizzing close to them. Mesny quickly dismounted and soon cleared the wood [in which the ambushers were hidden] and the enemy fled leaving their dead and wounded. Some ten lines further on, after an anecdote about a splendid prize that he had captured, an eight foot long Miao rifle, he explained that the Miao-tzu had lost more men in and near that wood than they had all day as Mesny had laid an 'ambuscade' for them with two companies of General Liu's guards. If one bears with Mesny's usual hyperbolic claim that he had laid the successful ambush, one is left wondering what he was doing, alongside the General, when they fell into the ambush, which Mesny would appear from an earlier paragraph to have foiled alone with great success.\n\nAt another point in the narrative, when General Liu goes off leading a local attack, he leaves Mesny behind because 'the Commander-in-chief needed Mesny's advice more than he, General Liu, did.' Liu was defeated, 'badly' says Mesny, and one can sense the schadenfreude. Mesny added that one of the battalion commanders had commented that General Liu would appreciate Mesny's abilities better in future! It is not hard to imagine General Liu becoming more and more irritated by this young foreign whippersnapper who always knew best. General Liu has only to leave Mesny behind and, as luck would have it, be defeated.\n\nHis lengthy and often involved autobiographical essay in his Miscellanies only cover the period from 1861, when he was 19, to 1870 and the end of the first campaign in Kueichou to suppress the Miao tribesmen's rebellion, when he was still only 28. From 1870 on we are dependent upon the copious and varied snippets in his Miscellanies, both long and short, until the final publication of the Miscellanies in 1905 when he was 64. Dr Tiedemann of SOAS, University of London, has discovered that Mesny wrote at least a dozen letters from Kueichou from May 1872 to February 1874 published in the Shanghai newspaper, Shanghai Budget and perhaps even more in the Celestial Empire, the paper which took over the Shanghai Budget in 1874. No copies of these papers appear to be available though we can surmise that they probably covered Mesny's activities during that period. From 1905 until his death fourteen years later, in 1919, we have to rely on his obituary, admittedly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212727, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "21\n\nIn 1896 when describing various secret societies Mesny, as an aside wrote 'I'm of the ritualist sect, Tsai-li Chiao [sic] #, a secret political society3, the members of which bind themselves to abstain from eating flesh of oxen, goats and sheep; from drinking wine and all other intoxicating liquors; from smoking opium, tobacco and all other such ingredients in any form. The ritualists usually wear a white girdle, but abstain from wearing anything red or green. This society is now [1896] very strongly rooted in Northern China. It has a temple or hall in Shanghai, with a priest or master, who initiates members after several severe trials and approbation in secret. Candidates for membership in this society have to undergo very severe trials for steadfastness and fidelity before they are considered fit for initiation.\" He refers to members of the society as 'they' without once referring to his own membership again nor does he ever refer to the society or his membership elsewhere.\n\nConsidering the distances he covered in central China and the era he lived in it would seem amazing that he did not die young, as did his brother in Hankow at the age of 39. He lived to the ripe old age of 77, was described in his last year as walking briskly, with clear eyes, fair complexion and tinted like a winter apple, and although we do not know what he died of, 1919 was in the middle of the great world influenza epidemic.\n\nReligion\n\nIt has to be borne in mind that he was living and writing during a period of incipient reform, with Chinese imperial die-hards fighting back against increasing foreign influence which they saw mostly manifest in missionary activity. Chinese officials and for that matter Chinese peasants too were unable to differentiate between Christian sects. Mesny's only criticisms of Christians were for Roman Catholic priests who had, he claimed, set their converts against non-Catholics of all kinds, revealed by their use of abusive terms for non-Catholic Christians. As this was a common complaint, and one which was reciprocated equally strongly by Catholics, Mesny would appear simply to be voicing popular British and American expatriate views of the day.\n\nMesny came from a Wesleyan Methodist background and both he and his brother in Hankow had some links with the Wesleyan Methodist missionaries in Hankow, especially with David Hill, Mesny was also a Free Mason of long standing.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212741, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "Bearing in mind that much of what he claimed was written from either notes or memory between the ages of 53 to 63, the almost obsessive way he describes the semi-nudity of the girls from the minority Miao suggests that he must have been sex-starved, a red-blooded young man, and a lone Westerner amongst an army of Chinese. Mesny described various tribes and sub-groups of non-Chinese and their customs in some detail in his articles in the Miscellanies, though he did seem to be more interested in their love life and marriage customs than, for example, births and deaths.\n\nHis description of the 'fair maidens' en route during his treks in central China eyeing him and he ogling them are frequent, with no lack of comment on their bare bosoms in particular and occasionally their genitalia. These were, as one would expect in Kueichou province at that time, not Han Chinese but tribeswomen from the Chuang, Lolo, Miao, and other tribes. He also allowed himself the pleasure of preening before them and, in one instance, washed the upper part of his body, combed his beard, and brushed his hair in full view of the local ladies who, he believed, 'expressed great admiration' for him. He was 36 at the time and ostensibly unmarried, though we suspect that he had already taken a Chinese lady to wife by Chinese rites.\n\nMesny, on the subject of marriage, made much of the fact that he very nearly became the son of a Cantonese millionaire named Huang, conditional on Mesny changing his name to Huang. This apparently took place in Hong Kong shortly after he had arrived in the Far East, in 1861, when he was still under the age of twenty and a turn-key at a Hong Kong gaol. It is hard to believe that a wealthy Chinese would be so desperate to acquire a foreign son-in-law, though we know no more than Mesny has seen fit to tell us. In the event, the marriage did not take place, and though he does no more than hint at it by stating that something unforeseen had turned up, it would seem more than likely that his dismissal from the Hong Kong Prison Service had something to do with it. He was then nearly ensnared by a Chinese friend who wished him to marry his sister. Mesny, however, claimed to have declined to be a party to any scheme depriving another man of his prospective wife, as she had been betrothed to a young man in accordance with the custom of the country. Mesny added that he did not wish to break the law, even if it meant hurting the feelings of the Chinese friend who, in Mesny's words, was 'no ordinary personage, in the common sense of the word, and the [proposed] voyage up the Yangtze with him gave promise of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212742, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "36 \n\nsomething more than ordinary adventure.' \n\nAgain, after a theatrical performance by a Chinese actor and actress in a provincial town in Kueichou province, Mesny wrote that local people, believing him [he was then 36] to be very old as he had a beard, knew that foreign women must be inferior; \"They must be, “they added\", as foreign men pass by but never foreign women, and foreign men marry Chinese wives.' Mesny added that he had one 'with very small feet and wears elegantly embroidered red satin shoes!' This must have been in 1878. \n\nWriting a paragraph under the heading of 'Slave Girls', Mesny noted that it was a common thing for well-to-do people to present a couple of slave girls to a daughter as part of their marriage dowry. It was also customary with respectable people to release slave girls when marriageable. Mesny added that he had bought three different girls, two in Szechuan, for a few taels each [less than 15 dollars Mexican]. One he released in Tientsin, another died in Hong Kong; the other he gave in marriage to a faithful servant of his. \n\nIn his Miscellanies he described a number of Chinese women, young and beautiful, who [or so he claimed] desired to marry him. Some he encouraged but in each instance the story peters out, others disappear out of his stories without explanation or further mention. He also had a 'romantic and intimate interlude' with a young Chinese widow, who did not appear to be short of money, and who accompanied Mesny down river to Hankow where they remained in a house near the Yamen where Mesny frequently visited her. He noted at one point that 'there was nothing like gushing love between us, but I could not fail to admire such an admirably sensible woman. What she thought was admiring in me I know not, but I know she said from the first that she required my protection. The only time that I ever noticed anything like affectionate love on her part for me was on my first visit to her after my misadventure at the Lung-wang Miao\". Then she wept. She took my head very gently between her fine hands and repeatedly kissed the fresh scars of my recent wounds... we were both silent.' Despite this, he shortly afterwards described in the Miscellany that he, Mesny, 'had been busy at work and with his friend Pickerell, and paid frequent visits to my charmer near the Tao-t'ai's Yamen. She complained of the scarcity and brevity of my visits and showed unmistakable signs of being in a condition likely to increase the already great population of the vast empire of China.'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212744, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "38\n\nHe covered several of his printed pages with descriptions of various groups of attractive 'fairies' who treated him as a great Lord and fussed him with food and attention. He explained that he had wondered who they were and had come to the conclusion that they were well-to-do daughters of officials captured by the Taipings and were part of the Taiping chieftain's retinue.\n\nHe implied at one point that the 'unknown charmer' who had been closely chaperoned by her sister, yet met him daily during his captivity in Nanking to learn English, was one of the daughters of the Taiping ruler Hung Hsiu-ch'üan\". She passed him a note as he was leaving with the Royal Navy rescue party, which, though lengthy and in semi-verse, left no doubt that the maiden, whoever she might have been, was expressing her desire for Mesny to return to marry her. No clue was given why Mesny should believe her to be a daughter of Hung Hsiu-ch'üan, and yet again we are left in the dark with his 'fair admirer' unidentified.\n\nAlthough there was no mention of marriage in this instance, his army commander in Kueichou province in 1870, returning home at the end of the first campaign, had offered to take Mesny back to Hunan with him where he could live en famille. Mesny then went on to say that he told the General that he had been away from his home and family in Jersey for some sixteen years and preferred to return there to get married in his own country rather than in China.\n\nThe priests or monks of the Ch'ien-lin Shan monastery more than once asked him to become a member of their order with a view to becoming eligible as a ruler over the four hundred monks in that monastery. He declined as he said that he had always had an inclination to marry some European lady of education, or to otherwise secure the life companionship of a distinguished European lady writer with whom he might associate as pupil or assistant in her literary career [this was written after he had been married to several Chinese women].\n\nOnly twice in his writings does he ever refer to European women as either attractive or otherwise, and interested in him. One was a young English lady of 'prepossessing appearance and fascinating manners,' who surprised everyone in Hankow by declaring that Mesny, who was unprepared to avail himself at the time as he had set his affections on another lady, 'Lydia,' (a girl at home in Jersey) reciprocated her love in a marvellous manner though they had not met since he was 11 and ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "39\n\nShe was his maternal cousin, and his parents were keen that he should return from China to marry her. He said that he had made many lame excuses—which his parents had interpreted to be that his business was going so well that he dare not leave it [his usual ebullient tendency to exaggerate doubtless led them to assume he was making a fortune, and his brother, John, was therefore persuaded by their parents to travel out to China to let Mesny return home to marry]. However, Mesny's business was not sufficiently adequate for him to consider marrying anyone, not even the girl in Hankow, despite the Hankow girl having money of her own, and in addition, Mesny did not feel ready to marry and did not do so. He tells us that the Hankow girl went down to Shanghai, where she married a young man ‘whose name was still [in 1899] a household word, though husband and wife had long since been absent from the scene of their former experience in matrimony and other matters.'\n\nDespite the view he held about marrying a girl from his own country, he married Chinese women, one immediately after the other. The local girl back in the Channel Islands, his cousin, Lydia, whom his parents wished him to marry, appears to have dropped out of the picture in the late 1860s or early 1870s, when he married his first Chinese woman, probably by Chinese rites first, followed by a western marriage at the Hankow Consulate some years later. He was still sending verses to Lydia in 1868 and, incidentally, writing a letter a month to his old father in Jersey.\n\nWe have little idea what happened to either his first or second wife. We know that the second was legally separated from him and had taken half his worldly wealth with her. Why did he move back to Hankow for his last years? He left Shanghai in 1914... the unanswered question is whether his wife's obtaining a legal separation led to his move from Shanghai to Hankow? Another oddity involved his only son, who moved from Hankow to Shanghai to work, in his early thirties, at about the same time as his father moved back to Hankow from Shanghai. Mesny's son-in-law was a British businessman who, at some stage, lived and worked in Ningpo, not too far from Shanghai, and yet Mesny moved in the other direction to Hankow, where he had acquired a menial job with a long-standing British firm until he died.\n\nWe do not know anything about his relationships with his son and daughter, particularly in later years. At the time of his death, his only son would have been 34 and probably married. His daughter, Marie,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "49\n\nDespite the feeling we have acquired simply from his own writings that he had many acquaintances and few friends, that he was neither a European nor a Chinese and was held at arms length by both, that he was God's gift to the girls, that he offered guidance and good advice with great foresight to the Chinese, and was either ignored or his ideas purloined by others, the obituaries, possibly following a policy of avoiding speaking ill of the dead, described him as ‘a great traveller, a great scholar, a soldier, an author and publisher. A cheery man who most people knew, who at 77 walked briskly to and from his office, beloved by many, although not rich in the world's goods he was always ready to help others, and was of a very cheerful disposition. He endured many shrewd blows of fortune but always came up smiling.'\n\nHe must have been regarded both in Shanghai and in Hankow as an eccentric and colourful old man. Everyone would know of him but to what extent he was accepted socially we shall probably never know unless, that is, someone's private correspondence in which he is mentioned comes to light.\n\nNOTES\n\nMason was a young British official in the Chinese Customs on the Yangtze who organised the shipment of arms to and became involved with Nien rebels. Mesny, who knew nothing of Mason's schemes and plot, found himself officially ostracised after being accused by Li Hung-chang of being a rebel leader.\n\nIt is strange that there appears to be no reference to the typhoon in the available Shanghai papers of the day. Also, in view of his complaints about people's refusal to face up to disaster by taking out insurance, why did he not have the Rink insured? Probably, considering his circumstances, he was unable to afford the premium.\n\nThe Tsar-li Hui has been variously described as a minor religious cult, in Shantung province in particular, or as survivors of the White Lotus Society, an anti-dynastic body since its foundation in the fourteenth century through to its final defeat in Shansi in 1815. A number of members then joined the Nien revolt, and here we have a link perhaps between Li Hung-chang's accusation that Mesny was a leader of a Nien rebels during the Mason case.\n\n$\n\nMesny's Chinese Miscellany: Volume 2 item 1431 page 362\n\nBat'uru: 'A kind of Manchu Distinguished Service Order [DSO]' Johnston RF Lion and Dragon in Northern China. Murray: London 1910\n\nWilliam Mesny always referred to himself as 'Knight Ying of the Pa-t'u-lu' BA\n\nThis decoration was intended to correspond to European Orders [sic].\n\nGarrett, Valery M Mandarin Squares. Oxford University Press. Hong Kong. 1990", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212762, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "56\n\ntogether with his regular recommendations to the Chinese government, such as the one for the Chinese capital under a new regime to be moved from Peking but not to Nanking which would, he suggested, be the natural Chinese choice, but to Si-an, nearer central China and better able to be defended from invaders, were interspersed amongst other more mundane factual paragraphs.\n\nVery occasionally his stories verged on the salubrious, but were never risqué. He described Patriarch Lu Tsu, one of the Eight Immortals, as the author of an extraordinary work on the art of massage. By a certain process of massage, if systematically continued for some time, it was possible, so wrote Mesny, to deprive young men and women of their desire for sexual intercourse. They were practically rendered impotent and maintained so, without injury to their health or intellect. This was practised in Szechuan and Hupei provinces, especially in the large monasteries and nunneries of the Taoist and Buddhist priesthood, wherein celibacy was strictly enforced and easily maintained.\n\nMesny was not above writing very puerile articles. One such in 1896 was a parody on the subject of the Shanghai Mixed Court in the British Concession, referred to by him as the 'tribunal of injustice', which is now practically impossible to understand without knowledge of the personalities of the day, whom Mesny disguised behind pseudonyms. It filled some five columns on four pages and may have amused some readers and rid Mesny of some of his spleen, but a century later it reads so poorly that it is embarrassing. Something at the Mixed Court had so upset Mesny that he must have rushed into print, writing in the vein of many similar letters to the press in England at that time signed by 'Disgusted of Tunbridge Wells' etc.\n\nThe contents of the Miscellany included serialised weekly parts running for a couple of months or so on substantial subjects such as:\n\n[1] The Taiping Rebellion or the Life and Adventures of a British Pioneer in China. This provided many pages of detailed and often petty experiences, such as his voyage up the Yangtze in 1868, where he repeats minor incidents often ad nauseam. Better descriptions of, for example, voyages up the Yangtze have been written by other westerners, such as Little, with excellent photographs, something Mesny appears not to have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212765, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "59\n\nprevail elsewhere, and some of the descriptions held good for the whole of China. But,' continued Mesny, 'China is a large Empire, and General Tcheng was too young when he left China for Europe to have seen much of his own country. He was no doubt much better acquainted with Parisian manners and customs than with many manners and customs which prevail in many parts of the Chinese Empire. Nevertheless, his book deserves to be read more than once, even by me, who have seen so much more of China and the Chinese than General Tcheng has so far. Had I the literary qualifications of the writer of Les Chinois, Peints par Eux-memes, I could write at least a dozen such books on China and the Chinese without exhausting the stock of information I have acquired during my forty-four years' residence in the country. I have been treated in some parts of China much the same as General Tcheng was treated in Paris,'\n\nThe Miscellany probably just about paid its way though from the occasional note of sadness though not despair which appears from time to time, Mesny must have continued more for the desire to make a living and perhaps also to keep his name before the public eye rather than to earn a fortune. It was by no means smooth going and at times he must have upset individuals and even groups such as the announcement he made in July 1899 that his Miscellany was being boycotted by the press, bankers, insurance and shipping agencies and by shopkeepers. He bemoaned the fact [Volume II, Issue 28: Sep 1896] that the loss on the first year's publication was over $2,000.\n\nSeveral times in the course of his Miscellanies Mesny repeats a disclosure of a titbit of news or political scandal to prove that he was first and that the North China Daily News and the Shanghai Mercury had simply copied his original scoop without attribution.\n\nA number of magazines were being published around this time on the China Coast such as The East of Asia Magazine, printed and published by the North China Herald Office in Shanghai, a quarterly illustrated consisting of essays on topical subjects such as Chinese customs and superstitions, gems of Chinese poetry, bits of Fukien travel, Ningpo under the T'ai-ping's, etc mostly written by reasonably well known people. It only ran for a couple of years. Another was Social Shanghai, a monthly glossy journal relating western social happenings mostly in Shanghai but in a few instances referring to the outports. It consisted of the usual society articles, including births, deaths and marriages, the races, and lengthy pieces about the Shanghai Volunteer Corps. This ran", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212771, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "65\n\n1900 ca 1900\n\n1901 December\n\n1904\n\n1905 Jan/Jun\n\n1907\n\nca 1910/1911\n\n1914 November\n\nca 1914/1915\n\n1914-1919\n\n11 Dec 1919\n\nClaims to have volunteered for service in Peking [Boxer troubles]\n\nMesny visited Nan-chang in Kiangsi where he met Hsiung Shih-fu, a young reformer\n\nInterviewed Viceroy Liu K'un-yı în Nanking.\n\nPublished Mesny's Chinese and English Almannac\n\nPublication of his final volume of his Chinese Miscellany\n\nMost Excellent High Priest in the Keystone Royal Arch Chapter, in Shanghai\n\nHis wife, Han, obtained a legal separation in Shanghai\n\nMesny moved to Hankow\n\nClaims to have passed a medical and then offered his services to the Crown [World War 1]\n\nEmployed by Messrs. Reiss and Co. in Hankow\n\nDied in rue de Paris in Hankow\n\nAppendix C\n\nThe Chinese Imperial Forces\n\nMesny's Involvment in the Suppression of the Miao Revolt\n\nThe First Campaign by Imperial Troops\n\nin Kueichou Province\n\n1868-1871\n\nand\n\nOrder of Battle of the Szechuan Force\n\nChinese Imperial Forces, with the aid of a number of foreigners and foreign arms, had by 1864 succeeded in suppressing the Taiping rebellion against the dynasty. They then turned to liquidating the other rebellions seething in various parts of China which included the Nien movement in northern China, the Moslem minority revolt in Yunnan province, another major Moslem uprising in the North-west, and finally the Miao aboriginal tribes which had revolted in Kueichou province.\n\nThe Miao, or Miao-tzu as Mesny refers to them, rose against the Ch'ing dynasty Manchu rulers of China in 1854 after discontent reached boiling point due not only to Chinese settlers colonising the best lands in the low lying areas of the province of Kueichou, but also to the exploitation of the Miao by Chinese officials and merchants. According to Mesny the passionate and untamed Miao gradually took back almost the whole province apart from the capital, Kuei-yang Fu, and the city", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212786, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "80 + broken up in 1871 on the change of command, there was scarcely a man left in the Force who did not bear one or more scars about his head or face, and it was customary to designate the men in familiar conversation as 'the decorated ones', tai-hua ti Æ9, on account of their wounds. They all received double pay, and deserved it too. Many soldiers served until they were sixty without getting beyond the step of veteran leader of a squad, not even getting the rank of an NCO. When a private soldier desired to get married he received a sum of money varying from two to four taels, and when he died, a similar sum of money was allowed to his relations to bury him with.\n\nA typical example of one of the number of items on military matters published by Mesny in his Miscellany was the system of recruitment for the Chinese Territorial Army of the Green Standard [Lu-ying]. It was, wrote Mesny, by voluntary enlistment. In every garrison town there were a number of young men styled Yu-ting or novices, on probation as it were, for vacancies in the lowest rank of soldiery. These novices received neither pay nor pension but generally got odd jobs about the garrison for which they were given rations and some pittance as a reward. They did however attend all drills and exhibited their skill in handling weapons in the presence of the drill instructors and drill inspectors and obtained certain marks of approbation if considered deserving of such as an encouragement to perseverance in the prosecution of their exercises. When a vacancy in the lowest rank of the soldiery, second class private soldier, occurred these novices were summoned to pass an examination, and the most expert in his exercises and the manliest in appearance usually got the appointment which was that of a garrison soldier, shou-ping, and entered on the pay and ration roll, and were immediately available for active service in garrison or field force units, and would then receive both pay and rations accordingly.\n\nOther items included descriptions of the secretariat, orderly officers, and quartermasters. In every battalion brigade and division or corps of field troops there were always a few officers known as ch'ai-kuan or orderly officers, most of them men of experience risen from the ranks with ranging from a general down to the lowest, the lieutenant. These form the staff of the commander under whose orders they are.\n\nViceroys and governors of provinces and commanders of divisions of field troops had one or more officers, each and a military secretariat usually of the civil rank of tao-t’ai, styled as Ying-wu Ch'u, established", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212799, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "93\n\nthe first anti-foot binding societies in China.\n\nLovatt, W N\n\nEx-Royal Artillery serving in Honan Road in Shanghai. He, with Massagorra, taught Mesny the skills of guns and gunnery in 1864. He later became a Commissioner of Customs in Korea.\n\nMason, Charles H. A. W.\n\nA young Imperial Customs Assistant who was the main figure in the 'Mason case'. He joined the Customs in 1887 and after an involved plot was arrested for smuggling arms into China with the intention of providing foreign weapons for the Ko-lao Hui, a secret society whose aim was to overthrow the Imperial government.\n\nMassagorra, W\n\nFormerly Royal Navy and subsequently mate on one of the large lorchas plying the Yangtze: he, with Lovatt, taught Mesny gunnery.\n\nMayers, W F\n\nChinese Secretary at the British Legation in Peking in the mid-1870s. His best known work was the Chinese Reader's Manual. [Mesny culled a large number of items from Mayer's Manual and included them in his Miscellanies]\n\nRichard, Timothy\n\nBaptist missionary in Shantung and Shansi provinces. He met Mesny in Taiyuan Fu where Richard was superintending a branch of the English Baptist Mission. Richard was renowned for his humanitarian work during the great famine in Shansi in 1877-1878.\n\nSu Chin-wang\n\n[Shan-ch'i ## or Shan Ai-t’ang #E#: born ca 1865]\n\nThe Manchu Prince with whom Mesny had breakfast in Peking in 1892 when Su had not yet inherited his title and was then simply the captain of the Emperor's Bodyguard. A black and white photograph", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "117\n\nwithdrew partly into India and partly back into Yunnan. Kokang was left high and dry. Undaunted the Myosa from his own funds purchased what weapons he could from the retreating Chinese troops and the disbanded men of the Burma Rifles, who had been instructed to disperse to their villages with their weapons, which were to be retained for local protection until the British returned. He acquired several hundred rifles, a small stock of ammunition, and a few Bren guns, and organised his own force, the Kokang Defence Force. Fortunately the prowess of the force, which could scarcely have proved high in the face of the battle-trained troops of Japan, was not put to the test. The Japanese advance stopped at the Salween, a convenient barrier on which to consolidate their East Wall in Burma.\n\nThe Myosa, left thus in a most dangerous situation, in the front line, as it were, of the Allied positions, applied to the nearby ally, China, for assistance. The Chinese who were themselves receiving equipment from America for their forces in this part of the world, could spare him no equipment, but undertook to train officers for his force. The quality of the training so provided will grow evident as this story unfolds.\n\nIn 1943 the Myosa made the journey to Kun-ming to apply to the British authorities for assistance and it was at the British Consul General's* house in Kun-ming that I met him. I saw an alert slight figure, young looking and brisk for his 45 years, dressed in a western suit of Palm Beach cloth. He looked Chinese, but I believe there is also an admixture of tribal blood, possibly Shan; there is, of course, a good deal of intermingling throughout all that border country. The prince spoke Burmese and Chinese, but very little English: though his schooling on the border had probably been rough and ready, he possessed in a strong degree that charm, which goes with a courtesy so cultivated that it becomes natural and can conceal the aptitude for decision based on a habit of command. The prince was accompanied by his son, a capable young man in his early twenties, who had been educated at the Princes' School in Taungyi and spoke excellent English. The Myosa explained to us, his son serving as interpreter, the difficulties of his position, the trouble he was having with Chinese troops, a battalion of whom had been stationed in Southern Kokang, and the hope that we might be able to come to his support. We discussed the situation and the nature of the\n\n*Strangely, he had been the Consul at Kiu Kiang in 1927, from whose house we retired to the warships", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212836, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "130\n\nthe new officer to remove himself and his troops from the village where we were staying immediately. Poor man, he was only obeying his orders and did not know what to do; but he went. After that we were only watched by plain clothes men; but the dismissal of the escort, or prisoner's guard, as it would be called to the natives, showed the natives that we intended to be masters in our house, and helped to break down the fear under which they laboured.\n\nI was sorry to lose the men of the escort: they came from far away Hunan, and were good representatives of the salty peasant stock of a great nation.\n\nExcept on certain main routes used by the Chinese troops the villages in Kokang were not deserted, like many of those we had passed in Yunnan. It is an old story. A British officer, H.P. Davies, who was travelling through these parts in 1895, wrote: 'Our first march only took us back to Na-hsang, the place I had passed through on my way to Tawnio. This village which appeared quite prosperous a month before, we found almost entirely deserted. On enquiry we learned that some Chinese soldiers were expected there soon as escort to the boundary commission. No doubt these worthy villagers had had previous experience of Chinese troops and were determined to hide themselves and their property as much as possible.\n\nTawnio in Burmese, and Malipa in Chinese, is the name of the chief town in south Kokang; Na-hsang is a village across the border on the Chinese side. Here again it is most unfair to blame the Chinese troops. They are expected to move without commissariat and to live off the country; they have no money with which to pay for what they take, so no wonder the people of the villages make themselves scarce.\n\nAt Nancha we came across the makings of a small tragedy. The old headman had two unmarried daughters - his son had been carried off by the Chinese to attend school at Kun-ming, in other words he was a hostage - the elder of whom had bound feet, and the younger not bound. The modern young men would no longer look at any girl with bound feet; that was out of fashion; but until the elder sister was married, the younger, a bright good-looking girl, could not marry. It was a puzzle to which there appeared to be no solution. But the women in these parts are very independent; I heard later that the younger girl had run away from home and married the swain of her choice by just going to live", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212837, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "131\n\nwith him.\n\nThe marriage customs are many and curious. We happened to be passing a village on the day of a wedding and were invited to see the communal dancing; the ceremony included inspecting the bride and groom in bed by the fitful light of torches. It seems that immediately after the feast the lucky couple retire to bed and are there visited by all and sundry to an accompaniment of the sort of joking which does not appear in print. The custom of men seizing their brides in mock raiding attacks, staged for the purpose, is also common. During one such attack, until we discovered what it was about, we thought that we were being sniped at by the Japanese.\n\nNancha is high up the mountain, some 6,000 feet, overlooking the Salween, which here flows at 1,000 feet above sea level. The river itself was out of sight in the bottom of the valley where it ran between steeply-sloping banks. Across the valley on the mountain on the far side a mile away we could see in the bright sunlight the villages occupied by the Japanese. Their system of garrisoning was not continuous; they had one or two central posts, and from these they would man one or other of the lesser posts. Through my glasses I could see the posts; trenches with grass huts screened in the jungle nearby, and the ubiquitous Japanese flag. They were sited where the path entered the village high above the river: a mile away as the crow flies, to reach Nancha from one of those villages would take the best part of a day.\n\nFrom Nancha, Jack left to reconnoitre the Salween ferries, while I moved on more slowly as I wished to study the country and make friends with the people; we took three days to reach the Lihsaw village of Hsintang. Despite the small size of our party our progress was triumphal: the young women were shy and kept out of the way; the men were still cowed and not sure of their position; but the old women everywhere came out to greet us. They met us with gifts of bananas, brought up from the hot valleys below, chickens and eggs, neatly done up in long tubes of plaited rice-straw; and being of Chinese blood they prepared tea for our refreshment and invited us indoors to drink it. They said, \"We have not seen you Englishmen for a long time. Where have you been for the last two years? We have waited for you a long time, and now conditions are so bad that they are no longer to be borne. But you have at last returned and set our minds at ease.\" This blind confidence was very touching: may Britain long prove worthy of it.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212842, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "136\n\nme whether I was afraid I would be arrested and carried off in the same way! It was because of the Lopez incident that for a long time some of the most useful men in Kokang, intimidated by Chinese threats, did not dare to work for us.\n\nAt Hsintang we occupied the thatched wooden building which the people of the village had erected for Lopez and in which he had been surrounded and arrested. It had two stories, with three small rooms on each floor, and packed into these rooms were no less than twenty beds, in layers. Though small, the building could thus house the whole of our party. All the furniture was made of bamboo, the beds, the steps leading to the upper storey, the stools on which we sat, and the table off which we ate. In the centre room below, Lopez had installed a mud fireplace, where of an evening we lit a fire, because here we must have been somewhere about 7,000 or 8,000 feet up and the nights were bitterly cold. The chimney, a hollowed bamboo over which we had to throw water every now and then, was unsatisfactory and the smoke hung about the top floor to the discomfort of those trying to sleep above.\n\nOur wireless was a great asset; it made such a contrast to the isolation which had been our lot when in eastern China. We could send and receive signals, and by laying the headphones in a tin basin, we could make a near-enough imitation of a loud-speaker to sit by and listen when the news came in. It was about this time that the Japanese made their desperate attack on the British at Imphal in an attempt to cut the railway, which supplied General Stilwell's Chinese divisions; in this attempt they were to exhaust themselves, and open Burma to reoccupation by the Allies. A little later General Wingate's second l.r.p.g. - long range penetration group - operations were launched. We were later to discover that the withdrawal of Japanese troops from all along the Salween to meet Wingate's threat offered an explanation of why they failed to raid across the river to disperse us.\n\nStan rejoined us, reporting that there was no flat territory in central Kokang, but that he found a hill slope which would do well enough as a dropping zone. The slope was near the large village of Lunghtang, two days march south, and we prepared to move there. The country became more open; the jungle on the mountain slopes was replaced by long grass. We passed herds of brood mares, with their young. The Myosa in the past had been the contractor for the supply of mules to the Burma Government; we were passing the breeding centres. A lonely", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "137\n\njackass stood tethered near the herdman's hut, on a knoll from which he could proudly survey his young.\n\nAt Lunghtang Jack rejoined us; he had followed the Salween and inspected all the ferries, except those around Kunlong, where the Japanese had established their bridgehead. During the past two years they had on several occasions raided from Kunlong as far north as Tawnio, putting the villages to fire. Kokang south of Tawnio was practically deserted and the mule tracks overgrown; there were no Chinese troops, but the Japanese were watched by standing patrols of the Kokang Defence Force.\n\nThe Salween at this season was low; in long stretches the current ran slow and the river could be crossed; the ferries were marked on the map at places, where tracks led down to the water. The width of the river, of course, varied; in the rapids where the water rushed through it might be no more than 100 feet, elsewhere generally nearer 300 feet. There were no boats; the method of crossing was to cut down a number of bamboos, lash them together, and paddle across. At the northern ferries small parties of Chinese troops watched on our side; the Japanese could be seen on the far side; but after the river left China to turn south, there were no more Chinese troops, and the ferries were watched by unarmed village levies, obviously ineffectively. The Japanese used the same system on their side, and at one ferry Jack had been able to shout over and hold a brief conversation with the two Kachin watchers on the far bank. At certain of the northern ferries shots were frequently exchanged between the Chinese troops, assisted by men of the K.D.F., and the enemy; and sometimes the Japanese would roll a gun up and lob some shells over; at other times it would be a trench mortar. On certain sections of the muletrack it was unwise to move by daylight.\n\nI sent Jack back to Hsintang where we had picked up some useful contacts, mostly thanks to Lopez' earlier work. Opposite Hsintang the Kachin tribes appeared ready to help, and we hoped we would be able to get people through onto the Burma road to watch Japanese movements, and so to facilitate Wingate's operations; if we could at the same time destroy some Japanese dumps so much the better.\n\nWhile at Hsintang I had been visited by one of the staff officers of the Nth division. I had with some difficulty persuaded him to allow our agents to cross the Salween at the ferry, which led most directly to the friendly Kachins and where the Japanese watch was not strict. We had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212849, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "143\n\nsix hundred yards. To explain this ballistic anomaly to our raw country lads of the K.D.F., proved beyond our powers. The long thin triangular bayonet, which hinged over and folded down along the rifle when not in use, looked very fierce when extended. The extended bayonet was held in position by a small stud, too weak for the work, a fault in design which must have cost many an Italian his life.\n\nSincheng, the Puppet's headquarters, was only twenty miles to the south. I had postponed calling on him out of reluctance to get mixed up in political questions, for ours was a military party. However, when the training of the bodyguards from the K.D.F., had been completed, I decided to go down and see about the collection of the new Bren gun teams. In the Myosa's day the British flag flew at his headquarters, but since the Puppet's advent I knew the Chinese flag had been hoisted.\n\nI had better now relate the story of the Myosa, so far as I know it. The Myosa had appointed a young relation of his, Tsai, to command the Defence Force. He was a vain and stupid young man. When the Chinese agreed to train the officers of the Force, Tsai, with some other officers, was sent to the Chinese school at Talifu. They stayed there for over six months; Tsai then returned to Kokang, bringing with him a Chinese officer from the school to serve as assistant commander. Not long after their arrival the rising against the Myosa took place; the leaders were Tsai and his Chinese assistant commander.\n\nOn the way to Sincheng I passed Fu Ko Ying, a hill the top of which was the scene of one of the two attacks on the Myosa and his troops; there was some fighting and men were killed on either side. We saw the holes left by the shells fired from trench-mortars by the attacking force. As neither the Defence Force nor the people of Kokang had any trench-mortars, whence could these trench-mortars have come?\n\nAfter the attacks and the flight of the Myosa, the rebels marched north as far as Nanchi, looting as they went. The local Headmen were unable to do anything to protect themselves; the headman's house at Nanchi, where we later stayed, was also looted. The Myosa had concealed money with friendly headmen in various villages; the rebels set about to locate the treasure, and found some, which was carried off to Tsai's village in south Kokang. It appeared to me possible that the Japanese might be behind the fermenting of this revolt, but all I could learn pointed clearly to the fact that they had nothing to do with it. They were indeed reported", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212853, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "147\n\nwireless. We had small hand generators for charging the batteries, but our skeds were so heavy, that even though we hired coolies to turn the generators in relays for fourteen hours a day, we could not keep our batteries up. So it was proposed to drop a \"chorhorse\" to us, a small petrol machine which would do the job. That was the one container we never found. The package was heavy, it broke away from the 'chute, and must have dived into the earth, where it probably buried itself a good many feet. We did not get our \"chorhorse\" till my relief arrived with a large mule train overland from Kun-ming.\n\nThe dropping of money was an anxiety; there was a tendency to overload the containers, and a proportion broke away and crashed to earth, burying and scattering a jumble of bent silver rupees. I kept the responsibility for money in my own hands, and on the whole we lost remarkably little thanks to the innate honesty of the simple natives, who helped us to collect the scattered treasure. They did not like accepting the bent dollars in payment; but I had to insist; we had too many on our hands, and after all they contained the same amount of metal.\n\nI was due for relief before the rains; the officer sent for the purpose was a well-known young Tibetan explorer. Let us hope he will some day add to his books by giving us an account of his adventures in Kokang; they were not few. Although in my time, the Japanese had on several occasions put us in a state of alarm, by advances from Kunlong, so that we once dispersed to hideouts in the hills, they never actually chased us. That was fortunate for though we had hired mules from the Puppet, we were by no means mobile. My successor, however, had a different experience which should be well worth the relating.\n\nAs for the Myosa, his case was referred to the highest authorities, and the British insisted on his release, without trial. He was flown over to India where he went to recuperate in a hill station. I cannot tell you the end of his story, because I do not know it myself. We must leave him in his bungalow on a hill top in India.\n\nIt was mid-May of 1944 before I could start on my return journey. I took Rogue with me, and Lao Teng. The Americans had kindly given us a case of C ration; for each meal there was a tin containing five biscuits, two lumps of sugar, coffee powder for two cups, and four glucose candies; and a second tin with vegetable hash, vegetable stew, or hash and beans. It was all excellent, and saved time cooking; only", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212856, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "150 \n\nIn theory, records of business and other enterprises founded and controlled by members of the Shanghai Jewish community exist somewhere, awaiting scrutiny by scholars. In reality, however, these materials are not always readily available to the scholars who are looking for them. It is hoped that individuals working on the Jewish community or on Western enterprises in Shanghai will be able to meet up with these records.' When Mr. Bramsen first started his current research, he chanced upon a series of letters written by a Danish au-pair girl in Shanghai during the early years of the 20th century. For six years this young woman wrote at regular intervals to her family in Denmark, describing in great detail each dinner party given in the house, identifying and describing every guest, the clothes they wore, the food and drinks served, and from time to time, the conversation that took place as well. Valuable historical resources indeed!\n\nThere is a unique collection of information in Hong Kong. The Rev Carl Smith, a retired American missionary who has been living in Hong Kong for almost half a century, and author of a book on Chinese Christians in Hong Kong, has gathered a fantastic amount of isolated information on individual foreigners and Chinese Christians who were active along the China coast during the 19th and 20th centuries. He has put the information on literally hundreds of thousands of 3 × 5 index cards, most of which have been categorized and filed. Mr Smith compiled the data from public and journalistic records, including jury lists, will probates, newspaper obituaries, and numerous other sources.\n\nJewish Immigration to Shanghai\n\n4\n\nWith few exceptions, the Jews in Shanghai fell into three groups: the Sephardic Jews, the Ashkenazi Jews, and the German, Central and Eastern European Jews. Throughout the decades they lived and worked in Shanghai, and although they worked together from time to time on certain projects, the three communities remained distinct.\n\nSephardic Jews\n\nThe Sephardic traders in Shanghai came during the 19th century from the Middle East by way of India under the aegis of the Sassoons. Their numbers are not discernible from census statistics, principally because the statistics recorded the nationality rather than the religious affiliation of each resident. The number of early arrivals could not be more than\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212861, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "155\n\nestablished in Shanghai, Sassoon moved his legitimate articles of trade there until 1858. Meanwhile, Jardine, Matheson and Company, which had hithertofore been the major trader in opium, had been buying through native Indian firms in India and carrying it in their own ships to China. It was partly due to Sassoon's manipulation of the opium supply and the opium market that led Jardine, Matheson to abandon the opium trade and to diversify its interests in Hong Kong and China. After 1871, Sassoon companies controlled the opium market.\n\nDavid Sassoon died in Bombay in 1864. He was married twice, and had a number of sons, who took turns managing the business in Hong Kong, Shanghai, and London. After David's death, his second son, Elias David Sassoon, organized E.D. Sassoon and Company. Thereafter, there were two Sassoon companies, known by contemporaries as the Old Sassoon (David Sassoon and Company), and the New Sassoon (E.D. Sassoon and Company). A number of employees of the Old Sassoon, such as Silas Hardoon, joined E.D. Sassoon and Company as partners.\n\nOther Families\n\nShortly after the arrival of the British Consul at Shanghai in November 1843, three young employees of David Sassoon and Company began working and living in Shanghai. The three were E.J. Abraham, M.S. Moshee, and J. Reuben, the last a founder of the Jewish congregation, Sheerith Israel, in Shanghai. In quick order, other Jewish young men arrived at Shanghai to work for the Sassoons, including a number of names later distinguished on the China coast. At first, the young men returned to Baghdad or Bombay for their brides. Eventually, as more Jewish families settled in Shanghai, marriage partners were chosen locally.\n\nThe Abrahams\n\nDespite being identified by Cecil Roth in The Sassoon Dynasty as the one Jewish merchant family of Shanghai closely associated with scholarship, the Abraham men were first of all traders handling commodities typical of that time, including opium. Eleazer Abraham had come to China as a clerk in the David Sassoon and Company. In 1843 he was in Hong Kong, and in 1850 in Shanghai. In 1904 D.E.J. Abraham was recorded to have sued the Sassoon Apcar Steamship Company to recover opium which had allegedly gone astray.14 The grandson of the first Abraham in Shanghai, the noted R.D. Abraham, was elected leader", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212877, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "A geomancer whom we have consulted in this matter has examined the position. He has advised that this year, when the grave is in the southern part of the cosmic cycle, lives will be cut short if the grave is harmed: and if land in front or behind the grave, or to its left or right, is disturbed it will be difficult to preserve the lives [of our clansmen] and people will certainly die. The whole clan will have to disperse.\n\nBecause of this, our entire clan's four branches, male and female, old and young, can have no peace and quiet in their lives. All are in a confused state and know not what to do. We cannot but object, we cannot stop or rest [in our best endeavours], and we have decided to inform you of our united and sincere opposition.\n\nWe invite you, knowing both government policies and the people's disposition, to cancel the order [to remove the grave] and to select another site for development. If this protection cannot be achieved, all descendants of the Wong clan's four branches will oppose [government] to the death, as in the spirit of the Anti-Japanese War [1937-45], and with tearful eyes and blood flowing, will fight to protect the founding ancestor's grave and keep it in its present position.\n\nFor as long as there is our ancestral grave, there will be descendants: but without the ancestral grave, there will be no living persons [in our clan]. 'When drinking water, think of its source' [Chinese proverb]. Thus we have to oppose the government in this matter. If there are any losses arising from the government's actions, it will carry the full responsibility.\n\nIf, however, it is possible to discuss and negotiate over the siting [of the development] and select another place, the government will have shown a benevolent heart, and acted with rectitude, loving the people as if it were its own sons. Then our founding ancestor will have [continued] good fortune and the clansmen will enjoy long lives; and the government will have calmed the people and done a meritorious deed.\n\n171", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212931, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "225\n\nparallels Hong Kong's, petitioned the British government to acquire 'an insular possession near the coast of China... beyond the reach of future despotism and oppression,' Matheson, who did not have Hong Kong specifically in mind, thought of British merchants as 'princes of the earth,' and despised the Chinese, ‘a people characterized by marvellous degree of imbecility, avarice, conceit and obstinacy... [in] possession of a vast portion of the most desirable parts of the earth.'\n\nChinese officials were no less culture-bound: Commissioner Lin Zexu, the Emperor's man in Canton, confronted the British just before the 1839-1840 Opium War by burning 2,613,879 pounds of British opium, 'surely the largest drug haul ever collected,' says Welsh. The British had been smuggling opium into China, hoping to balance off the large amounts of money they were spending for tea and other products exported home to Britain. Lin Zexu advised punishing the British traders by withholding exports to them of rhubarb and tea, without which they could not exist. Because 'their legs were too tightly bound to permit them to box or wrestle,' British soldiers, he said, were not suited to fighting on shore. Unfortunately for the Chinese, their confiscation of opium was followed by attacks by British gunboats on their port cities. They were forced to open Shanghai and other coastal cities to the British and cede Hong Kong to them.\n\nNot until Chris Patten was appointed governor in 1992 did Hong Kong become a high British priority. While publicly demanding that the garrison lay down their lives for it, says Welsh, Churchill privately considered the colony not worth defending against the Japanese. During World War II, the Foreign Office regarded Hong Kong as 'something of a thorn in the side' - a view some of its diplomats still hold — and wanted to return it to China; the Americans wanted this too. In 1946, the first postwar governor, Sir Mark Young, drafted a plan for a 'Municipal Council' constituted on a fully representative basis, but this was consistently turned down. Later, the colonial secretary, Oliver Lyttelton, commented, \"The electorate of Britain didn't care a brass farthing about Hong Kong.' Welsh says this remains true, but he also reminds us that, in 1992, Chris Patten was proposing a more democratically elected Legislative Council not for the British voters but for the people of Hong Kong. As Welsh suggests, in 1946 China would have been in no position to object. But Hong Kong has since become more valuable than anyone could have dreamed in 1946.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213011, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "58\n\nAnother similar category of strategies is disclaimer, i.e., prospective excuses. Similar types of excuses could be found, for instance, tiredness of gymnasts (September 18th, 1986); inexperience of athletes (20 August, 1985); new gymnasts (21 August, 1985) etc. The strength of rivals (20 September, 1986; 15 July, 1987) and weakness of Chinese representatives (19 September, 1986) were also cited. A more popular form of disclaimer was the blame on the draw in events, such as the order of competition in gymnastics (23 July, 1984), the order of play in women's fencing (8 July, 1987). Softening of the tone for gold-winning targets was evident amidst the rise of Koreans in the medal standing (1 and 4 October, 1986).\n\nThe context of any information is vital when a reader interprets an article. The Chinese press also spent some efforts in creating favourable contexts for unfavourable contents. The men's gymnastics team total score, second place in team competition was put against a very good background of six perfect scores (31 July, 1984). Women fencers' loss was to be read in the light of China's share in the total fencing medals, equal to that of Korea (2 October, 1986). Previous successes or records were cited to buffer losses in the Games (women discuss, 15 July, 1987; soccer, 20 July, 1987). Sometimes, the press would play over the figures, for example, in the loss to the USA in women's volleyball tournament, the report stated that in terms of total marks gained in the match, the Chinese team should win the match (5 August, 1984); in the final medal standing, China was placed fourth, but the People's Daily mentioned the total golds gained to counter this relatively unfavourable position.\n\nA more forceful class of strategy, justification, could also be witnessed in the sample. The \"reasons\" were more or less the same as mentioned in the foregone paragraphs concerning other strategies, but only the tone and/or the voice were different. Strength of rivals (31 July, 1984); new and young players (13 August, 1984; 19 July, 1987) and so on were handy examples. More often, these would be added with the hard work of Chinese athletes, their improvement from their previous standards to make these \"reasons\" forceful (diving, 10 August, 1984; women gymnastics, 12 July, 1987; men's basketball, 17 July, 1987). A play of figures could be seen in 1984 when the rank of the Chinese delegation, being fourth, was justified by the her size, being eighth.\n\nMoreover, there were times when the press admitted the failures of Chinese athletes. Very often, they were factual accounts of the losses and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213044, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "92\n\never had for excessive caution to become reprehensible weakness in dealing with Dr. Gibson. He being now I presume in health will be held responsible in the same sense and degree that his colleagues are in the entire committee for his treatment of Dr. Sibree and for all his acts as a missionary.\" JB\n\nIf Dr. Gibson was 'difficult' with a senior male mission colleague, it is likely that his style led the young Dr. Sibree to avoid confrontation and try other measures to gain her objectives, complaining privately to Mr. Cousins, her pastoral support, and to friends in England, who then required answers from LMS on why she was so treated. In late 1904, she indicated that if, and only if, a replacement could be found, she would leave to be married.” In 1906, Mr. Cousins invited her to explore whether she could be released from her contract to take up a larger post in Hankow. Her engagement broken off in 1905, Dr. Sibree was free to move, but the appointment was virtually vetoed by the Chinese subscribers. Dr. Ts'o, whom she found ‘a most kindly little man, indicated that her leaving would be a personal affront, a loss of 'face', and damaging to the hospital, as the subscribers would feel that they had made donations for nothing. Dr. Ho Kai's 'sweetener' was to suggest that she should take over the female side of the Tung Wah Hospital. So Alice Sibree remained, continued her complaints to London, even though the work increased and she denied to her Hong Kong audience that a problem existed. The Minutes of the 1906 Annual Meeting of the District Committee record that 'Dr. Sibree was asked if she is now satisfied and was understood to answer that the opportunities of her special work have much improved'. This reply was elicited in response to a letter from the LMS Board. In 1908, she indicated that she would resign in February, 1909.\n\nIn early\n\nTo this point, the development of the AMMH and its outreach service was constrained by race and gender, as they affected the definition of the lady doctor's role, and exacerbated by the tensions in the relationship of Dr. Gibson and the LMS Hongkong District Committee. The influence of gender perceptions was far-reaching. Mission doctors were both medical people and missionaries, yet Dr. Gibson's role was restricted to hospital and clinic work, his inability to speak more than a little Cantonese precluding an evangelistic role with patients. However, Dr. Sibree was seen as more 'missionary' than ‘medical'. She was required to learn Cantonese and in her letters to England, she referred to her mission work, every afternoon visiting and teaching, and twice a week teaching hymns.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213133, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "183\n\nTK\n\nin the market would sometimes be carried round by hawkers who brought them from the bigger cities further away. Twice a year, in the Spring and the Autumn, these hawkers would carry around the villages the vegetable seeds needed for the forthcoming half year. The villagers did not know how to produce good vegetable seed for themselves. There were some specialist villages in China which produced large quantities of seed. There the hawkers bought their stock. The hawkers kept the locations of these villages a secret - no villager contact seems to know where their seeds came from.\" Many of these hawkers who carried things around the villages were Hoklo: few local people entered this trade except for the people who hawked salt and fresh fish around the villages near their homes. There were quite a significant number of these itinerant hawkers, who bought in the towns and carried wares around the villages: unfortunately, very little is known about them.\n\nSome local villagers did make a living in the itinerant sweet trade. In Tsat Muk Kiu there was a villager, for instance, who made sweets and hawked them through the Wu Kau Tang and Plover Cove villages. These sweet hawkers often sold their wares, not for cash, but for broken metal which they then sold on to the market town blacksmiths, who were always short of metal.\n\nThe coolie trade was not very formally organised. Those stores wanting coolies to carry goods would let it be known, and would hire whom they pleased from those who showed an interest - most shops in the carrying trade developed a relationship with a particular group of women, however, - or the women from a particular village or section of a village - and always called on that group for coolies. After the 1870s, many of the young adult men of the Sha Tau Kok area began to travel abroad for a few years to make their fortunes. It is likely that, before local society began to be marked by this temporary emigration of young adult males, the local coolies had been young men, but, by 1900, the trade was mostly conducted by women. Thus, the Colonial Secretary hired 11 persons in 1899 to carry his baggage from Wo Hang near Sha Tau Kok to Tai Po - a full day's march of 12 miles - and 7 of the 11 were women. In the 1920s, shops in the market at Sha Tau Kok would sometimes send groups of women as far as Tsuen Wan (more than 15 miles away) to bring back goods for sale not available nearer at hand (pineapples especially) - a very long day's work. Many of the carrying coolies came from the lowland villages - the women of the mountainside villages were probably too.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213147, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "197\n\nconditions, under which the pickets contented themselves with exacting 'squeeze' from the local trade over the border1. Administrative Reports for the Year 1925, Appendix J, \"Report on the New Territories for the Year 1925\", p. J2. In Administrative Reports for the Year 1926, App J, \"Report on the New Territories for 1926\", p. J3, the District Officer notes that the fishermen in Mirs Bay suffered particularly seriously from the boycott, as they were unable to fish except close inshore, because of the \"disturbed conditions”.\n\nThese Communist guerrillas had appeared in various parts of the East River area since at least 1925. They were the direct descendants of the rebels who had operated near Yim Tin in the first decade of the century, and were closely related to the groups who took over the Hoi-Luk Fung area to form the \"Hoi-Luk Fung Soviet\" on three separate occasions between 1925 and 1928. They were the original nucleus of the \"East River Guerrillas\" of the war years and just after.\n\n40 The agreement specified that goods for the guerrillas would be treated as duty-free.\n\n41 Juntonghanguan Bainian Dashup, op cit passim.\n\n42. The son of the executed man had committed a robbery in the market, and left a \"paper\" at the scene of the crime which implicated him. He had fled back to his home near Yim Tin, where the soldiers could not get at him. So they took the father and shot him instead, behind the Man To Temple in the market, in the presence of most of the district's young people. The fact that the son fled to the rebel-held area, and the \"paper\" left at the scene, suggests that the robbery was politically motivated, and the execution, too.\n\n43 Shatoupaode Lishe, op cit.\n\n44 Administrative Reports for the Year 1910, Appendix I, \"Report on the New Territories\", p. 16. The bulk of the Sha Tau Kok marketing district was in the New Territories, and there was a satellite market at Yim Tin, which could service the part of the marketing district in China if the Sha Tau Kok market did cross the frontier.\n\n45 Administrative Reports for the Year 1931, 1932, 1933, 1934, Appendices J, pp. J8 (and Table IV), J3, J2, and J17 (and Table IX), respectively.\n\n46 Administrative Reports for the Year 1937, Appendix J, pp. J7-10. \"The typhoon of September the 2nd will long be remembered in the eastern parts of this District, where it caused much damage and suffering. Unfortunately, the height of the gale coincided with a very high tide, so that the swollen waters of Mirs Bay were driven with double force westward up Starling Inlet, whence they had no outlet. The sea rose, about 2-5 am, in places 20 feet and more higher than it had been known to rise for many decades. The resultant damage was astonishing. All round the shores of Starling Inlet roads, bridges, paths, piers, and bunds were breached and broken up, and buildings overthrown.\n\nAll the big bunds on Starling Inlet were [almost wholly overthrown].\n\nCasualties were heavy, about 100 in \"Brush\" Sha Tau Kok.\n\nAt Sha Tau Kok the Officer in Charge of the Police Station displayed initiative in [getting the dead buried, animal corpses burned, and obstructions cleared] and in arranging for a supply of rice and peanut oil from Kowloon, which broke a ring at Sha Tau Kok Market who had greatly raised the prices of these two.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213153, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "203\n\nREFLEXIVITY IN RESEARCH\n\nAND A QUESTION OF CULTURE\n\nMARY PANG\n\n[This paper is a personal account of an exploration into cultural identity and self-awareness resulting from the process of doing research. For her doctoral degree Dr. Pang examined the occupational choices of young Chinese adults in Britain. What was distinctive about this was the fact that while most studies of the Chinese community in Britain have been conducted by non-Chinese researchers, Dr. Pang shared many common characteristics with the subjects of her investigation, including ethnicity, background and age. This presentation focuses on the issues of how the researcher's \"insider knowledge\" influenced the research; and conversely, how the research in turn impacted on the researcher's self-perception and views about her environment.]\n\nThis paper examines my experiences of doing research for a PhD. My doctoral thesis entitled 'Catering to employment needs: the occupations of young Chinese adults in Britain' (Pang, 1993) was an investigation into the occupational choices of young Chinese adults in Britain. The purpose of the research was to locate the position of 16 to 30 year old Chinese in the British labour market, and to determine why these Chinese youth took up the jobs that they did.\n\nFrederick Steier suggested that 'we understand and become aware of our own research activities as telling a story about ourselves' (1991:3) This statement seemed particularly apt in my case, for a complex two-way exchange process occurred in this research whereby I used my \"insider\" knowledge to form decisions regarding the research design; while the research in turn impacted upon my own self-perception and views about my environment.\n\nThere are two main themes which will be discussed in this paper:\n\nOne is the methodological considerations which looks at how my close identification with the subject influenced the nature of the project, and\n\nThe second deals with the process of self-discovery and exploration of my own identity during this period of study,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "204\n\nThe concept of \"reflexivity\" has been described by Mead (1962) as a turning-back of one's experience upon oneself (Steier, 1991:2). There are many varieties of reflexivity, but the type I will focus on here is \"reflection\". More specially it is \"benign introspection\", which basically requires that we think about what we are doing in our research (Woolgar, 1988: 22).\n\nIn my case this was particularly important given that I shared many common characteristics with the subjects of my study. First, I was a Chinese researcher studying young Chinese adults in Britain. Not only did I share the same ethnic background with my subjects, I also possessed similar socio-economic background and history as the majority of these respondents. Furthermore, I fell into the age range of the target group of Chinese I was studying. Therefore, I typified everything I was studying.\n\nConsequently, I had the advantage of the \"insider\" (in Merton's terminology) of the 'capacity to understand' (Merton, 1972). I strongly believe that 'who I am' has been both relevant and significant to the production of knowledge. In fact, the genesis of this research project grew from my general observations of my Chinese peers. I became increasingly curious to discover more why the Chinese youth I knew appeared to be displaying a particular trend. This was a bimodal distribution whereby the indications were that the Chinese second generation were showing a propensity to either become professionals or to work in the Chinese catering industry in Britain.\n\nIn addition to being responsible for leading to the idea of this research project, my insider status within the Chinese community in Britain undoubtedly facilitated the research in a number of other ways, most imperatively in the provision of privileged access.\n\nNumerous researchers had already previously reported on the methodological difficulties of conducting research on the Chinese in Britain, such as sampling, locating, and gaining access to the Chinese. I believe that such methodological difficulties have contributed to the paucity of studies on this ethnic group in Britain, especially when compared to other ethnic groups such as those from the West Indies or those from the Indian subcontinent.\n\nIt is perhaps not an exaggeration to say that my doctoral research", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "208\n\ngenerally perceived to be diligent, law-abiding citizens who make few demands on the social services. As such they are treated with much more tolerance than other ethnic groups who tend to be more vocal in demanding their rights. For their part the Chinese try to maintain a low profile.\n\nIt was not until I went to America that cultural identity became an issue. As I mentioned earlier, in England I never considered myself other than Chinese. Yet when I went to America in 1991 to do a one-year research fellowship at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, I was made to reflect on this point. In America I was more sensitive to this new environment and people's treatment and attitudes towards me were a complete revelation. I noticed that strangers typically assumed that I was an overseas student who could speak only minimal English (and they would over-exaggerate their speech for my benefit), or they would assume that I was an Asian-American, who would speak with an American accent. When I spoke in an English accent I would instantly captivate their undivided attention. My English accent made me very popular in America, for not only was I a novelty to them (a Chinese speaking flawless English) but most Americans are Anglophiles. Typically the American would proceed to ask me about my background, and I would inform them that I was British. Under these circumstances it seemed natural and automatic that I introduce myself as British, my 'Chineseness' becoming an afterthought. In an immigrant society like America, it was accepted that I could be British first and then Chinese.\n\nOn returning to Hong Kong, it raises the question of whether I am \"coming home\". It seemed a most natural move for me to come back to Hong Kong to work. Over the years I had made fairly frequent visits to the Territory. While I was completing my PhD, I had witnessed more and more of my Chinese friends and relatives of my generation making this transition, and I felt eager to rush back to join them. The economic recession in England during the past decade was undoubtedly a major factor in influencing all of our decisions - the substantially better job prospects, higher earning power, and exciting pace and style of life were all attractions to this generation of young Chinese professionals.\n\nYears after I have returned from America and finished my PhD, if someone was to ask me now how I perceive myself, then I would give the answer that Lee Kuan Yew, the ex-Prime Minister of Singapore once gave, which is that:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213159, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "I may speak the English language because I learnt it early in life. But I have not got the Western value system inside; mine is an Eastern value system. Nevertheless, I use Western concepts, Western words because I understand them. But I also have a different system in my mind.\n\n209\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nBaxter, S.C.C. (1988) A political economy of the ethnic Chinese catering industry. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Aston in Birmingham.\n\nBurgess, R.G. (1984) In the field: an introduction to field research. London: Allen & Unwin.\n\nMerton, R.K. (1972) “Insiders and outsiders: a chapter in the sociology of knowledge”, American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 78. pp. 9-47.\n\nNg, K.C. (1965) Some aspects of the social organisation of Chinese engaged in the restaurant business in London. M.A. thesis. University of London.\n\nOwen, D. (1992) Ethnic minorities in Great Britain: settlement patterns. NEMDA 1991 Census statistical paper No. 1. Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick.\n\nPang, Y.N.M. (1993) Catering to employment needs: the occupations of young Chinese adults in Britain. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Warwick.\n\nSteier, F. (1991) Research and reflexivity. London: Sage.\n\nTaylor, M.J. (1987) Chinese pupils in Britain, a review of research into the education of pupils of Chinese origin. Windsor: NFER-Nelson publishing company.\n\nWatson, J.L. (1977) “The Chinese: Hong Kong villagers in the British catering trade” in Watson, J.L. (Ed) Between two cultures: migrants and minorities in Britain. Oxford: Blackwell.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213161, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "My friend, Mr. Lee Yuen Tsaan, was born in Heung Shan, China, opposite to Macau, in December 1903. This, coincidentally, was also the birth place of Dr. Sun Yat Sen (alias Suen Chung Shan), who graduated in 1892 from the Hong Kong College of Medicine. After his death the name, Heung Shan, was changed to Chung Shan in memory of Dr Sun.\n\nMr Lee told me, as a boy, he enjoyed life in the village of Haang Mei (meaning ‘constantly beautiful”), which had a population of about 2,000. It was a single-lineage village. Every person had the surname ‘Lee’. He recalled living close to a stream with running water which contained shrimps. He is proud that his father was the first Christian in the village where he was known as ‘Christian Kwoon-hor’ (his given name on marriage). He had been baptised in Australia where he lived when he was young.\n\nXenophobic disturbances, such as the anti-foreigner Boxer Uprising in 1900, sometimes created waves of people who had been associated with western firms on the Mainland. These Chinese often felt it prudent to move to Hong Kong. Others went there just because it was a better place to do business.\n\nIn a speech to students at Hong Kong University, in 1923, Sun the Revolutionary contrasted the peace, law and order and good government of the British Colony with the backwardness and corruption of China.\n\nUntil after World War II, there were no immigration restrictions when travelling from the Mainland to the British Territory. Many Chinese looked upon it as little more than moving from one part of China to another.\n\nThe Lee family moved to Hong Kong, from Heung Shan, in 1987, when the population of the Colony was just over half a million. Although electric fans started to replace punkas as early as the late 1890s, when young Lee arrived in Hong Kong some punkas could still be seen. For instance in offices, schools and barbers shops. Electric fans were expensive and coolie labour (to pull the punkas) was cheap,’ Mr. Lee explained.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213162, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "212\n\nIn 1914, the opium concession had been taken over by the Hong Kong Government and a policy for the discontinuance of the trade was pursued. But its use was not fully prohibited until after World War II,\n\nIt must be stressed that much of the information recorded in this short paper was by word of mouth. Over time facts can, of course, become distorted.\n\nHong Kong was affected directly but little by the First World War. 'But there were great celebrations, a two-day public holiday, a victory parade and a fireworks display (which cost HK$2,000) when it was over,' Mr. Lee told me.\n\n'We lived on the first floor of a three-storey building in Pottinger Street. There was a printing workshop on the ground floor.'\n\nAccording to Mr. Lee, his home was not far from the old Victoria Theatre, which stood in Pottinger Street. This was sometimes attended by Sir Francis May, the then Governor of Hong Kong (1912 to 1919). There were more street traders in those days, shouting out and advertising their wares.\n\nTo give a further idea of what Hong Kong was like in 1920, during World War One, the number of sedan chairs peaked at 1,215; whereas the number of rickshaws did not peak until 1924, with 3,411. In 1920, private cars numbered 351, up from 24 in 1914.\n\nI have always complimented Mr. Lee on his English. He, in turn, gives credit to his Chinese primary school teacher in Hong Kong. 'He was strict. But I learned my English grammar from him. Americans do not teach grammar,' he insists.\n\n‘I used to delight in taking a sentence to pieces and analysing it. We also studied the 'Four (Chinese) Books.'\n\nBecause his father, as a businessman in the fields of jewellery and cosmetics, spent 10 years in Australia as a young man, there was only one other child, Mr. Lee's elder sister. Mr. Lee's father was one of the two founders of the Sincere Department Store in Hong Kong. Father died at the age of 36, and filial Mr. Lee gives great credit to his mother, ‘a remarkably capable woman. She brought us up. I owe her a lot,' he told me.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213163, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 231, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "213\n\nme. 'She sacrificed to have me well educated,'\n\nLater the young Lee returned to China, to attend the Canton Christian College, later renamed 'Lingnan'. He came back to Hong Kong every year by tram or ship, on holiday, at Christmas and for the summer. In Canton, he mixed with his American missionary teachers. He did not meet Europeans much in Hong Kong. A photograph in Mr Lee's home shows him, as a teenager, in a Chinese tunic buttoned up at the neck. There is also a group photograph of him as an American Army Cadet, taken in 1921. 'We used to drill,' he explained.\n\nHe recalls that he saw Sun Yat Sen, dubbed the 'George Washington of China', once when he visited Lingnan.\n\n'While attending the college we played basketball, soccer, volleyball and tennis,' Mr. Lee told me. He did not care much for the Chinese game of tek in (kicking the shuttlecock).\n\nOn completion of his Lingnan course, in 1922, he sailed on the *President Grant* for the United States to further his studies. There he befriended several 'Boxer Scholars'.\n\nResulting from the Boxer Uprising, China had to pay reparations for the damage done to Western buildings and for the Europeans murdered. These amounted to nearly a thousand million taels, repaid over 39 years. Later, however, to repay partly this large sum, the Americans, and later the British government, established a 'Boxer Indemnity' fund. The money was used for Chinese to study overseas. Most Boxer Scholars were sons of Nationalist Government officials. Boxer Scholars received tuition fees, board and lodgings and other benefits free of charge. They even received free spectacles,' Mr Lee exclaimed.\n\nThe young Lee studied chemistry at the University of Washington. He enjoyed it there, where he was boarded out with the Jacobs family. He completed the four-year course in 1926. Once his mother went to the States, by ship, for a visit. 'She did not speak English. It was too difficult for her to come and see me,' Mr Lee told me.\n\nHe came back to Hong Kong in 1927, when things had returned to normal in the Colony after the General Strike of 1925.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213213, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "14\n\nheard that Petersen's barman had been discharged for neglecting his duties due to lack of supervision. The board commented that Petersen's more lucrative employment at the German Consulate led him to neglect his business. If he was to continue to hold his spirit licence, he could not leave the management of his business to others (DP 2 Nov. 1875).\n\nPeter Henry Schmidt was a German by birth but came to the East as a young man and married a Portuguese girl from Macao. For many years he was the proprietor of a licensed boarding house for seamen. Over the years he and Petersen built up a money-making business as shipping masters for the recruitment of crews. While Petersen worked his business through the German Consulate, Schmidt did the same through the American Consulate. In 1881, Mr. Smith - he had changed his name from Schmidt to Smith - brought action in the Supreme Court against the American Consul, Colonel John Mosby, for slander. The alleged slander were remarks published by the Consul concerning the involvement of Smith in the desertion of two seamen from the \"Belle of Oregon\". The Consul had been informed that Smith had harboured the deserters in his garden in Kowloon and that after the \"Belle of Oregon\" left port, he brought them to his boarding house in his launch. The testimony of Smith stated he had been in Hong Kong about twenty years and had held a licence for a seamen's boarding house for some eighteen years. \"During that time,\" he continued, \"I have done a great deal of business for the various Consuls. I and Mr. Petersen have done lately more than half the foreign business of the port. On December 24th, they (the two deserting seamen) brought permits to ship and I took them into my house. They were Scandinavian. I do work for the Consulate. I have done so for the last ten years, gave them board and lodging in the ordinary course of business.\" Smith then goes into some of the history of his connection with the American Consulate and its licensing of crews, \"Since Colonel Mosby has been in the Colony, I have not been an officer of the American Consulate nor in any way connected with it. Under his predecessor I had a desk and a clerk in the U.S. Consulate.\" Mr. Smith's assistant testified that Colonel Mosby had said, \"You can tell Peter Smith he is not going to ship any more men in this office. I shall tell all the American shipmasters not to have anything to do with him.\" The assistant also told the court that in his despatches the Consul had called Mr. Smith some very hard names. Mosby had attacked everyone who had previously been connected with the Consulate.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213226, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "27\n\nthe style of Oxford and Co., entered a suit in the Supreme Court of Hong Kong against H.B. Cama and Co for a debt of $12,294.21 (GG 10 June 1865). Alexander C. Levysohn and Jacob Arnhold were admitted partners in Oxford and Co. | January 1863 (CM 30 Apr 1863)\n\nJacob Arnhold, one of the original partners of Arnhold, Karberg and Co. died in July 1903 (DP 18 Nov. 1903). He made his will on 5 September 1902. In it he gave his address as 5 East India Street, London, and named his brother Philip Arnhold and Sir Ewen Cameron, London Manager of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank as his executors. All his estate was left to his wife Anne (PRO Will File 201 of 1903/1642).\n\nPhilip Arnhold died on 29 March 1910 at Altona, Germany aged a little over sixty years. He was then the senior partner. His obituary states he came from Europe to China as a young man in his twenties. In 1868 he joined Messrs. Oxford and Co. of Canton. A few years later he followed his brother Jacob Arnhold to Hong Kong where the firm of Arnhold, Karberg and Co. was formed. Philip joined the new firm. The careful reader will note that the chronology of the obituary differs from the notices in contemporary newspapers noted above. After a few years a branch was established at Shanghai and Philip went there, where he remained until 1902. The obituary observes that he lived a plain business man's life, devoid of ostentation. He was a director of the Soy Chee Spinning Co. at Shanghai and various other local companies. In 1902 he returned to London to join his brother Jacob in the management of the headquarters office. Upon Jacob's death in 1903, Philip became senior partner, and upon the latter's death E. Goetz assumed that position (HKT 1 Apr 1910).\n\nMr. Arnhold made a will dated 13 May 1900. It mentions the children of his first marriage but does not name them. His second wife was Thekla Emma Elizabeth Vogler, formerly the widow of Dr. Gustav Carl Ludwig Zedelius. He left bequests to his sisters and sister-in-law Theresa Wagner, nee Arnhold, Hanna Delbanco, nee Arnhold, and Adele Hoppe, nee Vogler. The place of his death is given as Klein Flottbek, Holstein, Germany (PRO Will File No. 43 of 1911/2366).\n\nPeter Karberg, one of the founders of Arnhold, Karberg and Co., appears in the Hong Kong jury lists from 1867 to 1876. Four children were born in Hong Kong to him and his wife Helene Dorothea between September 1871 and April 1876. A Christian, Peter Karberg was an assistant in the firm at Hong Kong from 1882 to 1898. After leaving Hong Kong Peter Karberg lived in Copenhagen, Denmark.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213261, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "63\n\nIn another case a post-graduate Chinese student told the author:\n\n'Before, I thought it was all superstition. But now I realise it makes sense to proceed in harmony with nature. In life, one of the most important things is to maintain harmony. Although Mother is a Catholic she also believes in fung sha.\n\nThe author, years ago, personally knew young Hong Kong Chinese teenagers who did not believe in, or were not convinced about the efficaciousness of fung shui. But now, after becoming middle-aged or elderly, they have become firm followers. 'A woman who did not believe nearly died,' the author was informed. 'After recovering, she became convinced.'\n\nAs Hong Kong has become more developed and affluent, people have had more money to spend on 'luxuries', such as fung shui. Certainly, modern education alone seems not to deal the final blow (Freedman, 1976:235). Yet it is more likely that a New Territories' villager, who lives close to nature and is a member of a tightly knit group, is more likely to believe in fung shui than his urban cousin. Urban society is divorced from close, everyday contact with mother earth and her cycles. For the urban dweller the modes of thought which underly the practise of fung shui have to be consciously cultivated in order to comprehend them. There are, of course, some New Territories' villagers who do not believe in fung shui in spite of the close web of relationships in rural life.\n\nEugene Ho (who one assumes is Chinese although he could be Eurasian) wrote in the South China Morning Post letters to the editor columns, on 25 May 1987- 'I find the whole theory of fung shui wholly devoid of cognitive content.' He went on to say that many of the casual 'laws' of fung shui, (if they are really \"laws\" at all) are no more than half a probability.\n\nNonetheless, when the British took over the New Territories on a 99-year lease in 1898, they promised to respect the then existing (Qing Dynasty) religious rites, ceremonies and social customs. The Hong Kong Government Gazette of October 7, 1899, published (one year after the New Territories were taken over) as a supplement to the Convention of Peking, said that graves in the leased Territory were never to be removed. Some law lecturers at Hong Kong University feel, however, that, because", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213306, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "108\n\nAppendix B\n\nIn reply to the question, 'Do you believe in fung shui?' a variety of young Chinese, in their teens or twenties, replied to the author as follows.\n\n'I believe some of it.'\n\n'If there is reason behind it, like if it is to do with the trees or the mountains, then I believe.'\n\n'Not really.'\n\n'Yes, I accept fung shui. The custom will not die out.'\n\n'Yes, we young Chinese talk about fung shui. I half believe it. There must be something in it. The practice will not die out.'\n\n'No, young Chinese do not discuss it much. I do not believe in it. Mother is careful at home that things are not moved. I could not care less. Fung shui will die out.'\n\n'My parents only bother about fung shui when we buy a new house or move office.'\n\n'I believe the more practical side; not the superstitious side.'\n\n'Some of it: the practical part.'\n\n'To a certain extent.'\n\n'No, I'm a Christian, we are not supposed to believe in fung shui.'\n\n'Yes.'\n\n'I believe some of it.'\n\n'No, I don't believe'\n\nA Chinese teenager brought up in North America replied: 'Fung shui? What's that? No, I don't believe in fortune telling and that sort of thing.'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "109\n\n'I half believe it I'm always afraid if you do something wrong, then something may happen.'\n\n'We are estate agents, and it's terribly difficult to sell flats with the number 'four' in its street number'\n\n'I'm a Catholic and am only allowed to believe in certain aspects of fung shui; not the superstitious parts. Most young Chinese who are not Christians believe in it,'\n\n'No, I'm a Christian,'\n\n'I believe a bit; it's psychological.'\n\n'Some of it, like rearranging the furniture'\n\n'No.'\n\n'Many well-educated Chinese believe in fung shui. There must be something in it. I would try it if it were free. But the fung shui chaps charge too much. But to blame everything that goes wrong on bad fung shui cannot be right.'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "126\n\nsite of the battery of old guns covering the harbour, was a small renovated folk religion temple. Finally one elderly man explained that a newly rebuilt temple stood some two miles up the coast overlooking the sea. It had been destroyed during the Cultural Revolution in the mid-1960s. When eventually we found it we were lucky enough to be guided by another elderly man who we had encountered on the approach track. Before we had time to discuss anything whatsoever he asked who we were and on hearing that we were English he immediately volunteered the fact that the English had been to that spot before, to that very temple, which they had attacked. He added that the English 'general' had been killed during the battle and had been buried on the hillside and he pointed out roughly where the grave had been. He explained that it had been plainly visible until 1949 when the Communists had taken over and had had the hillside planted with young trees which had obliterated the grave.\n\nExtremely interesting though this piece of folk memory was, it did not tie in with the sketch map provided by an officer, Lieutenant Ouchterlony of the Madras Engineers, who was present in Chapu during the landings and the subsequent battle. The Left Column and the Right Column both had landed in the bay at the point where the present rebuilt temple stands, and therefore our informant was right to claim that the English had been there. However, whoever had been buried on the hillside at that spot was certainly not Colonel Tomlinson who fell at the joss house marked on Ouchterlony's map much nearer to Chapu. The site of the Joss house marked on the map, where Tomlinson fell, is within a very short distance from the harbour where the battery of old guns now stands and where the local inhabitants were quite certain that no temple had been there within living memory.\n\nThe fallibility of folk memory is well known and it is not too difficult to understand how over the century and a half since the battle took place the scene of the attack on the temple had been transferred to the other temple where a grave, presumably of a foreigner, was accepted as that of the British senior officer who fell that day.\n\nPlates and photographs accompanying this article will be published in a future edition of the Journal - Editor]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213333, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "137\n\nKowloon Walled City, February 1989 and After\n\nThe Kowloon City tour was again very different. Some background is required. Excluded from the New Territories' lease in 1898, but in de facto British occupation since 1900, the \"Walled City\" had always presented problems for the Hong Kong Government, arising largely from its contentious legal status. No longer \"walled\" - its rectangular wall had been demolished by the Japanese during their wartime military occupation of the Colony - the enclave had soon after become a tightly-packed warren of unauthorized buildings without water supply, roads, or sewerage. In the 1970s - again without proper authorization - most of its four and five-storey structures had been replaced with high-rise buildings of twelve and fifteen storeys, greatly worsening its already unsatisfactory condition. The \"Walled City\" was notorious for drug-trafficking and other illegal or criminal activities. Most European residents of the Colony, and probably many middle-class Hong Kong Chinese too, kept well clear, and few of them had any real idea what it was like.\n\n22\n\nAfter signature of the Sino-British Joint Agreement in 1984, and with the agreement of the Mainland Chinese authorities, the Hong Kong Government had undertaken to remove, compensate, and re-house its population, and to demolish the buildings and replace them with a public park within the same boundaries. Here was a chance to show our members this rather infamous place that few had seen, and at the same time - as on the Chai Wan visit a few years before - let them know what was being done by the Government. By good fortune, one of my friends and former colleagues from the District Office, Tsuen Wan, was the officer in charge of the complicated negotiations with the City's business people and domestic residents, and he was very willing to make arrangements for a Royal Asiatic Society visit.\n\nIn the end, the tour's extreme popularity with our members entailed three separate visits, each attended by well over 100 persons. On each visit, after a general briefing, the government officers who acted as our guides - they included two young police women inspectors - talked to us about their work as they led small groups through the twisting, narrow, and confusing thoroughfares to meet our own RAS tour speakers at a few places en route where points of interest were explained. In my case, I had stationed myself in the courtyard of the former military yamen (government office) whose pre-1898 buildings had survived many fires as well as the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213362, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "167\n\nKong, HIIKBRAS, vol. 14 (1974) pp 12-27 and his Facilities for Research on the Public Records Office of Hong Kong, in Alan Birch, Y C Jao and Elizabeth Sinn (eds) Research Materials for Hong Kong Studies, (Hong Kong Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1984) pp 153-192\n\n16 In 1994, the Executive Council instructed that all records over thirty years old should be reviewed, this does not automatically mean opening the files to the public, and some materials are re-classified. Applications for use still have to go to the generating agent (department) for approval. But it is now much easier to get access to records over 30 years old.\n\n17 Peter Young, The Hung On-Lo Memorial Library, the Hong Kong Collection, in Alan Birch, Y C Jao and Elizabeth Sinn (eds), pp. 137-152\n\nIX The most current project is an index to CO129, the Colonial Office Original Correspondence series on Hong Kong, from 1841-1926, containing about 45,000 despatches. The index, put on CD-Rom, operates on the basis of search by keywords. The chief investigator of the project is Elizabeth Sinn who currently runs the Hong Kong History Workshop. Her major works include Power and Charity. The Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989) and Growing with Hong Kong: The Bank of East Asia 1919-1994 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1994).\n\n19 Peter Y L. Ng. The 1819 Edition of the Hsin-an Hsien-chih a critical examination with translation and notes. Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, 1644-1842 (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1961). The work was published many years later as New Peace County: A Chinese Gazetteer of the Hong Kong region, prepared for press and with additional materials by Hugh D.R. Baker, (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1983).\n\n20 Ng Lun Ngai-ha, Interaction of East and West: Developments of Public Education in Early Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1984).\n\n21 Other scholars include L.Y. Chiu, K.C. Chan, K.C. Fok, Ming K. Chan, Elizabeth Sinn and Steve Tsang at the HKU, David Faure and Bernard Luk at the Chinese University, John Young, Fung Pui-wing and Chung Po Yin (much later) at the Baptist University, and later Choi Chi-cheong and Liu Dik Sang at the University of Science and Technology - although not all of them are, or would agree to being labelled as, practitioners of local history.\n\n22 Patrick Hase, Research Materials for Village Studies, in Alan Birch, Y C Jao and Elizabeth Sinn (eds) Research Material for Hong Kong Studies (Ibid) pp. 31-46\n\n23 David Faure, Bernard H.K. Luk and Alice Ngai-ha Lun Ng (comp.) Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, 3 volumes (Hong Kong Museum of History, 1986).\n\n24 David Faure, Bernard H.K. Luk and Alice Ngan-ha Lun Ng, The Hong Kong Region According to Historical Inscriptions, in David Faure, James Hayes and Alan Birch (eds). From Village to City: Studies in the Traditional Roots of Hong Kong Society (Hong Kong Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1984) pp 43-54", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213365, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "171\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nNOTES ON CHEUNG PAO TSAI\n\nANTHONY SIU KWOK-KIN\n\nCheung Pao Tsai, also known as Cheung Pao Tsai, was the son of a fisherman living along the coast of San Hui county in the Kwantung province. He was kidnapped by Chang Yat, leader of the pirates of the Red Flag Squadron, at the age of fifteen. Because he was young and clever, he was forced to be a pirate. He managed all business very well, and was soon promoted to be headman. In 1807, Chang Yat died at sea in a great storm. His wife, Shek Yeung (also known as Chang Yat Sao by the pirates), and his nephew Chang On Bong led the Red Flag pirates. Chang On Bong was very timid. Thus, Cheung Pao became a good assistant to Chang Yat Sao. She appointed Cheung Pao to be the chief headman, and placed the whole crew under his sway, while she commanded all the squadron.\n\nCheung Pao was a good assistant of Chang Yat Sao. He was very faithful and obedient to her. He did everything only with her permission. She trusted him well, and his suggestions were generally approved. He could command the Red Flag Squadron with her consent. Thus, people at that time only knew the name Cheung Pao, and all the piratical disasters in the South China Sea were said to be done by him.\n\nCheung and his gang plundered along the coast of the Canton Delta from 1808 to 1810, concentrating on the Heung Shan, San Hui, San Ning, Pan Yu, and Tung Kwun counties. Of these, Heung Shan faced the greatest disaster. At first, they only robbed the merchant ships at sea. Later, being encountered by the Ching navy, they turned inland and robbed the villages they could reach by boats. Then, because of the strong resistance made by the villagers, and being defeated by the Imperial force for many times, Cheung was forced to surrender in 1810. He was given the title of a Shoubei or captain in the navy, and he helped to pacify the rest of the pirates in the South China Sea. He married Chang Yat Sao. Because of his bravery in the navy, he was promoted to be a Fujiang or major-general. He died in 1822.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213368, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "A SHORT BIOGRAPHY OF LAI CHUN BIN\n\nANTHONY SIU KWOK-KIN\n\n175\n\n1\n\nLai Chun-bin (黎春彬), also known as Pun-shek, was a native of Cheung Ping Chau (長坪洲) of Tung Kwun county in the Kwangtung province. He was born in the 1830s. When he was young, he followed his brother Lai Chun-hai (黎春海) to fight against the Taiping rebels in Kiangsu and Chekiang; he was then promoted to be lieutenant, and was awarded a blue feather.\n\nIn the 9th year of the reign of Hsien Feng (1859), by making a donation to the government, he was promoted to be a colonel, commanding the newly equipped Chit-shing Fleet. He joined forces with his brother in the attack of Kiang Pu. The Taiping rebels under Shuet Shaam-yuen (薛杉元), also known as Shuet Shing-leung (薛成龍), were defeated and then surrendered.\n\nIn the 10th year of the reign of Hsien Feng (1860), they captured Po Hau (寶號) and Kau Fuk Chau (九福洲); Lai Chun-bin was awarded a peacock feather, and was promoted to be a brigadier.\n\nIn the 11th year of the reign of Hsien Feng (1861), Shuet Shaam-yuen revolted. He retreated his force to Yeung Chau (洋洲). At the same time, So Sheung of Tan Yeung and the rebels of Si-ling-tong and Chin-kiang joined him. Lai Chun-bin and his brother followed To Hing-ah, the Kiang-ling General, and Wong Bun, the lieutenant-general of the Navy, and thrice released Chin-kiang from the rebels' seizure. For this, Lai Chun-bin was granted the title of major-general.\n\nIn the 6th moon of the 1st year of the reign of Tung Chih (1862), Lai Chun-bin was promoted to be the major-general of the Kwangtung Navy. Two months later, his Chit-shing Fleet, consisting of only six ships, was dismissed; and he had remained at the post of the Chin-kian Naval Battalion.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213386, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "196\n\nCambridge History of China, edited by Denis Twitchett et al, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978+\n\nCampbell, Charles S. Special Business Interests and the Open Door Policy, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1951\n\nCarlson, Evans Fordyce. Twin Stars of China, the Behind the Scenes Story of China's Valiant Struggle for Existence by a US Marine Who Lived and Moved with the People, New York: Dodd, Mead, 1940\n\nCarr, Henry. Riding the Tiger: An American Newspaper Man in the Orient, Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1934\n\nChang, Sul-jeung. The Jews in Kaifeng. Reflections on Sino-Judaic History, Monographs of the Jewish Historical Society of Hong Kong, vol. II, Hong Kong: Jewish Chronicle, 1986.\n\nChardin, Pacifique Marie. Les Missions Franciscaines en Chine, Paris: Auguste Picard, 1915\n\nCh'en, Yuan. Western and Central Asians in China Under the Mongols, translated from the Chinese and annotated by Ch'en Hsing-hai and L. Carrington Goodrich, Los Angeles: Monumenta Serica, 1966\n\nChester, Ruth (Professor of Chemistry and Associate Dean of Ginling College), 'Women in Wartime China', broadcast May 1941 from Chengtu, in United China Relief Series Inc.\n\nChesterton, Ada Elizabeth (Jones). Young China and New Japan, Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1933\n\nChina in the Sixteenth Century, the Journal of Matthew Ricci 1583-1610 translated by Louis J. Gallagher, SJ, New York: Random House, 1953\n\nChina Miscellany, pamphlets and reprints, Shanghai and Hong Kong, 1864-1948\n\nChinese Repository, Macao and Canton, 1832-1851\n\nChinese Travellers, the. Containing a Geographical, Commercial and Political History of China, etc. collected from Du Halde, Le Comte, and other modern travellers, second edition, London: printed for E. and C. Dilly, 1772\n\nChitty, J.R. Things Seen in China, London: Seeley, Service, 1912\n\nChristmas, Margaret C.S. Adventurous Pursuits: Americans and the China Trade 1784-1844, Washington, DC: National Gallery, 1984\n\nClark, Robert Sterling and Arthur de C. Sowerby. Through Shen-Kan: The Account of the Clark Expedition in Northern China, London: T.F. Unwin, 1912", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213399, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "209\n\nNevins, John Livingston (1829-1893), China and the Chinese, New York Harper, 1869\n\nNorthey, James E, People Go to Church the Story of Greater Lancashire, London Salvationist Publication and Supplies, 1973\n\nOliphant, Laurence (1829-1888), Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan in the Years 1857, 1858, 1859, New York Harper, 1860\n\nOrleans, Pierre Joseph d' (1641-1698), History of the Two Tartar Conquerors of China. Including the two Journeys into Tartary of Father Ferdinand Verbiest, in the Suite of the Emperor Kang-Hi from the French, London printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1854\n\nOsbeck, Per (1723-1805), A Voyage to China and the East Indies Together with an Account of Chinese Husbandry by John Reinhold Forster - Appendix of Faunula and Flora Sinensis, London B White, 1771\n\nOwen, David Edward, British Opium Policy in China and India, London and Oxford Oxford University Press, 1934\n\nParker, Edward Harper, Chinese Customs, a Lecture, Shanghai Kelly and Walsh, 1899\n\nParliamentary Papers, House of Commons (1857) Session 2, No XLIII, papers relating to the opium trade in China 1842-56 (Opium Trade 1932, Correspondence Relating to China 1840, Additional Correspondence Relating to China 1840, Report from the Select Committee on the Trade with China 1840)\n\nPaterno, Roberto M, The Yangtze Valley anti-Missionary Riots of 1891, Harvard University PhD dissertation, 1967\n\nPelliot, Paul, Notes on Marco Polo, Paris Imprimerie Nationale, 1957-1963\n\n1\n\nLe voyage de MM Gabet et Huc a Lhasa (a reprint of 1850 article) in Toung Pao 24 133-78 (1926)\n\nPennell, Wilfred V, A Lifetime with the Chinese, Hong Kong Privately printed, 1974\n\nPercival, William Spencer, The Land of the Dragons, My Boating and Shooting Excursions to the Gorges of the Yangtze. London Hurst, 1889\n\nTwenty Years in the Far East, Sketches, London Simpkin, 1905\n\nPereira, Thomas, The Treaties and the Sino-Russian Treaty of Nerchinsk, 1689, the Diary of Thomas Pereira, SJ, Rome 1961 (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S J vol 18)\n\nPlayfair, G M H, The Cities and Towns of China, a Geographical Dictionary, Shanghai Kelly and Walsh, 2nd edition, 1910 (Taipei Reprint Ch'eng-wen publishing)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213400, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "210\n\nPollard, Samuel (1864-1915), In Unknown China a Pioneer Missionary Among Tribes in Western China, Philadelphia Lippincott, 1921\n\nPoussielgue, Achille, Voyage en Chine et en Mongolie de M de Bourboulon, Ministre de France, et de Madame de Bourboulon, 1860-1861, Paris L Hachette, 1866\n\nPowell, Lyle Stephenson, A Surgeon in Wartime China, Lawrence (Kansas) University of Kansas Press, 1946\n\nPower, William James Tyrone, Recollections of a Three Years Residence in China, including Peregrinations in Spain, Morocco, Egypt, India, London R Bentley, 1853\n\nPritchard, Earl H, Anglo-Chinese Relations During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth centuries, 1929\n\nPurcell, Victor, The Boxer Uprising, Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 1963\n\nRabe, Valentin H, The Home Base of American China Missions, 1880-1920, Cambridge (Mass) Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1978\n\nRachewiltz, Igor de, Papal Envoys to the Great Khans, London. 1970\n\nRasmussen, Albert Henry, China Trader, London Constable, 1954\n\nReed, James, The Missionary Mind and American East Asia Policy 1911-1915, Cambridge (Mass) Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1983\n\nReid, Archibald, From Peking to Petersburg, London E Arnold, 1899\n\nReinsch, Paul S, An American Diplomat in China, Garden City (New York) Doubleday, 1922\n\nRennie, David Field, Peking and the Pekingese During the First Year of the British Embassy at Peking, London John Murray, 1865\n\nRicalton, James, China Through the Stereoscope, a Journey Through the Dragon Empire at the Time of the Boxer Uprising, London Underwood, 1901\n\nRipa, Matteo, Memoirs of Father Ripa, During Thirteen Years' Residence at the Court of Peking in the Service of the Emperor of China, with an Account of the Foundation of the College for the Education of Young Chinese at Naples, translated by Fortunato Prandi. New York Wiley and Putnam, 1846\n\nRoberts, Frances Markley, Western Travellers to China, Shanghai Kelly and Walsh, 1932\n\nRockhill, William Woodville, The Land of the Lamas, Notes of a Journey, London Longmans, 1891", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213404, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "214\n\nWehrle, Edmund S, Britain, China, and the Antimissionary Riots, 1891-1900, Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press, 1966\n\nWei, Betty Peh-T'i, Shanghai Crucible of Modern China, Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1987\n\nWei Peh T'i, Juan Yuan's Management of Sino-British Relations in Canton 1817-1826, in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol 21, 1981\n\n+\n\n—, Found in a Pennsylvania Attic - Letters from China 1902-1906, in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol 26, 1986\n\nWest, Philip, Yenching University and Sino-Western Relations, 1916-1952, Cambridge (Mass) Harvard University Press, 1976\n\nWidmer, Eric, The Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Peking During the 18th Century, Cambridge (Mass) Harvard University Press, 1976\n\nWilliams, Martha (Noyes), A Year in China, and a Narrative of Capture and Imprisonment on Board the Rebel Privateer Florida, with an Introductory Note by William Jennings Bryant, New York Hurd and Houghton, 1864\n\nWills, John E Jr, Embassies and Illusions. Dutch and Portuguese Envoys to K'ang-hsi: 1666-1687, Cambridge (Mass) Harvard University Press, 1984\n\nWilson, Ernest Henry, A Naturalist in Western China, London Methuen, 1913\n\nChina, Mother of Gardens, Boston The Stratford Company, 1929 (Skeb 021)\n\nWilson, James Harrison, China Travels and Investigations in the 'Middle Kingdom', New York D Appleton, 1887, 2nd edition, 1894\n\nWinterbotham, William, An Historical, Geographical and Philosophical View of the Chinese Empire, with a Copious Account of Macartney's Embassy, printed in 1795 for the editor of J Ridgway\n\nWitte, Sergei Iul'evich, The Memoirs of Count Witte, edited and translated by Abraham Yarmolinsky, New York H Fertig reproduction of 1923 edition, 1967\n\nWodehouse, H E, M: Wade on China, The China Review, 1 1 (July-August 1872) 38-44, and 1 2 (Sept-Oct 1872) 118-24\n\nWorcester, G R G, The Junks and Sampans of the Yangtze A Study in Chinese Nautical Research, Shanghai: Inspectorate General of Customs, 1948. (Annapolis Reprint The Navy Academy Press, 1976)\n\nYoung, John D, Confucianism and Christianity. The First Encounter, Hong Kong Hong Kong University Press, 1983", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213476, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "39\n\nCivil Code (see also Committee Report 2953. pp. 193 and 251)\n\nIn the matter of the state of YOUNG SING, YOUNG LING SHI & 2 OTHERS vs YOUNG HONG NING (unreported) the original record was destroyed during the Japanese occupation but a contemporary newspaper report is to be found in the South China Morning Post of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th July 1940.\n\n12. I am indebted to the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for giving me permission to peruse their files on the subject (particularly SCA3/251/51 and SCA2/351/54).\n\nPR File SCA2/351/54\n\nWilson's Notes\n\nWilson's Notes, 61; Van der Valk, op. cit. p. 76 where this custom is described under the title of \"T'ung-yang-hsi\".\n\nMorris, Hong Kong and Malaya, E.T.M.S.O. 1937, p. 14, for the custom generally see Burkhardt, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 173.\n\nHvide Committee Report Appendix IV, p. 120 and Chap. I, para. 13 but in Ping Shan Land Case No. 24 of 1954, JANG LAP TEUNG vs TO SHU KAN (unreported) the Assistant Land Officer (Mr. B.D. Wilson), in the absence of proof that perpetual leases could be made under Chinese custom relied upon the English Rule against Perpetuities. (This case was the subject of Civil Appeal No. 24 of 1954 TO SHU KAN vs. JANG LI YAU TSO (unreported) but Reynolds, J. held that he had no jurisdiction to hear and determine the appeal).\n\n19 (1949) HKLR 58.\n\n1 Wilson's Notes; Gompertz, op. cit. para. 16 and compare Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, Shanghai 1921, pp. 30-31.\n\nTM Committee Report, 1953, Chap. V, para. 400 at p. 54.\n\n* Now Cap. 30, and see Committee Report, 1953, Chap. II, para. 17 at p. 9.\n\nDe Wilson's Notes.\n\nCommittee Report, 1953, Appendix IV, p. 120 and Chap. II, para. 13, after Williams, Ag. C.J. in Civil Appeal No. 16 of 1947, CHEUNG SAU TIM vs CHEUNG YUI LAM, (1948) 32 HKLR 1, at p. 6.\n\nThis statement is from Wilson's Notes.\n\nT'ung-yang-hsi = a wife married when both parties were previously unmarried.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213480, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "44\n\nThe Cast:\n\nThe story was taken mostly from ancient Chinese history, sometimes literally, sometimes with modifications to suit the taste of the local audience. The different roles of each theatrical troupe can be generally classified as shown in the list below, with each category sub-divided into smaller divisions:\n\n \n The actor's or actress's role\n Dialogue or language used in conversation\n Will sing in Tune what dialect?\n \n \n 1. Lao Sheng (生) (whiskered old gentleman)\n Hu-kwong dialect (湖廣音)\n Hu-kwong dialect Natural (湖廣音)\n \n \n 2. Lao Tan (旦) (old lady)\n -ditto-\n -ditto-\n \n \n 3. Ch'ing-yee (二) (middle aged woman or the black coat)\n -ditto-\n -ditto-\n \n \n 4. Hua Tan (花旦) (young girl, a teenager or a flirt)\n Hu-kwong dialect or Peking dialect\n -ditto-\n \n \n 5. Dao-ma Tan (刀馬旦) (fighting female, usually a woman)\n Hu-kwong dialect\n Falsetto\n \n \n 6. Shao Sheng (小生) (young man, young warrior, etc.)\n -ditto-\n -ditto-\n \n \n 7. Hwa Lien (花臉) (the painted face)\n High volume\n -ditto-\n \n \n 8. Woo Sheng (武生) (fighting man)\n -ditto-\n Natural\n \n \n 9. Court jester (丑) (the joker or clown, etc.)\n Peking dialect\n -ditto-\n \n\nI\n\nļ", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "52\n\nThe Performance and Life Style of the Opera Actors and Actresses\n\nVolumes can be written on the subject of the life of the actors and actresses of the Opera art. However, to put it in a nutshell, their lot is anything but desirable and happy. Although many successful actors and actresses do later have a higher standard of life in an ordinary Chinese society, I wonder if they would choose such careers again at their own free will. I shall try to give some of the reasons and you can draw your own conclusions.\n\n(1) In most cases, these men and women hail from poverty-stricken families and enroll in a theatrical school at a young age, sometimes from eight to ten years of age. By doing so, they relieve their families of the burden of providing for an extra mouth to feed in the household. They have to undergo a very, very strict monastic life during the seven-year period of training in that school. Each day they have to practice singing and take acrobatic exercises, as the case may be, and suffer bodily punishment if they fall out of line, from blows from a heavy stick which may be very painful. Sometimes, the teacher indulges in smoking from a long wooden pipe with a brass burning receptacle at one end. A sharp knock on the pupil's forehead, from the brass burner of the pipe, can be fatal. Even so, the teacher will not be prosecuted because it is clearly written in the contract of admission that he or she is absolved from blame for any consequences arising from such punishment.\n\n(2) The Peking Opera industry is never a free institution. Singing, walking, and movement of the hand must follow the orthodox rules. The pupils must try to fit into this Procrustean Bed by all means, if they are to succeed. You may ask how can they project themselves as individuals if everybody has to tow the line. Yes, they can. If you are talented enough, you still have enough room to manoeuvre to show your own style and make yourself famous.\n\n(3) When you play the role of a warrior in a fighting scene, to a lesser extent a civilian role, you have to wear those heavy head dresses. To prevent these head wears from falling down in the midst of the acting, the actor first has to tie a piece of moistened, fine black silk tightly around his head before putting the real hat on, again tightly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213489, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "53\n\ntied. For the novice, or a less experienced, this can cause the wearer to faint. I have seen amateurs have their hats fall to the ground while on the stage, much to the amusement of the audience and dismay of the actor.\n\nIn the light of these anomalies, you would ask why people still choose this career. This is attributed mainly to poverty. The young boys, on joining the school, already burned their bridges behind them because they cannot go back and tell their parents the hardship they have experienced and become a burden to the family.\n\nIn spite of all these difficulties, quite a few do reach the top, like Di Mei Lan-tang and many others, who enjoyed international fame during their lives.\n\nThe Social Position of the Theatrical People in China\n\nUnder the feudal system in China, previous to the 1911 Revolution, the scholars class dominated, while the theatrical people were placed on the lowest rung of the social ladder, along with the barber, prostitute, worker in the bathhouse, and the cook. Their position in society was slightly better than the “untouchable” class in India. It is well known that in the Ch'ing Dynasty, candidates to the Imperial Examination, or any other literary examinations, must report the names and occupations of their ancestors for three generations from great grandfather down to the father. These applications had to be counter-signed by the Chairman of the Neighborhood Board of the district in which the candidate lived. They must state that none of these had ever worked in the five categories of trades listed above. False declaration would nullify the application and the applicant would never be allowed to sit again. What the punishment would be if detection occurred after success in examination is not known. The Imperial Examination was abolished in 1904.\n\nAnother reason why people looked down on the theatrical people was because they were regarded, more or less, as homosexually inclined. Strange to say, in a Confucian society like China, homosexuality, like foot binding, was never condemned as unforgivable sin, as in the Western world. I guess that many of the actors had to compromise if they wanted to stick to their careers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "55\n\npoor doctor escaped to Taiwan on some other score.\n\nThen we learned that the famous playwright Woo Tzu-kwong () married the actress Hsin Fung-hsia () and the couple live happily together until now. It is fair to say that the theatrical people in China, including those actors and actresses, are living a stricter moral life than their counterparts of the European and American origin. I hope that, one of these days, the social differences will be swept away so that men and women can live a non-hobbled life as anybody else.\n\nThe Applause and the Booing\n\nApplause by hand clapping is only a recent invention to the theatres in China. In the old days, applause came spontaneously from the audience when the public felt the singing or acting was beautifully done by yelling the word “Hao” (好) in the third tone. Booing was seldom practiced except for the following few reasons:\n\n(a) when the singer missed or could not keep up with the rhythm or beat of the music;\n\n(b) when the hat fell off from the actor's head to the ground; \n\n(c) in a fighting scene, when his spear, or weapon, fell to the ground.\n\nCoincidentally, booing is delivered by yelling the same word “Hao\" (好) in a different tone, the fourth tone, pronounced as ().\n\n\"The Patron Saint” of the Theatre\n\nYou have probably heard that in China, every trade has its quasi-deity who is worshipped with reverence. The position of this quasi-god equals, in status, the “Patron Saint\" in the Western world.\n\nIn the theatrical profession, they worship Emperor Xuan-zong (玄宗) of the Tang Dynasty - his real name is Li Long-ji (). Xuan-zong is his reigning name.\n\nHe was an exceptionally talented man, possessing charm and charisma. In the second year of his reign, he established, within his palace, a school which he called the \"Pear Garden”, to teach young and talented men and women how to sing and to put on a show. Up to this day, people like to refer to theatrical men and women as \"disciples", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213552, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "117\n\nOnce in Canton, the foreign traders were in theory almost totally restricted to the Factories. There they ate, slept and worked. Women were not permitted, but Chinese servants and supporting staff were allowed to work at the factories. Of the 1760 rules, a significant one for our purposes was that the teaching of the Chinese language to foreigners was prohibited on pain of death by decapitation.\n\nWith a large volume of trade to be carried out between people with no common language, one party of whom were only permitted to remain for a few months each year, and the other party of whom faced the death penalty if they taught their own language to foreigners, clearly a certain compromise was required.\n\nI believe that Pidgin English was developed over a fairly short period of time by the young Chinese men who obtained work in the Factories. Hunter describes them.\n\n\"These servants were unequalled; at the same time, they never considered themselves menials, but as makee larm; that is to say, serving in order to become familiar with pigeon English, that in due time they could become pursers or clerks in Chinese hongs or shops trading with people of the Western Ocean. While in service with their foreign masters, they were considered and known by the appellation “se-tsai”, or business youths. They were usually relatives of the compradors who provided them with places and secured them.\"\n\nTo understand the motivation of these young men, you must also understand the position of the Hong merchants themselves, as described by Hunter —\n\n\"The position of Hong merchant was obtained through the payment of large sums of money at Pekin. I have heard of as much as 200,000 taels, say £70,000 sterling. If the licence they acquired was costly, it secured to them uninterrupted and extraordinary pecuniary advantages.\n\nMany of the young makee-larn were the close relatives of the Hong merchants. There were not uneducated villagers, but young men, highly motivated by material gain, who had received at least a good standard education, were literate, and stood a chance to become millionaires if...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213553, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "118\n\nonly they could communicate with and work for the foreign traders,\n\nA familiar story is emerging.\n\nIn the first of his series of articles in the China Mail of 1958 entitled \"Pidgin Languages\", Robert Wallace Thompson theorized: “In 'simplifying', most speakers tend to use the language one employs when speaking to a small child. Hence the superficial similarity of Pidgin speech and baby talk.\" I do not believe in this theory.\n\nThe point is, the young makee-larn had to learn quickly. Any note-taking was confined by necessity to Chinese characters. The sounds had to fit the writing system available as best they could, and there was simply no time for the extreme complexities of English morphology, much of which was rooted in phonetic differences that Chinese people could in any case not hear, or only reproduce with great difficulty.\n\nAs it was, the foreign traders were almost universally impressed by the calibre and honesty of their Chinese domestic and Factory staff. For a business season which lasted a few months a year, no-one was about to quibble over ropey English. The most that was required was to keep the vocabulary of daily life to a moderate base of general and domestic terms, not to make great demands on the use of complicated grammar, and accept whatever Chinesifications became current. How did consistent Chinese forms of English become current? Both Leland and Hunter have quoted the same answer, and it must be presumed to be broadly correct:\n\n—\n\n\"In the Canton Bookshops near the Factories was sold a small pamphlet called \"Devil's Talk\". On the cover was a drawing of a foreigner in the dress of the middle of the last century - three-cornered hat, coat with wide skirts, breeches and long stockings, shoes with buckles, lace sleeves, and in his hand a cane. I have now one of these pamphlets before me. It commences thus, \"yun\" and under is its \"barbarian\" definition, expressed in another Chinese word whose sound is \"man\". After many examples of this kind come words of two syllables-thus: \"kum-yat\", with their foreign meaning expressed by two other Chinese characters pronounced \"to-teay\" today-and so on to sentences, for which the construction of the language is peculiarly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213554, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "119\n\nadapted This pamphlet, costing a penny or two, was continually in the hands of servants, coolies and shopkeepers. The author was a Chinaman whose ingenuity should immortalize him. I have often wondered who the man was who first reduced the \"outlandish tongue\" to a current language. Red candles should be burnt on altars erected to his memory, and oblations of tea poured out before his image, placed among the wooden gods which in temples surround the shrine of a deified man of letters.\n\nF\n\nAccepting this widely-reported account of the \"Devil's Talk\" pamphlet to be correct, it is easy to understand how the vocabulary became established; after all, to the classically-trained Chinese mind, what appears in print becomes canon law. For fussy English-speakers to correct something which had been laid down in a Chinese textbook would have been no easy undertaking.\n\nBe quite clear on one point. Throughout the period of the Hong merchants and up to Treaty days, Pidgin English was not merely a means of communication between Europeans and their menials. It was a vital tool in a rapidly growing China trade in the southern Chinese ports. Hunter describes his discussions in Pidgin with the famous Hong merchants—How Qua, Ming Qua, and Pan Kei Qua—among the commercial elite of Canton. Hunter also describes one of the commanders of the Tai-Ping Rebels, Ho A-Luh, as speaking very good Pidgin English.\n\nBy the middle of the nineteenth century, China Coast Pidgin had become a well-established medium of communication. From the 1850s on, the restrictions to foreign trade and traders progressively broke down, so that the conditions which had made Pidgin's development a necessity disappeared. But the opportunities for contacts between European and Chinese people increased, and the conventions of the language were well enough engrained that it survived. The young makee-larns gradually progressed in their mastery of English, while the people with transient contacts—tradesmen and servants—picked up where they had left off. In his book “Rambles in Eastern Asia”, B. L. Ball records:\n\n“I saw a Chinaman who spoke good English, and appeared so polite that I stopped a while, and entered into conversation with him.\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213579, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "145\n\n4000 acres. The creation of Government Forestry reserves would however probably involve considerable expenditure in the acquisition of the trees, and in watching and preserving the reserves. Hitherto funds have not been available to meet this expenditure\" (Dunn, 1907).\n\nIt was a delicate matter for graves to be sited within a village forestry area, even within a family's own portion. Agreements had to be forthcoming from village elders and from other families. Sometimes these areas had a secondary fung shui significance. For example, a fung shui hill on Tsing Yi island, consisted of a steep slope covered with pine trees, which was held under a forestry license by the Rural Committee on behalf of the villagers (Hayes 1983).\n\nTsing Yi seems to have been the exception with regard to the islands as Schofield (1983) comments, “Forestry is confined to the growing of firewood for use and sale. The plantations are generally near villages, but some on the islands belong to owners who live elsewhere. Nearly all Tsing Yi is divided between three forestry lots: yet on Lamma there are no forest lots, though there are trees all right. The biggest forestry lot is at Tung Chung. Very little planting is done except when encouraged by the District Officer: trees are allowed to sow themselves. Grass, growing thick in summer, is cut for fuel everywhere in autumn; it is the chief cooking fuel of the New Territories. Its cutting is women's work.” Coates (1968) observes that the natural regeneration of trees and shrubs was severely limited by this regular grass cutting, as young trees could not be seen in the long grass.\n\nThe problems of village forestry were described by Schofield (1977) from his time as a District Officer in the islands in the 1920s: \"During my periods in office I made an attempt to get the Chinese communities and villages owning forest lots to look after them and to plant trees. Free seed was distributed and planting instructions given, and a forest guard appointed to supervise and watch results. The difficulties of forest conservation in such scattered and isolated areas were certainly formidable: one was that the boat people could land almost anywhere and steal trees; another that the grass-cutters who annually collect fuel in the autumn are quite likely to cut and take young seedlings: to say nothing of true diseases and caterpillar infestation, often very serious. One bad case was at Tai O, where an entire hillside was laid bare at one swoop by its licensee instead of being cut in stages, and I told him", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213583, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "149\n\nmentioned that incense trees in fung shui woods were ever harvested. Iu (1983) claims that the misunderstanding may have been caused by the reference to another incense producing species Aquilaria agallocha which was commonly grown in north Vietnam.\n\nAnother resource, long since exhausted, were the forest trees used for charcoal burning, once a flourishing local industry all over the New Territories. The memory of this occupation remains in one of the place names at Shing Mun, known as Tan Chong or \"charcoal factory”, in which some houses were already abandoned by the early years of this century (Hayes, 1983). An account of the charcoal industry, which was carried out by outsiders for trade, is given by Shen (1971).\n\nThe village hill areas were the main suppliers of fuel, usually in the form of grass cut in autumn, but also as pine and brushwood gathered to augment a villager's income. Firewood was taken to market as it was one of the three basic staples, including rice and vegetables, that was required by the rapidly growing urban population. Firewood from Shatin was brought on foot to Kowloon (Sessional Papers 1903, p209) which list 66,521 loads of firewood, each of 90lbs. The Kowloon Lok Sin Tong levied a small weighing charge on each load of firewood sold in Kowloon City market, for charitable works. The annual output of one acre (0.4ha) was 11 piculs (640kg), (Hong Kong Annual Report 1938 p59). Gathering firewood was the main occupation of the village women. A typical headload would be in region of 90-100lbs (45kg) and would be collected twice a week, (Hayes, 1983).\n\nFirewood was used in earthenware stoves, known as \"feng-lu\", for cooking family meals and special food at festival times. Grass gathered from the hill side in autumn and the stalks from the first crop of rice were the universal fuel used for heating water and pigswill. Firewood was still being used up until 1964 in the urban encroached village of So Uk in west Kowloon for cooking at Chinese New Year, as it was better for baking (Hayes, 1983).\n\nWhen a bride came to live in her husband's village, the older women would show her those areas from which fuel could be gathered and those areas, usually the fung shui woods, where it could not be gathered. This information was often learned by means of a 12 line poem or song to name those areas where the young wife should not gather fuel.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213586, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "152\n\nCountry Parks, currently plant around 300,000 trees a year for amenity, erosion control and the repair of fire damage. Usually only introduced trees such as Acacia will grow under the harsh conditions of bare and eroded slopes, but under more favourable conditions native tree species are also being planted for the benefit of wildlife. DAF organizes forestry camps where each summer around 2000 young people learn to care for trees. Each spring in the Country Parks DAF also organises community tree planting days in which 20,000 trees are planted by the public each year.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nChan, Ka-yan (1989). Joss Stick Manufacturing A Study of a Traditional Industry in Hong Kong Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 29 94-120\n\nChang, YN (1963) Hong Kong Ts'un (Hong Kong Village) and the Cultivation and Exportation of Incense from Kowloon and the New Territory in Lo, H. L. (ed) Hong Kong and its External Communications Before 1842 Hong Kong Institute of Chinese Culture P114\n\nCoates, A Myself a Mandarin (1968) Oxford University Press\n\nDaley, PA (1975). Man's Influence on the Vegetation of Hong Kong In Thrower, B (ed) The Vegetation of Hong Kong Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 44-56\n\nDunn, S T (1907). Report on the Botanical and Forestry Department for 1907 Hong Kong Govt\n\nHase, P, Hayes, J W and Iu, K. C. Traditional Tea Growing in the New Territories (1984). Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 24 264-281\n\nHayes, J. (1977), Notes for the Royal Asiatic Society Visit to Tai Mo Shan, 3rd April 1976. Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 17 157-178\n\nHayes, J (1983) The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, Studies and Themes Oxford University Press\n\nHong Kong Daily Press 1873 February 5\n\nIu, Kwok-choy (1983) The Cultivation of the \"Incense Tree\" (Aquilaria sinensis), Hong Kong Quarterly Journal of Forestry July\n\nNichols, D (1978) Some Aspects of Vegetation in Hong Kong with Special Reference to Fung Shui Woods University of Leicester Dept of Geography Quoted in Thrower, S", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213589, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "156\n\ngrow in isolated patches around our coastline. Also, few species are present, and so a list for Hong Kong (Table 1) would contain only 8 species (Hodgkiss, 1986).\n\nHodgkiss, Thrower and Man (1981) give colour illustrations of these species together with some mangrove associates and they are described by Hodgkiss in a WWF (undated) pamphlet. Hodgkiss (1986) also provides a key for their identification.\n\nAdaptations of mangrove plants\n\nBecause of their location at the fringes of land and sea, mangrove plants face three major problems: an unstable substratum, anaerobic conditions and high salinity.\n\nMud is a shifting substrate and to overcome this problem some mangrove plants have root systems which either spread out horizontally just beneath the substrate surface (cable roots) as in Avicennia (Fig 1), or they produce supporting roots from the main stem (prop or stilt roots) as in Kandelia (Fig 1) and Bruguiera, or they produce upwardly projected ridges from their main lateral roots (buttress roots) as in Heritiera (Plate 1).\n\nSome mangroves (Kandelia, Aegiceras, Bruguiera, Avicennia) produce seeds which develop while the fruit is still attached to the plant and so do not undergo the normal period of seed dormancy before germination - a state known as vivipary. Kandelia (Fig 2a) and Bruguiera (Fig 2b) show true vivipary in that the developing hypocotyl ruptures the pericarp forming the so-called 'dropper', whereas the other 2 species, Aegiceras (Fig 2c) and Avicennia (Fig 2d), exhibit cryptovivipary since no rupture of the pericarp is involved during initial embryo development.\n\nVivipary allows rapid growth and establishment of the young plants when they are finally detached from the parent plant and come into contact with the substratum. In the case of those which produce 'droppers' this can be almost instant in that, as soon as the dropper touches the substrate, adventitious roots are produced from the tip of the hypocotyl and the plant becomes established before it can be washed away (Plate 2). Alternatively, if the dropper lands in water, it floats,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213623, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "192\n\nAnother claim suggests that Ch'iu was the adviser to the Yuan emperor Shih Tsu [better known as the Great Kublai Khan] though as Ch'iu is said to have died in AD 1227 this would be impossible; yet another claim which is again fanciful, Ch'iu is said to have been the author of the dramatic version of the \"Journey to the West\" the well-known story in which Monkey [Ch'i-t'ien Ta-sheng] aids a famous monk to carry Buddhist scriptures to China from India.\n\nHis mausoleum was in the influential Taoist White Cloud Monastery, the Sect centre, in Peking. Temple records in the Pai-t'a Dagoba in the Pei Hai in Peking noted that he died at the age of 80 in AD 1227.\n\nHis image is to be seen on two altars in Hong Kong, both in Taoist monasteries where he is portrayed as a seated Taoist figure dressed in robes, blue in one monastery and golden in the other, with a black beard. He is wearing the tiny Taoist crown and holds a fly switch in his right hand. He has no unique identifying characteristics, though in private images he is often depicted with his blue robes decorated with pa-kua signs. His image, in both monasteries, is on a secondary altar in a main hall dedicated to Wang Ch'ung-yang, with Lu Tung-pin being the sole deity in the other secondary altar. These three Immortals are known collectively as the Three Generations, with Lü the eldest, Wang the second generation and Ch'iu the third generation and the junior.\n\nHis great weakness, which he had to overcome, was his impatience. He was renowned for his propensity to butt in and offer his opinion, often after reaching conclusions prematurely.\n\nIn Peking, his image in the Tan-chi Kung depicted him as a young man without eyebrows or whiskers and with a whey-coloured face. In Singapore, his old gilded image stands on an altar in an old temple in Telok Blangah where he shares a shrine on an altar with Lu Tung-pin, one of the Eight Immortals, with the other shrine occupied by images of Ho Hsien-ku, another of the Eight Immortals, and Sun Fu-jen, an unidentified matron.\n\nCh'iu was deified by the Yuan dynasty emperor Shih Tsu [Kublai Khan, ca AD 1260] as: Ch'ang-ch'un Yen-tao Chu-chiao Chen-jen (MIÈ3⁄4Ç^). Later, at the time of Yuan Wu Tsung [ca. AD 1308],", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213636, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "207\n\nJack Edwards, since well-known for his work on behalf of ex-P.O.W.s, and their families. The trial began on October 3rd 1946 and ended with convictions two weeks later. I need say no more as Jack Edwards had written a graphic account of the conditions at Kinkaseki in his book \"Banzai you Bastards\".\n\nMy second case turned into a marathon. It opened to a crowded courtroom on October 21st 1946 and ended in an equally-crowded court on November 30th - Hong Kong's longest-running War Crimes Trial. The Royal Navy took a special interest in the case due to the number of Naval Personnel who had perished, and the Hong Kong Commodore sent out a signal that all Naval Officers not on sea duty were to attend the opening of the trial in No.1 uniform with medals and swords. About fifty did so, arriving early to take up the front spectator seats in the Jardine East Point Godown (since demolished) which had been furnished as a court. A Naval Officer sat as a member of the Tribunal.\n\nThe accused was of medium height, and aged 45. He held himself well in the dock. He spoke passable English, but preferred to give evidence in his own language. The accused, Captain Kyoda Shigeru, had been Master of the \"Lisbon Maru\" which sailed from Hong Kong for Tokyo on September 27th 1942. It had on board, in overcrowded conditions, 1816 undernourished British and Allied P.O.W.s who were being moved to Japan to work in factories there. It also carried a substantial number of Japanese troops returning for relocation and a general cargo. Three days after sailing from Hong Kong the \"Lisbon Maru\" was torpedoed by a U.S. submarine which punched a hole in the stern and thereafter the vessel was slowly sinking. The Officer-in-charge of the P.O.W. detachment, a young Lieutenant Wada, ordered the accused to batten down the prisoners in the hatches, and to remove the ventilation chutes.\n\nAccording to evidence, the accused first argued with Lt. Wada, but when the order was repeated he gave instructions to the Ship's Carpenter to carry it out. As the ship slowly sank, conditions in the holds became more and more intolerable, and deaths due to drowning and asphyxia began to occur. No food or water was supplied. The air was foul, and they were in darkness. There were no latrine facilities.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213638, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "209\n\nconcerned was young and inexperienced\n\nThe Tribunal found that the defence of acting under duress had not been made out, and sentenced the accused to seven years imprisonment,\n\nWhen the case finished, I returned to England for demobilization, and came back to Hong Kong as a solicitor in the following year. Captain Kyoda Shigeru was a model prisoner He did not serve his full sentence, and was sent back to Japan before this expired.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213658, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1996-97 PRESENTED AT THE 37th ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING HELD ON TUESDAY 25 MARCH 1997\n\nIt is my pleasure to report on the activities of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society from 30 March 1996 to 25 March 1997. During the year, David Gilkes served as President for the first seven months and I acted for the remaining five months.\n\nThe first thing I must report is about the years of service and the retirement of David Gilkes. David arrived in Hong Kong in January 1967, in what has euphemistically been dubbed the \"Year of the Disturbances.\" There was a vacancy on the Council for a Treasurer. Young David volunteered. Someone wrote, somewhere:\n\nMany will be shocked to find\n\nWhen the day of judgement nears,\n\nThat there is a special place in heaven\n\nSet aside for volunteers.\n\nAnon.\n\nDavid filled the post of Honorary Treasurer right up until 1987, the same year he was elevated to Vice-President. He took over as President from Dr James Hayes in 1990, and stepped down at a Council meeting followed by a Branch dinner held in his honour on 28 October 1996. Approaching 30 years of service as an office bearer is a memorable achievement. During this period the Territory changed rapidly. The increased tempo affected our Society. Activities increased. No doubt when David Gilkes was awarded the MBE in 1994 by Her Majesty the Queen, his sterling service in the Royal Asiatic Society and his other community work carried substantial weight. We are extremely grateful to David for all he did, over a period of almost three decades, for our Branch.\n\nPast President James Hayes said, in a newspaper interview in 1996: \"The Royal Asiatic Society is the joy of my life.\" He returns to Hong Kong at intervals. We were pleased to welcome Ian Diamond, a past", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "Numbers are in fact creeping up, albeit slowly. Today, about 19 per cent of our membership, judging by names, are ethnic Chinese. With cross-cultural marriages however, this percentage is probably not entirely accurate.\n\nYour Council also feels a continuing effort should be made to recruit more student members, especially promising young scholars.\n\nPublications\n\nProgress has been made with the publishing of journals. Volumes 31 and 32 came off the presses in 1996, volume 33 was published in early 1997 and volume 34 should be out in two or three weeks' time. Our journals have long been held in high regard both by teaching and research institutions around the world and also by a more discerning reading public. We are now trying to improve our marketing techniques so we can sell more copies.\n\nAfter the successful publication of Beyond the Metropolis: Villages in Hong Kong, in early 1996 we have started to press ahead with a companion volume about Yau Ma Tei called, In the Heart of the Metropolis. This is being prepared by our Branch together with the Cathay Camera Club, a number of whose members are also Royal Asiatic Society members. It is important that a society like ours engages in scholarly projects and we are extremely grateful to Dr Patrick Hase who readily accepted the job of editor and chief project organiser. In the latter capacity he has been ably assisted by Brian Pearce, and now that Brian has left Hong Kong, by Charles Slater.\n\nMany members read our Newsletter avidly and naturally with advancing information technology it is nicely produced. A considerable amount of planning and effort go into each issue and it always manages to meet the deadline. For this significant achievement we have to thank Claire Hockaday and Geoffrey Roper.\n\nActivities\n\nIt has been said 'Good lecturers are a gift from heaven' and certainly\n\nxii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213667, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "While on the subject of acknowledgements mention should also be made here that in January 1997 your Council presented a letter of appreciation and a signed copy of Beyond the Metropolis to Best Year Enterprise Ltd, a real estate company, for donating funds to assist in the restoration of Poon Uk. Their efforts to help restore an outstanding example of Hakka architecture, in Yuen Long, is a significant gesture and sets an example to other organisations which we hope they will follow.\n\nConclusions\n\nTo some degree changes in Hong Kong during the year of transition and beyond will affect our Society, which, in effect, is a United Kingdom organisation with a branch in Hong Kong. In January and February 1997 your Council discussed, yet again, the question of whether we should drop the prefix 'Royal'. A small survey was conducted. The conclusion was that a limited number of members were in favour of a change and that, at least for the immediate future, the 'Royal' should be retained.\n\nWith a relatively large institution it is not possible, naturally, to satisfy everyone all the time. Our Society has been criticised for not being sufficiently academic, for not being sufficiently selective in membership, and for having too few young members. Jean Sibelius (1865-1957), the Finnish composer, said: \n\nPay no attention to what the critics say; no statue was ever put up to a critic. We do, however, listen to what our members say, and while we agree there is a need for us to organise some academic-style seminars, there is also a need for lectures with a more general approach. In the main, we feel we have got the mix about right and that our Society plays a useful role in its existing form.\n\nTo counterbalance the above criticism, may I add that during the past year we were delighted to receive (among others) the following bouquets from two members who have left Hong Kong. Rosemary Lee, comparing us with other organisations, wrote:\n\nxix", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "ARTICLES\n\nTRADITIONAL LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES: THE EVIDENCE OF THE 1911 AND 1921 CENSUSES\n\nP.H. Hase\n\nThe Censuses and Traditional New Territories Society\n\nThe 1911 and 1921 Censuses were the first to take a scientific look at the New Territories. These censuses are particularly important, as they show the New Territories before the traditional way of life there began to disappear.\n\nModernisation is normally a factor of physical communication with more developed societies and intellectual contact with new ideas. In the New Territories, these factors only began to be significant after 1911, and over much of the area only became important after 1921.\n\nContact with new ideas had begun to be noticeable before 1899 in some parts of the New Territories. Italian priests had established missions at Tai Po and Sai Kung in the 1860s, and Protestant missionaries were active in the Sha Tau Kok area from 1849. By about 1910, information about the wider world was trickling down from these foreign missionaries, even to relatively remote villages. Villagers were emigrating from parts of the New Territories from the 1860s onwards, and this became a marked social phenomenon from the 1880s. By 1900-1910 there were many returned emigrants in villages in the New Territories: since the emigrants came especially from the poorer villages of the eastern New Territories and Islands, this helped circulate new ideas in the remoter parts of the area. Returned emigrants also brought their savings back with them: the New Territories experienced a significant increase in prosperity in the early years of this century in consequence, which in turn led to more overseas products reaching traditional New Territories villages.\n\nIn 1912, the district officer noted this high rate of emigration and the resultant prosperity. \"More and more of the young men from the country have been tempted into Hong Kong or abroad in quest of higher wages, and many have returned with their savings to their native villages, with all this added wealth, many more substantial houses have been...\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213683, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "XV\n\nXVII\n\nXIX\n\nXIXa\n\nXXI\n\nXXVII\n\nXXVIIE\n\nXXX\n\nXXXV\n\nXXXVI\n\nXXXVIII\n\nChinese population of Old Kowloon villages\n\nChinese population of NT by districts\n\nChinese population of NT (North district) by villages\n\nChinese population of NT (South district) by villages\n\nThe ages of the Chinese population\n\nThe married state of the floating population The married state of the Chinese population of NT The degree of education of the Chinese population The occupations of the Chinese population of NT (Northern District) The occupations of the Chinese population of NT (Southern District)\n\nThe number of Chinese who described themselves as\n\nstudents\n\nGiven for males and females separately Given for males and females separately Given for males and females\n\nGiven for males and females\n\nBy district and sex\n\nNot broken down\n\nBy district and sex\n\nBy district and sex\n\nGiven for males and females separately\n\nGiven for males and females separately\n\nBy district and sex\n\n7\n\n21\n\nThe census officer was clearly satisfied with the success of this census He remarked on the greater detail included in the Census as compared with the previous Censuses (1901 and 1906). The methods of enumeration were \"superior,\" and “very favourably reported on.\" The work done was “excellent,” “admirable,” “brought to a successful finish.\" He considered that returns relating to family members were incomplete (this is clearly true for the New Territories, where young boys, and even more unmarried girls, were under-reported, as noted in greater detail below), but, in general, the census seems to have been reasonably well-conducted.**\n\nIt is clear that the care taken with the 1911 Census of the New Territories was due to the quite unsatisfactory nature of the 1901 Census of that area. In 1901, all that had been done was to ascertain the number of dwellings in a village, and then to guess the average number of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213690, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "14\n\nof Southern District for some purposes in both censuses: this also causes some problems for analyses of that district, since New Kowloon had developed very fast between 1911 and 1921.\n\nAs in 1911, the 1921 Census date formed part of a census of the whole British Empire, and, as in 1911, this led to the census in 1921 having to be conducted at an inappropriate date for Hong Kong, and particularly for the New Territories. The Ching Ming Festival fell during the enumeration period of the New Territories. As a result, numbers of people usually resident outside the New Territories were caught by the enumerators when they came to worship at their ancestral graves. Thus led to slightly more young adult males being enumerated than would have been the case at other periods. This is especially noticeable in the Northern District, where the marked increase in males recorded in 1921 as being born in San On District as compared with 1911 is very probably due in part to this factor, given that many clans resident in San On District have ancestral graves within the New Territories.\n\n43\n\nAs well as coinciding with the Ching Ming Festival, the census period coincided with the peak agricultural period of the planting out of the main rice crop. The census officer complained that this \"hindered\" the work, and states that it caused \"considerable difficulty\" in obtaining accurate information. The effects of this problem can be detected in the returns.\n\n44\n\nUnfortunately, the 1921 Census includes no village-by-village figures, either for the New Territories, or for the Hong Kong Island villages.\n\nDemographic Features: Age Profiles, Birth Rates and Death Rates, Immigration\n\nNorthern District: A Settled Agricultural Society\n\nThe 1911 and 1921 Census figures for Northern District show a settled agricultural society, with few and small towns, but many villages. The demographic features disclosed are typical of undeveloped agricultural societies. The evidence of the 1911 and 1921 Censuses shows, for instance, very high rates of juvenile mortality, leading to half of all persons dying before their early 20s, a feature typical of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "15\n\nsuch traditional agricultural societies. The age profile of the enumerated male population of the Northern District in 1911 and 1921 is shown at Tables 3, 5 and 6 below\n\n15\n\nThe information recorded in the censuses can be seen to be basically accurate, but there was clearly significant under-reporting of both young girls and young boys, in both censuses. In the Northern District in 1911, 4,472 males aged 5-9 years old are recorded, but only 3,356 males aged 0-4. But oral evidence strongly suggests that in fact mortality in the first years of life was very high - many contacts suggest that up to a fifth, or even more, of all live births died before they reached five years of age. So there should be significantly more males aged 0-4 than males aged 5-9, given that there were no social catastrophes or other reasons why the years 1907-1910 should have seen a sharp downturn in births. The 1921 Census also shows significant under-reporting of young boys, although probably not to the same extent as in 1911. The likely reasons for this under-reporting are the traditional reluctance to acknowledge a son until he was safely weaned, and thus less likely to be attacked by demons, and to doubts as to the government's intentions in holding the census. In 1921 the census officer discussed under-reporting of youths at some length: the unwillingness to report boys was, he felt, primarily due to \"puerile rumours\" of human sacrifice of young children by the government. The enumeration of males aged 10 and over in both censuses must be seen as essentially accurate, given the close similarities in the figures in both censuses.\n\nIf the slopes of the curves in Table 3 are projected backwards it seems very likely that the annual number of live male births in the Northern District in both 1911 and 1921 was about 1,250. The census officer in 1921 gave some thought to birth rates in the New Territories, which he considered to be \"35 per thousand,\" as compared to \"23 per thousand\" in the City with its unbalanced male/female ratios. This would give Northern District an annual live male birth figure of slightly less than 1,250.\n\n48\n\nIn both censuses, the under-reporting of young girls in Northern District (Tables 4, 5, and 6) was more significant than the under-reporting of young boys. The same phenomenon of a much smaller recorded population of girls aged 0-4 than 5-9 is seen in the 1911 Census", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213692, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "(2,950, as against 3,693). However, there is also in the 1911 Census a suspicious increase in the number of females recorded aged 20-24 as compared with those aged 15-19 (3,062 as against 2,750). This must be connected with marriage, with all married women being enumerated but at least some unmarried young women not being recorded.5 This feature of an increase in recorded females aged 20-24 does not appear in the 1921 Census, and whatever fears villagers may have had about their teenage daughters in 1911 seem to have been partly overcome by 1921. However, as Tables 5 and 6 show, both in 1911 and 1921, the totals of females recorded are noticeably lower than males for ages below the normal age of marriage. This can only be due to under-reporting of unmarried girls. The annual live birth rate of girls in Northern District in both 1911 and 1921 is likely to have been about 1,250. The figures for females recorded at ages above about 20 must be seen as essentially accurate, in both censuses, given the essential similarity of the two sets of figures.\n\nAssuming these adjusted birth-rate figures are approximately correct, then the mortality figures for Northern District are, very approximately, as shown in Table 7, which is compiled from Tables 3 and 4.5 It seems likely that, of all live births, one quarter were dead by about age 7-8, half by 22-24, and three-quarters by 48 (males) or 54 (females), in both 1911 and 1921. At the same time, they show about 15% of all males, and 20% of all females, lived to the age of 60 or more. This is more or less in line with oral evidence. Table 8 shows the position in population pyramid form: the profile of the pyramid is typical of an undeveloped society.\n\nPage 45\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213700, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "24\n\nIt must be stressed that the figures as given in Tables 7 and 8 are very approximate. They probably under-estimate the numbers of deaths of very young infants. They are likely, therefore, to be conservative: the average age of death, shown on Tables 7 and 8 as 22/24, may well, in fact, have been as low as 18/20. It can, however, be accepted that the average age of death is unlikely to have been higher than 22/24.\n\nClearly these figures, because of the serious under-reporting of very young children, cannot be used to provide detailed statistics of infant mortality in the New Territories. They do, however, show that about a fifth at least of all children died before reaching school age, and that about half of all children died before reaching marriageable age. They demonstrate that infant mortality was a major social factor, and permit debate only on the detail of incidence.\n\nIt is worth noting some points disclosed by Tables 3-6. Table 5 shows a slight upturn in the population recorded in 1911 for both males and females at ages 60-65; this is clearly a reaction to those elderly villagers who claimed they were \"more than one cycle old,\" and who were consequently all entered as 61 years old. In 1921 this unthinking reaction was not followed: actual ages were identified and entered.\n\nBecause of the loss of Tsuen Wan district to Southern District, the 1921 figures for Northern District should have been very slightly lower than those for 1911. This is the case for both males and females older than about 50. Since it is this elderly section of the population which is the most sedentary, these figures are likely to be accurate. However, between the ages of 35 and 50, for both males and females, the 1921 records show higher populations for Northern District than in 1911. This can probably be ascribed in part to villagers being caught by the census when returning to worship at their ancestral graves during the Ching Ming Festival, as postulated by the 1921 Census officer, and in part to greater efforts being made in 1921 to capture the boat people. In addition, political troubles in the border area of China had caused large numbers of refugees to cross over into the New Territories in 1920. While most of these refugees had returned to China at the end of 1920, it is likely that some remained in the New Territories, to be caught by the enumerators in Northern District in 1921.\n\n57\n\nBetween the ages of 20 and 35, the 1911 figures for the Northern District are higher than the 1921 figures, as expected, but the very", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213701, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "25\n\n5%\n\nwide divergence where females are concerned cannot be due solely to the transfer of Tsuen Wan alone. This wide divergence can probably be ascribed to the large numbers of women busy in the fields during the 1921 Census period and thus being missed by the 1921 enumerators. The 1921 Census Officer, as noted above, remarked on the problems the peak agricultural season caused for the enumerators, who, clearly, were able to compel the presence of the heads of household, but not always the womenfolk of the family.\n\nThe higher numbers of females as compared with males recorded in both 1911 and 1921 (at ages above about 26 in 1911, and about 32 in 1921) can be ascribed to the temporary absence of many of the males in the City or abroad. As is to be expected, this feature is much less marked in 1921, because of the return of so many males for the Ching Ming Festival, and the greater effort made to record the boat-people, many of whom were prime-age males, whose families were resident outside the New Territories. The higher recorded figures for females at ages above 55 are more likely to be due to differential death-rates, with females living longer.\n\nSouthern District. An Immigrant, Urban Society\n\nWhile the censuses show a settled agricultural society in Northern District, in Southern District they show a society dominated by the land and floating populations of the market town seaports of Cheung Chau, Tai O, and Ping Chau, and marked by significant temporary immigration of young adult males.\n\nAs mentioned above, the census figures are problematic for Southern District. Because of differences in the treatment of New Kowloon, Tsuen Wan, and the floating population, only two tables provide fully usable data: the 1911 figures for the islands' land population, and the 1921 figures for the Southern District floating population. However, even though the series of usable figures is short, nonetheless they clearly show a society radically distinct from that of Northern District.\n\n00\n\nTable 9 shows the reported population figures for the 1911 land population of the islands. As in Northern District, the figures suggest under-reporting of infant children. At 35 births per thousand, the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213702, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "26\n\nannual number of live births in the islands land population would have been about 180-185 each for males and females.\n\nThe 1911 overall situation for females from the Southern District land population is generally similar to that for Northern District. The increase in recorded females aged 20-25, however, is rather higher in percentage terms than in Northern District (16% as compared with 11%), and must include some immigration of women into the district as well as under-reporting of resident unmarried young women.\n\nThis postulated immigration into the district of young adult land population women who probably, in many cases, left the district again before death - raises the average age of death for women in the Southern District land population as compared with Northern District from 24 to 26, and causes, as will be noted below, a similar slip of 2 or 3 years in, for instance, the average age of marriage, when compared with Northern District. This influx of young women into Southern District was small (possibly only 10 a year), and is possibly connected with the prostitution trade which is known from oral sources to have been significant on Cheung Chau, although other immigrant female workers may also have been involved.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213704, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "28\n\nThe figures for females in the City and in Old Kowloon in 1911 (Table 10), and in New Kowloon (Table 11), show the same features of under-reporting of young girls as in the islands and in Northern District, and suggest essentially the same situation for ages above 60, but the increase in the numbers of young women aged 20-30 is far higher than in the Southern District land population (in Old Kowloon there were 55% more women aged 30-35 than aged 15-20, and 42% more in the City), and, in this case, this is certainly connected with the prostitution trade.\n\nThus, the 1911 Census shows a Southern District female land population with characteristics generally similar to the Northern District population, but with a few features suggestive of the temporary-immigrant society in the City.\n\nIf the figures for the 1911 Southern District female population show a few, rather faint, indications of temporary immigration into the area, however, this becomes very much clearer when the male population figures are considered. The figures for males of the land population recorded in 1911 in the islands are very different from those recorded in Northern District (Table 9: Table 3). The islands land population figures for 1911 show a male population sharply higher than the female population between the ages of about 15 and 55. A similar feature is to be seen in the figures for males recorded in 1911 for Old Kowloon and the City of Victoria (Table 10), and New Kowloon (Table 11). In both the City and Old and New Kowloon in 1911 the explosive increase in males recorded aged between about 12 and 55 was undoubtedly a reflection of immigrant workers only temporarily resident in the City, arriving there in their teens or low twenties to work, and leaving again to settle down in their native place once they had made some money, a few years or decades later. Given the general similarity between the female populations recorded in the Islands land population and Northern District, it is unlikely that the two areas had any radical differences between their settled land populations. The sharply higher male land population in the islands between the ages of 15 and 55, must, therefore, be due to significant temporary immigration into the islands of workers from outside the area, as in the corresponding figures for the City.\n\nThe Islands towns contained a higher percentage of the total population of Southern District than was the case in Northern District (at most, Northern District towns had a little less than 3,000 residents,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213712, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "36\n\nIn 1921, 1,528 (36%) of the male boat-people in the islands were recorded as born outside the New Territories, and 893 (26%) of the females.7 Of the 1,528 males and 893 females born outside the New Territories, 444 males and 279 females were born in Hong Kong or Macao, 956 and 578 respectively in the Delta, and 101 and 10 in the Hoi Fung/Chiu Chau area. From every area from where people born outside the New Territories came, the number of recorded males was far higher than the number of females: there were 95 New Territories-born floating population females recorded for every 100 males, but only 50 Macao born females for every 100 males, 41 for every 100 San On-born males, 31 for every 100 Tung Kun males, and so on. In the recorded populations from some areas unmarried people greatly outnumber the married (i.e., 72% of the 316 males, and 54% of the 199 females from San Ning District were unmarried, and 74% of the 195 males and 62% of the 175 females from Heung Shan District), again making it clear that we are dealing with temporarily resident populations. The extreme disparity of the male female figures from the Hoi Fung / Chiu Chau area also suggests this; in this case, however, the number of married persons (51% of males, and 50% of females) suggests that many of those recorded had families in their home districts. Many of the people from this area were in the Southern District as seamen on board coastal cargo and large fishing junks.\n\nThus the 1921 Southern District floating population records support the 1911 Southern District land population statistics to confirm that the Islands had an essentially urban population structure, dominated by significant numbers of temporarily resident immigrant groups, mostly young adult males, and that therefore the Islands population had much in common with the City, and was sharply distinct from the settled, agricultural, population of the Northern District. This is a finding which is confirmed by analysis of many other parts of the records of the censuses.\n\nThe Villager's World\n\nSince most trade in traditional South China was by family owned and operated sampans and junks, the places where people found resident in the New Territories were born gives an indication of the area the traditional New Territories villager was in contact with. Table 13 shows this area. It shows the places (other than the New Territories themselves,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213716, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "40\n\nSome points stand out from this table. The first is confirmation of the fact deduced from the general population statistics, that less than half of people born lived to the age of marriage. Here it shows that under half of recorded males did in fact marry, although about two-thirds of recorded women did, because of the earlier age of marriage of women. If account is taken of un-reported youngsters, the percentage of those who survived to marry would be markedly less.\n\nAnother interesting fact is that, despite heavy infant mortality, the average age of marriage was not particularly young, particularly for men. In both 1911 and 1921, the average age of marriage seems to have been about 23-24 for men, and for women some 5 or 7 years younger. In the Islands in 1921, the average age of marriage was several years later than in Northern District, particularly among the large numbers of temporarily resident immigrants there, although it does seem that the boat people married later than the land people generally. These temporarily resident immigrants clearly, in at least some cases, deferred marriage until they returned to their native place, and thus boosted the numbers of single men recorded in Southern District. The Northern District was a centre of emigration rather than immigration, and this may well be the reason why many of the men in Northern District did not marry until their forties. These are probably emigrants from the area who married on their return to the native village. Table 15 gives the details from the 1921 Census of age of marriage, and Table 16 the same information in graph form.\n\nThe percentage of widows and widowers is given in both censuses. For men and land population women, the figure is similar in both censuses - about 5-6% for men in both Northern and Southern Districts (in Southern District for both the land and the floating populations), but for women 15-16% among the land people in both Northern and Southern Districts, but about 12% among the boat people. While the higher rate of widows as compared with widowers may, to some degree, reflect the greater longevity of women, it seems probable that it reflects to a greater degree the Chinese unwillingness to permit women to remarry after the death of their husbands, but to accept remarriage among men.\n\nThese findings are more clearly shown in Tables 15 and 16. These show that very few people married before the age of 15 (less than 10%).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213719, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "43\n\nThe figures for males show that a significant percentage married late. Thus, while about 14-17% of males were married in both Northern District and in the Southern District land population by the age of 17, only a quarter were married by 18, half by about 23 or a little later, and even by the late 20s only two-thirds were married. Even as late as the late 30s 10-15% of males were still unmarried. The 1921 Census suggests that eventually every villager married. All males aged over 80 and all females aged over 75 (except one) in Northern District, all males over 70, and all females over 75 in the Southern District land population, and all males over 50 (except one), and all females over 35 (except one) of the Southern District floating population are shown as married, or widow(er)s. There is likely to be some error here, as both the 1911 and 1921 Censuses and oral evidence make it certain that there were a few Buddhists in the area, who never married. It is probable that these monks and nuns were just ignored in the Married State figures in the 1921 Census. However, there does seem to be a real difference between the figures for the land populations and the floating population. In the floating population, it seems that there were very few young marriages, for over half of both men and women married between 18 and 24, but that, on the other hand, by the late 30s all were married, whereas, for the land populations, while there were more men married at below 18, up to a third of males were still unmarried by the late 30s. The reason for the late marriage of so many men is, without doubt, the temporary young adult male emigration/immigration into or from the area.\n\nAnother point of interest is the varying ratios between married and single men and women in the various social groups. Ignoring widow(er)s and infant marriages, the figures show significantly more married women than married men recorded in Northern District in both 1911 and 1921, but significantly more married men than married women in Southern District in 1921. This, again, is a factor of the temporary emigration of adult males from Northern District, and the temporary immigration into Southern District of adult males. While some of the temporary migrants waited to marry until they returned to and settled down in their home village at the age of 30 or 40, others clearly married before leaving, and left the wife at home in the native village while the husband went off to make money. Details are given in Table 17; the differences in the statistics for Northern District between 1911 and 1921 are probably due to the effects of the Ching Ming Festival in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213743, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "66\n\nUnfortunately, the 1921 Census includes no details corresponding to the village-by-village information in the 1911 Census.\n\nLanguage\n\n94\n\nThe 1911 Census gives information on “Language Spoken in the Home\", although unfortunately this information is not included in the 1921 Census. The information in the 1911 Census is broken down only by enumeration district, and is thus less interesting than it would have been if it had been provided on a village-by-village basis. A few points are notable, however, and are detailed in Tables 29 and 30 below. The first point is that, while Northern District was marginally more Hakka than Punti in speech (45.7% Punti: 53.6% Hakka), the land population of Southern District was substantially more Punti speaking (76.5% as compared with 14.2% Hakka, with 9.3% speaking Hoklo). (Nothing is said in the Census as to the languages spoken by the Boat People.) The percentage of Punti speakers in the New Territories as a whole in 1911 was almost exactly half (Punti, 40,389 or 50.3%; Hakka, 38,690, or 48.2%; Hoklo, 1,141, or 1.4%). This is a higher percentage of Hakka speakers than is often assumed in speech—the political dominance of the Punti often leads both them and the Hakka to over-estimate the numbers of the Punti.\n\nIt will be seen from Tables 29 and 30 that in most enumeration districts the males and females of any particular dialect group do not coincide, either in absolute numbers or percentages. In most cases, the differences are slight, and due to emigration out of the area or into the area of predominantly unmarried young adult males. However, in some districts the imbalance is so great as to be unlikely to be due solely to this factor. Thus, in Ping Shan enumeration district, there are 736 more Punti males than Punti females, and 754 more Hakka females than Hakka males, and on Lamma there are 321 more Punti females than Punti males, but 117 more Hakka males than females. It is difficult to explain these discrepancies. In some cases, where the number and percentage of Hakka-speaking females is greater than the number and percentage of Hakka-speaking males, but where, at the same time, the number and percentage of Punti-speaking females is less than the number and percentage of Punti-speaking males, it is possible that the census is recording the first stages of the move towards speaking Punti in the New Territories Hakka villages, with some Hakka families...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "68\n\nTable 30\n\nDialects Spoken in the Home (Southern District, Land Population). 1911\n\n \n Enumeration district\n Punti\n Hakka\n Hoklo\n Others and unstated\n Total\n \n \n Cheung Chau (M)\n 1421\n 59\n 348\n 14.6%\n 621\n \n \n (F)\n 1022\n 64.9%\n 216\n 13.7%\n 336\n \n \n Total\n 2443\n 61.6%\n 564\n 14.2%\n \n \n \n Lantau (M)\n 2999\n 85.5%\n 466\n 13.3%\n 40\n \n \n (F)\n 2695\n 84.2%\n 478\n 14.9%\n 29\n \n \n Total\n 5694\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Lamma (M)\n 168\n 84.9%\n 944\n 14.1%\n 69\n \n \n (F)\n 489\n 98.8%\n 6\n 1.2%\n \n \n \n Total\n 657\n 79.5%\n 129\n \n \n \n \n Total (M)\n 4588\n 73.7%\n \n \n 6229\n \n \n (F)\n 4206\n 79.8%\n 700\n 13.3%\n 365\n \n \n Total\n 8794\n 76.5%\n 1637\n 14.2%\n 1066\n \n \n \n \n \n \n 9.3%\n 3\n \n \n \n \n 11500\n \n 15.6%\n 40\n \n \n \n 150%\n 701\n \n 4.8%\n 826\n \n \n \n 5271\n \n \n \n \n \n\nMale:Female Ratios and Emigration\n\nThe village population tables in the 1911 Census which give the male and female population of each village in the New Territories are of value, not only in giving the basic population statistics of the area, but also because they enable us to identify villages with abnormal population characteristics.\n\nIt is not easy to extrapolate from the 1911 Census figures to detailed analysis of village society, because of the problem of the under-reporting of infant children and teenage girls in the Census. The problem is made worse by the 1921 Census having no tables parallel to those giving the village-by-village population statistics in the 1911 Census. While the under-reporting of youngsters in 1911 is clear, it is not, for instance, clear if the under-reporting was universal in incidence, or more typical of wealthier, Punti, villages, or, conversely, of poorer Hakka villages. Since more young girls went under-reported than young boys, the standard ratio as reported should have been about 51.5 males, 48.5 females. In fact, in many villages, more females than males are recorded. Given the general under-reporting of young girls, this feature can only be explained as the result of the temporary emigration out of the village (to the local market town, to Hong Kong, or abroad) of young adult", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213748, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "71\n\nvillages and depopulated districts”, and by 1906 they were remarking on villages “with no adult males left at all.” As noted above, the district officer in 1912 also identified heavy temporary emigration of young adult males as a notable feature of the New Territories. Up to the 1870s, the emigration noted by the missionaries was of indentured coolies, leaving by ones and twos following inducements offered by more or less dubious emigration agents, and the missionaries castigated it as a \"slave trade.\" However, after the reforms of the coolie trade in the 1870s, emigration became more respectable, with elders of the villages arranging for the emigration for a few years of groups of youths from the village, through well-trusted contacts with particular shipping lines.\n\nA tablet of 1894 in the main temple of the Sha Tau Kok area (the Kwan Tai Temple at Shan Tsui), lists the donors to the temple rebuilding of that year. The elders decided to seek donations in the first place from residents of the Sha Tau Kok area living away from home. Over a thousand donated and are listed, with their place of residence given. Apart from a substantial group living in Hong Kong, villagers of the area were at that date living in New South Wales, Queensland, and Victoria in Australia, in New Zealand, in Hawaii, British Columbia, California, Peru, Panama, and many other places. Today, in villages of the area such as Shan Tsui or Sheung Wo Hang, elders will state that the best of the older surviving houses in the village were built by people who returned from emigration to marry and raise their families in the village in the period 1910-1930. In a few, portraits of these rich returned emigrants still hang on the walls of the houses they built. Similar tales are told of rich returned emigrants in Sha Tin; the village of San Tin there was founded by a returned emigrant of Au Pui Wan village about 1890-1895. For most of Tsuen Wan district, the 1911 Census does not give enough information to identify villages with abnormal population balances, but there is a further tablet recording donations to a temple rebuilding there, in this case of 1900, which demonstrates that some hundreds of the villagers of that area were abroad then. Those villages which can be shown to have had villagers living away from the village from the Shan Tsui tablet, or which have \"returned emigrant” houses, all have low male-female ratios in 1911. There can be no doubt that the information at Appendix I and Table 31 shows the degree to which, and the area where, early emigration was a significant social factor in the New Territories.\n\n100", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213750, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "73\n\nThe Basel missionaries make it clear that this feature of domination of the local market towns by males whose families remained resident in the village was normal in the mid-nineteenth century. In their description of Sha Tau Kok Market, from 1853, they say:\n\nThe owners of these shops and stalls [in Sha Tau Kok Market] do not live in the town, but in neighbouring villages, and only come here for business and trade, or have it conducted by a substitute/manager.\n\n102\n\nClearly, male-dominated towns, with shopkeepers living apart from their families in the village, are a long-standing feature of the region. The practice of young men leaving their villages for temporary residence in a town was, therefore, not a new one in the early twentieth century. The society, heavily dominated by temporarily resident young adult males, that sprang up in the city in the early decades after the foundation of Hong Kong as a port, was not either novel or a reaction to the foreign nature of the city, but was a practice with deep local roots. Obviously, the men in the market towns would often have their families within a half-day's walk away, while the city was, for most of them, more distant, but the essential factor in both cases is a widespread social acceptance of young villagers temporarily leaving home to seek fortunes away from their native village.\n\nThe close link between market towns and high male:female ratios is sufficiently strong to allow this factor to be used to differentiate between towns in being, and towns not yet established. Tap Mun's 66.4% males, for instance, differentiates it from Kat O, with its 54.5%. Similarly, Ha Tsuen's 67.4% males differentiates it from Kam Tin, with no significant village higher than 55%. Kat O and Kam Tin may well have had small periodic markets in 1911, and perhaps one or two shops, but they were not yet towns. Hang Hau's 67.9% of males also marks it as a town in being in 1911.\n\nAnother clearly differentiated group, again as noted above, was the specialist industrial villages, although in them, usually, the male-female ratio, while high, was less than that in the market towns (this does not hold true for the industrial villages ringing the City, as perhaps is not to be considered surprising, and also does not hold true for villages with quarries). Ferry villages, and suburban villages outside", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213752, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "75\n\nmarket towns can be, as noted above, identified by their imbalanced populations, as can villages specialising in incense pounding, stonecutting, and salt-working (Yim Liu Ha, and perhaps Tsing Shan and Tsing Shan Po in Tuen Mun) Some fishing villages (especially Kau Sai) show what is probably a seasonal population imbalance, with the male population boosted by the temporary presence of \"foreign\" fishing vessels at the Census date. In all these cases, as with the market towns, the opportunities for wage-paying employment must have led to a certain degree of temporary male immigration into the village in question.\n\nSome other villages may have been \"industrial\" in 1911 without this being so clearly confirmed by oral evidence as in these cases. Thus, Sheung Wo Che in Sha Tin was the site of the Sha Tin Railway Station; the excess males recorded here, with the nearby Pak Tin and Wang Pok, may have been working on the construction of the railway.\n\nHowever, when all the urban and industrial villages are discounted, there remain numbers of villages with excess males where there seems little likelihood of immigration, and where some other factor or factors must be at work. A number of very poor villages in the eastern part of the New Territories have more males than are to be expected. It may be that some of these villages were just too poor to pay the fees required to let their young adult males emigrate, and equally too poor to arrange marriages for them until there was land available for them to inherit.\n\nOn the other hand, a number of very wealthy Punti villages, especially those in the Sheung Shui plain (including Loi Tung, Lung Yeuk Tau, Ping Kong, with others at just below the 56% cut-off point) also have high male-female ratios. The reasons for this are unclear. It may be no more than a particularly strong unwillingness to report unmarried girls in these villages. J.L. Watson, however, has shown that some at least of the wealthier Punti villages had a “bachelor sub-culture”, in which poorer members of the lineage tended not to marry, but to drift into a society of bachelor clubs centred on the lineage self-defence force. This system, in which unmarriageable poorer lineage sons were nonetheless given a positive role in local society, may have induced higher than average male-female ratios in such villages; emigration was not the only option available to the excess males.13 No evidence of such a “bachelor sub-culture” seems to exist for the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213764, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "87\n\nunder the Au Tau Enumeration District, and the Shing Mun villages are similarly separately enumerated under the Tai Po Enumeration District.\n\nThe villages of the \"Stone Hill\" - Ngau Tau Kok, Sui Cho Wan, Cha Kwo Ling, and Lei Yue Mun - are enumerated separately, under Kowloon City enumeration district.\n\n* Census Report, 1911, Tables XIV, XV.\n\n* Census Report, 1911, page 6.\n\n* On Lammia, 18 villages, population 826 (perhaps 3.6 villages, 181 people per day), in Au T'au, 62 villages, population 1873 (perhaps 1 village, 181 people per day), Sha T'au Kok, 67 villages, population 8570 (perhaps 1 village, 143 people per day), Ping Shan, 74 villages, population 10797 (perhaps 1 village, 190 people per day), Sai Kung, 126 villages, population 9243 (perhaps 2 villages, 154 people per day).\n\n* Census Report, 1921, pages 159-160, Para 1.\n\n* Census Report, 1921, page 160, para 6.\n\n* Census Report, 1921, page 151, para 4, 6.\n\n* Census Report, 1921, page 152, para 9.\n\n* Census Report, 1921, page 152, para 9.\n\n* Census Report, 1927, pages 166-167, paras 5, 7.\n\n12 In 1921, Tsuen Wan district had only 135 boat people; if, as is likely, the numbers of boat people there were the same in 1911, then the boat people were only 5% of the population of Tsuen Wan.\n\n* Preliminary Census Report (23rd June 1921), op cit, para 4 - 5, Census Report, 1921, page 155, para 9, page 160, para 3, 4, page 162, para 13, Table XI.\n\n14 Preliminary Census Report (23rd June 1921), op cit, para 4, Census Report, 1921, page 160, para 1.\n\n15 Taken from Census Report, 1911, Table XXI, and Census Report, 1927, Tables IX, XIV.\n\n47\n\nThat the figures in 1911 are the result of under-reporting of young boys can be seen by checking the figures in the 1921 Census for boys aged 10-14 and 15-19. Since the Northern District population was basically static, these are largely the same group as those aged 0-4, 5-9 a decade earlier. The Census gives 4146 and 3479 for these two groups, thereby confirming the under-reporting of 1911.\n\n* Preliminary Census Report (23rd June 1921), op cit, para 3, Census Report, 1921, page 156.\n\n* Census Report, 1927, page 161, para 9, page 162, para 1. However, see also note 65.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213769, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "92\n\nFor instance, in Sha Tin, both Punti and Hakka indigenous villagers believe that their numbers are, and have always been, about half-and-half, whereas in fact there were, in 1911, 28.4% Punti males to 66.2% Hakka males (the remaining 5.4% were predominantly \"not stated\").\n\n* Census Report, 1911, Tables XIX, XIXa\n\n97 Basel Mission Archive, Doct. A 1-2, No 14 A1-28, No 47. Des Evangelische Heidenbote, Feb 1906, p 9.\n\nSee Der Evangelische Heidenbote, Sep 1861, for a discussion of the indentured coolie trade from this general area.\n\n\"D. Faure, A. Ng, B. Luk, eds, Xianggang Beiming Huipian. Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, Urban Council, Hong Kong, 1986. Vol 1, pp 262-280.\n\nThe tablet records the donations towards the rebuilding of the main Tsuen Wan Temple.\n\nThe tablet divides donors into two categories: 500 donors resident in the Tsuen Wan District, and some 636 resident abroad. While a few of those donating from overseas were not Tsuen Wan people (a few Sha Tin villagers can be identified), the great majority clearly are. There can be no doubt that Tsuen Wan, as the other New Territories mountainous areas, had a high percentage of its young adult males overseas in 1900. The overseas donors came from California, Australia, Hawaii, Siam, Singapore, Hong Kong, and elsewhere. Faure et al., The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, op cit. Vol 1, pp 319-329.\n\n10 Census Report, 1971, Table I.\n\n102 Basel Mission Archive, Doct A1-2, No 44 printed in translation in P.H. Hase, \"Sha Tau Kok in 153\", in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 30, 1990, p 281-297.\n\n* J.L. Watson, “Self-Defence Corps, Violence, and the Bachelor Sub-Culture in South China: Two Case Studies”, in Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Sinology, Academia Sinica, Taipei, 1989, pp 209-22. There is no evidence for female infanticide in the New Territories or the broader region.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213783, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "106\n\nThe genealogy of the Chengs of the Nam Wai traced their origin to a Song dynasty settlement in several places of Xingning, with farming and orchard land of several Chinese acres and population of more than one thousand. As the result of disorder during the Yuan they lost all names and burial places of ancestors save what was called their zheng shizu immediate Beginning Ancestor, ancestor Shao Ji(7) Lang. This name, while not indicated as a duming, also fits into the pattern of ordination names. The beginning ancestor's eldest son Shao Jiu(19), who was said to be of the Yuan dynasty, had only one son Shi Jiu (19). The latter moved to Changle County in the Taiding period (1324-1327) when he had no relatives around at the native place of Xingning. His son Liu Shi San (63) bore a son during the Hongwu years, Liu Shi Jiu (69). Liu Shi Jiu had a son called Sheng who lived during the Tianshun years (1457-1464), to whom the genealogy attributed magical powers,” but does not indicate any ordination name. One part of the genealogy listed the next eight generations, showing separately the two descendants of each of his two sons, while limiting itself to the descendants of the elder son in the last four generations. Another listed the descendants of the second son, who is an ancestor of the Chengs of Nam Wai. The first ancestor to have an ordination name in the genealogy is Fa You in the seventh generation, an ancestor of the Chengs of Nam Wai. His father lived in early Ming during the Hongwu years (1368-1398). But it was among the descendants of the first son that we find many with ordination names, a large proportion of the ancestors named for the 12nd to 14th generations.\" The only other ancestor of the Chengs of Nam Wai to have an ordination name was Fa Jing of the 16th generation who moved to the Xin'an county in the early years of Kangxi (1662-1722) at a very young age \"His ordination, it therefore appears, probably took place in Xin'an county,\n\nSimilarly, in a fragment of the genealogy of the Lis of Wu Kau Tan after the name of the 14th generation ancestor Ming Fang and his zi and hao names there are eight words which can be punctuated as \"[alternative name] Fa Nian, and fang ming Li Mou Shi Lang”. While the term Shi Lang is the same as a title of an official it seemed to be originally Mou Shi(4)Lang. The caption of the plate says this is the first ancestor of the Lis to move to the Hong Kong region, probably in early Qing. The Chens of Luk Keng and elsewhere of the New Territories had some ancestors with ordination names since the 1st generation in early Ming until the 10th generation in early Qing. One\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213800, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "123\n\nbis being implication and subsequent death. One version says that as a result of 'pollution' by pregnancy of which his mother was unaware the bamboo horse on which he rode failed, causing a half-day delay in his arrival at court. As a result the Emperor was convinced of accusations that he had rebellious migntions. The other version, in a rather obscute passage, is that some method was devised by his enemies at court to show his magical power to the Emperor. The method worked and the Emperor was convinced by the accusation by his enemies. The Emperor ordered destruction of the fengshui of the lineage. Upon his return home he died suddenly. According to genealogy the Emperor wept upon hearing about bis death and ordered execution of the official responsible for the destruction of the Cheng's fengshui. The story bears striking similarity to stories in Faute op cup 229, about Huo Zhen and his sister Wu.\n\nL\n\n2. Those are Fa Xuan in the 10th generation, Wan Yi Lang, Wan Er Lang, Fa Xing, Xian Yi Lang, Ning Yi Lang to Ning Wu Lang, and a Nian San Lang in the 12th generation, Gao Yi(1) Lang to Gao San(3) Lang, Zheng Si(4) Lang, Qian Wu(5) Lang, and Zheng Shi(10) Lang in the 13th generation, Fa Tang, Tong San(3) Lang, Pin San Lang and Fa Wen in the 14th generation.\n\nAccording to the genealogy his father died soon after arrival in the county and his young age was the reason given for an important event in the history of the family.\n\n**Reproduced in Sin, op cit, plate 4**\n\n\"The same ancestors were traced to by the Chens of Lok Keng.\n\n76 In the same interview he also said: 1312 generations. I did not ask about the apparent discrepancy.\n\nJH\n\nIN\n\nIn a telephone conversation with the Hakka Buddhist funeral ritual expert Mr. Zhang on 5th March 1991, JH learned that Mr. Miao died years ago. His assistant Mr. Zheng Tangsheng moved to Hong Kong, lived in Tai Po, and died before Mr. Miao.\n\nTelephone conversation 5th March 1991\n\nZhang Zupu, Chonghua Juhu Lusuo 1993, reprinted from Zhongyuan Zazhi 1980.\n\n10. The document reproduced in ZEILS indicates that a new name given to a troubled child in the rite does not resemble the ordination names seen in genealogies.\n\n* The author does not explain the meaning of \"faona\", \"old house\". Some of them were probably a kind of ancestral hall as he mentioned that money was collected from different branches for the celebration and where there was a wealthy ancestral trust money can be drawn for that purpose. See also a reference later to Nelson's article about a kind of ancestral hall known as \"shengung\".\n\n*2 Voc, 3, under Ankong\n\n14\n\nUntitled volume by Guangdong Sheng Xiju Yanjiu She, prefaced 1980, pp. 132-138.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213801, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "124\n\nI am not sure if any link exists with some belief that descendants of those imitated in Mao Shan magic will have physical imperfection.\n\nThe villagers of Lin Au are of Zheng and Li surnames. According to Mi Li Fu'an, in his mid-60s, the Zhengs had two ancestral hails there. One represents the lineage which moved from Shing Moon, and the other, the one which celebrated the Fengchao, was from Luoding. Li said the latter never had a genealogy, and are not genealogically related to the other Zhengs. According to Li, both the Zhengs and the Lis have lived in Lin Au for nine generations. The only Zheng of the lineage from Luoding now living in the village is a young man who did not know about the practice, and others have emigrated to Germany and other foreign countries. The other Zhengs used to witness the rite and Li said the groom was to carry an incense burner (being in bat) until dawn, probably the end of the rite. Li also learned from the other Zhengs that a groom can have the rite performed only if his father did so, and usually the first and last sons of a man have the rite performed.\n\nIn my recent visit to Cheng Tau, Ha Hang and Shan Tau Kok, I have found little about those villages. Ha Hang, whose villagers are probably all of the Li surname, have two ancestral halls. Shan Tau Kok is a multi-surname village where the Zhengs form a separate cluster of houses which include an ancestral hall.\n\nThe contents of the document is in one of the priest's manuals. I do not have a copy and did not write down anything when he showed it to me because I thought I would be able to make a copy of the manual afterwards. This document may be the \"white [ordination] certificate\" mentioned by Guangdong Xinyu and the gazetteer mentioned above. In my recording of the rite of Fengchao, a series of ordination names were recited during one session. I have to check if those are ordination names of the priest's ancestors or those of the client's.\n\n* The genealogy bears the title of Chenst Yuanlia Zupa, included in the British Library's Baker collection of genealogies of the New Territories, but is referred to in some lists as the Genealogy of the Chens of Ting Kok and Ping Yeung. Ordination names are found first in the 87th generation of the first section, among some brothers and cousins who moved to Fujian and Guangdong provinces. The following helps to date the 87th generation. A son of a brother of the 79th generation ancestor obtained a jiren degree in the year 889. Some brothers of the 84th generation ancestors moved \"during the disorder [caused by the invasion of?] the Yuan\". The 89th generation ancestor is a jinshi of Yuan dynasty. I fail to see how the \"Founding Ancestor of Fujian\" Jingwang in the second section of the genealogy relates to ancestors in the first section. A third section of the genealogy named the same Jingwang (ordination name Nian Yi(1) Lang) as the \"Founding Ancestor of Changle\" county, who was a descendant of a 83rd generation ancestor and a 86th generation ancestor, the latter being a brother of an ancestor in the earlier section. Jingwang's sons also had ordination names. According to a preface dated 1618, Jingwang moved to Changle some 200 years before then, i.e., around 1400. An 8th generation ancestor in the 3rd section moved to Ding'an of Xin'an county, probably Ting Kok in the New Territories. A 4th section of the genealogy started with Gulong as a second generation ancestor of Changle, who, according to a note before the section, was the third son of Jingwang, the Founding Ancestor of Changle, although Guilong's name does not match any of those of the sons of Jingwang in the previous section. Some of Guilong's 9th generation descendants moved to Ping Yeung of the New Territories. No ordination names are found in this 4th section.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213805, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "JOHN FRYER'S EARLY YEARS IN CHINA: III. ACCOUNT OF THREE DAYS EXCURSION ON THE MAINLAND OF CHINA\n\nFRED DAGENAIS*\n\n129\n\nThis is the third in a series of letters by John Fryer (1838-1928) to appear in this Journal. In the first letter Fryer described the tedious and sometimes difficult voyage from London to Hong Kong in 1861 on a sailing ship via the Cape of Good Hope with a brief stop at Batavia. In the first letter Fryer presented himself as a very young man just out of Highbury Training College coming into contact with the larger world, homesick, critical of the master of the ship and of the passengers, confirmed in his personal faith, bent on self-improvement, and interacting for the first time with missionaries in the colonial world of Batavia and Hong Kong.\n\nThe second letter, written shortly after his arrival, described Hong Kong and its environs and the European and Chinese people encountered; in it he provided us with a detailed tour of the building housing St. Paul's College, where he had been assigned to superintend by the Church Missionary Society, and of its operations. St Paul's College had its origins in a school founded in the mid-1840s by then Colonial Chaplain Rev. Vincent Stanton; the College was given a boost by the arrival in 1850 of the Rev George Smith, Bishop of Victoria (1849-64). In that letter Fryer seemed in awe of his new authority and responsibility and quite proud of the commodious school building and its library; he began to socialize with the Colonial Chaplain and his family, and revealed an appreciation of the wider perspective offered by the interaction with the Chinese population of the island and its culture.\n\nThe first and second letters were clearly identified as letters written for home consumption, for family and friends in Hythe and Chudleigh. The letters were extracted from his diary and designed to describe his adventures in an exotic land. The first letter had a salutation and a signature; the second letter had a salutation, but ended abruptly, the last page or pages with conclusion and signature having perhaps been lost or purposely destroyed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213807, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "131\n\nthan what is provided in these three letters. In later life he rarely wrote about his experience at St. Paul's or his life during his Hong Kong years. Fryer's letters, other than these three, and diaries from this period, if they survive, have not been located. However, in these three polished letters we can see a progression from impressionable college graduate, to responsible and presumably successful superintendent of a CMS sponsored college, to socially accepted compatriot, all the while improving his mastery of the Chinese language. He wrote of studying the Chinese language on the voyage out, and he anticipated mastery of the language during his first weeks in Hong Kong. Here we see Fryer bargaining with a Chinese merchant for the purchase of oranges, an incident as he relates it that is not without humor, conversing with a young boy, discussing religion with a Christian convert, and arguing religious points with a Buddhist priest.\n\nFinally, in this letter Fryer presents himself interacting with men who would reside and work in China for many decades; Lechler was to remain until 1899, Eitel until 1897, Fryer himself until 1896. Fryer left Hong Kong later in 1863 to join W.A.P. Martin as Professor of English at the T'ung-wen Kuan, or Interpreter's College, in Peking. The chain of events leading to Fryer's departure from St. Paul's College and subsequent employment by Martin in Peking is unknown. However, after but two years in Peking at the T'ung-wen Kuan, Fryer is in 1865 again in the employ of the Church Missionary Society as headmaster of the Anglo-Chinese College, a not very prosperous school for Chinese boys in Shanghai, a post he was to hold until 1868, when he began work for the Chinese government as a translator at the arsenal at Kiangnan.\n\nAs in the letters published previously, an attempt has been made to balance the needs of modern usage with the very few peculiarities of the Fryer manuscripts. Fryer was inconsistent in his use of punctuation, particularly in the use of the colon and the apostrophe. Punctuation in this transcription is essentially as Fryer would have it in his manuscript; the reader will forgive an occasional irregular spelling. Fryer's run-on narrative has been separated into smaller paragraphs by the editor, and a caret used to indicate where such separations have been made to improve readability.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213816, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "140\n\nat the top was another of these tea houses and here we called a halt. I soon got into a chat with an old priest with his clean-shaven head. His temple, or rather hovel, was close there and he got his living by begging. He was stone blind. It was a mendicant Friar, and a wandering Friarð in argument. He freely acknowledged the absurdity of his creed. He is a Buddhist: and offered me on the spot to go with me and learn my creed if I would feed and clothe him. Then I jeered him about his idols, and why he did not get them to help him. The worst of them is, they all acknowledge the absurdity of it, but say it is their custom. Western Foreigners have customs and celestial's have customs, and all creeds are good alike: here the matter ends.\n\nWe again got on our route, and descended the valley. Mr Stringer and myself were so long with the old priest that we were far behind the rest of the party; but we were armed and therefore there was no danger. When we again reached the valley at the bottom, our road lay along a small stream for a few miles. The rest of the party were out of sight, and we went on alone, partly uncertain that we were going right. At last, however, the road suddenly opened into a deep valley on the right, and at last we saw the German Mission House, just under the brow of the hill, and our companions seated very comfortably on the balcony [Ed.: An illustration of the Lilong Station accompanies this article.] So we put our best leg foremost, and at last tired of walking and riding we got in about 5 o'clock. The house is not a very grand affair. But it just has served their purpose. There is only one other house near it for a long way. The situation is beautiful in the extreme, and as healthy as possible. They have a little ground in front, and on the sides of the hills are plantations of tea shrubs, though nothing very bright about them.\n\nThe missionary staff consists of Mr Winnes, who has been in China nearly 20 years, and a fine young German, named Eitel\". I was much struck with him. There is a nobleness and firmness in him which I greatly admire. In fact, there is something almost severe about his look. But the animation with which he speaks, and the natural energy of his character, together with his pleasing and gentlemanly deportment, lead you soon to see he is not an ordinary person. [Ed.: Photographs of Lechler, Winnes and Eitel accompany this article.]\n\nWe took a short walk on the hills, and then came home to dinner, which by the bye I enjoyed with a keen relish. Then we sat a while on", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213838, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "163\n\nhave served as the focal point of village coalition organization as early as the 18th century. Pending verification is the identity of Houwang. As commonly held, he was the Chinese folk hero, Yang Liang-chieh, who had loyally protected the last emperor of the Sung, fleeing by sea from the victorious Mongols. The young emperor and his bodyguard, under Yang's leadership, finally landed near what is now Kowloon. Legend also holds that they spent some of their last days in the Tung Chung Valley. It is suggested that not only Yang's honourable behavior, but also the fact that he was a refugee far from home, deeply touched the hearts of early immigrants to this new land, especially the Hakka people.\n\nIn local people's minds, indeed, there is no doubt of the efficacy of this hero-turned-god. For their families and themselves, they come to procure divine assistance in connection with serious illness, financial problems, the picking of propitious days for marriage, long journeys, house construction, and so forth. By casting the divining blocks before the altar, the deity's instructions are revealed to them. Small-scale ritual transactions between the deity and individual worshippers are usually carried out with the assistance of the miao-chu, the temple's keeper and religious specialist. In the case of marriage, for instance, it is the Houwang who decides, through the temple keeper, whether the betrothed are well-matched.\n\nBesides day-to-day ritual transactions invoking the local god's help in meeting personal or family needs, annual religious activities also strengthen villagers' patronage of the temple. Examples are the occasion of tso-fu (make blessing), usually held in the second lunar month, during which the worshipper requests the god's favour in the coming year, and the observance of huan-shen (repay the spirits), held at the end of the year to repay the god for his blessings. While these relatively small-scale rituals are performed on behalf of individual worshippers, the Houwang's Birthday celebration is held on behalf of the community as a collectivity. Thus it best demonstrates the role of the local principal deity in maintaining a communal sense of identity among villages, which have formed a united body in the territory, and the function of the temple as a village-coalition temple.\n\nEven the date for the festival carries distinctive local characteristics. While the Houwang's Birthday is on the 6th of the sixth lunar month", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213839, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "164\n\nin Tai O, following the practice of the Houwang Temple in Kowloon City, Tung Chung sets the date on the 15th of the eighth lunar month. As explained by local villagers, people in a farming community such as Tung Chung, in contrast to the fishing community of Tai O, are busy with farm work until mid-autumn. Setting the date for festival celebration in the slack season guarantees mass participation and enjoyment to the full,52\n\nDuring this festival of four days and five nights, representatives of Tung Chung's villages present the best sacrificial offerings to their local principal temple. All inhabitants from the area participate in the mass worship of their patron god. It is the climax of religious and social activities of the year as operas, Ch'iang-p'ao (rocket-snatching) contests, and other forms of entertainment are incorporated in the god's birthday observance. For the performance of the opera show, a bamboo stage is built in the open area in front of the main entrance of the Houwang Temple. On two sides of the stage, many stalls are set up in rows selling food, oblations, religious souvenirs, and even toys. Among these booths are some for the \"rocket associations\" which are formed mainly by competing villages and organizations in the names of 'ang, to vie with one another in the capture of lucky rockets. These rockets are considered relics of the temple god, or representations of the deity, which will bring good fortune and glory to the winning units. They must be returned to the temple with a thanksgiving observance on the god's birthday in the following year.\n\nBefore World War II, according to the natives, the \"rocket-snatching\" contest was held on the 18th of the eighth lunar month during which rockets were shot into the air by officers in charge of temple management. Representative members of the rocket associations, usually young men assembled in the square in front of the temple, would then scramble for the numbered wooden tablets inside the rockets just fired. Whoever got hold of the tablets could purchase the rocket numbered accordingly.\n\nAfter the War, owing to population increase, fighting over the possession of the rockets became a serious problem. In 1949, to reduce the chances of violent conflict, some rural areas decided that participants would draw lots for the rockets. In Tung Chung in recent years,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213850, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "175\n\nThe number of Tung Chung's population, especially the young, have moved to the city since the 1960s in search of better jobs and education. Consequently, fields are left uncultivated and the community suffers from depopulation. Yet the local communal culture and religious tradition, passed down from generation to generation, has not simply died down overnight under the pressure of urbanization and emigration. Fellow villagers and family members, including some of those who have emigrated overseas, return home every year to celebrate the Houwang's birthday as attested by the last festival.\n\nIn fact, emigrants are always on the list of money donors in support of the annual celebration. While the actual number of village occupants in 1991, for instance, was only around 300, mostly old people and children, the donors' list that year indicated that Tung Chung consisted of 430 households amounting to a population of almost 2700. Apparently, this figure denoted the total membership of the Tung Chung community, including emigrants. It is in the territorial cult and community rituals that homecomers look for their cultural roots, ties with their ancestors, refreshers of customary beliefs and the socio-religious milieu in which they were brought up. They also return to appreciate the joys and excitement of communal entertainment, and to perform traditional homage to their native god in return for his renewed blessings.\n\nThe temple will remain at its present site even after the demolition of Tung Chung's old villages to make way for the building of a new airport at Chek Lap Kok. This age-old principal local deity is going to witness a new era of drastic man-made transformation with unprecedented impact. This time, not only will some old community members leave forever and new residents arrive, but totally different surroundings will emerge with strong metropolitan characteristics of urbanization and commercialization.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213863, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "189\n\nfound in the speech of the late Rev Peter Wang, the former General Secretary of the Council.\n\n\"Church involvement in education should be regarded as a kind of social service. It also provides a good chance to spread the gospel by nurturing young people with the teaching of Jesus Christ, to love their families, show filial piety towards their parents, to love their schools, respect their teachers and truth; to love their neighbours and live in harmony with others, to love and serve their society with enthusiasm; and be a good citizen in the society. If we have nurtured our students in this way, we have fulfilled the aim of serving the society, even though the students have not been baptized as believers.\n\nFrom the data gathered in this survey, the Hong Kong Council of the Church of Christ in China has the strongest preference for education as the objective of church involvement in education. (Refer to Tables 1 and 2). The same emphasis is reflected from the literature of the Council.\n\nThe Tsung Tsin (Basel) Mission changes with time in its perception of objectives. The direction of changes, however, is contrary to that of the Hong Kong Council of the Church of Christ in China. In the early years, the Mission was concerned much about education and social service. For example, the Basel Free School was founded in 1862 to provide free education for the Hakka-speaking Chinese. The school aimed to improve illiteracy in the society. It was the first girls' school set up in Hong Kong.7 In recent years, owing to the growing emphasis on evangelization, there is a considerable change in the Mission's objectives of involvement in education. For example, from the Mission's publications in recent years, the importance of evangelization through schools is obviously stressed. It is also made compulsory that all Tsung Tsin schools should organise a religious week in October each year. As such are to be implemented or supervised by the school, it does bring about due effects. In the past, there was no preferential policy held regarding the employment of school staff; that new teachers are selected, as far as it is possible, from among Christians. This shows that the Tsung Tsin Mission is concerned more and more with evangelization as an important objective of running church schools.\n\nAccording to the questionnaire survey, the Lutheran Church is the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213967, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "ARTICLES\n\nTHE DICKINSON REPORT: AN ACCOUNT OF THE BACKGROUND TO, AND PREPARATION OF, THE 1966 WORKING GROUP REPORT ON LOCAL ADMINISTRATION\n\nTREVOR CLARK\n\nMuch commentary on Hong Kong's internal affairs before its return to China focused on the alleged anomaly of having delayed the introduction of a wider franchise until the very last years of a century-and-a-half's span of power. There was also dispute over whether the evident split of faith among the indigenous Hong Kong leadership was in reality between those openly \"pro-China\" and those supposedly \"anti-China\"; or whether it was not more truly between those who are \"pro-Hong Kong's people\" and those simply (and more pragmatically) \"pro-business.\" It is in this context that the death of William Vivian Dickinson MBE(Mil) reminded his past colleagues of 'The Dickinson Report', otherwise known as Report of the Working Party on Local Administration'. The recent discussion and controversy over institutional changes make a backward glance at this document and its provenance a matter for poignant reflection.\n\nIt will be remembered that Britain's immediately post-war Labour Secretaries of State for the Colonies had required all Governors to accelerate the long-accepted progress towards dominion status, as independence with full membership of the Commonwealth had been known: pressures from the United States of America and the new institutions of the United Nations had demanded no less. Attlee's government was happy to require action, by way primarily of building upwards from local government reform, coupled with improved labour and trades union legislation, and attention to education - all this backed by development and welfare plans funded by acts of parliament, which had started with the ground-breaking Colonial Development & Welfare Act passed in the dark wartime year of 1940.\n\nHong Kong had been treated no differently, and Sir Mark Young had returned as Governor after the Pacific War with plans for appropriate initiatives. These included a Municipal Council, with Mayor, 30", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213968, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "2\n\nCouncillors (of whom 20 would be elected from both Chinese and expatriate jurors, or property-holders of a certain value with residential qualifications), and potentially extendible functions. However Young's successor, Sir Alexander Grantham, soon had second thoughts which were warmly shared by his Executive Council (Exco) advisers, and the plans were put into cold storage, to be quietly forgotten. They had seemed to reduce the wholly centralised powers of the Governor-in-Council, besides being of apparently little interest to a mobile and volatile Cantonese population, passing by customary right freely to and fro across the international border, and more concerned with rebuilding their lives after the war's privations. Besides, the Communist victory over the Chiang Kai-shek Nationalists, and the declaration of the People's Republic in 1949, created a new set of problems. It became common parlance that Hong Kong was \"different.\" Unlike African, Caribbean, Asian and Pacific colonies, it could not be built into a Nation.\n\nIn facing such a novel threat there were cultural divisions within Hong Kong's administration in the 1950s and 60s that commentators have often overlooked. The most obvious was that between those prisoners-of-war or internees during the Japanese occupation who had been judged physically fit to return to post-war duties, and their colleagues who either had fought throughout (in China or in other theatres) or had been recruited subsequently but had served in no other territory. They might differ in their views of what threatened stability, but were in agreement that nothing should, in the cant phrase of the time, \"rock the boat.\" All tended to accept what is now dubbed the economic 'trickle-down' theory, that what was good for the businessmen who dominated the Colony's appointed Councils was good for their employees - and equally for a large proportion of the population that had voted with its feet by flooding into Hong Kong to escape Communism, and also to find employment until it might seem safe to exercise their right to cross the border again and go home. But it seemed to some observers that those who claimed to understand and to love the Colony best had least faith in its unsinkability.\n\nA smaller but growing subset consisted of those colonial servants who had been transferred to Hong Kong within Her Majesty's Overseas Civil Service (HMOCS) from other territories, usually upon the grant of independence, or who had accepted fixed renewable contracts as mature entrants (\"retreads\"). Such officers might well have learnt in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "The report gave thought to the degree of control which ought to be exercised over these new 'creatures of statute' by the Central Government under the Letters Patent & Royal Instructions which were Hong Kong's constitution. Legco should provide by law for central:\n\n(a) right of access to all records, approval and inspection of project plans in certain fields, approval of by-laws, and issue of binding memoranda on such matters as financial procedures;\n\n(b) financial approval or disallowance of annual estimates and loans, and the setting of a rate where a council failed to strike a sufficient or any rate;\n\n(c) audit, including power of surcharge subject to Exco's confirmation; and\n\n(d) direction, removal of powers or dissolution of defaulting local authorities.\n\nOffice accommodation, distinct from any existing for current government purposes, should be provided in advance. Finally, the details of each separate proposal for a new local authority council should be the subject of an inquiry and wide local public consultation before the relevant instrument received approval. The enabling Ordinance should be supported by a large-scale information campaign, to dispel the current lack of awareness. The present Urban Council should co-operate in devising a phased programme for implementation.\n\nThe report was submitted just as the 1966-67 'troubles' were beginning to afflict the streets and resettlement estates of Hong Kong. Little Red Books and parcel bombs preoccupied the Governor and his security advisers, and the Colonial Secretariat which gave the report a lukewarm reception was happy to leave it in the pending trays and to slumber in the background, while other officers placed on special duties dealt with the emergency with panache and publicity hitherto quite unknown in the colony. Just as great post-war events across the border up to 1949 had given reason for Hong Kong's governing minds to forget about Young's municipal proposals, so in 1967 the Cultural Revolution seemed excuse enough to concentrate on civil stability and to forget local participation in the daily administration of public life.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "23\n\nsubcontracting, no vacancies were supposed to have existed. There were said at the time to have been 724 working scaffolders. Of these, 4 (all employed by 1 firm) had received education up to Secondary School Form Five; 160 had craft certificates (they were employed in 19 different firms); and 519 (employed in 45 different firms) had received education up to Secondary School Form Three or below.16 Still today, many of the older scaffolders have frequently only received a few years of Primary education, as was not uncommon until up to the 1960s. Many were young when they started learning the trade.\n\nEmployment figures vary considerably depending on the state of the economy. During a building recession, scaffolders sometimes move into other forms of employment, such as hawking or driving a taxi.\n\nA shortage of scaffolders and the danger factor in the trade results in higher wages being paid. Wages for scaffolders are in the region of 10 per cent more than other principal trades, such as carpenters and bricklayers, in the building industry. If a group of scaffolders decide to 'take work' for a price, they can usually earn even more. In October 1997, the going rate for a scaffolder, at HK$890.00 a day, could not attract workers. It was necessary to pay HK$1,000.00 a day.\n\nA shortage of scaffolders is brought about, too, partly because the work is of a casual nature, depending on the number of jobs available, with employees working somewhere between 20 to (but seldom more than) 25 days a month. Once erected, the scaffolding is 'hired out' at a set rate, depending on the time it is left standing before being dismantled.\n\nErecting bamboo scaffolding is normally seen, naturally, as a man's job, although, since the Construction Industry Training Centre opened in 1976, it has trained two girls (Plate 4). One of those later took over the managing of her father's scaffolding firm. With running the business in mind, that was why she undertook the course in the first place. However, although scaffolding is normally seen as a man's job, of the trainee-places on the Training Authority's course, only nine were taken up in the 1997-98 intake. Seventy per cent of the graduates from the course, which has been running for about 20 years, still work as scaffolders.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214002, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "37\n\nThe trade of scaffolder is normally seen as a man's job. The Construction Industry Training Authority Centre, at Kowloon Bay, has, however, trained two women. Note here how this young lady places her leg over and around the scaffolding, so she can hang on, and her hands can be freed for tying and other work (photograph courtesy of Hong Kong Industry Training Authority).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214010, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "45\n\nas a Buddhist monk. The problem of identifying which members of the family are portrayed by images on altars has been complicated by temple keepers having their own personal views of the exact identity of each deity on their altars. At least four of Yang Yeh's other sons are individually revered on altars, with the complete family, usually seven sons, revered in at least four temples, though in two of these there are eight sons, together with Yang Yeh's two young daughters and several of his sons' wives.\n\nLegends recounted by tea-house story-tellers claimed that General Yang Yeh defeated the Mongols near Heng Shan in Shansi early in the Sung dynasty becoming one of the most powerful supporters of the Sung. Later he, together with his heroic sons, tried to save the emperor from the invading hordes, and with his wife chose to die rather than surrender. All but two of their sons died with them. The Fifth and Sixth made their separate ways home after many adventures. After falling in battle fighting the enemies of the Sung, Yang Yeh was awarded the title of The Marshal who Protected the Sung, Sung-pao Yüan-shuai*. His body was recaptured from the enemy, so legend relates, by a valorous captain who had used a secret weapon to defeat them. He caused fire to flow from a pot thereby scorching the hillside and then, having exhumed the general's corpse, he returned to the capital at Kaifeng where it was buried in state. A temple keeper in Kowloon Tsai in Hong Kong claimed that General Yang Yeh was killed by the Tatars who hung his body on a gate tower where, daily, Mongol soldiers fired arrows at it to cause pain to his soul.\n\nA popular opera describes how the Commander-in-Chief of the Sung forces, General Yang Yeh, was encircled by the Tatars and seeing no other way out defied capture by knocking out his own brains on a stone monument dedicated to the loyal Su Wu, the unyielding plenipotentiary of the Han dynasty. The Tatars recovered his remains and honouring his bravery built a mausoleum in the Hung-yang cave, but covertly buried his remains in a secret place elsewhere to avoid the Sung forces taking the corpse back to be buried in the family grave. Meng Liang, a junior officer serving with the Yangs [and possibly now represented by the image of the unidentified deity on the temple altar beside the main altar bearing the images of the Seven, near Taichung] bravely recovered the corpse from the false coffin which, as the Tatars had feared, then was buried back home. However, Yang Yeh's spirit", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214061, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "96\n\nThe Shing Mun Valley scheme was started in 1923 and initially a 2km-long 3m-diameter tunnel was driven to Shek Lai Pui. Subsequently, the largest pre-Pacific war reservoir was constructed, which was to double the Territory's total water storage capacity to 27,000 million litres; it was formed by the main Gorge Dam, which was the highest in the old British Empire at that time (1936), and the subsidiary 25m-high earth/rockfill/concrete core Pineapple Pass Dam. The remarkable Gorge Dam, 85m high with a bold and probably unique design, consists of a downstream shoulder of rockfill faced with pitching and an upstream face comprising a slender near-vertical reinforced concrete diaphragm wall supported by a massive concrete thrust block. Between the upper part of the thrust block and the downstream rockfill, there is a narrow wedge filled with sand for the purpose of taking up any settlement of the rockfill and to cater for possible earthquake movement. Any leakage through the upper part of the diaphragm can be observed from an inspection gallery behind it. Elaborate experiments were made to determine the correct design of the reservoir overflow bellmouth in order to reduce vortexing and to neutralise the destructive vacuum forces which could occur at the base of the bellmouth overflow shaft. For this investigative work, the young Geoffrey Binnie was awarded a Telford premium by the Institution of Civil Engineers. Subsequently, preliminary investigations for the Tai Lam Chung scheme were started shortly before the outbreak of the Pacific war, by which time the Territory's population had risen to about 1.6 million.\n\nAs a result of an acute water emergency on the Island, work started on a 300mm steel pipe cross-harbour main in 1929, the sixty-two 30m-long bolted sections taking less than 2 months to lay, and a further 450mm main was laid in 1935. Due to corrosion problems, it was necessary to replace these pipes in 1939 with two 530mm steel pipes, protected with a 12mm-thick cement lining on the inside and a 60mm coating of vibrated concrete on the outside, which were laid on reinforced concrete blocks bedded on rockfill with a protective rubble mound on the east side of the pipelines to prevent damage from dragging anchors.\n\nThese pre-Pacific war water schemes not only involved building dams but also needed construction, often in difficult site conditions, of a multiplicity of extensive catchwaters, tunnels, trunk mains, treatment plants, service reservoirs, pumping stations, and distribution mains in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214123, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "ARE THE TANKA PEOPLE DESCENDANTS OF MONGOL SOLDIERS?\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\n161\n\nI have not done any research into the origins of the Tanka people of the Pearl River Estuary and have always assumed from something I read many years ago that ethnically they were one of the many original minority groups of southern China.\n\nHowever, I have just come across a paragraph in 'Pulling Strings in China', a book written in the late twenties by W.F. Tyler, suggesting that the Tanka boat people were a mixture of Mongol soldiers and Chinese with whom they had intermarried. Tyler was an interesting character, an Englishman who had been not only a young officer serving with the Chinese Imperial Navy during the Yalu battle in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894 but had gone on to be a Commissioner with the Chinese Maritime Customs.\n\nThe relative passage from the paragraph concerned claims that:\n\n*\n\nIn about 1370 the conquering Ming dynasty ordered that the soldiers of the previous Mongol garrisons - descendants of the famous hordes of Ghengis Khan - and their families should be slaughtered. At Canton there had been intermarriage and absorption in a century of Mongol rule, and enmity was dead, so there was reluctance to fulfil this drastic order: consequently it was reported to the capital that they had been driven into the river, and by inference, drowned. They were not drowned; they were allowed to live in boats and in piled shacks below high-water line. And so they lived and bred and grown for five hundred years or more, and it was no one's business to institute a change. These were the Tankas; fine-looking men and pretty girls”.\n\nHas any reader confirmation of Tyler's story?\n\nNOTE\n\nTyler, William Ferdinand Pulling Strings in China Constable London 1929", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214182, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "This paper's main aim is to compare Chinese humour with Western humour, although, again to narrow the field, of these two forms emphasis is placed on Cantonese as compared to English humour. There is of course common ground; but many Chinese wisecracks are not considered really funny outside China. This paper looks at an assortment of jokes, including Western and Chinese. Many are 'lowbrow.' It also looks at the everyday humour of ‘old 100 names' (, the common man). To round this study off, conclusions are arrived at. Because it concentrates on Cantonese humour it uses the Cantonese style of Romanisation rather than the more modern Pinyin.\n\n# Introduction\n\nThe British Museum's Egyptology Department has researched the bawdy fun and games that went on in the land of the Pyramids more than 4,500 years ago.3 Many of the gags which are still portrayed in the form of stone carvings centre around ‘adult jokes,' drunkenness, vomiting and sexual exhibitionism. With language and communications intertwined with culture, these antics were very much part of the humour which developed with the environment of the times (Lexikon der Agyptologie; 1997).\n\nCulture, the framework that provides people with their identity, includes not only language and communications but also multifarious parts of everyday life: such as dress and appearance, food and eating habits, and how people perceive and appreciate themselves in relation to the society in which they live. Culture also includes relationships, values and norms, beliefs and attitudes, work habits and practices, and the relationship between work and leisure and so on. Any of these aspects of culture, as well as entertainment and sex, can, of course, be related in some way to humour. All this is very much related to one's cultural background.\n\nIn a completely different culture in Egypt, four-and-a-half millennia ago, what has been described as 'the oldest joke in the world' is recorded on a slip of papyrus (Pharaohs thigh slapper; 1998). Translated it went something like this. How do you entertain a bored pharaoh? You sail a boatload of young, attractive women wearing only nets down the Nile and invite the pharaoh to go and catch a fish. Although the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214186, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "beach with his Chinese cook carrying a wok (Chinese frying pan) under his arm, he proclaimed 'Mat ye lei ga? (†1) (meaning \"What is this?'). But to a Cantonese it sounds very much like the word 'America'.\n\nAgain, regarding the appreciation of someone else's humour, a Chinese who has never lived outside China may be unable to laugh at a joke because he has limited knowledge outside his own country. For instance the ideal world has jokingly been said, by Asians, to be an English stately home, Chinese food, an American salary and a Japanese wife. But then another Asian pipes up, \"If you had a Japanese house, English food, a Chinese salary and an American wife you'd be in real trouble!\"\n\nOf course general knowledge, background and nuances often play an important part. For instance if you say in English, 'She's no chicken,' you mean a woman is not young. But in Cantonese it means she is not a prostitute.\n\nChinese and Westerners may face various obstacles before they can laugh at each other's jokes. Nevertheless, as Ezra Pound (1885-1972) the American poet and translator wrote: The sum of human wisdom is not contained in any one language, and no single language is capable of expressing all forms and degrees of human comprehension. Although there is much fine Chinese literature there have been few Chinese Nobel Prize winners. It is unfortunate that many of the finest passages of Chinese writing lose their sparkle when translated into western languages (Ball 1903; 358).\n\nIn a similar way the English language is not always easy for foreigners to appreciate. Tsim Tak-lung, at one time in charge of the Hong Kong Chinese University Press, once said that when enquiring after someone the English reply, ‘As well as can be expected.' 'What on earth does it mean?' asked confused Tsim.\n\nAgain he tells the tale of when he asked someone in a railway carriage in England whether a certain train went to Blanktown. He expected a 'yes' or 'no' answer. Instead he received the reply: 'I should be very surprised if it doesn't!' When the train pulled up at the platform", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214213, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "34\n\ncomparatively recently it was unbecoming to make fun of the British Royal Family in public in Britain.\n\nVittachi, in his letter to the author, says that although stories which pour scorn on leaders are loved by Westerners, Asian audiences sometimes appear a little scared when he does this. As Lee Kuan Yew recounted, by and large an Asian leader is not expected to accept gibes to his face. In Lee's own words, regarding how his political party acted (and largely acts) when governing Singapore: We argued and thrashed out our differences in private. In public we never contradicted each other (Minchin, 1986:343). It can be added that an Asian leader is likely, nevertheless, to receive a few well-aimed jabs behind his back, although, really to enjoy a joke, many will argue there has to be a 'victim.'\n\nAlthough the pointed joke and the sardonic barb can bring a great deal of trouble (Matthews, 1983:368), Western comedians are fond of using sarcasm with contemptuous language that is intended, in the extreme, to mock, insult or convey scorn. But in Hong Kong (and even more so on the People's Republic Mainland), it is so easy to cross the line and show disrespect (so that the person loses face). The Hong Kong film star and comedian Michael Hui Kwoon-man, a Hong Kong Chinese University graduate, explained to the author that he heard a western comedian in the United States say during a performance: 'What me? I'm so fat and healthy how could I possibly have AIDS?' 'Only people like Michael Jackson, who is skinny and ugly, have AIDS.' The Michael Jackson club in America, consisting mainly of young people, really enjoyed the joke about their idol and roared with glee.\n\nLater, Michael Hui returned to Hong Kong and tried the same joke out at the Anita Mui Fan Club. It fell completely flat. Members sat there looking glum, according to Hui. To be fair however, not all Westerners, especially the more sedate and elderly, would consider this joke funny. Also, of course, the fact that Michael Hui was joking about Anita Mui, a woman, made a difference.\n\nConclusions\n\nAfter researching and preparing this paper it is still not possible to decide positively whether there really are cognitive differences between", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214222, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "43\n\nSources and acknowledgements\n\nA considerable amount of material in this paper has been drawn from the author's own experiences. Much of it he has heard with his own ears rather than just repeating what he has read or what others have told him. This information has been gleaned over a period of four-and-a-half decades living and working with Chinese in Hong Kong and while visiting cities and regions in the People's Republic of China and while visiting overseas Chinese communities.\n\nThe author is grateful to a number of Hong Kong comedians, including Reuben M., Brent Ambacher, Harry Wong and Michael Hui. He is also grateful to a number of Chinese friends, such as Howard Young, Legislative Councillor, Joseph Chow, civil engineer and businessman, who enjoy amusing their friends, both Chinese and Western, by telling jokes. Thanks are also due to Nury Vittachi, journalist, author and part-time comic.\n\nThe author also acknowledges help received from Dr Kristin Stapleton of the University of Kentucky, Carol A R Andrews of the British Museum, Josephine Khu and Dr Sandra Tsang of Hong Kong University, Dr Elizabeth Sinn of the Centre of Asian Studies, Hong Kong University, and Catherine Lau of the Hong Kong Fringe Club.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214228, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "49\n\nYeung, Chris (1998a, March 22), 'Broadcaster stays open to debate,' Sunday Morning Post.\n\n(1998b, March 27), 'Civil servants fail to see joke,' South China Morning Post.\n\nZeldin, Theodore (1983), The French, Fontana Paperbacks\n\nNOTES\n\nDiscussion with Howard Young, Legislative Councillor Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the People's Republic of China, 1 February 1999.\n\n2 These appear to be mainly Mainland Chinese jokes with some added, in stages, from Hong Kong and Taiwan. Some jokes appear to be 15 or so years behind the times. Many are not really funny. See Internet web page: http://www.sc.cninfo.net/index/new/yml.htm.\n\n3 Carol A. R. Andrews, Assistant Keeper, conducted a 'gallery talk,' April 1997, on Ancient Egyptian Humour.\n\n4 Mr Bean is played by Rowan Atkinson who was said, in 1998, to be Britain's highest paid actor: see South China Morning Post, 15 November 1998.\n\n5 Howard Young, who although himself a Hong Kong Chinese, tells western jokes as he finds Chinese jokes, to use his own words, 'boring;' interviewed by author on 1 February 1999.\n\n6 This is, in other words, the Lun Yu, one of the Chinese Classics which has been the essence of Confucianism for more than 2,500 years.\n\n7 Fok and the author worked together in the Hong Kong Education Department up to 1980.\n\n8 The 'Gang of Four,' which had been centred around Mao Zedong during the Cultural Revolution, was arrested in October 1976, less than a month after Mao's death. The 'Gang' consisted of Jiang Qing, Mao's widow, Yao Wengyuan, Zhang Chunqiao and the youthful Wang Hongwen.\n\n9 Chinese soldiers too exhausted to march on were taken to the nearest habitation,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214261, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "82 \n\nskinned male with a semi-demonic face, dressed in gilded armour and a tall decorated gilded crown. He stands with an unsheathed sword in his left hand, held point up at waist height, and with a gilded halo behind his head and shoulders.\n\n31] Purna Man Hsien-jen A \n\nPurna is the 'Fully-complete Immortal' whose image can be seen in the cave/tunnel in Taiwan but not in either of the two temples in the Western Hills. He is portrayed as a dark-skinned warrior dressed in gilded armour, standing holding a long-handled javelin in his left hand. He has a gilded crown and a gilded halo behind his head and shoulders. His face is semi-demonic.\n\n32] Ma-ho-lo Nü 摩和羅女 \n\nMa-ho-lo Nü, from the title, is a goddess. Her image has only been seen in the cave/tunnel in Taiwan where she is depicted as a young woman dressed in a long gilded gown, covering her feet. She has her hands, palms together before her chest and her black hair drawn back. She is Chinese and has a gilded halo behind her head and shoulders.\n\n神母天王 \n\n33] Shen-mu T'ien Wang XI \n\nThe Heavenly Ruler of the Divine Mother is only to be seen in the cave/tunnel in Taiwan where he is portrayed as a middle-aged Chinese dressed in gilded robes and crown, holding a pair of small cymbals together, one in each hand. He has a gilded halo behind his head and shoulders.\n\n34] P’u-chi T’ien Wang Y \n\nThe only image noted of P'u-chi T'ien Wang stands in one of the niches within the cave/tunnel in the Taiwanese temple. He is portrayed as a fierce Chinese warrior dressed in gilded armour and helmet, with a gilded halo behind his head and shoulders. He is holding a short dagger in his right hand and a long handled spear in his left.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214297, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "118\n\n16 Mackenzie, op. cit., includes an Appendix giving details of all the guns captured in the period 1 January to 1 June 1841.\n\n17 Mackenzie, op. cit., p. 150.\n\n18 Ouchterlony, op. cit., p. 113.\n\n19 Loch, op. cit., p. 52 notes \"In fact, the carriage was precisely like a large garden barrow, with a locker before for shot, and a drawer between the handles containing loose powder and a small shovel to load with.\"\n\n20 Giuliano Bertuccioli ed., La Cina Nelle Lastre Di Leone Nani (1904-1914), Pontificio Istituto Missioni Estere 1994, p. 67.\n\n21 David Woodward, Armies of the World 1854-1914, London 1978, p. 157.\n\n22 Loch, op. cit., p. 113.\n\n23 Jocelyn, op. cit., p. 64.\n\n24 Jocelyn, op. cit., p. 152.\n\n25 D. Bonner-Smith, op. cit., p. 27 notes that in January 1858 \"Mr. H. Thompson, Midshipman of the Sans Pereil, a most praiseworthy and zealous young officer, was mortally wounded by a spear-rocket.\"\n\n26 D. Bonner-Smith, op. cit., p. 339 a report by Rear Admiral Sir M. Seymour to Secretary of the Admiralty dated May 21, 1858.\n\n27 Ouchterlony, op. cit., p. 153.\n\n28 Ouchterlony, op. cit., p. 156.\n\n29 Ouchterlony, op. cit., p. 37 describes that the force comprised \"a compact and serviceable body of troops, mustering about 3600 bayonets.\"\n\n30 Jocelyn, op. cit., p. 114.\n\n31 Ouchterlony, op. cit., p. 274 et seq.\n\n32 Mackenzie, op. cit., p. 22 notes \"The tortures which most of the Chinese endured,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214301, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "123\n\nwhile trekking and living amongst Chinese his Chinese language skills must have been of immense value and probably were the prime reason why he was invited to join several natural history expeditions through northern China.\n\nArthur's father, the Reverend Arthur Sowerby was a missionary in China for forty years, mostly in Taiyuan though during his latter years he was a tutor to the sons of Republican President Yuan Shih-kai [who attempted to mount the imperial throne in 1916].\n\nSowerby was a man of his time. He would have seen the Chinese first, as a child and a young man, from a missionary point of view, “sad heathen souls needing saving,\" later, with the eyes of a traveller and so-called explorer as \"dullards who needed leadership and western civilisation,” and finally, as a businessman and resident in the Foreign Concession of Shanghai, where the Chinese were regarded as \"the Yellow Peril, natives to be kept at a distance, and frequently ridiculed.\" China and the Chinese were popularly denigrated by the Western community and Chinese in general were distrusted. These strongly rooted beliefs reflected nearly a century of western misunderstanding and reaction to Chinese conduct, and shaped the behaviour of Treaty Port Westerners and Britons in particular. However, Sowerby had a redeeming feature as the editor of and a writer for a journal, one of the aims of which was to educate foreigners living on Chinese soil on, amongst other things, Chinese culture,\n\nThe only connection this article has with the Millennium, however tenuous, was the fortunate escape of the Sowerby family, including the fifteen year-old Arthur, from the largest Boxer massacre of missionaries exactly a century ago in 1900. The great majority of Western missionaries in Shansi, many scores, were murdered - with the provincial Governor, Yü Hsien, taking part in the killing of fifty-one Catholic and Protestant missionaries in his yamen, and with a further fifty or so being killed elsewhere in the province. The Sowerbys were lucky enough to be back in England on long furlough at the time and the Reverend Arthur Sowerby who lost many friends and colleagues had the sad task of writing the obituaries of several of them.\n\nArthur was educated at home in Taiyuan and also at a missionary", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "132\n\nArthur Sowerby was recorded in the Directory & Chronicle of China, Japan, Corea, Indo-China, etc. for the years 1932 and 1938 as manager of China Industries Ltd, with an office in Museum Road, Shanghai and in 1938, as a director of the Post-Mercury Company Inc., USA in Avenue Edward VII, also in Shanghai. The latter was involved in printing and advertising.\n\nArthur was a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society, a Fellow of the Zoological Society, a member of the RAS North China Branch and also President [1928] of the China Society of Science and Arts [in Shanghai], as well as being Honorary Director of the Shanghai [RAS] Museum.\n\niii\n\nHe married three times, the first time in about 1910, at the age of twenty-five, to Mary Anne Mesny, the daughter of John Mesny of the Chinese Customs Service. She would have been just about the same age as Arthur though more than likely his elder by a few years. She seems to have disappeared from the scene almost immediately, perhaps dying comparatively young but not before she bore him a son. She does not appear in any notes after their marriage even when his parents and sisters were evacuated from Taiyuan to the safety of Tientsin during riots. This suggests that she was no longer present after about 1911 or 1912. As Mary Anne's father, John Mesny, was married to a Chinese lady whom he married in Hankow in 1866, Mary Anne was half-Chinese. This was a time when mixed marriages and even more so, marriage to someone with native blood, was frowned upon by the more bigoted expatriates.\n\nHis second wife, to whom he was married at the age of forty-two in 1927, was Clarice Moise, the American with whom he founded the China Journal. Clarice died in 1944 during the Japanese occupation of Shanghai.\n\nHis third wife was Alice Cowens, an old friend and the lady who had nursed Arthur's brother when he had been gassed during the First World War. She was invited to join Arthur in Shanghai in the Autumn of 1946 at a time when he was too ill to travel back to England alone and promptly flew out, first to Hong Kong and then, five days later, she arrived in Shanghai and married him.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "151\n\non points where Chinese customs differed from British, but does so in rather a coy way. It says, for example, \"The young female on the left is wearing a pair of small lady's shoes,\" rather than stating that the person in question has bound feet. The narrative explains what it was necessary to explain, and leaves it at that.\n\nMore noticeable is the way the narrative focuses on Chinese activities, circumstances and customs which were similar to those of the British of the time. \"The first [of the six illustrations] represents some women at work: the old woman in the foreground is hemming, ... and the little girls are making narrow silk braid. In the second, mandarins are playing a game somewhat similar to draughts in the garden of the Governor of Canton. The third shows the interior of a drawing-room, with a mandarin family and attendants.\"\n\nOther parts of the narrative, “Domestic Life in China,” show similarity in difference. “Each lady has an attendant behind her. The young lady to the right of the picture is unmarried: this is indicated by her hair being still in a queue - the hair being put up at marriage. The attendants are slave-girls, with fans to fan their mistresses. The fifth view exhibits a group of ladies of distinction and visitors. The ladies are seated with their visitors at a table partaking of tea and sweetmeats. The box on the table is divided into compartments to contain different kinds of sweetmeats, the old lady in the centre of the picture has a chopstick in her hand, to help the visitors to sweets; the lady to the right is about to take a whiff from the water-pipe which the little slave-girl is holding and lighting. Tea is brought immediately on the arrival of visitors; some time afterwards sweets are served and some fresh tea, after which pipes are carried to each lady by her own slave-girl. The last Sketch depicts a group of ladies receiving visitors. The ladies have all risen to receive a visitor, and one has stepped forward to bow to her. In bowing each lady takes hold of one of her own sleeves, and, whilst bowing, shakes it. Each of the company follow in order, and go through the same ceremony.\" Smoking by ladies of rank would have been highly unusual in Britain at the time, being practiced rather by gypsy women, and there were no \"slave-girls\" in Britain. But putting up one's \"back hair\" was a mark of maturity in Britain also at this time, and the polite partaking of tea and sweets was certainly familiar to British readers. So were ceremonies of politeness in the greeting of guests, although following different forms.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214352, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "175\n\nthe Zhou dynasty and became the emperor of the new dynasty, the Zhou, and is known by his reign title of Wu Wang. The Book of History suggests that his army consisted in part or in the main of a central Asian race, the Western Yi. Zhou Xin is vilified as a moral degenerate under the spell of a wicked concubine, Dan Ji. The Shang were attacked and replaced as the dominant force in northern China by the Zhou just before the first millennium BC, having come from the west. They established their capital near present-day Xi'an.\n\n6\n\nThe victor, Wu Wang [King Wu], passed on the title of Zhou Gong [Duke Zhou] to his brother, Dan, and also conferred the imperial title on his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather who had only been dukes when still alive. Zhou Gong was the paragon of literary China for some three thousand years, and it was he rather than his imperial brother who was the author of the Constitution of Zhou. When his brother, the emperor, died leaving a young son, court officials and the vassals assumed that Duke Zhou would usurp the throne and kill his nephew. He did nothing of the sort, and instead, it was the young king who at the age of nineteen stripped his uncle of his powers and forced him to live in exile in Shandong where he died a few years later.\n\nThe deities described in traditional vernacular fiction, and in particular in the immensely popular novel the Fengshen Yanyi, are known to most Chinese, whereas the majority of those left out of the Fengshen Yanyi, apart from the major cult deities, have to all intents and purposes gone into limbo and are only known within small pockets of China or have been lost in the mists of time. Versions of the legend passed on orally often in local dialect, which frequently does not extend further than the extent of the dialect group, have numerous minor and occasionally major variations, whereas the written version was read China-wide in its 'established' state.\n\nSo many heroes and worthies make their appearance at one stage or another that it is impossible to name them all. Some appear momentarily during one of the battles, others are recorded in several chapters, occasionally with different names or titles, such as the Northern Emperor [Bei Di] who is also known by his titles, Xuantian Shang Di, The Supreme Lord of the Dark Heavens, and Zhen Wu, The True Warrior. And in temples today, in all probability, he will be known by only one of these titles, with local devotees vigorously denying that an identical...\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "178\n\namends. King Wu also held an audience at which he announced that certain Daoists and generals who had bravely fought and died should be regarded as heroes and revered as such. At that point a number of Daoist mythological heroes stepped forward and declared that as they were uncultured, having lived in the mountains and countryside, they now wished to return to report to their masters. They added that they were unable to accept honours or rewards as they had simply followed the orders of their masters. All seven left the Court, and the following day after a feast, they were reluctantly permitted to leave by King Wu.\n\nMy daughter, a friend and I during a visit to Song Shan in Henan province, one of the Daoist holy mountains, came across a large modern temple which, as we approached its entrance, looked real enough until we came to enter it. There were several young women in a uniform of sorts knocking a badminton cock around to while away the hours and, of all things, a turnstile. We then saw the name of the temple was Fengshen Gong, the Palace of the Investiture of the Gods, and entered wide-eyed wondering what could possibly be inside.\n\nOnce inside we were taken by our guide down a short corridor and out into what proved to be a massive wax-works, images of scenes from the Fengshen Yanyi as well as images of the major local deity, the Lord of Zhong Yüeh, the Lord of the Central Peak [Song Shan]. The exhibition, we were informed, had been built by the Tourist Board of the local city, Deng Feng, for Chinese visitors. Well over 200 images, mostly static but with some dozen or so automatons, lined the winding path leading through the large exhibition hall. With a not too subtle gesture our guide switched each on and off until, apparently bored by her foreign guests who spent quite some time at each exhibit, she abandoned us and returned to her badminton. The place was deserted apart from four small boys who were delighted to be alone with us and took enormous pleasure in switching on and off the various exhibits for our benefit without any guide being there to chastise them.\n\nScenes included the wicked Zhou Wang ascending his throne; Na Zha, the Third Prince, Causing Trouble with the Dragon King; Duke Fa [King Wu] subjugating Zhou Wang; the Terrace of the Investiture on which Jiang Ziya is reading out the decree canonising the heroes, and the Five Sacred Ones returning to Heaven. Several of the automated exhibits had the small boys in fits of giggles; one in particular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214356, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "179\n\nwas the decapitation of a Fox Fairy, possibly the wicked King's concubine, Dan Ji. In legend the spirit of a fox inhabits the body of a beautiful young woman who then bewitches and captivates men. When killed such woman immediately revert to their fox body origins. In the exhibit the young woman is standing and as the sword descends her head rolls off and rolls about on the floor before immediately reverting to its original position on her body. The boys were only too delighted to press the button to cause the head to roll again and again. Another was the birth of the Third Prince out of his caul. In legend he is born an apparent monster but after a swift slash with a sword the caul opens and the child emerges. Once more the boys played this for us several times.\n\nThis was possibly not the most ideal way to be introduced to the Fengshen Yanyi. A year or so earlier my daughter and I heard of the small temple dedicated to Zhou Gong, located at the foot of Phoenix Mountain in a rural area north of Qi Shan in Shaanxi province. We drove there to find in the main hall of a memorial temple, which had just been renovated, an image of Jiang Ziya flanked by two mythological deities, Na Zha and Yang Jian [see Note 8]. The first of the two, is a seven year old youth who caused havoc in Heaven and, better known as the Third Prince. He is nowadays the primary guardian of temple altars in Taiwan where his image stands on the altar table before the main altar. His is a traditional story tracing the age-old conflict between generations, and conflict of power and responsibility. Yang Jian has certain magic powers, which he used during the conflict but is also regarded as a potent deity who protects against demonic attack. He is often referred to as Er Lang, and he and his small dog are to be seen in a number of temples and in many he is regarded as the patron deity of dogs. The murals across the whole of the main hall's side walls depict episodes from the Fengshen Yanyi complete with Jiang Ziya first mobilising the deities of heaven to help the Duke Fa, and finally, the scene of the Investiture itself on the Terrace of the Investiture.\n\n10\n\nA number of temples in the central-west of China used to contain large gilded 'mountains', carved structures representing a mountain with crags and caves on which were superimposed a number of carved wooden gilded images of Daoist deities. The vast majority of these were also characters from the Fengshen Yanyi.11", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214364, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "188\n\ncults. Popular religion is an amalgam of Chinese peasant beliefs with shamanism and the use of magic. The reason for the interdict on popular religion, apart from the reference to it as \"purely superstition,\" would appear to be because it is not in any way an organised religion with a controlling malleable body and having to obey orders in a chain of control.\n\nIn the first flush of the Communist victory in 1949-1950 temples in a great many places were closed down, taken over and used for community purposes such as granaries, police and even local military barracks, schools or créches, or destroyed. The few that remained, having been allowed to lie unused and untouched, were mostly laid waste during the Cultural Revolution [1966-1976] when the young Red Guards saw it their duty to destroy all elements of old ways. Since the early 1980s more and more religious establishments within Mainland China have opened or, in the majority of places, re-opened. They have been refurbished and new statuary made to replace those destroyed during the early days of communist rule or during the Cultural Revolution.\n\nMany temples have now been renovated and restored to their old glory with statuary created by young artisans guided by the elderly whose memories of the iconographic detail has proved, on the whole, to be comparatively poor. As an example we can see in Kuan Hsien near Chengtu in Szechuan province, the former image of the major local deity, Li Ping, the official who designed and arranged the irrigation system which made the Chengtu plain the major agricultural region it is today. Previously he was portrayed as a standard scholar-official, sitting, dressed in robes and cap but without a unique characteristic. Today, however, he is depicted as a politicised middle-aged man, standing in a Stakhanovite pose typical of the nineteen fifties and sixties. This in no way inhibits devotees today from kneeling before and revering him.\n\nMany of the new images depict dynastic scholars, officials or women, with well formed and not unattractive heads and faces, and swathed in silken robes which conceal a basic frame constructed of slats of wood unlike pre-1949 images the bodies of which were made in the whole. The images of small children usually accompanying the image of maternity goddesses are almost without exception modern children's dolls without their clothes whereas during dynastic times the children were all equally well carved as the major deities. It is worth adding how truly hideous and garish some of the new edifices are.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214365, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "189\n\nIn late 1997 in northern Shansi province whilst touring round village temples as well as those on high mountains it was soon apparent that the Cultural Revolution had laid the majority of village temples low and left them in ruined dereliction. However, Buddhist temples far from the cities had been more fortunate and these still contained undamaged images albeit in a poor state of care. Many of the village temples were being used as squatter residences usually for a single elderly person, with the walls crumbling, the roofs matted with grass and weeds between the roofing tiles, doors and windows agley and hanging on one hinge, and in a few places the images of the old deities still lying on their backs on the floor where they had been flung thirty years earlier by the Red Guards, and awaiting rescue. Villagers were still interested in their temples but have not the funds to do anything about renovation, at least for yet a while. The elderly remembered the gods and the majority had small cheap images, on their household altars or paper icons pasted to their walls, mainly of Kuan Yin and Kuan Kung.\n\nOne temple stood out as a born-again Buddhist establishment, with an in-house priest and several ladies ranging from very old to a young woman in her late twenties who all cared for him and hung on his every word. They were punctilious with their greetings and their constant invocation of O-mi-t'o Fu, as well as with their gentle pressure on their foreign visitors to feel the sanctity of the place and, in particular, of their priest. The temple, a recently refurbished building of wood and tiles on the site of a former temple, had no feel of age nor did it in any way bring to mind its former self, the building which had been destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. Sadly, it was a utilitarian construction with a few religious appendages, and similar in style to many an old village school with little if any of the sense of numinous felt in old temples.\n\nAlso during this visit to northern Shansi we came across the old temple which had been dedicated to Wu Lang. This was described in detail in Volume 37 in an article entitled the Yang family of Generals.\n\nMainland press reports during the years 1995-6 have frequently referred to provincial crackdowns on the construction of 'illegal' religious temples as well as the excessive building of tombs. Some regions, it was reported, had been seeking to promote tourism by engaging in superstitious activities on the pretext of respecting \"the traditional culture of the motherland.\" The People's Daily, the mouthpiece of the party, called for a complete ban on Chinese tourists paying homage at temples and monasteries, even though such practices have been tolerated", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214377, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "201\n\nof affairs is not known but it is a possibility which cannot be discounted entirely. What is beyond dispute is that these widely publicized fears were used by the leaders of the Chinese community as a reason to petition the Government for permission to organise a force of Chinese watchmen who would help the public police. The scheme received the blessing of the Governor, Sir Richard MacDonnell, though it met with less than wholehearted approval from some other members of the administration, most notably the Chief Justice, Sir John Smale. The feature of the plan which appealed most to Government officials was its economy. Since the expenses of operating the scheme would be borne by the Chinese merchants, the Government would not need to spend any money yet it would, in effect, gain additional police constables.\n\n\"The Victoria Registration Ordinance 1866\" (No. 7 of 1866) provided the authorization for the formation of this body of men and came into effect on 1 January 1867. By its provisions the Governor, on the recommendations of the inhabitants of a particular District, could appoint a Chief Watchman and Watchmen who were under the control of the Registrar General and had the same powers as a constable. Thus, although both the words 'District' and 'Watchmen' appeared in the Ordinance, the combination 'District Watchmen' was not used. Two of the most informative early accounts of the District Watch Force appeared in the Registrar General's Reports for 1867 and 1868. In 1867 the Registrar General's post was held by a young Cadet Officer, Cecil C. Smith, who also acted as Colonial Secretary whilst in 1868 Alfred Lister, a Cadet with even less experience, acted as Registrar General. From the tenor of the earlier report it seems that Smith favoured the establishment of 'a body of men acting as a help to the Police Force.' The introduction of the scheme was not easy and 'Much jealousy was at first displayed as to the powers which were to be exercised in controlling the Watchmen.' Although the wording is ambiguous and the sentiments could have applied equally to some Europeans, the tone of the following sections of Smith's report suggest that this 'jealousy' prevailed within the Chinese community. This political in-fighting amongst the Chinese merchants and shopkeepers had long-lasting consequences for the future direction of the watchmen and undoubtedly led to the subordinate position of the Chinese in its operation.\n\nAs had occurred with earlier attempts to give the local population", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "221\n\nthe 1866 Ordinance allowed them. The non-confrontational attitude identified in the pre-1920 Chinese merchant class by Ku Hung-ting,1 coupled with a pragmatic belief that half a bowl of rice is better than none, could also explain why the merchants were prepared to go along with the Government's decision. Whilst they would have preferred to have complete control over their security force and did not relish having their businesses scrutinized more than was already the case, a limited degree of control was preferable to none.\n\nThe 'hijacking' of the whole of the District Watch Force for three years 1883-85 to work on non-security sanitary duties following Osbert Chadwick's Sanitary Report has been discussed at length and this change in direction of the Force need only be mentioned again to emphasize the point that, whilst the Chinese merchants may have been paying for this Watch Force, the latter's duties could be, and were, decided by the colonial authorities. The fact that the Chinese merchants continued to fund this scheme during these years whilst the Government contributed a mere $1 per person per month illustrates the lack of a level playing field in this particular game between the colonial power and the local community. Although it is possible that some Chinese people in Hong Kong may have wanted improvements in their sanitary conditions, it is by no means certain that this number would have been substantial. Even if some Chinese residents placed great store on improved sanitary conditions, it is unlikely that the local merchants would have wanted this to be done at their expense particularly if this sanitary work stopped their security force from performing their duties.\n\nThe years following the creation of the District Watch Force showed how certain ultra-conservative factions within the European community would have preferred the District Watch Force to disappear or, failing that, at least be merged with the regular police. That this did not occur is a testament not only to the Chinese merchants who stood their ground but also to some of the first young Cadet officers who were more open-minded than their less enlightened colleagues. With the introduction of the 1888 ‘Registration of the Chinese Ordinance,' the establishment of the District Watch Committee in 1890-91 and the appointment of the Captain Superintendent of Police as a member of the District Watch Committee in 1894, Government influence became even more effective and continued to grow during the twentieth century. Furthermore, the addition of duties such as the house-to-house checks\n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214407, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "231\n\nmainly inhabited by Chinese, which circumstance already speaks sufficiently for itself, but eastwards the city is spreading rapidly, with magnificent houses being built; in the two years following my first visit marked progress has been made.\n\nFurther towards the east a magnificent road leads to a beautiful valley, through which flows a small stream. They say this was the only place that was inhabited prior to the occupation of the island by the English. The Chinese (man) who had a farm here and who had cultivated the valley, called it Happy Valley, a name by which it is still known today. Nowadays alongside the excellently cultivated fields other fields are gradually being sown for great harvests in the future. We too planted a few seeds brought here from afar. The name of the valley accords with its choice as the site for the cemetery.\n\nWhat first particularly strikes one in Hong Kong and other trading towns of China is the almost total absence of horses; they are replaced by Chinese. It is too hot to walk on foot and hence improper for a decent gentleman, let alone a lady: on my walks I never met a lady on foot. Each household usually has one covered litter, like a carriage body without wheels, and several open ones, consisting of light bamboo armchairs with two poles attached: in the true sense - a portechaise. Two Chinese are harnessed to both the former and the latter, which obviously works out cheaper than horses, but from the moral point of view they are debased to the level of animals and are no better than any slave. On more than one occasion a poor coolie (porter) received a beating from a passing dandy for not moving out of the way in time or simply because the latter wanted to make use of his cane. It seems that crying out against slavery, or preaching equality, is much easier. During my stay here a small scene took place on 'Queen's Road.' The main role was played by a young officer of the frigate HM Nanking. It seems that the young man, being in high spirits, decided to eat some fruit from the basket of a hawker and the Chinese, not appreciating the joke, demanded payment and not receiving it grabbed the gentleman by the coat. Apparently, this insult to his attire was too much to take, even if the citizen of the Celestial Empire was right, and that is why HM Mr. Officer dealt the 'peasant' a mighty blow, which cut his face. Several peace-loving citizens, who didn't share the hero's warlike spirit, happened to be present and insisted that he be taken to the police, which was indeed done in spite of the loud protestations of his friends. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214417, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 275, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "241\n\nthe freshness, the cleanness, the splendour constrain them; they seem like fish which, from a dirty, marshy river have been transferred to an ornamental pond filled with clear water: nowhere to hide, to shelter, to filch, to swindle, to get oneself dirty or to get one's neighbour dirty.\n\nHaving quickly walked round the whole quarter, we struck the mountain, which at this point was artificially cut away and consisted of a smooth, sheer wall; a new road was planned here. A whole regiment of labourers crowded around; they dug the earth, hewed stones, carted debris away. These were all immigrants from the Portuguese colony of Macau. No sooner had the English conceived the idea of a settlement here, and sent out a call, than Macau became almost deserted. Work, and consequently bread and money, lured up to thirty thousand Chinese over here. Instead of poverty in Macau, they preferred the endless labour and inexhaustible payment here. They were not frightened off by the epidemic fevers that raged in the beginning. Under the supervision of the English they began clearing and draining the soil: the epidemics abated and the migration increased.\n\nWe came down from the rise and entered the Chinese quarter again, passing, incidentally, a house where a bare-chested young Chinese stood in front of a window, strumming a meagre and monotonous tune on an instrument resembling a guitar. A number of women peered out of the window. However not all Chinese wander around the town near naked: it is only porters, manual labourers and shopmen. The higher classes are dressed decently; there are even dandies, in snow-white coats and wide satin trousers, in heavy-soled shoes and with a thick black shiny pigtail down to their feet, with a fine fan with which they cover their heads from the sun.\n\nThe more ordinary women walk around the town themselves whereas those who are richer or more important are led arm-in-arm. Their feet are all more or less maimed; and those who \"through ill-breeding, through parental negligence\" remained as nature had intended, fabricate another artificial foot under their real one, but one so small that they definitely cannot step on it and hence walk with the assistance of servant girls. In spite of the long garments in which Chinese women are wrapped from top to toe; I accidentally, with the aid of a puff of wind, discovered a bit of guile... Olive-skinned women with black, slightly narrowed eyes dress predominantly in dark colours. With hair-dos à la chinoise, and a splendid mass of black hair fastened at the back with a large gold or silver pin, they are not dis-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214418, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 276, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "242\n\nagreeable in appearance.\n\nWe barely made it back to the European quarter and went into a hotel kept by a Pole. He said he had lived in Moscow for two years, when he was about fourteen and now he was over forty. I wanted to speak to him in Russian but he doesn’t remember a word. In a room closed from the heat, we were served a lunch of tender tasty fish and tough ham, which however we didn’t touch. P. then got into a sedan chair and ordered himself to be taken to some banker or other, while I set off further down the street to some superb quadrangular barracks. I passed an avenue with miserable scraggy trees and then walked along the water’s edge. It was no longer so hot, with a cool breeze coming from the bay. At the sea front I saw numerous large red insects flying from spot to spot. I wanted to catch a few and take them to G. Chasing after them I was unwittingly drawn to the gates of the barracks and found myself in a huge courtyard, which serves as a training area for the regiment.\n\nSome English officers saw me from the balcony, came down and invited me to join them, ‘to drink a glass of wine.’ We went into one of the rooms where the furniture, the crockery — everything confirmed what is said about the splendour of the officers’ way of life. Silverware and the finest linen are the normal accoutrements of their messes and dining-tables. The officers eat together at the one table and they adhere so strictly to this officer-family way of life that they are rarely absent from dinner. A spacious balcony, or verandah, where the masters of the barracks lazily doze during the hours of siesta, runs round the whole building. I declined the wine and was treated to some lemonade.\n\nIt was late and a sensuous, glittering and captivating night had descended when I returned to the pier, where I found P., waiting for the ship’s dinghy. Meantime a Chinese boat stood there before us; in the moonlight we could see two female figures in it. “What do we need the dinghy for?” I asked. “These women can ferry us across: let’s get in?” We got in and both women, holding on to the one oar, attached to the stern, began turning it briskly to right and left. The moon shone right in their faces: one was old, the other about fifteen, pale, with black, narrow, but nevertheless beautiful eyes; her hair was fastened at the back with a silver pin. “Take us to the Russian frigate!” we said. “Two shillings!” The young one named their price. “A hundred pounds sterling for some—", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214421, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 279, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "245\n\ncontinuing battle between Fadeev and the coolie, for the basket. I hired a boat and placed Fadeev in it, but the coolie followed him and resumed the fighting. The Chinese in the surrounding boats started shouting; Fadeev was about to sit down in the boat, like a mandarin, holding the basket in both hands, but the coolie wouldn't leave him alone. The boatman didn't want to take us, waiting for a resolution of the matter. Fadeev moved to go ashore again - but they wouldn't let him. \"With your permission, Your Excellency, I'll settle them,\" he said, taking the basket in one hand, and energetically pushing the Chinese aside with the other, he got ashore. I left, leaving him to sort it out as best he knew, only from afar I could see him beating off the Chinese like a bear amongst a pack of dogs, hitting them on their outstretched arms. Then later I saw him proudly moving away on our ship's boat, with just the purchases, and not the basket, which had belonged to the coolie and was, through our slow-wittedness, the cause of the conflict.\n\nAt one end of Hong Kong's extensive roadstead the trading house of Jardine and Matheson has been established. The four of us went to have a look at this example of the indefatigable energy and insatiable greed and enterprise of the English. Sten-Bil, the commander of the Danish corvette \"Galatea\" believes the English have invested too much labour and money in Hong Kong and the undertaking will not vindicate itself. On the appropriation of this island, merchants from Calcutta and Singapore rushed here and some of them sank all their capital, counting on the proximity of the Chinese mainland and on the sale of opium. But so far this has not been justified. Perhaps misgivings about the commercial imprudence of some Jardine may be warranted but nevertheless the possession of Hong Kong, the cannons, their own harbour - all this at China's doorstep, assures the English of trade with China for ever, and this little island will, it seems, be an everlasting eyesore for the Chinese government.\n\nA palace has been built at the Jardine establishment, and a garden and path laid out nearby; other buildings are being erected. While we were there hoards of Chinese were paving the ground with slabs; a few vessels stood by the shore. It was not yet midday when we walked onto the wharf and then hurriedly disappeared into the scant shade of the young garden. The chirping of the insects, with the approach of midday was so loud, that it could have challenged a large orchestra. We sat wearily on a bench, glancing occasionally at the glass doors of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 318, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "285\n\nTHE AMERICAN SOLDIER OF FORTUNE FREDERICK TOWNSEND WARD HONOURED AND REVERED BY THE CHINESE WITH A\n\nMEMORIAL TEMPLE\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nFrederick Townsend Ward was born in Salem, Massachusetts in 1831 and though he is said to have attended a private college in the United States, which included a military element in its curriculum, he failed to graduate. He left home and as a young ship's officer sailed on several trading voyages to China.\n\nIn his twenties, having sought excitement and a career as a free-booter during which time he claimed that he had fought in the Crimea with the French and in Central America where he met Garibaldi, he sailed yet as an officer on a US registered ship to China where, at the time, the Taiping rebellion, a major rebellion against the Ch'ing [Manchu] dynasty, was at its height and he finally sought employment ashore. Basically, he was a mercenary who saw his chance and took employment first sponsored by local Chinese officials and supported by a Chinese official in the defence of the Shanghai area from the rebels, then later by Ch'ing officials in his campaign against the same rebels, either for gain or excitement, possibly both.\n\nWard raised a force of some hundred Western mercenaries, on behalf of the Chinese in Shanghai, together with scores of Filipinos, as well as soldiers and sailors discharged or deserters from the Anglo-French expedition, for the protection of the city against what seemed like an impending attack by the Taiping Rebel forces. This proved a failure and a year or so later he raised a highly competent and disciplined force of Chinese soldiers officered by Westerners to fight the rebels. Ward became a Chinese citizen with an official rank. He claimed Chinese nationality when arrested by the captain of a British warship for violating neutrality but in the event was handed over to the Chinese because of his \"non-nationality.\"\n\nAt first the force of about a thousand was known as the Foreign-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214463, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 321, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "288\n\n[illustration XX].\n\nThe cab driver from Shanghai who took us to Sungkiang had never heard of Ward and we therefore stopped the first old man we saw and asked whether he had ever heard of the American and if so, where had the temple been? Yes, he had heard of an American but knew no more. He recommended that we visited the local government Historical Department. On arrival we disturbed an elderly lady who was taking her mid-day siesta sprawled across her small upright desk. She shot to her feet and ushered us into the office of the Director/Curator who having heard what we were seeking called for a conference. We sat around a large table for a matter of minutes whilst the Director described the problem, - to find the temple dedicated to ‘Hua-de' - as Ward was described phonetically; whereupon he then announced that he knew where it used to be and that we should repair there straight away. He took the elderly lady on his moped and led our cab through the back streets and finally down a narrow tortuous lane until we came to a pair of large iron gates which we entered and found ourselves facing a modern church. We were led first into the offices nearby where it was explained that the priest was out but the young woman on his staff would show us their church. It proved to be a Roman Catholic church built in 1982 containing the statuary and altars one would expect. The decorated ceiling was pointed out as a speciality; meanwhile, a Dutch lady and her husband who were accompanying me were examining the electric fan covers, all beautifully embroidered with grinning cats! A typical Chinese touch. It was explained that the high altar stood over the grave of Ward and that the foundations of the four walls were the original foundations of Ward's temple, long destroyed even before the Cultural Revolution. So, we thought, that was that. But no, the young woman had a request to make. Would we as foreigners please visit their landlord who was causing them some trouble with his high rents, and try to persuade him to be more lenient. It then transpired that the landlord was the abbot of the local Buddhist monastery, which squares the circle. The grave of Ward, a Protestant, revered as a Chinese Confucian hero, with a temple in his honour, now lies under the altar of a Roman Catholic church, whilst the land itself is the property of the local Buddhist monastery in a Communist state.\n\nThe altar table in the temple raised by Chinese mandarins, bore his tablet, ritual candle sticks and incense pot, and was flanked by scrolls", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214479, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 337, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "306\n\npaper cutting recalling the story of his life. Many of the papers and photographs, which have been placed by the Royal Asiatic Society with the Government Public Records Office on permanent loan, could be of interest to RAS members who are undertaking research in relevant fields.\n\nAmong the maps of the Pacific region are some of Japan and Shanghai, one dated 1919. There is also an unusual map (undated) of Shanghai (3 feet x 2 feet 3 inches) which has a 'border' consisting of a large number of small pictures. On the map is printed, 'In this map we have tried to depict for you the history, customs and points of interest in this cosmopolitan city of Shanghai.'\n\nMany of Mr Graham's photographs concern the Shanghai Gas Company. They include group pictures of the staff, both Chinese and Westerners, at farewell parties, group gatherings and the like. In all these pictures no women are present. Most images were taken in the early 1930s, when Arnold Graham, as a young man, was Assistant Secretary. There is one photograph of a smaller group, again of both Westerners and Chinese, where some Chinese men are wearing cheung saams. This is interesting because it was taken in October 1950, one year after the People's Republic Government came to power. There is just one photograph of a group which includes both men and women. This was taken in London in 1957. All are Europeans. It was probably a reunion.\n\nThere is also an album containing a number of snaps of life in Shanghai and China, in the 1930s, and during the Sino-Japanese war. There are also a number of family photographs depicting the lifestyle of Europeans in the Far East between the two World Wars.\n\nWhat did Arnold Graham do in his spare time? He was a keen cricketer and a Shanghai Interporter. There are a number of photographs, of varying sizes, of cricket teams: such as Hong Kong versus Malaya, at Singapore in 1926. There is a picture of the teams, 'Hankow versus Shanghai circa 1930.' There are some pictures taken with people sitting in front of pavilions. Most of the photographs consist entirely of Europeans. In a few pictures, however, there are one or two Chinese who could have been groundsmen. The papers in the box include a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 401, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "370\n\nGuan Yin, wavered before offering incense to the image of Commissioner Lin, with the great majority ignoring the images of the three Chinese officials. However, it must also be pointed out that the woman custodian, a native of Shanxi, and the two middle-aged men who sat with her at her table beside the entrance knew next to nothing about the religious status of the Three Officials as well as that of Commissioner Lin.\n\nDevotees were, in the main, young Chinese on a day out visiting the Museum and the temple who seemed to see it as natural to offer incense to the main gods and, though they seemed not too sure about the hero, Lin, they were quite certain that the other three were simply there as part of the Museum display. The question is whether future generations will come to treat Lin in much the same way as other deified heroes of China's past, such as the Song dynasty hero, Yue Fei?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214555, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 413, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "382\n\nIllustration Three Young Communicants outside the Cathedral on Easter Sunday. Photograph by Allan Painter.\n\n59\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 438, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n407\n\nGH Choa, The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai, A Prominent Figure in Nineteenth-Century Hong Kong, Revised Edition (first published 1981), Chinese University Press Hong Kong (2000) (pp. 305).\n\nThis book is about one of Hong Kong's favourite sons, who lived from 1859 to 1914. At least he would be if more people knew about him. That is, one supposes, one of the main purposes of this book. This distinguished man deserves to be better known. So often too, after one has written a book, one discovers additional information. Dr Choa has had a second bite at the cherry.\n\nPicture if you can a 13 year-old Chinese lad going off to Britain in 1872, in a vastly different world to that which we know today. After completing secondary education he moved to medical school at Aberdeen in 1875, where he graduated with the degrees of Bachelor of Medicine and Master of Surgery. Not content he then studied law at Lincoln's Inn where he was selected as Senior Equity Scholar and Senior Scholar in Real and Personal Property. When the news arrived back, 'on a slow boat to Hong Kong,' it caused quite a stir. All Chinese basked in Ho Kai's glory. This young Chinese was beating the Brits at their own game.\n\n4\n\nBut wait! While in Britain he did an unheard of thing and took an English woman as his wife. Choa says, \"This was probably the first Anglo-Chinese marriage ever... On returning to Hong Kong in 1882, it must have caused considerable consternation. Bearing in mind that cross-cultural marriages were frowned upon in many circles in Hong Kong up to well after World War Two, one wonders how Alice and Ho Kai were received in 'polite' social circles? Unfortunately, the marriage did not last. Ho Kai's wife died a couple of years after arrival. It appears she died of typhoid shortly after giving birth to a daughter who was later sent back to England. In his wife's memory her loving husband established the Alice Memorial Hospital. He later took a second wife and raised a large family.\n\nIt is a pity we know so little about Ho Kai's first wife. Her father", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 439, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "408\n\nwas said to have been a British Member of Parliament. Alice was a gracious lady. Choa gives her maiden name as Walkden. It is sometimes elsewhere, puzzlingly, quoted as Whitcome. Did she have a step father one wonders? Or was this an unfortunate mistake by some writer and a case of give a slip-up five minutes start and the truth never catches up with it?' This could be the case. Certainly the name on the huge family memorial, in the Hong Kong Cemetery at Happy Valley, is carved as Alice Walkden.\n\nBefore the couple arrived back in Hong Kong in 1882 the then Governor, Sir John Pope Hennessy, announced to the Legislative Council that this young Chinese had taken the highest honours at Lincoln's Inn. 'It was something that a gentleman belonging to the Colony should have gained such honours.'\n\nAnyway, back in the British colony in those days the 'superstitious' Chinese generally did not take readily to 'newfangled,' western medicine and Ho Kai switched to law. But a brilliant Chinese with fluent English was rare in those days. He was enticed into business. He also entered public service and, in addition to sitting on a number of other government committees, sat on the Sanitary Board (the forerunner of the Urban Council) and, in 1890, became a Legislative Councillor. He was the third Chinese to sit on this august body. He was also a Justice of the Peace.\n\nHaving lived in the West for a number of years it is not surprising he developed strong views about social reform and the modernisation of China. He became an associate of statesman Dr Sun Yat-sen. This was at a time when China was striving to rid itself of the Qing dynasty and there was danger the country would be assimilated by colonial powers.\n\nIn his latter life Ho Kai spent most of his time serving the community. He helped, together with his colleagues, to mould the Territory in which we now live. Ho Kai was capable and, understandably, there was no need for him to take to heart the Chinese axiom: 'If you do not become a good minister be a good physician.'\n\nHe was 'lionised and eulogised' after his death by all sectors of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214600, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "And yet in spite of all the publicity, there are some who still inform us, to their regret, that they lived in Hong Kong for many years before they heard about the RAS. One newly joined member told me that she worked in academia, in the Territory for 10 years before she heard. This puts the onus firmly on all members to spread the word. Please tell others.\n\nIn more recent years new organisations have been established in Hong Kong which provide a certain amount of 'competition' (if that is the correct word). For instance, many young Chinese scholars now prefer to join the South China Research Circle, where most functions are conducted in the medium of Chinese. This is understandable. However, in spite of a number of 'new' societies having sprung up in Hong Kong in recent years, we like to think that our RAS Branch is rather special. We also like to think that we complement (rather than compete with) our sister institutions with which, I hasten to add, we are on splendid terms. Indeed our Branch has invited members from other institutions to its functions as they have invited us to attend their functions. We have also, in the past, conducted joint seminars together with the South China Research Circle. There are many societies with which we have contacts all of which we value. In some cases such organisations are mainly concerned with staging social functions, although, within a local or expatriate environment, quanxi (networking) is accepted as being important. Social functions do have a part to play.\n\nPublications\n\nVolume 38 of our Journal will shortly be published and, as a special Millennium and 40th Anniversary edition, it will be fitting for the occasion. In addition, we extend a vote of thanks to Dr Lauren Pfister and Josephine Wong, as well as the City Hall Library staff, especially Agnes Lee and Joseph Chan, for their hard work in preparing an extended and consolidated index for our annual journals.\n\nAfter a slight delay we were pleased that our new book, In the Heart of the Metropolis: Yaumatei and its People, was launched successfully in December 1999. We owe a big vote of thanks to Dr Patrick Hase, the editor, for a job well done. We also thank the many contributors, photographers, Joint Publishing (HK) Company Ltd, as well as the Chairman, David Ensor, member Ulana Switucha and other\n\nxiv\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "The Chans and the Ngs, therefore, insofar as their clans originated in these difficult years, fall entirely into a widespread local pattern.\n\nThe Ngs today divide their clan into four Fong, or branches, and twelve descent lines (see Table 1). The four Fong are the descendants of the four eldest of the six grandsons of Ng Shing-tat (the descent lines from the youngest two died out, probably during the troubles of the Coastal Evacuation). There are few descendants of the first three Fong, which each comprise only one descent line, stemming from the single sole survivor of that Fong still alive after the Coastal Evacuation. The fourth Fong comprises the remaining nine descent lines. Of these, three stem from the three eldest of the five descendants of the fourth grandson of Ng Shing-tat who remained alive after the Coastal Evacuation (the descent line of the youngest of these five later died out). The remaining six Fourth Fong descent lines all stem from the fourth eldest of the Coastal Evacuation survivors from the fourth Fong. Three stem from the three eldest great-grandsons of this man, and the final three from the three sons of the fourth great-grandson. It would seem likely that only eight males survived the Coastal Evacuation from this clan, i.e., the stem ancestor of the first three Fong and the five survivors from the fourth Fong. Thus the present clan divisions reflect the post-Coastal Evacuation history of the clan, in the period 1668-1750.\n\nThere is very little in the records to support the villagers' belief that their ancestors were followers of the Sung boy-Emperor Ping. It would have been Ng Shing-tak's great-grandfather who would have been the head of the clan at the time of the boy-Emperor Ping, but the Tsuk Po merely records that he lived at Ng Ka Chung, and is buried there. The last of the Sung members of the Chan clan, Chan Yu-wa, BARVE, must have died very young, and very close to the end of the dynasty: it is possible that he was connected with the Sung remnant court, and possible that he died in their service, but the Tsuk Po is silent on this. Given that the Chans were living at Nga Pin Heung a hundred years before the Sung Court came to Kowloon, it is very likely that they would have been swept up in its support in the period when they found themselves living on the doorsteps of the Court.\n\nThus the first people to settle near Nga Tsin Wai seem to have been the Chans, who settled at Nga Pin Heung about 1150-1170, probably in a development associated with the removal of the Salt Intendancy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214642, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "21\n\nDespite the busy nature of these paths over the mountains to Sha Tin, they could be dangerous. Sha Tin village elders remember that tigers were to be found in the woods below Lion Rock in the late nineteenth century during every breeding season. The path to Tai Wai was less heavily used than that over Sha Tin Pass, and tigers sometimes closed it. The Tai Wai and Tin Sam villagers, when there were tigers on the mountain, would gather at dawn at the Che Kung Temple, where they would worship the deity and seek his protection (the wild places on the Sha Tin side of the mountain were under his protection, as those on the Kowloon side were under the protection of the Nga Tsin Wai Tin Hau), and then go over the mountain to their market at Kowloon City in a group, with men armed with spears at front and back, and with others blowing conch shells and banging gongs to frighten the tigers off (these conch shells and gongs were kept in the temple for the purpose).\n\nOne young lady of Tai Wai in Sha Tin, about 1906, crossing the mountains to market on her own, was suddenly menaced by a tiger that came out of the undergrowth near the path. She scrambled onto the roof of a bamboo rain-shelter which stood there, but the tiger leapt after her. His weight caused the shelter to collapse, and girl, tiger, and hut all fell to the ground together. The weight of the tiger caused the bamboos to shatter, and many stuck the tiger like so many small spears. The tiger was so enraged at this that he started to attack the ruins of the hut, roaring and flinging himself at the sticks of bamboo, thus allowing the girl to crawl off, unharmed, and so to run home down the mountain, with a story she was still telling in the year of her death more than 60 years later: this story was told me by the son of the lady concerned.\n\nThe slopes of Lion Rock were, as noted above, under the protection and control of Che Kung on the Sha Tin side, but under the protection of the Nga Tsin Wai Tin Hau on the other. Many cautious travellers would come into the village to worship before setting out over the slopes of the mountain. Again, this brought business and prosperity to the village.\n\nNga Tsin Wai and the League of Seven\n\nNga Tsin Wai is the head village of an inter-village union called the Kowloon Tsat Yeuk (七約), or Tsat Po (七堡), the \"Kowloon", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214682, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "61\n\nSee) Hong Kong 1987, WW#ENS \"明 (*1##AB) (Forts and Batteries Coastal Defence in Quangdong during the Ming and Qing Dynasties), Urban Council, Hong Kong, 1997, A Lui Yuen ching Forts and Pirates A History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong History Society, Hong Kong, 1990, p 29\n\n5 On the foundation of Po Kong, see Jen Yu wen, \"The Southern Sung Stone-Engraving at North Fu Tamg\" Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol 5, 1965, pp 65-68 The founder was the great grandfather of a significant local leader in the Kowloon area in 1274, the man responsible for managing the rebuilding of the Tin Hau Temple in Joss House Bay in that year Given his local standing, it is likely that this man was in his 50s or 60s in 1274 This being so, his great-grandfather was probably born in the period 1120-1140, and a foundation date for Po Kong in the 1160s would therefore seem very likely\n\nE\n\n6 On this incident see Jen Yu wen, \"The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung in Kowloon\" Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol 7, 1967 pp 21-38, Jen Yu-wen, ed , Hong Kong, 1960, , Hong Kong, 1959, #M, (R), op cit, Chapter 4, 蕭國健,“香港王廟奉[楊大王]”in <香港前代史論集> ed 國健 and 大厅, Taipei, 1985\n\n7 Jen Yu wen, \"The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\", op cit p 33\n\n8\n\n* The young princess was drowned at sea, and the body was lost the grave had buried in it, to represent the deceased, a golden figurine the grave was known locally as the 'Grave of the Golden Maiden'\n\n፡፡\n\n\"Some scholars doubt this ascription (for instance, in his \"FAI PREFLEX\", op cit) but the identification seems certain to me The identification was first made by the eminent late Ching scholar, Chan Pak-to (B) in a tablet he placed in the Hau Wong Temple, Kowloon City, in 1917 (the text is to be found in 科大,陸鴻基,吳倫霞<香港碑銘彙編> (D Faure, B Luk, A Ng, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong), Hong Kong, Urban Council, 1986, Vol 2, pp 446-449) I find the reasons given by Chan Pak-to and Jen Yu wen (loc cit) on this very compelling\n\n10 In 1846, as shown by the drawing of that date by Lt Collinson, the market comprised just the one main street, and the pier had not yet then been built The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "93\n\ntold the Editor:\n\n'Villagers are out to \"screw\" Government.'\n\nOne Scottish, retired, senior civil servant and his Chinese wife who was herself at one time a government servant, both level-headed people, agreed between them it was 90 per cent money and 10 per cent belief in feng shui. Some other Chinese government servants take a similar view.\n\n'Perhaps some of the older Tang Clan members really believe in tun fu', a Chinese, past District Officer who is outwardly quite westernised but inwardly still very Chinese, told the Author. 'But not the younger ones.\n\nSome young people do believe, nevertheless. And for those that do not it does not mean to say that, as they grow older, their views will not change. Such people, in middle age or when they are elderly, sometimes become the most enthusiastic proponents of traditional values.\n\n'A woman who did not believe in feng shui nearly died', the Author was once informed. 'After recovering she became convinced', the informer continued (Waters; 1997, 63).\n\nIt has been argued by Wong Siu-lun that most Hong Kong Chinese are westernised only in a superficial sense (Evans; 1997, 3, 7). Inwardly, they are very Chinese. To a large number traditions and festivals are important. There were, however, few young people at the Pat Heung tun fu ceremony as it was a weekday and pupils had to go to school. The ceremony was, nevertheless, well attended by adults. There are, of course, other reasons for attending. In some cases villagers were expected to be there by others. In any case people could meet old friends and chat. They might even get invited to a lunch at government expense.\n\nNot everyone agrees believing is all a question of money. James Hayes, a past District Officer in the New Territories, wrote (Hayes; 1998):\n\nsome European civil engineers and contractors' staff stated their belief (to me) that it was all hooey ...'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214720, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "\"in the mind.' Nevertheless, the money and effort needed to stage tun fu ceremonies does demonstrate resolve. The ritual also appears to have a therapeutic effect on believers taking part who are contented in that they have done their duty towards their ancestors and the community.\n\nFrequently in Hong Kong, villagers find themselves in the path of tumultuous upheaval. Until the New Territories has been almost entirely transformed by urban development, tun fu ceremonies will probably continue, albeit on a gradually reducing scale. The custom is more firmly rooted among the older generations among whom local festivals and ceremonies like tun fu are an important part of village life. Nevertheless, because a person does not believe when he or she is young does not necessarily mean that they will not believe when they become older. Sentimentalists probably agree that it will be sad if ceremonies, such as tun fu, disappear altogether and, with globalisation, these are replaced largely by western-style entertainment such as karaoke and bars with hostesses similar to those which have sprung up, in recent years, in the Yuen Long-Kam Tin district.\n\nAcknowledgements\n\nThe Author is especially grateful to the Hong Kong Government Antiquities and Monuments Office whose members have provided considerable help, in a variety of ways (including supplying six of the seven photographs which are gratefully acknowledged). Likewise, sincere thanks are due to the staff of the Lands Department, Railway Development Section, and to the village elders and committee members of Pat Heung and elsewhere who invited the Author to observe and take part in their tun fu ceremonies. Grateful thanks are also due to authors listed in the bibliography, to whom this paper refers. Without the help of all concerned, this study would not be as detailed as it is.\n\nNOTES\n\nE.g. Ma Wan villagers held a tun fu ceremony when they felt 'threatened' when the Tsing Ma Bridge, leading to the new Chek Lap Kok Airport, was being constructed.\n\nMany objects serve in Chinese culture as talismans or charms. These range from couplets, or even a single Chinese character, for example meaning 'blessings' or\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214737, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "116\n\nmirrored by the meticulous interest of model enthusiasts. There has been less interest in events in Asian theatres of war, particularly those before the change of the tide of war after the Battle of Midway. Save for a few battles, little has been written in English about the major battles in the Pacific War. One exception is the Battle of Hong Kong fought against the Japanese forces in December 1941. In this Battle, two brigades of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps without air support fought three full-strength Japanese divisions supported by an air fleet.\n\nThe Battle broke out at 08:00 hour on 8 December, when the air raid on Kai Tak Airfield began, and lasted to 15:25 hour on Christmas Day, when the Governor Sir Mark Young made the decision to surrender. This led to the official ending of the almost 18-day fighting, which was intended to cease at 18:00 hours, when for the first time in history, a British Crown Colony was surrendered to enemy forces with her governor taken as a prisoner. This surrender occurred one hundred years after the creation of the colony. A miserable three years and eight months period followed for the captive defenders and civilians until the British administration returned on 30 August 1945.\n\nBriefly, the Battle was conducted in two distinct phases2. From 8 to 13 December, it was fought in the New Territories and Kowloon. This phase ended with the fall of the Shing Mun Redoubt of the Gin Drinkers Line on 11 December and the final evacuation of defence forces to the Island of Hong Kong two days later. The second phase commenced in the early morning of 18 December when the Japanese made their first attempted landings on the Island near Lei Yue Mun Strait, the eastern approach to Victoria Harbour, and ended with the surrender one week later. Before the final capitulation, the Governor had rejected the Japanese request for surrender twice, on 13 and 17 December.\n\nWe shall consider a brief textual review of the English and Chinese publications and materials on the Battle of Hong Kong available in the University of Hong Kong Library, which provides points of reference for our re-assessment of the performance of the defenders of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214758, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "TRANSLATION OF \n\n\"RUSSELS MATHEMATICAL TABLES” \n\nP.J. ASTON \n\n137 \n\nIntroduction \n\nThe Japanese attacked Hong Kong on 8 December 1941. Seven-teen days later, on Christmas day, the brave but outnumbered defending forces surrendered and were put into prisoner of war camps in which many died. A young squadron leader in the RAF, Donald Hill, kept a diary of events during the battle for Hong Kong and for a while during his captivity. In order to keep it secret, he wrote it in a numerical code which, according to the cover of the book in which he wrote, was supposedly \"Russels Mathematical Tables”. Donald survived the camp and brought the diary out with him, However, his experiences were so traumatic that he did not like to talk about them. The diary was never translated before his death in 1985. I decoded the diary in 1996 revealing, for the first time in nearly 55 years, this first hand account of the battle for Hong Kong and life as a prisoner of war.\n\nSHARJOITAH 18 304714 10 d4d3 Ida7a731644 2779 \n\nYou 7016/049 1760BR277] (630323223 (63 70 31 24 120 273-75728314 1/2003 2338 74/75 242123OSH THIN CHAVAKSA 17/03/\n\n5972/BLYV7221707031 790 EJIZZA VE MAM 787 7670 2729/0/4 BAR) 2377 7030 JATT 1808 SAB777238:14 H135-83310742277607 \n\n7383747075337273/21/20-014131176/A \n\n7634225781788 17249150BRAD5-9120/61/0N73 \n\nANGRIA. \n\n770773 1976 SAUNANGAKA127 1273 321 1772 5635 ELDR: 170 KEADILANJA \n\n** \n\n36 KTA JADI 01270765 2301#2777/03077 \n\nMAA VENA DELECTABlanco FIO O PAÍ \n\nA sample of \"Russels Mathematical Tables\". \n\n香港仔店收容所", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214777, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "A DECODED DIARY REVEALS A WAR TIME STORY\n\nP.J. ASTON\n\n157\n\nAbstract\n\nA diary written using a numerical code in a prisoner of war camp in 1941/2 should not be too difficult to decode, should it?\n\nHong Kong, 1941. On December 8 1941, the Japanese attacked Hong Kong. Seventeen days later, on Christmas day, the brave but outnumbered defending forces surrendered and were put into prisoner of war camps in which many died. A young squadron leader in the RAF, Donald Hill, kept a diary of events during the battle for Hong Kong and for a while during his captivity. In order to keep it secret, he wrote it in a numerical code which, according to the cover of the book in which he wrote, was supposedly \"Russel's Mathematical Tables\". Donald survived the camp and brought the diary out with him. However, his experiences were so traumatic that he did not like to talk about them. The diary was never translated before his death in 1985.\n\nGuildford, 1996. The phone rings again. The secretary in the Department of Mathematical and Computing Sciences, University of Surrey answers it, polite as always. The caller, Col Ian Quayle of the Soldiers, Sailors and Airmen's Families Association, asks to speak to a mathematician. Having just finished some photocopying, I happen to be the nearest person to the phone so the secretary asks if I will deal with the call. Col Quayle explains about Donald Hill's diary. Mrs Pamela Hill, Donald's widow, is keen to have the diary decoded so that she can find out more about a closed chapter in his life. I suggest that he sends a copy of the diary and say that I will have a look at it.\n\nThe Diary. The first page described how the 'Tables' could be used for multiplication. Instructions for multiplying 83 by 26 were given which could be followed on the first page of numbers. However, the claimed answer of 2118 was clearly incorrect. This presumably was part of the disguise.\n\nTwelve pages filled with numbers followed. On each page there", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214795, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "175\n\nin this sense therefore does NOT mean it is impossible to 'go home again', as Chambers (1994) maintained (cf. Mathews 2000). Homes, whether imagined or remembered, are physically being returned to and are being transformed through these nostalgic homecomings.\"\n\nI have seen something of this process occurring with the Hmong, in Thailand and Laos and China, and the transformations it has wrought on local senses of identity. I recall a sophisticated Hmong tourist from California in Chiangmai, North Thailand, telling me how he had insisted on wearing a suit and tie to address a meeting at his wife's brother's village despite his brother-in-law's pleas not to do so; it had felt very wrong to him not to do so.\n\n27\n\nBut local senses of Hmong community, both in Thailand and Laos, have been severely disrupted by some aspects of these return visits. A Hmong group in Chiangmai expressed their alarm at the behaviour of some American Hmong, who made love to local young Hmong girls at the New Year, the traditional time for a certain licence of courtship practices with a view to eventual marriage, and disappointing them with false promises of marriage and a new life in the West before disappearing back to their American families. Feelings became violent about this behaviour at a time of increasing fears of the spread of HIV/AIDS, and some of the Hmong who had complained received anonymous death threats.2 In China too there have been cases of Hmong expelled for courting several young girls in different villages at the same time.\n\nWhile there is certainly the sense of belonging to a much wider, expanded Hmong community, in a global sense, and a great longing expressed both by many overseas Hmong and local Hmong for the Hmong community to reunite as a whole in a return to their original homeland, there is also an emerging awareness of class and regional differences among groups of Hmong settled elsewhere or even within the same communities, which has paradoxically added to an increased sense of the importance of bonds of locality.\n\nAnd indeed a resurgence of local power, and local identities, has been seen as one response to the forces of economic, political and cultural globalisation, even to the extent that those localities (‘homes') have been partially reconstituted, or re-constructed, through the powerful\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "204\n\nEarth Gods and Tree Spirits\n\nBesides the gods of Buddhism and Taoism worshipped in the village temples, there were also the gods of each locality. In the villages of the Hong Kong Region, in addition to whatever temples had been erected to the deities, it was usual for there to be several earth gods in each village, and in each of the streets in the local market centres. These animistic spirits were equally sought out by the village people.30 Besides the regular acts of worship performed at the shrines, with their supplications and thanksgivings, it was common practice to place children, especially boys, under the protection of a temple deity, an earth god or a tree spirit during the uncertain years of childhood, in order to secure protection against the many dangers that beset young lives. If a tree died or had to be felled, the protégés were transferred to another protector, with the appropriate ceremonies of disengagement (recognition of and thanksgiving for favours bestowed) and adoption at each place.31 Either Buddhist or Taoist priests were required for such rituals.\n\n31\n\nChinese Women and Religion\n\nFinally, it should be noted that Chinese women are considered to be more religious than their menfolk. As Rev. Dr. Robert Morrison's biographer observed in the last century:\n\n46\n\n'...their nature is much more religious than that of the men...it is they who visit the temples. The incense pots which smoulder before the placid countenance of Buddha are filled and kindled by them; they burn ten sheets of paper to the men's one....The men can do without worship, the women cannot.”32\n\nFrom my observations in Hong Kong and elsewhere, I believe this to be as true of today's worshippers as when it was written one hundred years ago.\n\nNOTES\n\nWilliam Frederick Mayers, The Chinese Reader's Manual (Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1874) called them \"The Three systems of Doctrine (or Religion)\" and stated that they “constitute the recognized systems of religion,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214832, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "214\n\nForce conceded that there were reasons for beginning hostilities against China, whilst others were openly critical of a war opened on behalf of opium traders, badly treated or not.\n\nAn anonymous military writer in Colburn's United Service Magazine observed bitterly at the time that \"the poor Chinese - with their painted paste-board boats - must submit to be poisoned, or must be massacred by the thousand, for supporting their own laws in their own land.\" Another military officer, Lieutenant John Ouchterlony of the Madras Engineers in his history of the War, conceded: \"That the quarrel was an unhappy one and for many reasons to be deeply deplored, does not admit of a doubt.\"\n\nAt the same time, Ouchterlony introduced a wider consideration for his readers. However plausible the view taken in England by those opposed to a war which, as they thought, was being undertaken to enforce the opium traffic, it was, he said, “on our part just and unavoidable\" due to the \"vindictiveness and insufferable arrogance of the Chinese government\" during the past half-century. \"The opium question,\" to his mind, was to be \"regarded merely as a spark blown into a mine, and no more to be considered the primary cause of the war than the match which ignites the train...\" This was a view shared by another young officer, Lieut. Wyndham Charles Baker of the Madras Engineers, as we see from one of his published home letters.\n\nNot all their brother officers were convinced. The naval surgeon Edward Cree, was more concerned with the results of the War. Noting in his journal for Monday 29th [August] 1842 that \"the articles of the treaty [were] signed this day,\" he commented:\n\n“So ends the Chinese War. About the justice and policy of it I leave to more competent judges, but one thing I dislike in connection with it is the opium question. It has cost the lives of many thousands of human beings, and great destruction of property and misery and sorrow to many.\n\nWaging War in European Style\n\n11\n\nIn official circles in Britain, China's Court and Government were blamed for bringing on the War. Perhaps because of this, the British", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214855, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 270, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "238 \n\nToday, globalisation is going full steam ahead. Who could have forecast in the 1960s, that most of the little compradors' shops on street corners, with their delicious kum wah hams hanging from ceilings, would be nudged out by mighty supermarkets?\n\nWho could have guessed that, with globalisation of palate, McDonald's would become 'haute cuisine' for young Chinese many of who are now overweight?\n\nOf course things were cheaper then and, at my Chinese wedding banquet on the Queen's Birthday in 1960, at the old Sun Ya restaurant on Nathan Road, the cost was an exorbitant HK$130 for each circular table of 12 guests. We tipped $10 a table. That was the going rate. On the afternoon of our wedding day my wife and I were invited to the garden party on the lawn at Government House. In those days people were proud to receive an invitation from His Excellency just as, more recently if they care to admit it, they are proud to receive an invite to the reception on China's National Day.\n\nBut wages for old one hundred names (the man in the street) were low and there was little in the way of social amenities. My Chinese amah was paid $160 a month with half a day off a week. She was lucky. Many received far less and no time off unless they specially requested it. People did not complain. They knew things were much worse in China where famine raged after the failure of the 'Great Leap Forward.' Hong Kong citizens queued up at the post office, in the early 1960s, to send food parcels to relatives on the Mainland. Later Hong Kong changed and, after the 'Star Ferry Riots' of 1966 and the protracted riots of 1967 (an overspill of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution), Hong Kong became richer and conditions for the man on a tram began to improve.\n\nCorruption was rampant in those early years before the setting up of the ICAC, although, in my over 26 years of government service working in education, I personally was never once solicited. It was more common in departments such as the Police, Public Works and New Territories Administration. The receiving of presents, however, had to be watched. After the riots, a watershed in many ways, Hong Kong became richer with, more recently, a higher GDP than that of Britain. A large Chinese middle-class formed.\n\nPage 270\n\nPage 271", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214872, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 287, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "256\n\nGetting to Tong Fuk at that time was a slow business. After taking a scheduled ferry from Hong Kong, and travelling along the new South Lantau Road to the road-end at Cheung Sha, half the distance to Shek Pik, we had still to walk along old country paths and ford large and small streams. One of these stream courses was wide and boulder-strewn, and crossing it in full flood after heavy rain, as well as several smaller ones, was guaranteed to give one a thorough soaking. However, being young and active, and in high spirits, we thought nothing of it. In fact, I positively enjoyed it! Nonetheless, when visits were so time-consuming and there was plenty of work to do in the office and elsewhere in the District, the need to go out so frequently in that short space of time was not appreciated.\n\nOn this occasion, local opposition was centred on one especially sensitive spot, where the villagers insisted that rock and boulders be broken up by hand instead of being removed by blasting with explosives. My reluctant acquiescence made the District Office unpopular with the government engineers from the Roads Office, who thought we were pandering to the villagers. So it might have seemed, but there was otherwise certain to be a conflict with people who were quite numerous, united in their opposition, and always capable of taking the law into their own hands, not omitting sabotage of contractors' equipment and installations. In this respect, I may add, they were no different from the majority of New Territories' villagers of the day.\n\nTo run such a risk was not advisable in circumstances where both the senior police and civil authorities were based in Kowloon, several hours' journey from the site. Violent confrontations would not have been acceptable to my seniors; and in any case, it was part of my personal responsibility as District Officer to avoid that kind of thing. Moreover, further, and more prolonged delays would be certain to ensue. This was unthinkable.\n\nNonetheless, our experiences on this particular occasion were certainly rather trying. The full story, on two and a half closely typed pages, was contained in a minute to the District Commissioner dated 27th May 1958. I do not know whether it has survived in the Public Records Office of Hong Kong, but fortunately I kept the copy on which this account is based.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 289, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "258\n\nViewed in retrospect, my report is rather ponderously expressed. My prose tended to be \"turgid,\" the boss once told me, and I resolved to do better! However, turgidity could not disguise my exasperation, which still shines through the contents of the report, loud and clear, 39 years on.\n\nLooking back on that period, my exasperation was increased by the fact that I had to put up with (and more to the point, get over) similar difficulties with village communities in other parts of a far-flung District, from Sai Kung in the east to Lantau in the west. With road works going on at each extremity, I was sometimes rushing here and there, backwards and forwards, dealing with problems of this kind.\n\nThere were special difficulties in getting the new extension to the Sai Kung road past Tso Wo Hang Village in regard to the road line, and also with cutting stone at a certain spot where, my notebook says, \"the Village Representative was to say when work could start”. It sticks in my memory that none of the other villages affected by construction work for the new road were as temperamental or difficult as this one, and certainly this seems to be borne out by my notes. See my chapter \"The Traditional Background: Hong Kong Villages in the 1950s” in Elizabeth Sinn and Patrick Hase (eds) Beyond the Metropolis: Villages in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, Joint Publishing (HK) Company Limited.\n\nAs I have written elsewhere, patience and resolution, leavened with an essential saving dash of humour, were qualities in demand on these occasions. The Tong Fuk episode was certainly one of those in which all of these had to be deployed by my land staff and myself during that period. Mercifully, an antidote was sometimes supplied by the villagers themselves, since their ill humour could be turned to laughter by themselves or even by one of us, and lead to an amicable compromise. When all is said and done, it was fun! What was equally important for me as a young D.O. was that in Ronnie Holmes I had an ideal boss, someone who was immensely able, perceptive and compassionate, and a good Chinese linguist, a man who could see both sides of any situation. Also, he would welcome me home for a drink, listen and laugh at my predicaments, and (usually) endorse my solutions to them.\n\nBy way of a postscript to the above, we were by no means", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214883, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 298, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "269\n\nFURTHER TALES OF THE MAN THE EMPEROR DECAPITATED\n\nP.H. HASE\n\nIn Vols 28, 29, and 34 of the Journal a series of folk-tales relating to Ho Chan, the Warlord of Canton in the late Yuan, and Earl of Tung Kuan under the first Ming Emperor were printed1. Recently a further version of one of the folk-tales has been seen, in the booklet issued by the Kau Sai Hung Shing Temple Restoration Committee to commemorate the re-opening of the Temple (March, 2000), and a translation of this version is given below. It will be seen that this is a version of the same story relayed by Tsim Fo-sang (Journal, Vol. 29), although it differs in a number of details: certain important details are also clearly related to parts of the story collected by Wong Wing-ho (Journal, Vol. 34). It seems likely that this story is essentially a boat-people's story from Kau Sai. Tsim Fo-sang in the years just before the coming of the Japanese used to carry fire-wood from his home village in Sha Tin across the mountains to sell to the boat-people in Sai Kung. It is likely that his version of the story was the one he heard in the late 1930s from his boat-people customers, the version given below is as the story is remembered today in Kau Sai2.\n\n“Talking about Tiu Chung Crag (吊鐘巖), the Sai Kung fisher-people have a strange folk-tale which has been handed down among them.\n\nIn the Tiu Chung Crag there is a cave. It has been handed down that when the first ray of dawn enters the cave, the cave discloses what seems to be a Golden Bell hanging in the air: the island is believed to take its name (Tiu Chung Chau, 吊鐘洲, “Hanging Bell Island\") from this.\n\nIt is said that, at the end of the Sung, there was an official called Ho, who loved walking in the mountains and admiring the sea views. He came to Tiu Chung Chau. He considered the scenery there to be very fine. There was an old banyan tree growing in the centre of the island then, with roots wriggling in every direction like a young dragon. In particular, there were two roots, as thick as a thumb, which pierced through the top of the Tiu Chung Crag.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214955, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "6\n\nmet in armed conflict - futile and unnecessary. Ironically, both were strongly devoted to tea though their actual taste in tea may have been different.\n\nThe Chinese did not call their country China. To them it was the Middle Kingdom, the kingdom between heaven and earth, the Celestial Kingdom. The Emperor was the Son of Heaven who possessed divine powers. Their civilization was 5,000 years old, and for nearly half that period they lived in solid houses, dressed in silk, and produced works of art which are still admired today. Almost completely isolated from the western world since the Song Dynasty, China was oblivious to the achievements of the West in many fields. Proud and self-contained, China shunned outside contacts. In their self-proclaimed superiority, the Chinese in the 18th century still believed that only barbarians lived beyond their boundaries and that their countries were automatically vassal states of the Celestial Kingdom. Chinese contempt for foreigners persisted into the later periods, no doubt fuelled by the shameful behaviour of the foreign powers towards China, humbled and humiliated by the defeats in the Opium Wars. 'Barbarian devils' was a description often uttered even by relatively enlightened Chinese. Is it then any wonder that even in our time “Kwai Lo” (though no longer “Fan Kwai”) is still often heard, though perhaps more in jest, and used even by the foreigners themselves?\n\nBritain, on the other hand, in the early 19th century was opening one of the most glorious pages of its history. Napoleon was defeated and France was no longer a threat. The Royal Navy reigned supreme over the waves and Britain had become truly a great imperial power dominating huge areas of territory and much of the trade from the New World to the Far East. In 1837 the young Queen Victoria ascended the throne and a long period of British colonial rule had asserted itself. The British nation had every reason to feel proud and superior. But with superiority came also arrogance and a deep distrust of foreigners.\n\nWe live in a time when the world has discarded Imperialism and Colonialism, the right of strong nations to rule over weak ones, when some disputes at least are settled in a forum of nations, when the right of all peoples to self-determination is recognized. The latter is a recent principle: born of the Versailles Treaty, after the 1st World War, it has forged ahead without stopping. But in the 19th century, imperialism", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214960, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "11\n\ncrisis, wrote in his diary: 'A fine day: wrote couplets on fans.'\n\nLin's letter drafted to Queen Victoria was a noble and convincing message. In it he points out that opium is forbidden in England and therefore the English know its harmful effects. 'As long as you do not take it yourselves but continue to make it and tempt the people of China to buy it, you will be showing yourselves careful of your own lives but careless of the lives of other people....such conduct is repugnant to human feeling and at variance with the Way of Heaven.' He further writes: 'Rather than waste your efforts on a hopeless endeavour, would it not be better to devise some other form of trade?' (author's italics); surely a hint that trade relations without opium could perhaps be established. Unfortunately the letter was never sent. One can only speculate what might have happened if the young Queen, barely two years on the throne, had received this letter.\n\nLin reminded the foreign traders that they were allowed to trade as a favour, because China was completely self-sufficient, while the foreigners, especially the British, could not live without tea and rhubarb. The belief was widely held in China that the English would die of constipation if they were deprived of rhubarb.' Lin later modified his statement omitting rhubarb but leaving tea as an absolute necessity' (author's italics). The existing opium stocks in the factories were surrendered and destroyed (in salt and lime; not burned as sometimes stated), and for a while it seemed as if Commissioner Lin might succeed in his task, but the confrontation led to an armed conflict, known as the First Opium War (1839-1842), in which the Chinese with their antiquated methods of warfare and ineffective weapons were defeated on land and at sea. It was ‘A conflict between ignorant weakness and conscious strength. It ended in the Treaty of Nanjing (Nanking), by which terms China opened to foreigners the five ports of Guangzhou (Canton), Xiamen (Amoy), Fuzhou (Foochow), Ningbo (Ningpo), and Shanghai as Treaty Ports, where they might reside and trade; an indemnity of 21 million dollars was exacted, and the Island of Hong Kong was ceded in perpetuity to Britain. For China the war was a disaster and humiliation, the last vestiges of which were erased only a short time ago when Hong Kong was returned, in 1997, to its homeland. By contrast, Queen Victoria referred to the war in flippant tones. Writing to her uncle, the King of Belgium, in 1841, she states:- 'The Chinese business vexes us much, and Palmerston is deeply mortified at it. All", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "23\n\nsuperpowers of that time, incessantly challenging one another, and by the Belgian, German and other colonial regimes soon following exactly in the pioneers' footsteps. All of them were hypnotised by China's reported wealth, by the trade of Central Asia and Tibet, and Szechuan was the key to Tibet. All were active in corrupting the declining Manchu regime, thus receiving multiple concessions as a reward, one of them being the privileges for Christian missionaries to preach their faith all over China. French endeavours made Szechuan into the main bastion of Roman Catholicism and the reservoir of missionaries to convert further regions of Central Asia, Tibet, and Mongolia. These events, which resulted in a series of anti-European and anti-Christian riots and culminated in the Boxer Rebellion (1900), are well described in Chapter Five of The Crippled Tree (volume one of the aforementioned epic cycle):\n\nTheir [i.e. the French priests'] courage and ability to endure hardship might have been praiseworthy had it not been only too clear that the religious garb covered most unreligious actions. Catholic priests and bishops bought up whole villages in times of flood and famine, demanded and obtained on threat of military action the best land in cities for their churches, after evicting the inhabitants and paying no compensation. Catholic priests formed militia bands of their own, and claimed to rank higher than our own magistrates. Bishops were invested with the pomp and power of governor-generals. They used sedan chairs with eight carriers, a drummer going in front, and everyone in the street where they passed had to stop work, stand up, and unroll their headbands in obeisance to the Catholic bishop, on pain of being beaten with the heavy bamboo.\n\nThe Boxer Rebellion marked the end of the feudal epoch and announced an approach of an unpredictable Great Change. In the Boxer Protocol of 1901, imposed after the defeat, China had to pay an enormous indemnity sum of five hundred million dollars, open more ports and cities, accept a permanent garrison of soldiers in Peking and other towns and along the existing railways. Moreover, the Boxer Protocol abolished the Imperial Examinations, an inevitable part of recruiting imperial administration and training classical Chinese scholars. This reform prepared the way for the long awaited New Learning, i.e. for finally educating young people in Western science and technology, until then almost unknown in China. New Learning", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214972, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "24\n\npromised quick liberation from technological backwardness of China and consequently from the dependence on non-altruistic foreign assistance, or so at least hoped young, aware, fierce and idealistic Chinese patriots of the mandarin origin, Han Suyin's father, Chou Yentung, among them. Belonging to the upper class of the Old China's society, a scholarship was rather easily granted to him by the provincial government of Szechuan to study railway engineering in Belgium. He spent ten long years in Brussels (1903-1913), studying and working, and there he met his future wife, Marguerite Denis, and eventually married her in 1908. In Chapter One of The Crippled Tree Han Suyin briefly comments:\n\nWe are all products of our time, vulnerable to history. I was born because there had been, in China, a Boxer Rebellion (as the Europeans called it) in 1900, and because of this event, which the Chinese call the Uprising of the Righteous Fists, my Chinese father, instead of becoming a classical scholar, perhaps a Hanlin Academician, married my Belgian mother.\n\nRe-settlement of the Chou family from Belgium to China was a great disillusionment for both, Marguerite Denis and her young Chinese engineer husband. At that time (which - unfortunately enough - would end with the Communist Revolution only) Chinese were treated in their own motherland as citizens of the second category, by definition inferior to the whites. Han Suyin's great epic cycle on autobiography/history of China gives multiple examples to prove this abhorring and painful truth. The return trip alone was a bitter humiliation for the couple travelling such an enormously long way to the Chinese homeland with their first-born son. In Chapter Eighteen of The Crippled Tree, Han Suyin quotes fragments of her father's memoirs, which describe some details of that event:\n\nWhen we went to collect the tickets [for the English boat], the man in the booking office (tall, blond, low-voiced) said to Marguerite: \"But, madame, you can go in first class if you wish, but not monsieur. It is the rule.\n\n\"Oh,\" said Marguerite, astonished, \"but he is my husband. Of course I shall go with him.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "28\n\nFive of volume two, A Mortal Flower, she remarks:\n\nI was making fifteen dollars a month more than he [the Chinese male secretary] did. I had crossed the “Chinese\" line, I was on my way towards \"Eurasian\" pay, though a great deal below European pay. I never would attain the latter, unless I married a European, perhaps.\n\nThe subtle well-ordered differences in status and in pay even among Eurasians, where it depended upon being more, or less, Chinese, I learnt about during the two years I was a secretary at the P.U.M.C. But I had no sense of personal injustice because I was not there to stay, I was there to earn money while preparing myself for the University. I did not fight for wages, I merely found two extra jobs to do in my spare time, to increase my study fund quickly.\n\nPreparation for the University meant a lot of self-educational effort also, which in the simplest way could be attained by the passionate devouring of books. One of them was entitled Races of the World and included the following 'pre-medical knowledge' for the covetous young student (the same Chapter Five from A Mortal Flower):\n\nThere are four races in the world; white, yellow, red and black... the white race is distinguished by the characteristic that its BRAIN WEIGHT is the highest; the brain of the average white man weighs one thousand six hundred grammes, that of the yellow man one thousand four hundred, the red man's brain weighs one thousand three hundred and forty and the black man's round about one thousand two hundred...\n\nFurther, Han Suyin continues:\n\nThis account was illustrated by pictures, front and profile of skulls; with captions calling attention to “width of brow.” There were a few lines on mixtures. “Racial mixtures are prone to mental unbalance, hysteria, alcoholism, generally of weak character and untrustworthy...\n\n\"Oh God,\" I prayed, \"don't let me go mad, don't let my brain go, I want to study.”\n\n17\n\nThroughout her life, Han Suyin was to incessantly be confronted with racism, to a considerable degree the derivative of colonialism and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214978, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "30\n\nAfter the First World War and the return to China of the Powers, a movement to finance a new westernized Chinese élite began among the Powers. Each country hoped that the Chinese educated by them would naturally favour their country of education; gratitude, ties of friendship, as well as cultural and emotional orientations, would see to that. This also Leopold, the astute King of the Belgians, had foreseen. He had spoken of it urging that young men be sent to Belgium for training. \"Ils seront des nôtres,\" they will be ours.\n\nAbout her own Western studies, she wrote the following equitable lines:\n\nI myself was, in 1935, a recipient of a scholarship derived from the Belgian Boxer indemnity fund; I went to study in Belgium, following in my father's footsteps. But it was, in the end, China's money which was being spent to educate me, it was the Chinese people paying the Boxer Indemnity of 1900 who paid for my years in Belgium. And so my gratitude must go to them, for making me in turn, as they made my father, a privileged person, a returned student from abroad. Later I was to study in England, on a British Council scholarship, and also be grateful to England. But this has not influenced me in the end. For truth is truth and it cannot be bought at any price.\n\nVigilant yet dispassionate, non-compromising yet lacking even the slightest urge for revenge, always eager to unveil painful truths about enslavement of one people by another, Han Suyin is a born defender of human dignity and human rights. In the pages of her autobiographical/historical cycle, multiple shrewd remarks about interference of indigenous Chinese and foreign powers' interests in Old China are a most natural and therefore a matter-of-factly element, masterly interwoven in a vast political and economic panorama of Chinese life in that pre-1949 epoch. After all, the so-called 'gunboat diplomacy' and also the other forms of political blackmail, extensively practised by the white powers to threaten feudal, backward and corrupt society in order to press even more lucrative concessions out of it, had directly affected Han Suyin's and her family clan's existence on an everyday basis. Surprisingly enough and in the circumstances incomparably more neutral (or even favourable) for her, Han Suyin wrote a stunning and remarkable book - And the Rain My Drink - devoted entirely to the declining post-World War II period of the British", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214989, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "41\n\nhis contingent of coolies via the Panama Canal for New York and ahead of them was the Empress of Asia which was torpedoed, so they headed for the safety of Jamaica. From his memoires I cannot ascertain a date. He held a high opinion of his coolies and stated that the greatest aid to maintain discipline was to retain his sense of humour under all circumstances. He also believed in seeing that they were properly cared for when ill and, most important of all, when selecting coolies for promotion, to prefer the old man with character with the slow moving brain to the smart young town coolie.\n\nDaryl Klein, who joined the CLC as a 2Lt in late 1917, assisted in escorting a large contingent by sea, leaving Qingdao in about February 1918, sailing via Japan where they coalled ship and on to Canada where they stayed for about ten weeks. They were then conveyed in June 1918, with some Canadian soldiers, on HMT Empress of Asia, this ship being used to convey troops and others, via the Panama Canal to Kingston, Jamaica and, after refuelling in New York, on to France. This contingent consisted of 13 officers [of whom one was an ex-banker, one an ex-officer from Russia and one an ex-missionary], 4,200 coolies with five interpreters and one medical assistant. During the voyage, Klein interviewed two First Class Gangers [or sergeants], Sgt Tang Chi-chang, aged 27 and previously a school teacher in Nanjing and a graduate of Weixin University; he was also a Christian. Sgt. Sen Shin-lin, aged 26, had served in a warlord's army for six years.\n\nAs Halifax, in Canada, had been so badly damaged by the accidental explosion of an ammunition ship in harbour, G. E. Cormack and his contingent had to stay at Victoria, British Columbia and whilst there he had to look after a coolie who had been admitted to hospital for a severe operation, which was successful. Later a deputation came to see Cormack and presented him with a carved wooden panel, which they had made, representing two stags fighting. This was their way of showing appreciation of his attention to their sick comrade. This carved panel is now held in the Imperial War Museum, London, and, at the time of writing, is not on display. [see photograph]\n\nWorking in France\n\nIn a Company of about 500 men, there would be 24 British officers and NCOs, lead by a major or captain; 476 Chinese labourers, with the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214994, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "46\n\nfence at the proceedings were men with Chinese features. [see photograph] Were they of the Chinese Labour Corps and did they assist in digging his grave? Just a conjecture.\n\nThe labourers celebrated their holidays by decorating their huts, making paper lanterns, staging operas or shows and with special meals. Time off was given for these.\n\nThe Young Men's Christian Association [YMCA] sent men and women to France to provide recreation, talks, rest facilities and entertainment, including cinemas. Members of the YMCA also assisted some of the illiterate Labourers in writing letters to their relatives for them. By February 1919 the YMCA maintained in France a staff of 1024 men and 735 women, representing a major increase over early 1917 when only 641 workers of both sexes were active, largely necessitated by the ministry to the Chinese. Some of them, all too few, could speak Chinese.\n\nDiscipline\n\nDiscipline among the labourers was generally good. The Chinese were predominantly engaged in carrying out, initially, unskilled labouring work. They were commanded by white officers and NCOs and having, in their midst, some literate and articulate men who could organise and represent their fellow countrymen who had no experience of bargaining, they collectively went on strike for better conditions and more food. Labourers were also subordinated to the equivalent of foremen, fellow countrymen known as Gangers, who exercised informal authority.\n\nBecause of the strict censorship, members of the Labour Companies were not allowed to mix with others outside their camps. This, in part, can be explained that some nationalities held animosity against others, e.g. the Indian Labour Corps was made up of many tribal groups; the Basutos and Zulus of the South African Native Labour Contingent [SANLC] were mutually hostile and the Chinese and the SANLC were cool towards each other.\n\nIt appeared that the Chinese and other foreign Labour Corps members, were, at that time, of unknown characteristics and were\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214999, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "51\n\nyoung for demobilisation, he volunteered to join the HQ of the CLC instead of serving with the Army of Occupation of the Rhine, and served with them until being demobilised. In February 1920 he volunteered for repatriation duty and from Le Havre assisted to escort 1000 labourers on the S.S. Melita to St John's, Newfoundland, a voyage lasting five days. Seven days journey by Canadian Pacific Railways took them to Vancouver City and then by ferry to the quarantine station at William Head on Vancouver Island, where they were joined by another 5000 coolies who were also awaiting repatriation. After quarantine, with 12 British officers and other ranks, 4730 coolies sailed on the M. S. Dollar to Qingdao, a crossing of twenty-one days, where the coolies were demobilised. Mellor then sailed via Shanghai, Hong Kong [staying two months], the Suez Canal to London, where he was demobilised in late 1921.\n\nAgain, a further confusion in these figures of those who died arises, as, according to a list of names provided by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, of those labourers who have graves, world-wide, the number buried is 1952. Their list also includes, separately, names and graves of non-nationals [i.e. Brits, etc.] who were either serving with or were attached to the CLC from other regiments and these totalled 58. A total of 191 Chinese from the Corps served later with the Slavo-British Legion in Northern Russia in 1920. Between March and December 1919, 50,861 labourers were repatriated with shipments continuing for several more years. About 60 men remained behind in France to carve inscriptions on the tombstones of their dead fellow workers, and this may explain why some of the characters on the stones are unusual, if not incorrect. We understand that headstones are today replaced at fairly frequent intervals providing an enduring picture of well-cared for military cemeteries. The stones are produced nowadays in France by a team working for the Commonwealth War Graves Commission [CWGC] using automatic laser guided tools. This means that the Chinese characters are taken from identical templates which may explain why the character that we saw for the surname Liu has two different forms, each of which is identically turned out on headstones but without any apparent reason for the use of the popular version on some and the obscure version on many more. According to the CWGC a typical headstone would bear one of five phrases engraved both in Chinese and English, the name of the corps, number and date of death in English and the name and province of the casualty in Chinese. We only", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215003, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "Peking, China and the contents reads as follows:\n\n24-6-18\n\nMy Dear Wife\n\nI intended to write to you but as you know I am very busy all the time and this year I have been more full of work than ever.\n\nOur Company is still here. All the boys are really happy so that they like to work hard every day.\n\nNow I am going to tell you all about the Chinese Dragon Festival in old custom here [June 13th 1918]. On that day we had no work to do, the boys played a very funny game which I never saw in Hankow before.\n\nSome twenty young boys pretended themselves with northern dress as actors, then walked out and played from company to company all day.\n\nThousands of foreigners were invited to come with great pleasure and the British general has paid a visit to the Dancing at which he was very pleased and thanked them for their play, but it was to me as nothing.\n\nI am very well now and then doing duty as hard as possible so please do not feel sorry for me.\n\nwith great love\n\nYours\n\nC.W.Sung\n\nBoth of these letters and envelopes are on display in the basement of the Imperial War Museum in London in the exhibition of the First World War.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215009, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "61\n\nChinese Labour Corps. A native of Pudsey, he died on 16th February 1919. And also the grave of Lt AE Player of the Labour Corps, attached to the Chinese Labour Corps. He died on 10th July 1919.\n\nWe also saw the graves of twenty-three seamen from the SS British Sovereign, amongst which were those of Ah Ling and Doe Gai [no Chinese characters on their gravestones] who died on 7th September 1918. There is also a grave of a member of the Japanese Merchant Marine Service, 1st Class Engineer Yioshto [or Yiosto as it appears on the gravestone], who died on 31st December 1918. His name is not listed nor his grave location shown in the cemetery register which, I believe, is only used for British and Commonwealth personnel. It is listed on the CWGC Foreign National register database. The CWGC has written to the Japanese Embassy, London, to ascertain the correct spelling of his name and await their reply.\n\nIn our wanderings in this cemetery, my wife and I also saw the grave of a young civilian who was buried alongside those who had fought and died in the War. He was Joseph Leng, who drowned at Audricq on 2 October 1917 whilst visiting his father, Sapper J Leng. He was only seven years old and on his gravestone his parents have had carved the epitaph 'Suffer little children to come to me.'\n\nAlso in this cemetery are five graves containing the remains of men of the CLC who were 'shot at dawn'. Their gravestones carried the usual epitaphs and were in every way indistinguishable from other CLC gravestones. Wang Enrong (Wang En Jung in Wade-Giles romanisation) [10299] 29th Company CLC was executed on 26 June 1918, together with Yang Jingshan (Yang Ching Shan in Wade-Giles romanisation) [10272] also of the 29th Company CLC, from Liaocheng county of Shandong province, for murdering a French woman at her estaminet [coffee house] during a robbery. The former's gravestone only carries his number and the inscription ‘Faithful unto Death' whilst that of the latter bears the inscription ‘A Noble Duty Bravely Done.'\n\nSt\n\nZhao Gongyi [Chao Hsing I (Chao Kung-i) in Wade-Giles romanisation] [46090], 161 Company CLC, from Jinan county in Shandong, having murdered a fellow-countryman, possibly as a result of gambling, was executed on 9th August 1918 and Hui Yihe [Hui I He (Hui I-ho) in Wade-Giles romanisation] [42476], 112th Company CLC,\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215014, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "66\n\nits British base at Weihai Wei and the other Allied base at Qingdao. The neighbouring province of Zhili, with its cities of Beijing and Tianjin, was a good second with a total recorded from its region of about a quarter of that from Shandong. The total from the two provinces provided nearly 98% of all the Chinese manpower recruited by the British (though not including any naval personnel recruited in Hong Kong or Weihai Wei).\n\nSome of the romanised names on graves have been transliterated by either Chinese or Westerners inaccurately and this has led to confusion when checking details on the CWGC internet for individual graves. Practically all romanisation on the graves and records was in Wade-Giles whereas here in this article I have used the comparatively new native romanisation, pinyin, thus Peking has become Beijing and Shantung, Shandong.\n\nIn a letter from the CWGC to the author concerning the reasons as to why many gravestones do not have carved names of the person nor details of the district from which they originated, in Chinese characters, or if carved in Chinese characters and not in romanisation, they replied that the details inscribed on headstones were originally supplied by the surviving comrades of the casualties of the CLC. At that time it was believed to be the best option available to the CWGC and was thought to be sufficient to meet the required criteria.\n\nDr. E. J. Stuckey and the Chinese Hospital at Noyelles-sur-Mer\n\nEdward Joseph Stuckey was born at Adelaide, Australia on 29th September 1875 and died in 1952. He was the eldest, of nine, children of Joseph Stuckey and Alice Mann, she being the daughter of Charles Mann, the first Advocate General of South Australia.\n\nHe was educated at St. Peter's Collegiate School, winning, in his final year, the 'Young Exhibition for the Best Scholar of the Year.' In 1893, at the recently opened University of Adelaide, he began his BSc, graduating in November 1895 with Honours in both Physics and Mathematics. In 1896 he signed accountancy articles for three years with the Australian Mutual Provident Society (AMPS) in Adelaide.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215020, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "72\n\nThe Mairie is only open part-time and we again gained some useful advice and knowledge.\n\nThe Chateau de Fransu, the billet of Col. Fairfax, GHQ Adviser, CLC, is now a logis, mainly for families. During the Second World War it was the local German HQ. [see photograph]\n\nThe Chateau de Thesy in extensive grounds was the officers quarters and mess for the HQ, CLC. It is now being extensively renovated. It is privately owned. [see photograph]\n\nThe Hotel des Voyages, near the railway station, was the main café of the village and was patronised by British Labour Corps NCOs. It is now the Hotel Restaurant Bernard. [see photograph]\n\nWhen visiting, we stayed at the 16th century Auberge du Chateau de Nolette, about a mile from Noyelles-sur-Mer and within easy walking distance.\n\nOutside the church at Noyelles-sur-Mer there is a memorial to those from the village who were killed. We saw some young children playing around it and I was moved to think that those named on the memorial did not die in vain so that future generations may live in peace and freedom.\n\nOn a later visit, a few weeks later, this time accompanied by Keith Stevens, we managed to visit the grounds of both the Chateau de Fransu and the Chateau de Thesy and spoke with the owner of the former and the caretaker of the latter. We also visited the site where possibly the Chinese hospital, with subordinate and ancillary buildings and detention centre had been established. French residents of a lone newish house almost opposite pointed out where they understood the hospital and detention centre had been.\n\nAn unexpected, and to date unexplained, observation was the pair of small white stone Chinese lions concreted on to plinths at a main cross-roads within Nolette, very close to Noyelles-sur-Mer. The inscriptions, in Chinese and French, explain that they were donated to commemorate the twinning, in 1994, of the small village of Noyelles-sur-Mer with the fishing town of Tungkang [Donggang] some forty", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215062, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "Fang Xiang\n\nLi Bing\n\n李丙\n\nHuang Chengyi Z\n\n丞乙\n\nZhou Deng\n\n周登\n\nLiu Hong\n\n劉供\n\n115\n\nThe Spirit who is the Bearer\n\nof News\n\nThe Spirit who Superintends the Year\n\nThe Spirit who Superintends the Month\n\nThe Spirit who Superintends the Day\n\nThe Spirit who Superintends the Period\n\nThe Iconography of Taisui\n\nIn a few temples Taisui is represented simply by an image of the President, Yin Jiao,* where he is depicted as a fierce figure with eight arms and a third eye. In the majority of temples there is either a lone image or more usually in southern China, sixty images or sixty tablets representing each of the Taisui, one for each of the years within the sixty-year cycle of years.¥ The cycle was known as Hua Jia Hua Jiazi¥, which was the measurement of time during Imperial days.\n\nIn a few temples a large deeply carved gilded tablet dedicated to Taisui stands in the centre of the Taisui hall, in addition to the one or sixty images.\n\nIn Fukienese communities in Taiwan and South-east Asia his single image tends to stand alone, an awesome deity, whereas in Cantonese, Chaozhou and Hainanese communities his image either stands alone, a benign conventional young man, sitting holding either a ruyi [sceptre] or, more usually, an extended scroll bearing Chinese characters. The Taisui can also be portrayed in a group of sixty each one of whom is again usually a benevolent young or middle-aged man. Each of the sixty serves for one year, in rotation, within the Chinese sixty-year cycle. All sixty images are generally carefully carved and decorated, each being different, some being radically different. An aspect of Taisui", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215067, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "120\n\ndisasters.' She is portrayed as a Daoist deity sitting cross-legged on a lotus, with gilded robes and a small crown, and with eight arms and three faces. Flanking her are two demonic, black-skinned deities standing, each with six arms and dressed in armour, holding weapons and charms in each of their hands. They are her attendants known here as Gnasher, Qiechi J, and Biter, Yaoya, titles not encountered anywhere else. The sixty Taisui images stand on lower tiers in two groups in five rows, either side of a space between the groups leading from the main entrance to the main deity on the top tier. But before the main deity on the second tier is a lone Taisui, the Taisui of the current year, changed annually at the Lunar New Year. Finally, the sets of double doors to the hall are decorated with depictions of the deities of the Twenty-eight Constellations +, the Ershi ba Xiuxing each deity having a 'human' form and its own attributes.\n\nThe second temple is some fifteen miles from Nanchang, the provincial capital of Jiangxi province in mainland China. Once more there is a separate hall but here dedicated to the wife of the main deity of the complex, the major medical god Xu Zhenjun. In the centre of the Hall is a large rectangular altar with the sixty Taisui ranged on all four sides along two tiers, with the image of Xu's wife and her two attendants positioned on the top of the third tier where she is identified merely as 'Xu's wife,' furen A. Her Hall, the Furen Gong, has stood within the temple complex since at least 1820 though it, together with the other temple halls, has been destroyed three times. Once apparently by accident in 1820, once by the Taiping iconoclasts in 1856 and finally by the Red Guards in 1966. However, it has only been within the last century that her hall has had images of the Taisui added to the gods within the complex and placed on the lower tiers of the plinth of her altar. The temple custodian did not know who decided on this addition, why or when.\n\nIn both of these temples, as in a number of other temples, the images of the sixty Taisui are portrayed as individuals with unique characteristics. A few look demonic, the majority are normal humans, with or without facial hair, young and old, and all are seated and dressed in a wide range of robes. Some are soldiers, some elderly mandarins - and although from lists provided in temples they all have individual personal names, none apart from the President, Yin Jiao, would appear to be recorded in legend or myth. However, several god carvers in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "155\n\nIMAGES ON CHINESE POPULAR RELIGION\n\nALTARS\n\nOF THE HEROES\n\nINVOLVED IN THE SUPPRESSION\n\nOF\n\nTHE AN LUSHAN REBELLION [AD 755 - 763]\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nChina suffered a major internal political upheaval between 755 and 763 when General An Lushan led a rebellion against the Tang emperor. It took some seven years for it to be decisively suppressed by government forces.\n\nFrom some records it would appear that An Lushan was half Turkish and half Soghdian, the son of a Soghdian officer and known as Rokhshan before he took the Chinese name of An Lushan. Recent histories written by foreigners only rarely refer to An Lushan prior to his command of a punitive expedition against the Khitan in 736. This campaign was a failure to such an extent that his superior general considered having him executed. Within ten years, however, he became one of the most powerful of the generals, ruling most of the north-east of what was then China, and in particular holding the governorship of three frontier cities, Pinglu, Fanyang and Hedong, along the northern borders of present day Hebei and Shanxi provinces. This meant that he commanded the best and largest armies of the Empire.\n\nProfessor Giles' provided An Lushan's biography in some detail, and although very dated it is still of great interest:\n\nAn Lu-shan died in AD 757. He was born in Luk-chak, of Turkic descent, whose original name had been K'ang. [Presumably Giles was quoting Chinese sources when he related that]... An Lu-shan's mother had been a witch who had prayed for a son on the Ya-lao mountains and at his birth, a halo was seen around the house, and the beasts of the fields cried aloud. The authorities sent to have the child put to death, but he was successfully concealed by his mother. His father died young and his mother re-married, a man named An;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "162\n\nthe altar and the altar table is a typical temple offertory box into which devotees have thrust cash offerings [Photograph 3],\n\nBoth the sad emperor Tang Ming Huang and his putative doctor, Lei Haijing, are both popular religion cult deities revered particularly in Fujian communities. Images vary from temple to temple, all being standard scholar-official figures with none having any special attribute or feature\n\nSome believe that Lei Haijing, commonly referred to as Marshal Tian Dou, (Tian Dou Yuanshuai), when his image is on an altar, was a doctor who accompanied 'the Emperor in the West' during his flight. After Lei died during the emperor's escape to Sichuan province his spirit remained on, guarding and protecting the emperor who\n\nSaw and recognised the two characters 'Tian Dou' of his protector floating in the air. And once he had arrived in the relative safety of Sichuan the emperor created Lei Haijing - Marshal Tian Dou.\n\nOthers claim that Lei was a musician popularly referred to a thousand or more years ago in Fujian as the 'Marshal'. Lei Haijing is another patron of actors, but predominantly from southern Fukienese communities. There are two Marshals Tian Dou revered on altars within Fukienese communities, with their legends so enmeshed that they virtually become one and the same deity.\n\nIn the most commonly repeated legend Tian Dou was a young prince named Lei Haijing, whose age has varied from ten to his mid-twenties. He lived in Fujian province where he was obsessively keen on practical jokes and opera. As a twenty-year old he lived for pleasure and one day having used his position and rank to force a married woman spend the night with him woke to find that she had painted a crab around his mouth in indelible ink, some say to punish him, others to ensure that his lasciviousness received wide publicity. The prince got away with it the first time by telling his friends that he had painted the crab on his mouth for amateur theatricals; however, when he forced her yet again to spend the night with him she painted another crab on his forehead which this time he was unable to explain away. Another version claims that he slept with a young girl who as a joke painted the crab around his mouth whilst he slept and again, several nights later, as he had been so annoyed at the first joke she drew one on his forehead", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215119, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "172\n\nof\n\n17\n\nGuo Ziyi, born in Wenzhou in Zhejiang province ca. AD 700 and only deified many years after he had fled from Guo's service [Illustration 8].\n\nGuo, after a dream, became suspicious of Wen's powers to perform miracles, and Wen, realizing the danger he was in, fled and became a butcher. When a heavenly messenger revealed to Wen the evil of taking life, he gave up slaughtering animals and entered a monastery. Later, he moved to a temple dedicated to Tai Shan, the Lord of the Underworld, where he became the senior medium and communicated with the souls of the dead. He was renowned for his ability to bring rain and help devotees stricken by drought.\n\nEpilogue\n\nThese nine individuals, an omnipotent Chinese emperor, and a hero, and general, believed to have been the emperor's personal physician; a powerful victorious general with immense progeny; a garrison commander and the city mandarin who died in defence of an imperial stronghold; and four minor soldiers, referred to as generals who also died for the emperor, have been deified with their images placed on popular religion temple altars within limited areas of south-east China and Taiwan, their legends being eagerly retold by temple custodians and devotees.\n\nThe Rebellion has held Chinese imaginations for centuries - mainly, it would appear, because of the story of the fall of the emperor's concubine bringing to its listeners a mixture of sadness and anger at the weakness of character shown by the emperor.\n\nA Chinese Biographical Dictionary published in 1898 in London by Bernard Quaritch\n\n2 In Hunan province and the Yangzi valley in general, Lao Lang, the patron of the theatre, of musicians and actors, has been identified in a number of places as a deified human named Zhuang Zong. He was said to be the patron of Peking opera but only of such groups touring central China. His image in Hunan portrayed him as a clean-shaven, white-faced young man without any special", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215136, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "189\n\nspeed test over a set distance. This is done, for example, for ships built on the Firth of Clyde, in Scotland (Sinclair, 2000). The late James A W Deacon, Superintendent of Lights in the Hong Kong Government Marine Department, told me they tried unsuccessfully to find a place for timing ships over a measured sea mile on the south side of Hong Kong Island. Eventually such a \"course\" was, it is understood, set up at Tseung Kwan O (Junk Bay), in the eastern New Territories. It seems unlikely that the two Obelisks at Tai Tam were ever used for timing ships because of their rather 'tucked away' positions. There is also no evidence of there ever having been a second pair of beacons in the vicinity.\n\nAre there other possible uses for the two Tai Tam Obelisks? I was informed firstly in the late 1970s by a master mariner and senior civil servant in the Government Marine Department, that a Royal Navy Officer, who had served in Hong Kong before World War Two, had told him that the two Obelisks had been used when submarines submerged during tests. This practice came into being (so it was said) because of the loss of HM Submarine Thetis, on 1 June 1939, on its maiden dive with the loss of 99 sailors and civilians. A diver who went down to try to effect a rescue was also lost. Only four occupants managed to escape from the submarine using the Davis Escape Apparatus. The Royal Navy Officer told the senior Marine Department Officer that submarines were sent to Tai Tam Bay, after repairs or refits in the old Royal Naval Dockyard. At Tai Tam they could dive to periscope depth, in line between the two Obelisks. Then, if anything were to go wrong, the submarine could be traced and the crew rescued hopefully relatively quickly. The now retired Marine Department member of staff acknowledges that he never had material in writing to support this statement but he believes the information was given to him in good faith.\n\nWhen this information was put to Guy Clarabutt, who served in Royal Navy submarines in Hong Kong before World War Two, he said he had never heard of such a practice (Sinclair, 2000). Neither could he remember the two Obelisks at Tai Tam (Waters, 2000). I spoke to a young British naval officer stationed at HMS Tamar, on Hong Kong Island, in 1995. He felt that such a practice was highly unlikely. In 1997, however, I raised the same question with Commodore PJ Melson CBE, Chief of Staff and Deputy to Commander British Forces. He, as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215155, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 251, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "211\n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong\n\nBut let's start at the beginning. How did it all commence? First, though it is interesting to recall that that great man, Henry Ford, once said:\n\n\"History is bunk. We don't want tradition.\n\nWe want to live in the present,\n\nAnd the only history that is worth a tinker's damn\n\nIs the history that we make today.\"\n\nThose words of Henry Ford contrast markedly with those of Winston Churchill, who is purported to have told an American boy entering a British public school:\n\n\"Young man, study history, study history. In history lie all the secrets of statehood.\"\n\nEarly days\n\nSo, as a great admirer of Sir Winston Churchill, I accept his words rather than those of Henry Ford. And if we delve deeply, history tells us that in Hong Kong, as early as 1863, vocational training in carpentry, tailoring, shoemaking, printing, bookbinding, and gardening was being provided for 12 boys. Numbers later reached 30. These classes were held in a Chinese building under a Father Raimondi, not far from the Roman Catholic Mission House, which then stood in Wellington Street, in what used to be called the City of Victoria.\n\nYou can almost picture the carpentry classes using the same kind of Chinese tools and labour-saving stools cum-benches which we still employ today. With the latter, one can hold a piece of timber being worked with one's foot and plane downhill, which makes good \"work-study\" sense. As a footnote, I recall one of our carpentry instructors at the old Technical College always using a Chinese plane when he wanted to get an especially good finish on a piece of timber. There is a lot to be said for Chinese tools.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215199, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 295, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "259\n\nAfter the Japanese invasion of Malaya on December 8, 1941 he accepted an invitation by The Times to become its war correspondent. His wife, Maria, and other expatriates were evacuated to Batavia (Jakarta) in January 1942. Mr. Morrison covered the Malayan campaign through to the surrender of Singapore on February 15, 1942, leaving the city for Batavia on February 10, where he rejoined his wife. He was in Melbourne by May of 1942, and appears to have spent the rest of the war in Australia as a war correspondent, although there is some evidence that he was in New Guinea for a period.\n\nAfter the war he and his wife returned to Singapore where he continued as a correspondent for The Times. He met Han Suyin in Hong Kong in June 1949. He went to Korea in July, 1950 to cover the Korean War and was killed on August 12, near Taegu, when the jeep in which he was travelling was blown up by a land mine. He had a brother, Alastair, in the Diplomatic Service and another brother, Colin, in the colonial service in Hong Kong.\n\nCloud service in\n\nAnd now I've seen the pavilion where Ian and Suyin sat together under the stars, and the tree, and the steps that Mark ran down (in the motion picture) after saying his final goodbye to Suyin, on his way to the airport (the book is much less romantic — they say goodbye on the street and Mark boards a 'bus for the airport). What an incredibly poignant experience!\n\nPavilion behind Realty Gardens\n\nI made my visit to the pavilion with my two young children (my wife was otherwise engaged) and understand, perhaps for the first time, that passage in Han Suyin's book where she quotes Mark as saying that life's greatest tragedy is not to be loved, which he promptly amends to not to love.\n\nAnd then, of course, there is the passage central to the book's theme and from which the title is taken:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215210, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 306, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "270\n\nconnection, as my mother was a Yip from Chan Uk Village, also at Nam Tau. There were over ten families of Ng in Kowloon Tsai, but we had no ancestral hall there. There were two parts to the village, an upper and lower part - Sheung and Ha Wai. We lived in the Ha Wai. There was a Tin Hau temple at the village, and we had puppet shows on the goddess' birthday every year when I was young. We also had a Ta Chiu in the village every ten years.\n\n'I was married to a Li of Sheung Sha Po Village when I was 18. My husband was a revenue officer in the Customs service. We had three houses in the village, but they were all demolished for the airfield extension. We were sent first to a vacant tenement house in Cheung On Street [not identified in a modern street guide, but very likely to have been in nearby suburban Kowloon] whose owner had left. We were there for 4-6 months, before moving to Model Village.\n\n'I am Shing Sung, now 55, a Hakka. I was born at Nam Tau and came to Kowloon when I was 18 to join my uncle who owned a wooden house at Tsat Kan Uk [The Seven Houses], a place north of old Kowloon Tsai Village. I later built a wooden hut there for myself. I came to Model Village after the war. I remember that there were private fields in the general area, as well as government land. People named Fung, Hui and Tsang owned fields there before the war.\n\n'I am Madam Law Mui, aged 57, also Hakka. I was born at Nam Tau, and came to Kowloon when I was 20, to marry Shing Sung's elder brother - also to The Seven Houses. We farmed government land there, for which we had a permit and paid fees, both before and after the war. There were many people at Ap Tsai Wu (Duckling Pond), the name of the general area where we lived and farmed. They were scattered here and there, because we were all vegetable farmers and you built your own house beside your own plot of land. Like Shing Sung, we moved to Model Village after the war.\n\n'I am Madam Kwai-fung, aged 64. I am a Hakka, born at Sha Po Tsai, Kowloon, where my family had lived for several generations. My father kept a store in Lower Sha Po, near Blacksmiths' Street in the Kowloon City suburb. When I was 22, I was married to Ng Sam-hong, a Punti, of Old Kak Hang Village, next to Nga Tsin Wai, when we had gone to live in a newly repaired house. We had two houses of our own at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215212, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 308, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "272\n\non the events of that time\n\nIt seems that the Japanese authorities, strict though they were, did take the initiative which led to the provision of Model Village, and that it was they who had appointed contractors to carry out construction, and had allowed those involved to work on the project and to receive a payment in rice for a day's work.\n\nSuch payments were received on other projects of the time. One such was the construction of the new stormwater nullah that ran alongside Nga Tsin Wai - referred to in Patrick Hase's article on the village. Two ladies from Ngau Tau Kok village in East Kowloon, interviewed in 1967, had both worked as earth coolies on it, and also on the demolition of houses and the lowering of small hills for the extended airfield. Stones from the houses had been used to build the nullah. The two had carried the 100 piculs of soil and stones needed to earn one catty of rice, but said that men who could manage 140 or 150 piculs would earn proportionately more. The working day was 7 am until 12 noon, and then 1-5 pm.\n\nAt that time, rice was precious, and more useful than money. As one village woman told me (born 1880), 'you could buy 40 catties of rice for a dollar when I was young, but during the Occupation, one catty cost two dollars - if you could get it.' Another villager, one of the elders of Nga Tsin Wai, born in 1884, said that 'people would sell a whole roof of tiles and wooden beams to contractors, for two dollars.'\n\nI also spoke to two ladies at Chuk Yuen Village in 1963, who had described the removal of the large and old village of Po Kong, in its entirety, along with the nearby hamlets of Ta Kwu Ling, Shek Kwu Lung and Kak Hang, to make way - as they said - for a road and the airfield extension, adding that the Japanese built new stone houses for them and gave rice compensation instead of cash; which 'was much more useful to us at that time, when money was worth very little.'\n\nOther information was available that embellished the account of this difficult time. A man of 52, born at Ta Kwu Ling in 1915, told me in 1966 that part of the village was demolished, not for the airfield extension but because they were too close to it; the Japanese military authorities thinking that it might harbour guerillas who could damage", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215271, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "1 March 2002\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH\n\nLIBRARY\n\nADDITIONS LIST 2001/2002\n\nAdams, Edward Ben, 1934-\n\nPalaces of Seoul: Yi dynasty palaces in Korea's capital city; foreword by Hwang Su-Young. Seoul, Korea: Taewon Pub. Co., c1972.\n\nBelden, Jack, 1910-\n\nChina shakes the world. New York: Harper & brothers, c1949.\n\nBodde, Derk, 1909-\n\nLaw in imperial China: exemplified by 190 Ch'ing dynasty cases (translated from the Hsing-an hui-lan) with historical, social, and juridical commentaries. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, c1967.\n\nBoulger, Demetrius Charles de Kavanagh, 1853-1928\n\nThe life of Sir Halliday Macartney, K.C.M.G., commander of Li Hung Chang's trained force in the Taeping rebellion, founder of the first Chinese arsenals, for thirty years councillor and secretary to the Chinese legation in London. London, New York: J. Lane company, 1908.\n\nCarney, Dora Sanders, 1903-\n\nForeign devils had light eyes: a memoir of Shanghai 1933-1939. Toronto: Dorset Pub., 1980.\n\nCopper, John Franklin\n\nWords across the Taiwan Strait: a critique of Beijing's \"White paper\" on China's reunification. Lanham: University Press of America, c1995.\n\nCroft, Michael\n\nRed carpet to China. London: Longmans, c1958.\n\nCronin, Vincent, 1924-\n\nThe wise man from the West. London: R. Hart-Davis, c1955.\n\nxlv", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215300, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "25\n\nEARTH GOD WINE AND THE MEETING OF THE FLUTTERING BUTTERFLIES LOCAL CUSTOMS OF EARLY SPRING IN LATE IMPERIAL CENTRAL CHINA\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER\n\nAs spring was approaching in the lake lands of Southern Hubei and Northern Hunan, people became increasingly involved in the new agricultural season. Once snow and frosts were part of the past, the new season for rice began. In the first place the irrigated seedbeds were prepared to receive the sowing of the grain, and later to see the sprouting of the first thick green carpet of the young shoots. Irrigation systems had to be looked over and repaired in anticipation of the period when the large paddy fields were to be set under water.\n\nAfter the celebration of the Lantern Festival as the finale of the New Year season, on the fifteenth of the first moon of the lunar year, there was a bit of a ritual slack season. The advantage of this for people was that there was then a period of uninterrupted time necessary for the urgent agricultural spring tasks. What followed after New Year was a string of smaller seasonal events, somewhat more modest than the big cardinal festivals. Even so these celebrations were certainly of some importance - at least they provided a few short but joyful breaks in days otherwise filled with heavy loads of work. In this essay I shall examine two relatively minor festive events which were celebrated in the early spring, in the second lunary of the year or around that time.\n\nWe must remember that Chinese reckoning of time in Imperial days was structured by two main and different annual calendars. One was based on the phases of the moon and comprised twelve lunaries. The other took account of the annual behaviour of the sun and contained twenty-four solar phases. The lunar dates varied in terms of the sun calendar, but it was the latter which gave the pragmatic landmarks in terms of seasonal weather and rural tasks for the countryman, whereas various celebrations of agricultural achievements and social events were held in accordance with the moon year. The lunar New Year could fall any time from the twenty-first of January to the nineteenth of February, Gregorian reckoning, and thus varied a great deal from year to year in\n\nI have dealt with these elsewhere: Aijmer 1964; 1968; 1979; 1991; 2002.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "34\n\nbrought into contact. The stalk which in this way drew up the drop of the other was declared the winning party. Perhaps this was an élitist thing to do and we have no description from the central lake land to improve our knowledge. At least the name suggests games in the open under festive conditions. Another designation used for this day was, in Tongshan, pu die hui 'the meeting of the fluttering butterflies.'38\n\n撲蝶會\n\nA note from Yingshan claims that Hua Zhao was a day when young women got their ears pierced. It was also a day when girls who had reached the age of twelve, thirteen or more, started allowing their hair to grow long. In the same place, this day of Flower Dawn was also an occasion for sending presents to a (future?) bride's home, and to arrange- or confirm-betrothals (na bian). Alternatively, it was a day for wen ming or 'to ask names.' This was a preliminary ceremony leading to a likely engagement to be married, generally implying a comparison of the two candidates in terms of the combinations of celestial signs going with their respective birthdays. The Flower Dawn was generally regarded as an auspicious day for this.39 We can see that this festival was marked by femininity-girls were coming of age, passing into womanhood by starting using jewellery and letting their hair grow long. Female reproduction is also stressed in the arrangements for coming marriages. Also, full moon days were generally associated with femininity.\n\nTurning to Zhongxiang we find that the full moon day of the second lunary was an occasion for the flying of paper kites (feng yuan) and this custom implied some games-but we are not informed as to the rules of these. There is the possibility that these competitions were in terms of appearance and beauty.40\n\nThe flying of paper kites in southern China was not only a children's pastime, but was done in a ceremonial way in certain seasons and on specific days. In Fujian Province, around the city of Fuzhou it was an activity associated with the autumnal Chong Yang festival on the ninth day of the ninth moon. In a different context I have suggested\n\n38 古今圖書集成.1888.VI,1166:風俗考4a.\n\n39 古今圖書集成.1888.VI,1142:風俗考2a.\n\n40 Hodous 1974: 190-92; Bredon & Mitrophanow 1927: 430-35.\n\n41 Aijmer 1991.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215313, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "38\n\nthe divinity of these chthonic domains. That underworld was also the universe of the dead in their graves. In a sense the altar, or shrine, of the She (She Ji) may have been intuited as a symbolic epitome of the collective of graves, but this would then have been a synthesis of death and the dead with a difference. In grave worship it was explicitly dead individuals who were addressed, and possibly also a multitude of such individuals, all of whom were discursively brought together by a grammar of agnatic kinship. It may be significant that, as in Yuanjiang, the recently dead should be worshipped at their graves before the She Day—when they were still 'uncollectivized' individuals. Perhaps they were incorporated into the She and the common ground of the vicinage on this very day. In a social landscape filled with localized lineage communities, it may be that the dead of an area or a neighbourhood were always former members of a particular localized lineage. But that may not always have been true.\n\nWe might hypothesize that the She was a manifestation of the collectivity of the dead in an area, an aggregation of 'death force' without discrimination in terms of agnatic kinship. The She brought his worshippers the blessings of the vegetative power of the underground and its inhabitants for the coming crops, for the production of rice and the reproduction of society. This train of thought would also account for the political component, the She being the centripetal energy in a demarcated space—in contrast to ancestors and their cults which were articulated in idioms of time, to enhance various particularized claims of specific kinship communities. The She was, like the Imperial administration, for everyone and, in the final analysis, the Emperor was the mediator of the blessings of the underground for his Imperial realm.\n\nAbout the same time, and in the same annual phase of spring and vernal tasks in the agricultural cycle, people in the Dongting area also celebrated the Flower Dawn. This was a festival of certain female presuppositions, being connected with the full moon. People observed the awakening Nature, the re-emergence of butterflies and other insects and the sprouting vegetation. They sought out areas outside of towns and villages for outings with picnics and games. On occasion, this seasonal striving upwards from the ground in the direction of Heaven, was made symbolically explicit by the flying of paper kites. The day was one on which initiatives were taken to betroth young women and,\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "39\n\nif they were already engaged to be married, to exchange gifts with their future affinal relatives. Flower Dawn was a day which marked young girls' attainment of womanhood. Ears were pierced for wearing jewellery and from this day, marking the same shift, adolescent women let their hair grow long to announce their entry into the world of female concerns.\n\nEarly spring in the plains and hills of Hubei and Hunan was a period of beginnings and anticipations. The return of life force in Nature was a process drawing from symbolic codes and involving various rituals, as well as giving rise to a sequence of practical concerns in the mundane work in the rice fields. It is in these spring days that we find the celebration of two different festivals, each in its own way attuned to the season: the festivals can be seen as mutually complementary, the two handling different dimensions of the same world.\n\nThe ritual activities on this day reflected a social grammar of reciprocity in which gifts—meat and wine—were expected to generate a response from the She. The counter-gift would be an abundance of rice in the fields in late summer. A cognate ritual procedure would be staged some weeks later, but this time the rites would engage the mortal remains of the individual dead and the combinations of ancestral graves that formed the stock of memorabilia of particular lineages. These rituals would aim at a similarly beneficial effect on the coming crops, but would also be forward-looking, inviting the dead to return to the living in early summer.\n\nThe She Day was celebrated on a date calculated according to the sun's movement through the celestial zodiac, a procedure providing a relatively stable seasonal appearance. Its ritual liturgy related the occasion to the yin cosmic principle and stressed a downward direction, further associated with female forces, darkness and death. It is interesting that this festival of clear yin associations was calculated in accordance with the movement of the sun, the foremost exposition of the male, life-giving and celestial cosmic principle of yang. The festival appeared on the first wu day after the Li Chun day. Wu is, as already mentioned, the seventh of the 'Earthly Branches,' which, apart from being used to represent cyclical time, was associated with the midday hour and the southerly direction. It seems that a conventional calendar discourse, by the use of the wu branch, tied celestial progress", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215315, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "40\n\nto a state of the earth. The same paradox is also apparent in the celebration of the other seasonal festival, the Flower Dawn with its emphasis on an upward yang direction. The latter festival was observed according to the lunar calendar, and so relating to the main yin manifestation in Heaven, the moon. To intensify this sense of femininity it was celebrated under the full moon of the second lunary. The second moon, being of an even number, also has female associations.\n\nThe Flower Dawn day highlighted the awakening Nature and the end of the cold season's hibernation. It celebrated arousal and the drawing out of life from the underground in an upward direction. It was a day to be spent in the open with picnics in 'the wilderness', away from built-up areas. This was in contrast to the centripetal She celebrations, which were focused on one particular, centrally located altar. Flower Dawn was a day of contesting games, food, and kite flying. Female sexuality was one main theme of the festival, people following old conventions as to the coming of age of young women, their betrothals, and coming marriages.\n\nThe latter point is somewhat puzzling. The period for betrothals of young people, and also marriages, started generally at, or after, the Chong Yang festival on the ninth day of the ninth moon, the culmination of the wedding season being on New Year's Day and around that time. This autumnal period was the social season that followed after the harvest of rice when the fields were left fallow and the life force of Nature withdrew into the ground.49\n\nIt seems then as if the Flower Dawn was a spring alternative for the celebration of relations of affinity. Both She Day and Flower Dawn appeared in a period of the year that saw a seasonal near-balance of the cosmic forces of yin and yang—complete at the Spring Equinox.50 Yin had now started to wane and yang was growing into dominance. In the world of death, the deceased in their yin guise in the graves were growing in ritual importance, while the dead in their yang semblance, as celestial phenomena and manifest in the form of ancestral tablets, were coming out of focus. These two festivals each explored one dimension of Nature's seasonal balance:\n\n49 The autumnal equinox gave towards the end of the year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215330, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "55\n\nmost places she holds a sceptre in the palm of her right hand resting against her shoulder.\n\nShe is said in some places to be particularly efficacious in helping children do well at school, and also for adults to pass tests, examinations and interviews. She is also prayed to separately by ladies, young and old, with the request that they may never lose their good looks and is offered perfume, talcum powder and handkerchiefs on her birthday, all taken home again by the devotees once the Holy Mother has blessed them. Her festival is celebrated on her birthday though this date varies from area to area, the most popular dates being the 4th or 25th of the second lunar month, the 4th of the fifth lunar month and any two days between the 10th and 16th of the tenth lunar month.\n\nHer full title is Nantian Shuiwei Shengmu ****, The Holy Mother of Shuiwei of the Southern Heaven. She has also been referred to as Nantian Shantian Shuiwei Shengniang 水尾聖娘, Shuiwei Niangniang 水尾娘娘 and Shuiwei Shengniang 水尾聖娘. Colloquially however, she is simply known as Shengmu, the Holy Mother.\n\nThe legend describing the Holy Mother's origins has been related with little variation in all the areas where her shrines have been noted. A fisherman named Pan who lived many, many years ago in Wenchang county in eastern Hainan island kept hauling in a piece of wood whilst fishing and no matter how many times he cast the net he pulled in the same piece of wood. It finally dawned on him that there was more to it than caught the eye and he called out in a loud voice that he would take the wood home with him and have it carved into a holy statue if the next two casts of his net brought him large hauls of fish. Despite landing exceptionally large hauls he forgot his promise and even used the wood to make a door for his pigsty. His son remarked that every time he passed the pigsty he thought he saw a remarkably beautiful woman combing her hair sitting on the bough of a tree. This reminded the fisherman of his promise but being poor he was unable to build a shrine for the deity and, wondering what to do he consulted a spirit medium who revealed where the shrine should be built. The goddess, in the guise of a village woman, appeared before a local builder and ordered bricks and timber to be delivered to the site but after delivery he was unable to find anyone to whom he could present", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215331, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "56\n\nhis bill. He described the lady who had ordered the materials and when he heard that it was the goddess herself he forwent his bill and donated the materials. The temple was built on the side of the hill above Wenchang town, called Shuiwei Po, which became the cult centre.\n\nMarginal variations of the story heard in Penang and Cambodia include the following: a number of fishermen aboard a junk threw out their net and drew in an enormously heavy but small log, requiring the joint effort of the whole crew. After their communal vow to have the log carved and having hauled in two large catches, they were so embarrassed at not being able to afford to have the log carved and to raise a shrine to house it they left it on the edge of the village where it was incorporated into the walls of a pigsty. Pigs however began sickening and dying, and only when Pan saw a glowing light over the pigsty did he recall the log and their promise. He burnt incense, asked forgiveness and all became tranquil and normal. People claimed to have seen an exquisitely beautiful young woman on the branch overhanging the pigsty and came to realize that it was the spirit of the log. They collected funds, had a temple built and the log carved into the shape of the woman they had seen on the branch. The temple became the cult centre for the Holy Mother who is also known as:\n\nPaihai Shen The Spirit who Controls the Seas.\n\nAccording to Wilmott10, Shuiwei Shengmu, the main deity in the Hainanese temple in Phnom-penh, changed her name to being simply Shengmu because the Cantonese connotation of the term 'Shuiwei' was associated with bad fortune in business11 and kept many people from frequenting the temple.\n\n4: Uniquely Hainanese Secondary Deities\n\n[though a few are also revered China-wide by Han Chinese]\n\na] The One Hundred and Eight Brothers-\n\nYibai lingba Xiongde 一百零八兄弟\n\nThe tablet to the 108 Brothers is exclusively revered on secondary altars in Hainanese temples in South-east Asia only. The Brothers are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215349, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "74\n\nperhaps taken over within their own ethnic temple.\n\nThe Iron-ox General is a black-skinned demonic figure dressed in pantaloons and anklets, standing, with a tiger skin draped around his waist, and with a bolero covering his shoulders. He has a narrow plain coronet, and is holding a heavy chain in his left hand and an axe raised above his head in his right.\n\nThe Iron-ox and Bronze-ox were both live oxen transformed by Lishan Shengmu into human, albeit demonic form, to be her guardians and to protect the gateway to her mountain. They have powers in their own right which include, it is claimed, the prevention of natural disasters, and in particular flooding.27\n\nb] In Fujian province prior to 1949 it was not uncommon to see the Eight Youths, young boys running round the procession when the palanquin containing the image of the deity was being borne around his parish. The boys were regarded in most places as the incarnate soldiery of the spirit armies of the deities. In others they were underworld generals whose exorcising dance was performed to rid the vicinity of demons. In Taiwan groups of young men regularly meet in certain temples and practice exorcist drills which they then perform for the public during annual ceremonies. Their other function is to act as bodyguards to the major deity in their temple when he is taken out in his carrying chair to process around the town. These youths are known in Taiwan as the Eight Underworld Generals A#. They are skilled in martial arts, have their faces painted in specific patterns using a number of bright colours, somewhat similar to the actors in Peking opera but generally regarded as demonic faces, and are dressed in a uniform of jacket and trousers and in a few temples, according to one temple keeper, they wear red bands, similar to those worn by the Boxers of the 1900 Rebellion, identifying which unit they belong to. The markings and forms of these youths tend to be identical with the Ba Jia Jiang, the statues lining the walls of Underworld temples in Taiwan. Such statues have also been noted in several Hainanese temples in South-east Asia where the group of Eight is known as Ba Ban Gong A, The \"Eight Bosses\". Whereas the total, Eight, would appear to be somewhat immaterial to most devotees and temple keepers, in Singapore the Eight represented the large number of gaolers in each of eight of the Ten Courts of the Underworld responsible for purging\n\n28", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215374, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "100\n\nthe 1970s it was usual to see most young children transported in the cloth carriers. Now imported mass-produced ones have replaced them, and mothers tend to carry their children in front following Western fashion. But fortunately, this large collection of Chinese baby carriers has been saved at the Museum, and will continue to give pleasure to future generations from both east and west.\n\nFURTHER READING\n\n* Garrett, Valery M. (1994) Chinese Clothing: an Illustrated Guide. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press (China) Ltd.\n\n* Garrett, Valery M. (1990) Children of the Gods: Dress and Symbolism in China. Hong Kong: Urban Council.\n\n* Garrett, Valery M. (1987) Traditional Chinese Clothing in Hong Kong and South China, 1840-1980. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press (China) Ltd.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "115\n\nDAR2032AM\n\nKNMUGA*Y\n\n如耶路撒冷陷落時, Agippa 號野雞 Hastings #ENBAHNB (VOTA\n\nKO 200 989 KARPRAKA\n\nASSANT (GDOM) A\n\n在隨後的歲月裡，繳何職和另一位立豬石鹼瓤鵝\n\nAMAMURAMAH · BMW IMA\n\nof Henry May · A. W Brown · WA\n\nPH M Taylor MMA Tha** M\n\n* - Wong Leung humt? • Young Him- Pongi門，麗金榴，豐義理，確镗芬·西蘭\n\nJ\n\nThe Presentation of The Tribute\n\nApril 28, 1910 was a typical April day, fine but cloudy with a light breeze, temperature 78°F and humidity 80%. Contemporary events included the arrival of Halley's comet, in its 76-year orbit, which was \"plainly discernible to the naked eye at Hong Kong during the early morning”. It\n\npromised to be \"as brilliant and awe-inspiring as it must have been at the times of the fall of Jerusalem, the death of Agrippa and the Battle of Hastings\". Mark Twain died, and a Frenchman won a £10,000 prize from the Daily Mail newspaper for flying in stages between London and Manchester at 200 feet and 33 miles per hour.\n\nThe deputation received at Government House was introduced by Dr Ho Kai with his fellow legislator Mr Wei Yuk. Those present included: the Hon. Sir Henry May (Colonial Secretary), the Hon. Mr. A.W. Brewin (Registrar General). Capt. PH. M. Taylor (aide-de-camp). Messers Lau Chu-pak, Ng Hon-tsz, Ho Fook, Ho Kom-tong, Wong Leung-him, Yeung Him-pong, Wong Kum-luk, S.W. Tso, Sin Tak-fun, Fung Wa-chun, Cheung Si-kai, Li Sui-kam, Lau Yuen-chuen, Leung Fui-chi, Yu To-shan, Chan Sik-lam, Li Yau-chun, Chau Siu-ki, Wo Wan-cho, Wo Tsai-yang, Lo Kun-ting, Siu Yim-Eai, Sam Pak-ming, Li Wing-kwong, Chan Wan-sau, Mok Man-cheung, Tam Hok-po, Leung Kin-en, Chan Kang-yi, Lau Pun-chiu, Chiu Yee-ting, Chan Pak-yee, Wo Tsa-wan, Yiu Ki-yun, Li Po-kwai, Chan Chuk-hing, Tsang Yik-kai, Chan Lok-chun, and Ho Mok-lok.\n\nThe Governor received The Tribute together with an album of red morocco leather, which bore his monogram in silver and contained the address in both Chinese and English.\n\n和一本發行紀念冊，紀\n\nDr Ho Kai CMG, Legislative Council member, (1880-1914); founder of the Alice Memorial Hospital (1886) and co-founder of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese (1887).\n\n何啟爵士，立法局議員（1880-1914年）；雅麗氏醫院的創辦人（1886年）和香港華人西醫書院的共同創辦人（1887年）。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215391, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "源\n\nAGE. ALAHATAE P\n\n屍體處理問題\n\n**AN ANW8 4\n\n**** A*CM. BAA\n\nBALE MH:\n\n117\n\nnow a prarefully and cordially as ar da maw Uỹ hypo, się woben you gri te dngland, you will be able se reprevent our need to the large hearted and philanthropic people of Great Britain and Ireland, and be enabled phereby zo ger farther denacions, much needed for our University and its endowment fund.\n\nThe text of the scroll adds to this theme:\n\n\"It is education which moulds and forms men's talents. China is now intent on reform and for this purpose education is the most urgent need. But in few of the provinces is there a University and hence the young men who have the aspirations of a scholar and seek a higher education, much against the wishes of their father, their brothers and their elders, have to carry their books and luggage across many an ocean in search of a teacher.\"\n\n\"Since Your Excellency came to give peace to this state, all the business of administration has been carried on by you with success, but you have regarded the development of education and the encouragement of talent as your most important duty, and all your energies and faculties have been devoted to the establishment of a University. Now the foundation stone has been duly laid and the magnificent project is on the way to realisation. We feel confident that in the future the result of the education given in the University will fulfil all expectations.”\n\nThe Disposal of the Dead\n\nIn the text of the scroll, however, this pressing community issue received first mention:\n\n\"Your earnest attention has been devoted to everything that would promote the welfare of the people and the comfort of those who have gathered here from afar. More especially has every movement for the benefit of the Chinese received your heartiest support. Not once have your actions failed to call forth public praise. Your Excellency was moved with great sorrow at the frequency with which bodies have been thrown out into the street in Hongkong, and with the determination of taking measures to stamp the practice out, you consulted the Public Dispensaries Committee as to the best means to your purpose: and now there is hardly a trace left of the evil practice. The sanitary laws are made to preserve the public health, but the Chinese have always feared their strictness. Since Your Excellency took up office, a compromise has been effected in the administration of the laws while at the same time, to the gratification of all classes, better results have been achieved.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215402, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "128\n\nTranslation of the Chinese Address presented to \n\nHis Excellency the Governor, Sir Frederick John Dealtry Lugard, K.C.M.G., C.B., D.S.O., by the representatives of the Chinese Community.\n\nIn a lucky day in April of the year 1910 on the occasion of your Excellency's returning to your ancestral home on a holiday of six months we Chinese representatives of all classes of the community take the opportunity of your departure to present you with a respectful address in token of our esteem.\n\nMore than once have the stars and the hoar-frosts returned in their course since Your Excellency came to Hongkong: the benevolence and clemency of your virtuous administration is in the mouth of every passer-by in the streets. Your earnest attention has been devoted to everything that would promote the welfare of the people and the comfort of those who have gathered here from afar. More especially has every movement for the benefit of the Chinese received your heartiest support. Not once have your actions failed to call forth the public praise.\n\nYour Excellency was moved with great sorrow at the frequency with which bodies have been thrown out into the street in Hongkong, and with the determination of taking measures to stamp the practice out, you consulted the Public Dispensaries Committee as to the best means of effecting your purpose; and now there is hardly a trace left of the evil practice. The Sanitary laws are made to preserve the public health, but the Chinese have always feared their strictness. Since Your Excellency took up office a compromise has been effected in the administration of the laws while at the same time to the gratification of all classes better results have been achieved.\n\nIt is education which moulds and forms men's talents. China is now intent on reform and for this purpose education is the most urgent need. But in few of the provinces is there a University and hence the young men who have the aspirations of a scholar and seek a higher education, much against the wishes of their fathers, their brothers and their elders, have to carry their books and luggage across many an ocean in search of a teacher.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215421, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "147\n\nWork on it could only have started after the beatification of St. Francis Borgia at the end of 1624. His statue and that of St. Luís Gonzaga appear in niches on the second storey of the façade with pedestals only bearing the title beatus, not saints. Francis Borgia was only canonised in 1670 but had been beatified by Pope Urban VIII on the 23rd November 1624. Luis Gonzaga had already been beatified in 1605 (Figs 14.15).\n\nThe statues of Ignatius of Loyola and Francis Xavier also appear in the second storey and on their pedestals are given the correct title of saints. Both had been declared saints in 1622 with spectacular canonisation ceremonies in Rome, Spain and Portugal. We know from a 1644 Annual Letter written from the college in Macao that the façade was completed the year that this letter was dated. It seems therefore very probable that the frontispiece was constructed between 1625 and 1644 and that the impulse for its construction or reconstruction was very likely the canonisation of Ignatius of Loyola and Francis Xavier.\n\nThe initiative for founding the Macao College as the seat of the Japan missions, later expanded to include China, was due to Alessandro Valignano, the Father Superior and Father Visitor of the Jesuits in the East. As stated, the architect of the church was Father Carlo Spinola, an Italian from Naples. The reputed decoration of the façade at the hands of Chinese and Christian Japanese craftsmen was very likely carried out under the direction of Giovanni Nicolao, an Italian Jesuit painter from Nola. From this it is only too obvious that Italian Jesuits with a Late Renaissance mentality were highly influential in its creation, something characteristic of the historical period in question.\n\nJ.E. McCall, whose pioneering research is fundamental to the subject, has studied the activities of Giovanni Nicolao. Yoshitomo Okamoto, in his Namban Bijutsu, also gives important insights on Father Nicolao, who had actually opened a school of fine arts for young Japanese seminarians as apprentices in Western painting, printmaking and sculpture in various missionary colleges in Japan.19 But apart from Giacomo Niva, a Chinese-Japanese painter and the most brilliant of Nicolao's pupils, we hardly know the names of the other Chinese and Japanese artists who may have formed Nicolao's team in Macao. Unfortunately, this was apparently Jesuit practice at the time. Their famous annual letters sent from China or their Macao College, today", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215467, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "193\n\nwhat appeared to be a dressing gown. The hotel's general manager? Employee of the month? I am ashamed to say that I later found out that this was none other than His Majesty King Jigme Singye Wangchuk, an active monarch-of-the-people who is held in very high regard by all Bhutanese.\n\nAfter being allocated a room key, it was more than I could manage to take my small case from the young lady who had been detailed to take it to my room, so I followed behind feeling a bit embarrassed. The \"room\" turned out to be a separate bungalow in the spacious and wooded grounds, replete with a twin bedroom, a lounge with triple sofa and twin armchairs, a dressing room and a bathroom. Having learnt from my wife, the first thing I checked was the bathroom. I wonder if the hot water is hot? YIKES!! Immediately, scalding hot water gushed out of the tap at high pressure. Very welcome, given that the bathroom otherwise felt like a refrigerator. Two electric heaters served to make the bedroom very cosy - I even had to turn one of them off.\n\nWill two rolls be enough?\n\nBrian's very comprehensive briefing notes included the advice that we bring two rolls of lavatory paper. My inspection of the bathroom revealed that this advice was very sound. The roll next to the loo had about a quarter inch thickness of paper remaining. There was a new roll, still wrapped in its cellophane wrapper, straight from the factory, but even this only had half an inch. I wondered at all the industry and effort that went into manufacturing and marketing rolls of lavatory paper with such limited reserves, in a country where chillies were a staple. I was worried!\n\nI left the room, carefully turning off each of the two light switches in the bathroom, the four in the dressing room and the eleven in the bedroom/living room (all being controlled by a majestic GEC fuse box containing equal amounts of ceramics and electrics) and headed for lunch.\n\nI am a very conservative eater, and my first exposure to Bhutanese food was approached very much with Brian's 'two rolls' advice on my mind. But lunch could not have been more pleasant or more welcome.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215470, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "196\n\nto climb up to it.\n\nBeing an official Royal Asiatic Society group, coupled with Brian's immense knowledge, experience and influence, had a number of advantages. One of these was being able to go inside the Kyichu Lhakhang, a 7th century temple, noting the obvious Buddhist nature of the place but also the significant differences from the Chinese temples that most of us were more used to. It seemed to be much calmer, generally less busy.\n\np.m.\n\nThe high valley walls meant that the sun left us at about 4:45 and so photography became a bit of a challenge. But once again the children and older people were very accommodating about being flashed at, or waiting that much longer for correct exposures and shutter speeds to be estimated.\n\nBy the time we hit the shops of Paro High Street it was completely dark. On our way up the valley we had seen the orderly row of shops, about 30 or 40 of them, all looking the same but all looking inviting nonetheless. What was a surprise, however, was that they were virtually all the same - well stocked with the goods they had to offer, but I couldn't help wondering why one would use any one of them as opposed to another. As I still wanted my post cards, I was delighted to find a store that stocked them. I also wanted a small book to write notes in, so I asked the young lady behind the counter, very slowly and clearly: ‘Do you have a writing book?' I was most surprised when she answered in perfect and accent-free English: \"You mean a note book? What about this one here?' I did not want to sound patronising, but I had to ask her if everybody in Paro spoke English as well as she did, to which she replied: 'No, most of them are uneducated.' Well, there you have it.\n\nI was very ready for dinner, after which, on returning to the hotel, I was delighted to find out that some kind soul had already turned on the electric heater in my room.\n\nHa Haa\n\nThe destination for the second day was Haa, the principal town in Bhutan's western Haa Province. The road from Paro would take us", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "204\n\nlast leg of the day's journey, to Bumthang.\n\nWe were now passing into Central Bhutan. The country gets more remote and primitive the further east one goes. The road by now resembled a quarry, thanks to the ambitious road-widening project that has been under way since late 2000. Until then, road vehicles were required to cross into Indian Assam in order to get to the east of Bhutan. This route became less favoured when some Indian militants shot a Bhutanese bus driver in order to prove a point. (Brian did not mention that in the briefing notes!) To compensate for the road, the trees had become particularly impressive. We were now driving through gigantic pine trees, just like in the Hundred Acre Wood. I could easily imagine Pooh Bear falling out of one, had he been there.\n\nAbout half-an-hour short of Jakar, the capital of Bumthang province, two or three woollen goods shops formed the nucleus of a knitting and weaving industry, so of course we had to stop and boost the local economy. I saw a scarf I particularly liked. The young lady in the shop told me it was 300 ngultrum (about HK$50), I have never really learned the art of bargaining, and so I offered her 250 and a large hopeful smile. She smiled back, but the smile quickly faded. 'Excuse me' she said, 'there's 50 missing.' I was so flustered that I tried to pretend that it was all my fault and I quickly gave her the missing note. I hung around a bit to listen to how the hardened shoppers managed to bring the price down, but I had to bow out in the face of such expertise and experience.\n\nWe reached the hotel at dusk and found it to be rather like a ski lodge - fresh and inviting on the outside and warm and toasty on the inside, with pine-clad walls. Welcoming tea and bickies were laid out in the communal sitting area of the dining room. The bedroom was also toasty, almost a sauna. The source of the heat was a wood-burning stove. This gave off a terrific amount of heat, but burnt through its contents very quickly. When I returned to the bedroom after dinner it was like stepping into a fridge, so quickly had the heat disappeared. As the electricity supply was rather intermittent, each room was provided with a candle. ‘Ah-ha' I thought, ‘salvation.' I lit the candle and held it against a thinnish piece of pine for no less than fifteen shivering minutes, but the blighter wouldn't light. So I had to climb into bed, wondering about such news headlines as: ‘Careless cigarette\n\nPage 205\n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215480, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 257, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "206\n\nto the north? It turned out to be neither of these, although weapons were certainly involved. What we had heard was an archery contest in progress. Archery is Bhutan's chief sport (although we were delighted to see some cricket being played once or twice.) The bows are made of two pieces of bamboo, lashed together, and the arrows are also of bamboo, with steel tips and plastic flights. The target is the size of cricket stumps and is aimed at from an incredible 150 yards away, or the equivalent of seven cricket pitches. About twelve young men were competing against each other. I have to say that the scoring system seemed particularly mean. The archer was awarded one point for landing his arrow near the target, and a measly two points if he hit it. I would have thought an audience with the king and a pension for life would have been a more fitting reward. For the 20 minutes or so that I was watching, not one arrow hit the target. Once an archer had shot his arrow, he rushed to the target end of the pitch, where there were already a couple of umpires, the better to see where his fellows' arrows were landing. ‘See' is an interesting word in this context. Not one of us visitors could see anything at all until we heard the thunk of an arrow hitting the ground - and this was usually within a foot of the feet of the encouraging crowd of archers. Although not understanding a word of Bhutanese, we knew that the shouts of encouragement were along the lines of: 'I say, Jack, you were a tad off target there,' or perhaps some colourful local equivalent.\n\nSurfeited with excitement, and dodging the missiles, we had a half-hour's walk, over a wobbly bridge, to visit the 17th Century Tamshing Monastery. Although again beautiful, placid and very atmospheric, I was getting to the stage of not being able to tell t'other from which.\n\nHow now brown cow?\n\nBack on the 'bus, the guide pointed out in the adjacent fields a herd of Swiss brown cows. 'How now?' we thought. The herd is a present from Switzerland and is used to make cheese. This was available for sale in a nearby shop and was excellent. But we must not eat too much, though, as lunch was waiting for us down the road, courtesy once more of Mr Fresco. The usual long table and chairs had been set up on the grounds of a deserted royal palace, the Wangdichholing Palace. This rather cute but still impressive building dates from 1856 and is the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "207\n\nbirthplace of Bhutan's first king, Ugyen Wangchuk. There were one or two dogs, children playing, old people wandering through, and 27 members of the Royal Asiatic Society being waited on hand and foot. I got a clear impression of what it must have been like to take The Grand Tour in Europe in the 18th Century. I have seen prints and paintings of people wandering at will over sites of enormous classical importance, threading their way between dogs and children playing amongst the ruins, thinking to myself 'those were the days.' I imagine that in years to come such sites as the one at which we were to have lunch will be cordoned off and entered only on payment of an admission fee. I felt extraordinarily fortunate and privileged. To complete the picture, two small boys were playing Pooh-sticks from a stone bridge over a very fast stream.\n\nLunch done, we found the caretaker of the once-royal residence and he led us inside. My first impression was that we had entered Gormenghast Castle; I was to have this impression again a few times in the coming days. Upstairs in the large wooden building, one room led into another and another, until finally, at the end of the link, was the privy, from which there was direct access to the grounds via a narrow chute.\n\nNext to come was Jakar Dzong, or the Watchtower of the White Bird. Set in a commanding position up the mountainside, this looked every inch a watchtower from without. Within, it was rather like going back to a medieval European castle, in which a small village had taken root. Galleried wooden courtyards and stone steps, it would make a fantastic hotel if permission could be gained. Its present uses include a chamber for the District Court. Some of the monks were very young (monklets, perhaps), and one of them asked me in Japanese if I was alright (‘O genki desu-ka?”), reminding us that we were probably not the only tourists to have visited, although we had seen no others.\n\nAs the day was getting on, we had to as well, as the next item on the itinerary was the Jakar bazaar. Sadly for the shopaholics amongst us this turned out to be a single shop. Being the second day of New Year all the others were closed. So it was back to the hotel for tea and bickies and a much-needed opportunity to get some laundry done. Then as the light faded, again, so did the electricity, again.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215486, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 263, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "212\n\nPARTNER. ALWAYS USE PROTECTIVE MEASURE.'\n\nThe next day started with a quick drive-past, with a photo opportunity, of the Punakha Dzong, said to be Bhutan's most holy. The first king was crowned there in 1907. This commanding fortress stands on shingle banks at the confluence of the Mo and Pho rivers. Its situation certainly makes it picturesque, but also vulnerable. A flash flood ten or so years ago caused extensive damage which is still being repaired. The sad thing is that this deluge was probably not an isolated flash flood at all, but the first of many - the result of the effect of global warming on the frozen Tibetan wastes. Anyway, by command of the king no expense is to be spared in the restoration work, as we would see later.\n\nTomorrow was to be the start of a major festival, and we were to return to see it. The festival invokes Bhutan's principal deity and protection for the country in the coming year; it also marks the beginning of spring. But for the moment we had other things to see further up the Mo. People were drifting past in threes and fours in the opposite direction, including some members of the Laya tribe. I guess we could have appeared to them as no less unearthly than Princess Leia herself from Planet Alderaan. Our 'bus had to stop right next to a group of Laya, having to give way to some more fortunate people descending to the dzong in a vehicle. These Laya, a Bhutanese nomadic tribe, comprised mainly very old women and very young children and were, we were told, just coming to the end of a three-day trek to get to the following day's festivities. Quick as a flash, the old crones in the walking party whipped out from beneath their vestments some shining \"jewelled\" necklaces with which to tempt the wealthy tourists. They did not make a sale that day, but I felt it was only a matter of time before their family assets would be disposed of to some tourist or other in this manner. I also guessed that if one of us happened to take a shine to their shoes, they too would have instantly had a price attached. (Some of their shoes, more like embroidered felt boots, were indeed very fine.)\n\nStill no bacon\n\nIt was with mixed feelings that I also saw a large pig, foraging by the roadside - the first I had seen in Bhutan. I happen to like pigs very much, but a very large part of me was wondering (again) if there would", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "214\n\nAs I have pointed out already, the male sexual organ is depicted quite a lot on Bhutanese buildings as a symbol of fertility, or at least as an invocation of longed-for fertility. It so happens that things come to a head, as it were, in this Lhakhang at Chime. Not content with mere pictures, this holy place has replicas that can be picked up and, well, fondled. Personally, I thought they were enormous - but I was told by one of my grinning fellow travellers that they were actually pretty life-like. Young ladies come to the temple to pray for babies if they are having trouble otherwise. There is one particular statue that was donated to the temple by a local official. The statue is unmistakably male and gives the impression of being very pleased to see visitors. The story is that this official had led such a life of sin and debauchery that before he died, he made a donation of this fine upstanding figurine by way of atonement. More likely, in my opinion, is that he merely donated one of his ribald collection of standing ornaments as a way of ensuring it went to a suitable home.\n\nThrough these villages flows a stream, and a particularly fast-flowing one too. We had seen water power being harnessed to drive prayer wheels before, but the speed of this stream meant that they must have had the fastest turning prayer wheel in the kingdom. So fast was it revolving that it was not possible to make out the blur of words that whizzed round. I hope they get a bit more sorted out before they get to heaven, otherwise all that effort may be wasted.\n\nAn every-day story of country folk\n\nLast stop of the day was to admire Wangdi Dzong, which we had seen briefly on our way east. Yet another large, imposing, impressive fortress in a commanding position above the river, this reminded us again of the purpose of a dzong. They were built as defensive fortresses, a centre of government and power, a place of worship and Buddhist learning, and a general focal point for the surrounding area. This one qualified on all fronts, complete with 32 boys in residence studying Buddhism and other monkly pursuits. Not quite so in keeping with this peaceful sounding activity were the ten or so very smartly attired young men who were practicing archery inside the main entrance. The targets had been set up with the standard 150-yard separation, but this time the archers were using not the local bamboo bow, but carbon fibre composite bows, complete with telescopic sights. The results were twofold: firstly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215490, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 267, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "216\n\nwas commemorating, it was certainly doing so with great Excitement and Atmosphere.\n\nAcross another courtyard, up a dark flight of wooden steps to a square viewing balcony with space for perhaps 40 people to stand next to the railing, looking down into\n\nTemporarily speechless\n\none of the most amazing and moving sights I have ever seen. So much so I had to leave after a few minutes, and go and look at the sunlight and distant mountains before venturing back in, still in a state of some shock. Seated one floor below us, lit only by smoking candles, cross-legged on the wooden floor, were four rows of monks dressed in their dark blood-red habits, two rows facing the other two rows, 48 monks in all. Each had a drum of about two feet in diameter, which was held vertically with the aid of a three-foot pole. They were beating these drums and chanting in the deep-throated growly tones that one only hears in Buddhist temples, all to a set but irregular rhythm without the apparent aid of written music or any other form of instruction. Wandering along the ranks of seated chanters was a sergeant-major or choirmaster with a large and solid-looking stick in his hand. He used this to apply a none-too-gentle rap on the shoulder to any monk whose drum was not held perfectly upright. I regret that my less than classical education made me think of Indiana Jones when he was deep inside the Temple of Doom amongst the thuggees. I apologise if I am upsetting any reader's sensitivities with this comparison, and I freely admit that there could hardly be less similarity than between a gentle Bhutanese monk and a murderous Indian thuggee.\n\nSeated behind these monks, beneath our viewing platform, were countless other monks - some with instruments, some without. Some of these, it seemed to be the young novices, for no apparent reason received three lashes each on the back from a gentle monk carrying a cat-o'-nine-tails. (Parent: 'Did you have a nice day at the temple today dear?' Young Novice: 'Yes thank you mama.' P: 'Did you get thrashed?' YN: 'Yes mama - thrice.' P: 'That's my boy! Your father and I are so proud of you.')\n\nBack to centre stage, where the performers were considerably more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215492, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "218\n\nthe ground.\n\nUnobserved, I saw through a latticed window at the back of the hall the younger monks coming off duty from their performance next door. They were walking along happily, chatting and joking, just as young people would do anywhere, and pulling snacks from deep within their flowing robes.\n\nReturning my attention indoors, I saw that the wooden floors were also, in their own way, a work of art. Onto the pressed mud floor had been laid three-by-nine-inch joists, over which, cross-wise, had been placed two-inch thick planks. And over this second layer was a third, also two-inch planks, laid at right-angles. This last would eventually become the floor and would have the feel of polished marble when finished.\n\nIn the so-called civilised world, with so many obvious technological and other advantages over an undeveloped country such as Bhutan, would it be possible to use traditional skills, methods and materials to rebuild one of our national treasures if it were destroyed? I very much doubt it. It was most moving to see such skill and attention to detail.\n\nThen a workman's mobile phone rang.\n\nBrother, can you spare me a dance?\n\nIt was time to return to the viewing place as the monks were about to do their traditional dance. I don't know about you, but I don't normally associate monks with dancing. I was intrigued. Crossing the courtyard again, the sense of Something About To Happen was greater than ever. Some of the people wandering about were clearly important officials. They were wearing very smart gos, but the traditional white shawl in these cases had red designs on it, and they had extremely fancy woven footwear to boot. More to the point, they were carrying large shiny swords. All Bhutanese gave them an extremely wide berth. I thought it wise to do the same.\n\nThe viewing balcony was more crowded by now, even some other tourists. (Apart from ourselves, foreigners had been very few and far between during our trip - almost to the extent that some of us were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215495, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 272, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "221\n\na joke or do a trick. (See the evening's programme, set out in the appendix.) The laughter and applause must have been heard all the way up and down Paro High Street.\n\nA last munch\n\nThe last day dawned, beautiful and sunny as ever, and was celebrated with scrambled eggs on toast aplenty. Checking in at the airport was as depressing as it can be anywhere, except that this time there were 27 people with some very happy and unforgettable memories behind them. For me, my last example of the friendliness and humour of the Bhutanese people was at the shop in the departure lounge. I had not realised I had chocolate withdrawal symptoms until I saw a pile of Kit-Kats on the shelf. I rushed up and asked how much they were. '25 Nu' I was told. When I found that I only had 20 Nu left in local currency and looked suitably crestfallen, the young girl at the counter said: 'Never mind. For 20 you can have a munch.' I was impressed. Was she actually willing to let me have a munch on a Kit-Kat, and presumably put the rest back for the next customer? Actually, no. She laughed when I explained to her my misunderstanding. There was a smaller and slightly cheaper chocolate bar called 'Munch'.\n\nI have known for some time that Paro is one of the most challenging airports for pilots, and so I was pleased to see all that I have learnt about short-field take-offs is applied equally in a BAe 146 as in a Cessna 172. Full length of the runway, two stages of flap, full throttle before releasing the brakes, and then best angle of climb to avoid the mountains. Then course was set for Calcutta - and that was that.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 [Hon. Editor, I have always been a little bit worried about Robert. This article confirms my suspicions!]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 325, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "275\n\n11-4\n\nTHE CHINESE CEMETERIES QUESTION, The China Mail, 12th July 1901.\n\nLau was listed after Ho Kai and Wei Yuk in the Board, see Arnold Wright (ed) (1990), 20TH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONG KONG, Singapore: Graham Brash, p. 174. (The book was first published in 1908.)\n\nus The Hongkong Weekly Press and China Overland Trade Report, 17 April 1909.\n\n116 HKGG Notice 229 of 25 July 1913. The rules and regulations of the cemetery\n\nare given in the same notice.\n\nThis may partly be due to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902.\n\n18 Davis, S.G. (1949). HONG KONG IN ITS GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING.\n\nLondon: Collins, p. 96.\n\n119 HKGG Notification 12 of 20th January 1911.\n\n120 The first Japanese burial in the Colonial Cemetery was a young second lieutenant in the Imperial Japanese Army who died in Hong Kong in 1878 while on the way back to Japan. His grave lies in §27 section in the cemetery.\n\n121 A small number of Japanese were buried at Caroline Hill Cemetery, whose remains were later reinterred in the Colonial Cemetery, when former was cleared.\n\n122 Between 1878-1945, there were about 465 Japanese buried in the Colonial Cemetery. For details of the Japanese burials, see £#✯ (1988), #* • * 人基地一船員墓碑中心,港日關係之回顧與前瞻,香港日本文化協會二十五週年紀念特集,香港:香港日本文化協會,pp.132-141.(The article was originally written in 1973 when the author was posted to the Japanese Consulate General in Hong Kong.) Also see a local Japanese newspaper, WEEKLY HONG KONG, 5 October 2000, p. 7.\n\n123 A highly interesting article on the subject, titled THE EXHILARATING TOPIC OF GRAVES', can be found in The Hongkong Telegraph, 10th November 1909, p. 4. It was also reported and discussed in The Hongkong Weekly Press and China Overland Trade Report, 20th February 1909, p. 142 and 17th April 1909, pp. 311-312.\n\n124 Hong Kong Hansard 1909, pp. 168-169.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215611, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 388, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "338\n\ninterpreter, a Hong Kong Baptist University doctoral graduate, Professor Zhang Meifang, without whose help I wouldn't have got very far. After lengthy negotiation with the bureaucratic hierarchy, officials in the Guangdong Provincial Government were most generous, both in offering me a lengthy interview and also a guided tour of important sites, including the new Funeral Centre, then just approaching completion. Lots of additional fieldwork was necessary too, of course, by bus, taxi and on foot in that dusty, confusing, reconstructing and ancient city.\n\nTeather, E.K. (2001). Seoul's deathscapes: incorporating tradition into modern time-space. Environment and Planning A 33: 1489-1506.\n\nIn order to accomplish this piece of work, conceived of as another element in the pattern of deathspace in societies with a Confucian heritage, I asked Professor Hae Un Rii, Head of the Department of Geography at Dongguk University, Seoul, if she would like to collaborate. Her personal contacts and organisational skills were invaluable. I had hit on a hot topical issue, because a big public debate had just emerged in South Korea, reflecting concern in some government quarters about land lost to graves each year in this, the second most densely populated country in the world. Cremation is being strongly promoted but, unlike in Hong Kong in the 1970s, the public is strongly resisting official urges to consider cremation.\n\nWe found that the grass dome design of the ancient royal graves was influential on architectural responses to the need for columbaria. A small, space-saving family tomb has been devised to hold the ashes of up to twenty-four family members within a small, grass-covered dome. Although we came across several architect-designed columbaria, we were most impressed with an unusual and extraordinarily beautiful, newly opened, series of open-air niche walls winding gently down a wooded hillside. This serene site reduced my two young research assistants/interpreters to tears.\n\nThe public cemeteries that I visited are utterly different from those in Hong Kong. They were spacious and green, and some were incorporated into the system of walking trails around Seoul without, apparently, any fears relating to the spirit world.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215613, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 390, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "341\n\nNEXUS OF VILLAGES BY UNICORN DANCING TEAMS\n\nCHIU HANG SHI\n\nIt was chilly, cloudy and rainy on Sunday, January 27, 2002 in Hoi Pui Tsuen, Pat Heung. This village is inhabited by the Fan, the Cheung and the Kan. This area was quite inaccessible before the construction of the Tai Lam Tunnel and recently the West Rail Station.\n\nSome 60 people, mainly young men and some leaders of the village, have been gathered in front of the village office since 2:00pm in a jovial manner. Inside the village office, a temporary altar was set up facing the entrance of the building with a tablet of hand-written characters on it. Some seven unicorn dancing teams arrived by 5:00pm. All teams were first greeted by the unicorn team of the host village and then each team proceeded to the two ancestral halls (Fan's and Cheung's) to pay tribute to the ancestors. A banquet of basin meal of 120 tables was served in the evening.\n\nThe organizer of this celebration was Nam Shing Tong. This celebration has been held every year after the Handover. The reason for doing so was that this Tong has had some extra money left every year.\n\nAt first one might have no idea why unicorn dancing teams from some apparently unrelated areas would be invited to come. 1. Yuen Long, well, it is reasonable to have a team from Yuen Long. Hoi Pui Tsuen is in Yuen Long, 2. Shatin, it is quite the other part of the Territory, and 3. Sai Kung, it is obviously very far away. Later, I was enlightened by being told that they were from the same instructor, Master So. The unicorn dancing team from Sai Kung was particularly able to draw one's attention - it was known as Pak Kei Lun (Northern unicorn), which was black, as different from the unicorns commonly seen in Hong Kong, which were bright and colourful. The Pak Kei Lun had two small horns, which might, ironically, make it no longer qualified to be a unicorn, in a Western sense. The ordinary unicorn had five colour strips around the neck: red, yellow, blue, white and black, resembling the five directions: south, centre, east, west and north.\n\nPage 390\n\nPage 391", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215632, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 409, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "360\n\nAlthough nothing to do with oriental planting, I think we all hugely enjoyed the Productive Gardens, from the story of the gardeners' tools of 1914 still found hanging in ruined sheds, to seeing a working Pineapple House (heated to 120F with rotting manure, through honeycomb brickwork walls) and the last original Paxton vinehouse. Every detail was thought through by the 19th century gardeners, from the use of cobble drains taking water to a central cistern, to the “beavertail” glass panes in the greenhouses, which direct the water away from the wooden frames. Gardening was not just art and a spade: it was science and engineering too, and only 100 years later we are scrambling to rescue that knowledge.\n\nAt Pine Lodge we had the pleasure of being guided by co-owner Raymond Clemo. Pine Lodge is unusual in that it is a much more recently created garden. In the mid-1970s, the Clemos were persuaded to open their then much smaller garden for a day, to raise funds for a hospice. More than 2,000 people turned up, and the garden has been expanding and opening to the public ever since. The Clemos are still buying land, and adding to the garden, the most recent addition being a field now planted as an arboretum. Its recent creation has not changed the tradition of oriental connections: 20 years ago Clemo saw an advertisement placed in the RHS magazine by a young man who wanted to go plant collecting in the Himalayas, and sent him a cheque. Pine Lodge now houses many of Chris Chadwell's introductions, and the relationship between Cornwall and the plant hunters continues. Students have now come to work at the gardens, including several from Japan, who have helped Clemo to create a replica of a traditional garden from Kyoto. Seeds were also contributed by colleagues at the Kyoto Botanical Gardens.\n\nOne of the most enjoyable aspects of Pine Lodge is its intimacy: it started small, and its most mature areas are the original densely planted mixed borders of shrubs, bulbs, and perennials, and its ponds and other water features, rather than its woodland gardens of huge rhododendrons, conifers, etc. Although the planting may be more exotic than most, its style is more familiar, and closer to something those of us with small gardens can aim for.\n\nThe Eden Project was a very different experience. Eden clearly has a manifesto, which is to educate, and our guide was a true evangelist.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215644, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 421, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "373\n\nCOINCIDENCE?\n\nJENNIFER WELCH\n\nKeith Stevens sent me the following anecdote from amongst his collection of notes on Chinese religion:\n\nTao Bing Taizi - The Earth Soldier Prince\n\nThe story is that of a young man in his early twenties, with the surname Cai, who was killed by local people near Kaohsiung during a trip he made away from his home village of Hu Tung in Yun Lin county in central Taiwan. He was buried where he fell, but later his family, who regarded him as a heroic youth, came and took some soil from his grave, and built a shrine in his honour back in Hu Tung. As time passed people who prayed at his shrine found that their prayers were answered, and as a result of this success he became a popular local god.\n\nIn the late 1890s, after the occupation of Taiwan by the Japanese, a troop of Japanese cavalry passed through the village of Hu Tung destroying crops as they went. The villagers were angry but too afraid to protest. The cavalry tethered their horses to the shrine, whereupon one of the horses neighed and dropped dead. This was seen as Cai punishing the Japanese both for destroying the crops and for desecrating his shrine by using it as a tethering post. The villagers considered that Cai had meted out retribution to the Japanese in this way so that they could not blame the villagers for the mishap.\n\nA few days after receiving this tale I took some visitors to see Beverley Minster, our local cathedral, founded before 1066, but a wonderful example of medieval architecture. On entering, an official offered to give us a guided tour, which included the 14th century stone canopied tomb of Lady Eleanor Percy, a truly beautiful work of exquisitely carved fruit, leaves, angel figures and symbolic beasts, where the central position is filled with a representation of the Deity raising the soul of a woman from her winding sheet. Our guide informed us that this was a rare surviving example of such medieval art in England, as in other churches similar depictions of Christ had been destroyed, not during the Reformation, but a century later by the Puritan Roundheads. We inquired how this carving had survived, and this is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215678, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 455, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "407\n\nTHE LIFE AND TIMES OF\n\nCAPTAIN SAMUEL CORNEL PLANT, MASTER MARINER AND SENIOR INSPECTOR, UPPER YANGTZE RIVER,\n\nCHINESE MARITIME CUSTOMS\n\nA.C. BROMFIELD WITH ROSEMARY LEE\n\nHow it started!\n\nGrave Number 8496 28479\n\nSection 12\n\nHong Kong Cemetery\n\nIn memory of Captain Samuel Cornell Plant Upper Yangtze River Inspector of the Chinese Maritime Customs\n\nThe first to command a merchant steamer plying the river (1900). Born Framlingham Suffolk 8th August 1866 Died at sea 26th February 1921\n\nAlso in memory of Alice Sophia Plant, Captain Plant's wife and devoted companion throughout his 20 years of toil on the dangerous section\n\nof the Yangtze River between Ichang and Chunking. Born 29th November 1870. Died at Hong Kong 28th February 1921.\n\n(Restored by members of the Merchant Navy Guild, Hong Kong 1957. Researched by\n\nRosemary J. Pyatt, 23rd December 1997)\n\nArchibald Little and the Three Gorges\n\nIn 1859, a young Scot named Archibald Little, (he was a very large man), started working as a tea-taster for a German company in Kiukiang. He came of a prominent, expatriate, Shanghai family, one of his brothers being a doctor in Shanghai and another the editor of the North China Daily News. He soon became bored with tea-tasting and set up in business for himself, becoming interested in many aspects of trade, brokering and insurance. He was one of the first expatriates to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215682, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 459, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "411\n\nThe British Consulate in Chunking collected subscriptions from amongst the expatriates and other interested people to raise a memorial to Plant. This took the form of a 30 foot high obelisk constructed of dressed blocks of pink granite on a brown sandstone base. It was erected at Xintang Village where the Dragon Horse Stream flows into the Yangtze. The inscription, which was in both English and Chinese, was eradicated by the Red Guards in 1968 after they had, unsuccessfully, tried to blow it up.\n\nUnless it is moved, the monument will be inundated by the raising waters when the dam across the Three Gorges is completed.1 Plant's beloved rapids will become small eddies on the surface of a huge man-made lake. Hundreds of tracker villages will have been moved to other locations, some far from the river. A tradition of 5,000 years endurance will be gone forever.\n\nThe above is an account of Captain Plant's professional life in China. However, gaps occur in both his early professional life and in his private life.\n\nAs you have read, Archibald Little met Samuel Plant at the Oriental Club in 1900. Prior to this time Plant had commanded steamers on the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates but we have been unable to find information on his Mesopotamian career.\n\nWe know Samuel Cornell Plant was born on 8th August, 1866 in Framlingham, Suffolk. His wife, Sophie Alice Peters was born on 29th November, 1870 in Hoddesdon in the County of Hertford to an illiterate shoemaker and his wife. Samuel Cornell and Alice Sophie, as she appears on the Entry of Marriage, were married in the Consulate General in the District of Bushire in the Province of Fars, Persia on 16th April, 1894. His profession is listed as a master mariner, nothing is given for Alice Sophie.\n\nWhat was a young woman of 24 years doing in Bushire and how did she meet Captain Plant?\n\nIn 1921, en route to Hong Kong and home leave, Samuel Plant died on board the \"Teiresias\" on 26th February. His death certificate gives as the cause of death ‘right lobar pneumonia and heart failure.'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "5\n\nalso study how the English system of law was introduced into a largely Far Eastern society and the extent of its impact.\n\nThe nature of the Calcutta administration\n\nLackadaisical attitude\n\nOne of the most glaring problems in the Straits Settlements was the failure of the Indian authorities to establish an effective form of government. This was due to its distance and lack of accessibility which cultivated an indifferent or disinterested attitude on the part of the Indian officials.21 The Indian government was far more interested in its Indian territories than in its possessions in the Malay Peninsular.22 This led to the administrative problems in the Straits Settlements. Owing to this indifference, the men sent from India were young and inexperienced who knew nothing of the problems in the settlements but were only too eager to return to India to reap bigger rewards and promotion.23\n\nLack of representation in Legislative Council\n\nAs the administration of the Straits Settlements was highly centralised in India, the governor of the Straits Settlements had very little authority and merely supervised administration.24 All important matters had to be referred to India for a decision and the governor had no executive or legislative power.25 All the legislation for the Straits Settlements was planned by the Indian government. As the Straits Settlements had no official representation in India, it could not block any legislation that could prove detrimental to the Straits Settlements.26\n\nThus it can be established that the 'roots of the transfer movement lay in the constitutional rearrangement in the Straits Settlements of 1830 and the [Indian] Charter Act of 1833. The system of government was unsatisfactory both for the governor and the mercantile community.'27\n\nThe petition of 1857: A critical evaluation of the complaints raised\n\nThe Currency Act 185528\n\nThe Currency Act is an example cited by the Straits merchants in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "80\n\nAppendix:\n\nA Failed Scholar\n\nBy the late 1950s, degree men like Mr. Lo Sheung-fu were few, but it was still possible, by enquiry in the villages, to seek out some old men who, in the language of an earlier day, were failed scholars. By great good fortune, when District Officer, South, I was able to visit one of their number in Ho Chung, one of the larger villages of the Sai Kung area.\n\nBorn in 1876, old Mr. Chan Min-yue was already 86 years old. His house was still older, and its interior, blackened with soot, had like its owner seen better days. The dwelling was one of several within a large courtyard, approached from the outer village street by an entrance gate, and situated within his own clan's section of the village.\n\nBent and shuffling in his gait, Mr. Chan was rather deaf. He could not see very well, and his voice quavered, but he responded well to my enquiries and his memory was still good.\n\nHis education had been long and ultimately expensive: first, at little cost, in his own village school for seven years, then in Canton for another six or seven at a considerable annual outlay to his father. One hundred silver dollars was the figure mentioned, though this was probably an approximation intended to convey the sense of expense. Board and lodging had been required, as well as tuition fees. All in all, he had taken the prescribed examinations leading to the first degree five or six times, but always without success. His father had become reluctant to spend even more money, and the young man had to return to the village. He then went into business with a herbal and Chinese medicine firm in a market town, which (he told me) provided him with a pension when he retired.\n\nUnlike many other failed scholars, Mr. Chan had never taught school, but his proficiency in writing scrolls and couplets had been recognized and utilized in the village and neighbourhood. He carried on with his calligraphy until old age and increasing debility obliged him to stop. Men of this type were accustomed to meeting together for literary pursuits. They composed poetry and discussed its merits, held literary competitions, and wrote scrolls and couplets, replicating at the local level the more prestigious gatherings of senior officials, gentry and literati of the kind to be found in all the district and prefectural cities of China, and in the provincial capitals, like Canton.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215907, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 206, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "140\n\nSeated in the front row are the other guest speakers for the day: Dr. Patrick Hase, a member of the conference organising committee and RAS Council member, who will talk about Shatin and its development from a village to a city; Reverend Carl Smith, the honorary vice-president, who will talk about his 40 years of research in Hong Kong, and Mr. Tim Ko, an organising committee member and Council member, who has prepared a slide presentation about living in Hong Kong from 1960 to 1980. Also listening attentively is Dr. Elizabeth Sinn, vice-president of the RAS, convenor of the conference and mistress of ceremonies for the day.\n\nI sit near the front to get better video of the proceedings, but it's dark in the hall and other than Dr. Waters, I realise I won't be able to capture any of the audience's faces. I direct my camera in their direction anyway, just in case, or maybe just to let them know they'd be wise not to doze off.\n\nThis was in December 2000, when the one-day conference was presented jointly with the Hong Kong Museum of History. Waters has since stepped down from the presidency he held for four and a half years, during which Hong Kong was handed back to the motherland.\n\nAn old hand's reflection...\n\nI met Waters for the first time a month before the conference at his home on Conduit Road. He greeted me at the door and he was just as I had imagined from our telephone conversations. He is a tall man with a strong presence. He has perfect posture and his movements are quick. Waters holds the 800m and 1500m local running records in the over 70 category. He has a full head of hair although the colour has changed from when he was a young man; the only other hint of his advanced years is that he's a bit hard of hearing.\n\nHe takes me to the study and has had his maid prepare a glass of orange drink for me. I haven't had orange drink from powder something like Tang since early childhood,\n\n-\n\nWhat do I want to know? he asks. What do I want to know? I ask myself. I really want to find out if the Royal Asiatic Society is as snobby as it sounds, maybe. But no, I don't ask that...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215908, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "141\n\nDr. Waters arrived in Hong Kong in 1954, at the age of 34, not so young but not so old.\n\n\"I can remember there used to be parades in the street over in Chatham Road of troops marching, the army marching and there were British types around with bowler hats and furled umbrellas and things like that. And it was then really very colonial and very British. Funnily enough, I never realised it would change so much...I mean I thought things would be like that forever.\"\n\nHe sailed to Hong Kong on a ship and the journey took 31 days. He came to work for the colonial service and right from the beginning, he had come to stay. Waters sold his builder's business back in England to take on a permanent job teaching for the now Hong Kong Polytechnic. Waters met his wife, a local Hong Kong Chinese, in the territory. In his book \"Faces of Hong Kong: An Old Hand's Reflection,\" Waters talks about how his father-in-law never approved of their relationship. His father-in-law died in 1959, and Waters and his wife married in 1960.\n\nHis mother-in-law and sisters-in-law welcomed Waters to the family. But it was a time when interracial marriages were not tolerated by many. At work, things were less than comfortable, at times.\n\n\"It's got much better,\" said Waters. \"I married on the Queen's birthday in 1960. We were married in the morning and we went to the Governor's garden party at Government House in the afternoon. But, oh yes, there was without a doubt a certain amount of racism and there was a certain amount of ostracism in the institution where I worked. I felt it myself. Now of course, it's very common for mixed marriages.\"\n\n72\n\nWaters joined the RAS in 1964 but hadn't heard of the society before then. He was invited to join the RAS Council in 1990 and became president in 1996, just before the handover. Since the handover, the RAS is one of the few organisations to have kept the 'Royal' in the name.\n\n\"No one has bothered us. We carry on the same way. We make sure our roots are planted here.\"\n\nWaters very naturally falls into Cantonese when he speaks. Every once in a while, his statements end with 'hai m hai' (isn't that right)?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215910, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "143\n\nUntil recently the journals have been housed in the RAS collection in the City Hall Library. They are part of the 4,000 volumes of publications — including very rare books — on Asian studies, bought by or donated to the Society. Members can borrow the books and the public is invited to use them for reference. The collection now sits in the new Central Library in Causeway Bay, which opened in May 2001.\n\nWaters has published extensively in the journal and contributed to other publications by the RAS, including a book on Yau Ma Tei.\n\n\"I had been interested in local history all my life. When I was a child in England, when my father or some others talked about local history, my ears used to prick up straight away and I used to listen. And as a rule, I can remember it all.\"\n\n**\n\nWaters has done best financially with a series of textbooks for learning technical English but one publication that may be most impressive, is a paper for his Ph.D., which he got at the age of 65 from Loughborough University in the United Kingdom.\n\n\"I wanted a challenge and it was a challenge, and I overcame the challenge. I can remember a young Chinese friend of mine saying... when you get to the age of 30 you can't study, you can't concentrate... Well, I mean I could show him that's rubbish. I can concentrate, I can still concentrate.\"\n\nBeyond the Metropolis...\n\nThe first speaker at the 40th anniversary conference is Dr. Patrick Hase. He would become Society president in three months.\n\nHase is a stocky man, with wavy brown hair. A bit of grey around the temples hints at his age. His talk is on Sha Tin in the New Territories and the early development of the new town.\n\nHistorical slides flash on screen from way before the new town was established, and more slides chronicling the development of the area follow, one by one. There's a lot of interesting history being shared but the dimmed lights and such an early hour has put a number of the audience into a dream state...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215913, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "146\n\n\"I'm really the end, the last generation of people who can reach through because the elders are still there, but they are getting very rare now. They are getting fewer.\"\n\nDealing with the elders is difficult in many ways. There are areas that cannot be addressed, such as women's issues, and often the older generation will fall into their own native dialects, such as Wai Do, Yuen Long Wah or Hakka.\n\nHase started telling me a joke about the differences in the dialects and how a sentence in Cantonese can be made to sound completely different, and not very pleasant, in another dialect. I didn't get it, but I enjoyed listening to the historian tell it.\n\nHase worked for many years in Shatin as district officer, which made getting interviews with the elders a lot easier. When Hase retired from the civil service, he was deputy director of the Urban Services Department. He is currently running his own consultancy firm and most recently testified in the capacity of Fung Shui specialist in the Spur Line case,\n\nthe controversy over the building of a railway through Long Valley, a bird haven that supports more than 200 species.\n\nHase took over the RAS presidency in March and has agreed to serve for three to four years.\n\n\"We are a middle-aged gweilo society, but I'd like to see us a little bit less,\" said Hase. \"We're always going to be a middle-aged gweilo society but I'd like to have a lot, a much higher percentage of young Chinese members even if it was always to remain a minority. But how to do this? We've been thinking for 20 years and not been able to come up with any solution.\"\n\nMembership as of March 12, 2001 stood at 477, which includes 391 local and 86 overseas members. A hundred new members had been recruited between the end of January 2000 to March 13, 2001.\n\nInstead of trying to recruit from the public, the society hopes to get new members with the potential to best serve the society. These include graduate students in anthropology, archaeology, history and sociology.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215920, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "153\n\n\"I would like to do more for students...In our time at school, even in the university, no one really cared about Hong Kong history and at secondary school, we never had a chance to study Hong Kong history, so no one knew about what happened in Hong Kong.\"\n\nKo has also published a battlefield guide and a bilingual publication for the Country Parks Authority. His next book, a resource guide for teachers and students on Kowloon City, should be out in May. Ko has not published in the RAS Journal, and has no plans to.\n\n“Not as many people are writing in Chinese,” said Ko. \"There are a lot of many very good scholars writing very good things like Patrick Hase, James Hayes, but all these, they only write in English.\"\n\nKo is a fifth-generation Hong Konger. He is Hakka and his ancestors were stonecutters. He has traced his family back to the 1850's, before the British came. Ko studied Japanese at the Hong Kong Polytechnic and worked for the HKTA (Hong Kong Tourist Association, now the Tourism Board) for six years before quitting to do more of what he does today record Hong Kong history, including what life was like in the early resettlement blocks.\n\n\"It's quite unimaginable for young people now, the communal toilets, communal bathrooms, no tap water in a small flat,\" said Ko. \"You remember I emphasised during the talk, 24 square feet for each adult, a 100-square foot room would take at least four adults or six, if there are children. You could imagine how the situation could be. All the male members would need to sleep in the public corridor.\n\n\"I always dream of, even till now, I dream of life in the housing blocks. I don't know why, many times a year, even till now, because actually I spent 22 years there...[They] could not be regarded as fond memories because we lived on the top floor and there were a lot of problems then with the ceiling leaking.”\n\nThe 37-year-old has supported himself for the last 10 years through freelance jobs -- acting as co-ordinator and translator for the visiting Japanese media book royalties, and other odd projects.\n\nKo has been a member of the RAS since 1990 and on the Council", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215921, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "154\n\nsince 1997. But getting Ko to first join, and then to be on the Council, was not easy.\n\n\"I never heard about [the RAS] of course, not until I started working at the HKTA. They have the whole set of the journal in the library. So I started reading and it was really an eye-opener for me. Particularly reading those articles written by James Hayes...I never read anything like that before in my life.\n\n\"Even though I'm so interested in history and I knew about this organisation, I think...it's not an organisation for people with a background like mine.”\n\nBut Ko met Philip Bruce, a Council member, during a freelance job, and decided to join. In 1997, he was asked to serve on the Council.\n\n\"At that time my first thought was it was totally beyond my wildest thoughts because of my background...I had nothing to do with academics. I don't have any degree in history, anthropology or whatever, and at that age, I'm not that young, but because all the other Council members are much more senior in whatever aspect, I was quite surprised when they invited me.\n\n\"This is Dr. Hase, Dr. Sinn, Dr. Waters...and who am I?”\n\nAlthough he answers with sincerity that he doesn't know what he's contributed as a Council member, he has given several talks. Ko believes that one reason he was asked to serve on the Council was to help with the recruitment of younger Chinese members.\n\nSeventy-three percent of the members of the RAS are aged between 40 and 60, but over the last year the society has stepped up its effort to recruit new members, especially young Chinese members.\n\nKo said he has tried to recruit some young Chinese friends but because the RAS is an English-speaking society, Ko says from personal experience, it can be intimidating for people who are second language speakers.\n\n\"It's too difficult to speak in English, I think, for many people.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215924, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "157\n\nIn Hase's opinion, it would be great to have Sinn as president - the first Chinese president and perhaps help in attracting more Chinese members.\n\n\"I am not sure if a Chinese president would attract more Chinese members. In any case, for me, it doesn't make that much difference whether our members are Chinese or not,\" said Sinn. \"We have four Chinese on the Council. It's hard to find Chinese to serve on the Council. In Hong Kong, getting people to do things that don't pay is very difficult. It takes a lot of dedication.\"\n\nThe RAS is now on-line - www.royalasiaticsociety.org.hk thanks to one of the new young Chinese recruits, Moody Tang, a student in applied Chinese studies majoring in Chinese for mass media at the City University of Hong Kong. You can read about the history of the RAS, get information on upcoming events and read the latest President's Report on-line. Discussions are in place about putting the journals on-line.\n\nIn the next few months, selected articles will be published on-line as part of a joint project with the University of Hong Kong Libraries. A list of all the volumes of the Journal and their contents will also be available.\n\nUnlike Smith and Hase, Sinn does not feel there is any problem with having the Royal in the name. It is part of the tradition. Sinn says the Royal doesn't mean an allegiance to the crown, as the Hong Kong branch is independent of the mother society in England.\n\n\"We are not a snobbish society, so people don't have to join 'to be seen' as members. The intellectual curiosity of members is a great attraction for me. Some of the Council members have become best friends.\n\n\"Dan Waters is really more of a Hong Kong person than lots of local people. I think this is where the word 'expatriate' gets ambiguous. The average RAS member knows more about Hong Kong than other Hong Kong people.\"\n\nI reflect on this for a moment, and realise I have to agree. Much to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215930, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "163\n\na new breed of intelligence officer. Grimsdale recalled his admiration with the ease with which Boxer could gain the trust of the Japanese.\n\nWhen the Japanese conquered Guangdong in 1938, Boxer arranged an invitation for himself and Grimsdale to visit the Commander of Japanese Forces, General Ando, whom he had known socially in London. To Grimsdale's amazement, Ando showed them round Japanese installations in his own staff car. They were able to inspect troop positions, aerodromes and see the power of the Japanese army at first hand. Perhaps that was Ando's subtle point, but it benefited both parties. At one stage, the general joked to Boxer that the British should stop supporting the Chinese 'then we could finish off this bloody war and all go home.' In the same jesting vein, Boxer answered that the Japanese should stop supporting the Germans.\n\nBoxer and his colleagues made a point of travelling and meeting people. Through personal contacts they were able to extract more information, and get an understanding of context. Boxer and his colleagues were articulate and fluent in Chinese or Japanese, and above all sensitive to the cultures, aware of the place of Hong Kong in the overall Chinese scheme of things. They illustrated the concept that \"well informed is well armed.\" Nor were they the only ones. In 1937/8, the Japanese Army in central China had agreed to take a young Japanese speaking British officer \"on attachment\" for nine months. Although his detailed report was misinterpreted (the atrocities in China were deemed a 'temporary lapse') is the then Military Attache and Foreign Office agreed that a non confrontational approach was more effective in getting information and defusing potential incidents.\n\niv\n\nAlert to the nuances of Japanese politics, Boxer sensed in July 1939, a sharp deterioration in Japanese attitudes towards the British. He interpreted this as a move by the Japanese Army to find a scapegoat for their lack of progress in the China campaign. He reported 'at present there can be no greater error than to assume as is so often done that Japan's military machine is too bogged down in China to prevent it being turned towards us...the only thing likely to restrain the Japanese Army....is the fear of possible complications with the United States of America.\" His warnings however went unheeded: Europe was itself just about to plunge into war, and to the Foreign Office, Hong Kong seemed very far away. Indeed, the note covering Boxer's letter", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215961, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 260, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "194\n\npart in shaping the openness Ch'ea expressed once he had heard about the Christian message from these two Chinese colporteurs. Would he have rejected it if the speakers were Scottish missionaries? It is highly probable that he would have resisted such an obvious foreign intrusion. But as he began to read the Delegates' Version of the New Testament presented to him by A-Wye, Ch'ea read a Sacred Sutra (Shèngjīng23) very different from the texts read by Hóng Xiùquán (1814-1864) twenty years earlier. Previous translations had been prepared primarily by foreign missionaries, always in consultation with some \"native informants,\" but hardly proper persons qualified to act as \"expert consultants\" on translation problems. The Delegates' Version, on the contrary, was the result of a rigorous process of interaction between foreign missionaries and traditionally trained Chinese informants, among them the young scholar, Wáng Tāo.24 Among their translation goals was the concern to create a translation attractive in style to a relatively educated Chinese person, in essence, a Bible with a Ruist flavour. When Ch'ea read the Delegates' Version of the New Testament, he felt the influences of a Ruist mind shaping the ideas of the text in numerous obvious and more subtle ways. In addition, and this very much due to Legge's personal commitments regarding the so-called \"term question\" debates, Ch'ea read a Shèngjīng which referred to \"God\" as shàngdì, the classical term in the Ruist canonical texts of the Book of Historical Documents (Shūjīng or Shàngshū) and Book of Poetry (Shījīng) for the supreme \"Lord on High.\"26\n\n25\n\nNo precise record of the dialogue between A-Wye, the colporteur, and Ch'ea, the keeper of the Poklo temple to Master Kong, was ever made. What is relayed through a letter conjointly written by Legge and Chalmers in 1856 is the following. Since A-Wye and his colleague intended to leave Poklo very soon for other areas in eastern Guangdong, they presented Ch'ea with a copy of the Delegates' Version of the New Testament and then proceeded eastward, promising to return sometime later. Their discussion had apparently focused in part on passages describing Jesus' dialogue with the Jewish literatus, Nicodemus (John 3: 1ff) and the Samaritan woman (John 4), dealing with the question of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 275, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "209\n\nin the muddy shallows of the river. Dusk had already come, the air was \"cool and refreshing,\" and the cowherd responsible for the water buffalo was washing their bodies as they lounged in the cool environment after a hard day's labour. Neither the cowherd nor the buffalo responded to the sight of the strange men. But once the boat rounded the next corner in the river, they silently came up to a \"girl driving home two or three cows.\" When she peered through the darkening light into the boat and realized she was gazing at \"strange faces and forms,\" she spontaneously shrieked and ran away from her cows, yelling that \"demons\" were coming up the river! To her the word was not simply a casual derogation, but was actually descriptive of what she saw. Certainly it was also believed by many who were her neighbours. There may be other ways to respond to demons, such as lying quietly on the water buffalo you are cleaning and not looking into the faces of suspected ghosts or demons, but the belief remained the same. This demonisation of foreigners easily increased the common people's tendency to fear and despise them, and could erupt into destructive violence, especially if political and military reasons prodded them to express their fears and hatreds more openly.\n\nStill later on the return trip, when the Chinese members of the missionary group had gone ashore during the evening to sleep on firmer supports than the floating boats could offer, those on land were attacked by a mob of “lewd fellows of the baser sort\" who obviously spent most of their fury on Ch'ea.72 It is clear that Ch'ëa's methods had threatened and offended others in the Poklo region, to the point that some were willing to hire or incite young thugs to hinder his activities. Legge and others nevertheless remained impressed by Ch'ëa's consistent character, emphasizing instead the positive reports of those influenced by him to embrace Christian traditions. In many ways they considered him an authentic \"Golden Light\" (Jinguang, which also was his personal name) shining within China, a miraculous hope during a period made dark and bleak by the ensuing war. Yet by the spring of 1861 it was more and more obvious that Ch'ea was already a marked man in Poklo. Even if Legge and other missionaries hoped otherwise, they did so in spite of the evidence of the antagonisms vented against Ch'ea in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "214\n\nnot fully known. There was apparently some disturbing news passed along unseen lines of communication that a large group of unruly men, nearly 5,000 in all, had been rounded up in Wye-chow and urged on by Soo and another gentry collaborator, Wong Chik-wai, to sneak into Poklo and capture the district magistrate, Legge, and Ch'êa. Their intentions were apparently malevolent, fully inclined toward \"punishing\" all three if they were found. In fact, their progress toward Poklo was slower than the Hoppo anticipated. On October 10th, the day Legge left to return to Canton and then on to his young family in Hong Kong, the vigilantes had already \"made prisoners\" of the Prefect of Wye-chow and the District Magistrate of Kwye-sheen, capturing them as they returned from the previous day's festivities in Poklo.\n\n1584\n\nCh'êa himself, Legge reflected, \"was full of joy, as I was, and unsuspicious of danger.\" Apparently sometime during the evening of the 12th or 13th, a group of men surrounded the London Mission's house in Poklo and provoked Ch'êa to come to the door by having a small child knock on it. Having tricked him by this means, they grabbed him, beating him till they could control him by other means. Soon afterwards this kind of aggressive physical persecution spread to all the places where residents had become Christians, neighbours saving themselves by becoming informants, causing a desperate exodus from many places. News that finally did filter down to Hong Kong came from the mouths of a handful of refugees who managed to escape from the area.\n\nLegge's daughter, Helen Edith Legge, put together a series of letters including translations of notes and verbal news received by Chalmers in Canton as well as passages from letters of her father to reconstruct the final days of Ch'êa's persecution. Even though one local Christian named Wong Shan Yen, possibly a wealthy farmer Ch'êa had often met over the years, offered a large ransom to have Ch'êa released, the vigilantes had other purposes in mind.85 First tortured with fire,86 and then later moved to another hamlet where he was hung overnight to a beam by his thumbs and big toes, reawakened into the consciousness of his pain by water dashed in the face, Ch'êa's enemies were merciless. Only if he promised to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216031, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 330, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "264\n\nAbout two miles west of Zhenjiang railway station, on rising land, there was a temple called Xiu Wang Miao, the Temple of the Xiu Kings, dedicated to the memory of the Xiu dynasty of Nantang.\n\nLu Xiufu [AD 1238 - 1279] was a native of Zhenjiang, and a statesman and military commander during the latter years of the Southern Song. He had been appointed to the Court of Imperial Family Affairs, a form of Minister of Protocol, during the reign of Song Gong Zong [ca 1276]. He is remembered as a man of integrity and a devoted Minister who, when the Mongols were on the point of capturing Hangzhou, was sent in an attempt to reach an accommodation with them. This ended in failure. The Court was persuaded by Wen Tianxiang [one of the Three Loyal Generals of the Song] that the imperial heirs should be sent to the coast of south China, to Fuzhou and later to Quanzhou to ensure their safety. The emperor and his mother were captured by the Mongols and taken to Beijing, whilst Lu followed the Court in its retreat to the south. Lu met up with Zhang Shijie [the third of the Three Loyal Generals of the Song] in Wenzhou to rally support for the imperial cause, but had to flee on south to Fuzhou where they joined the forces of Wen Tianxiang. The senior heir was enthroned in Fuzhou as the Song Jing Yan emperor. At this point, following a reorganisation, Zhang and Lu became deputies to Chen Yizhong, the Commissioner of Military Affairs and Grand Counsellor. The new emperor was forced to flee further and further south pursued by the Mongol forces until he reached the area of present day Kowloon where Lu Xiufu rejoined the force from Chaozhou. The Mongol fleet having captured Guangzhou destroyed the forces of Zhang Shijie thus driving the Song Court out to sea. A typhoon struck the fleeing Song fleet and even though the ship carrying the young emperor was sunk he was rescued but died from shock and exposure near the Leizhou peninsula in mid-1278. Lu and Zhang stood firmly against any talk of surrender and ensured that the younger heir, a boy of six, was made emperor. Zhang became the Junior Guardian whilst Lu was Grand Counsellor. The next year the Mongol forces having been reinforced compelled the last of the Song forces to attempt to escape. Lu is said to have committed suicide but the official records do not reveal how the last of the Song, the boy of seven, died. The popular version claims that Lu, the hero from Zhenjiang, leapt into the sea with the boy in his arms.\n\nAn imperial hostelry, the Danyang Guan, was founded in Zhenjiang\n\nPage 330\n\nPage 331", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 340, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "274\n\nThere also used to be an early Buddhist shrine dedicated to the former abbot of renown, Fa Hai, concealed in a cave on the hillock. In recent times the few foreign tourists visiting Zhenjiang have been perplexed by the description of Jin Shan being an island when it is so obviously part of the mainland. The reason is all too obvious. Alluvial silt left by the Yangzi floods down the past hundred and fifty years has not only completely joined the island to the mainland but also reclaimed part of the River, land now used for agriculture. 19th century western accounts of the town usually tended to begin with a description of the view from the Yangzi of the pagoda of the temple on the island of Jin Shan or, during the storming of the town by British forces in 1842, of troops being disembarked on the mainland across the strip of water at that time still separating Jin Shan from the mainland.\n\nAccording to Doré's description of the Jin Shan temple following his visit during the early days of the twentieth century, \"the visitor was confronted on entering with the Falstaffian figure of the Buddha Maitreya [Mile Fo], the Buddha of the Future, squatting in his turret as guardian of the precincts. Behind him opens out a vast vestibule at the sides of which are four gigantic statues - about fifteen feet in height - of the Four Heavenly Kings, Si Da Jingang, inner guardians of the monks and the monastery. Crossing the inner court, one entered the great Hall. On the altar were two Buddhist triads. Facing North are gigantic statues of Sakyamuni, Yao Shi Fo and Mile Fo, the Buddhas of the Present, Past and Future. Beside Sakyamuni in the centre, stand his two disciples, the old Kasyapa and the young Ananda. Right and left of the altar are the two guardians Li, the Pagoda-bearer and Wei Tuo. Facing South is the Triad San Da Shi: Guan Yin, Wen Shu and Pu Xian. Guan Yin rides over the waves on a sea monster; near by are the rocks of her sacred isle, Pu Tuo and, in between these, sundry immortals and Buddhas were housed. The Golden Boy, Shan Cai and the Naga Maiden, Long Nu are conventionally in attendance on Guan Yin whom the authorities in the temple recognise as formerly having been a god - not a goddess\".\n\nThe second large Hall was the Hall of the Yangzi Spirit, Jiang Shen [Spirit of the River]. Serving as a military barracks at the time of Doré's visit “it retained of its former glories only one ordinary-sized statue of the god, in a lateral niche, viz. a fish about three metres in length carved in wood with a copper plaque providing the honorific", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216043, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 342, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "276\n\nThe fight between Lady White Snake and the monk Fa Hai leading to the flooding of Jin Shan\n\nA popular and well-known opera, Bai She Chuan, tells of Lady White Snake's fall from grace and of her eternal imprisonment under a pagoda. It begins with a small white snake which, having been both virtuous and devout for many thousands of years, became immortal and could change at will into the form of a beautiful young maiden. As a snake she had been saved from death by a compassionate man and would have to repay the debt at a future date. She discovered that the man, in his latest incarnation, was a young scholar, Xu Xian, living in Hangzhou and after recruiting as her maid a small blue snake who too could change into a young woman, she returned to Earth having been warned by the Xi Wangmu, the Goddess of the Western Heaven, not to abuse her magical powers.\n\nShe met the young scholar and they promptly fell in love. She explained that she was the daughter of a deceased army officer and lived in some style in a large house, produced by her magic, on the lakeside at Hangzhou. They were soon married and set up a herbalist store in which all three helped prepare and sell the medicines. White Snake enabled her husband's recipes gain widespread fame by the addition of a small addition of a magical powder and their fortunes were made. However, Xu began to be suspicious of the personality and origins of his wife and went to consult his old teacher, the Abbot Fa Hai at his monastery, Jin Shan Si, on the island in the Yangzi and sought his advice. The Abbot too was suspicious and gave Xu a potion to add to his wife's drink which would change any non-human back into its true self. To his horror his wife was revealed in her herpetological form and he, petrified, dropped dead with fright.\n\nThe power of the potion soon wore off and when White Snake found that her beloved husband was dead she went off to the Western Heaven to obtain herbs of resuscitation. Her husband, now recovered, was unable to get over his experience and lived a life of nervous apprehension. He returned to his teacher and explained what had happened. The Abbot explained that he too feared for Xu as both his wife and her maid must be transformed snakes who could do him great harm. Xu remained in the monastery in hiding. His anxious wife set out to find him and was met by the Abbot who ordered her away.\n\nShe", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 357, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "291\n\n+\n\nIn early December 1881 Hudson Taylor convened an informal missionary conference at Zhenjiang to discuss the crucial and imperative need to increase their numbers in order to accelerate the pace of converting China. This was an on-going problem raised and discussed by Protestant missionaries across China down the years. The staff and language students from the Missionary Language School at Anqing, another city on the Yangzi, were invited to attend the Zhenjiang conference as were missionaries of the American Episcopal Church.\n\nIn 1900 Mr Absolom Sydenstricker and his wife were both Presbyterian missionaries living in Zhenjiang, together with their daughter Pearl who was eight. During the first months of the Boxer troubles they refused to flee, then in July of that year when conditions had worsened they were compelled to escape to Shanghai, to return a year later. Life for a growing young woman was fairly circumscribed with the white population limited to the few in the consulates, other missionaries and a dozen or so men working with British and American companies. Pearl left in 1917 to marry Mr Buck, an American missionary and academic interested in China's rural economy, at Nan Suzhou in Anhui. Pearl's mother died in Zhenjiang several years later and was buried in what was then known as Zhenjiang's foreign cemetery. In 1920 Pearl's father sold their house and moved to Nanjing. Pearl Buck spent in all some forty-three years in China, and her writings brought Chinese social inter-relationships, especially those of the peasants, to western readers, possibly the first to achieve a world-wide circulation leading to many a westerner's first fascination about China. She wrote many a book and chaired many a public meeting telling people, mainly in the US, of the enduring spirit and resilience as well as the wretched lives lived by Chinese peasants and of the threat from Japanese Imperialism. Her best known works include The Good Earth, and a translation of the Shuihu Ji, 'All Men are Brothers', one of China's most popular pieces of literature. Her parents' family house in Zhenjiang, at the present day address of 6 Runzhou Shan Lu, is now one of the leading tourist attractions, for Americans in particular, despite being part of a semiconductor factory.\n\nIn May 1905 Hudson Taylor, freshly back from recuperation in Europe, stopped by Zhenjiang on his way to Changsha, where he visited the graves of Maria [his first wife who had died there in July 1870] and his children in the little cemetery among the hills. He, himself,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216060, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 359, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "293\n\nwas a young man of twenty just starting his lifelong career in China. In his Miscellanies he described how on his arrival at Hankou commanding the sailing lorcha, Hailong Wang [the Dragon King], he was paid off by the owners, the Mc Twins, who offered him a job as superintendent builder of a large hong [company office/warehouse] they intended erecting on the Bund. He accepted - as the Hailong Wang was laid up. However, as he actually wished to return to Shanghai to marry a local maiden, Zhu Wenjing, he took leave and in one statement he claimed that he sailed aboard the Huguang, a new beam-engine paddlewheel river steamer on her maiden voyage.\" In another he explained that he had left Hankou at the end of 1862 in charge of a cargo boat which was captured by the Taipings. This occurred when, having called at Zhenjiang on 1st or 3rd of November 1862 [his accounts vary], he was on his way to Shanghai in charge of a cargo boat, and was captured, with his crew, by the Taiping rebels, midstream, at Fu Shan Zhen. Mesny's colourful description of his time with the Taipings began with him being brought in chains before a senior Taiping who ordered him to ketou [kowtow]. Mesny wrote that he refused and that he only bowed to God. ‘So do we', cried the Taiping, and promptly ordered Mesny's release. Mesny continued his tale describing how the Senior Taiping had dined Mesny and offered him his daughter in marriage and the command of a Taiping vessel with the rank of vice-admiral. In another version elsewhere in his Miscellanies Mesny claimed to have been wounded twice during the capture and was at first badly treated by his captors. But once the Taiping discovered that he could play Chinese tunes on his four-octave flutina, their behaviour entirely altered. On a more credible note he was required to write to his employers in Shanghai demanding 100,000 Spanish Carolus dollars ransom.\n\nMesny was puzzled at the time why various senior Taiping officials should have vied to hold him their captive. It later transpired that at first these officials had not appreciated the power and capabilities of the foreign-led Chinese force [meaning the Ever-Victorious Army] sent against them; and when they did the Taiping officials' first act was to obtain and hold foreigners to prevent the violent wrath of the foreign-led force being brought down on them. One of the foreigners Mesny saw momentarily, also in Taiping hands, was Frank Phillip de la Cour, another Jerseyman, who had been taken whilst shipping arms.\n\nHaving managed to send a secret message to Shanghai that he was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216062, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 361, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "295\n\nregular aside about their breasts and occasionally their naked crotch. He also made much of his affairs with Chinese women and at this point, in 1864 had a 'romantic and intimate interlude' with a young Chinese widow. She did not appear to be short of money and, having sought Mesny's company, accompanied him up river from Zhenjiang to Hankou where they remained until she left to join her in-laws in 1865. He had been away for a fortnight to the cotton growing districts and on his return had been handed a very polite letter from the 'fair charmer' thanking him for all his attentions to her and informing him that she was continuing on to her late husband's home in Hunan there to rear her children and end her days in virtuous widowhood. She ended, wishing him joy and happiness, by saying that the Chinese banker would hand Mesny a little keepsake to be retained by him in everlasting remembrance of their unexpected meeting at Zhenjiang, their romantic adventures and intimacy on the voyage up the Great River, and their separation for ever at Hankou.\n\nMesny's visit to Zhenjiang 1874\n\nAfter he had left military service in 1874 Mesny made frequent and repeated egotistical assertions to prominence and repute within Chinese bureaucracy and commercial circles with his endeavours, so he claimed, concentrated on guiding and promoting what he described as the westernisation and modernisation in China. It is far from clear how he made a living after 1874 though later we read in his Miscellanies that he had obtained lucrative business in Guiyang at one stage; that in 1886 he had an insurance agency in Shanghai; and was also the representative for the Lartigue Railway Construction Company. He must have had many other irons in the fire to enable him to travel so widely and so far within China, of which only a few were described in his Miscellanies.\n\nIn late 1874 he travelled down river to Zhenjiang and then overland through Shandong to Beijing, spending the winter in Jinan. From the dates he gives in his autobiographical notes Mesny must have left his bride fairly soon after their marriage as he travelled through Shantung province on his way to Peking from Chen-kiang' [Mesny does not explain why he was there though almost certainly it would have been no more than a port on his journey from Hankou to Shandong]. In Shandong he visited, amongst other places, the home and burial place of Confucius at", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216069, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 368, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "302\n\nso that I may die childless, as I am now old and not likely to have any more children. I had never met or seen Mason before he presented himself to me as being the United States Consular Marshal at Hankou, which was a lie, he being actually a Custom House Officer at Zhenjiang.'\n\nLet us try to unravel the sorry story of Mason and Mesny. It is involved and still has aspects which are difficult to fathom. We have a number of versions or parts of it available to us but will confine ourselves to three: Mason's own story, briefly described below, written some 30 odd years later after he had roamed the world as a vagrant worker; the letters from the Inspector General of the Imperial Customs, Sir Robert Hart; and Mesny's bitter accusation. Mason, according to Mesny, practically ruined him and certainly caused Mesny great personal problems as he explained in great detail in his Miscellany. It is difficult to fit these three pieces of jigsaw together as there are few elements in common; however, the basic story is there. Mason bought a large quantity of foreign arms, ammunition, and explosives with which to arm a rising against the Imperial government, and having been arrested in Shanghai, was tried, sentenced, gaoled, and finally deported. Mesny was called as a witness but was accused to his face by the Chinese Premier, Li Hongzhang, of being the chief or very senior in the anti-Imperialist bandit body, the Elder Brother Society. This led to Mesny being ostracised by Chinese officialdom and, as his be-all and end-all as a business go-between was his contacts with Chinese officials, his life quietly slipped downhill thereafter.\n\nAccording to records — ‘Charles Welsh Mason, a young Englishman, had joined the Imperial Maritime Customs in December 1887 and was sent to Zhenjiang, an important post but a minor port on the Yangzi, as 4th assistant B, where he joined the Gelao Hui and became involved in a conspiracy to overthrow the Chinese government. In July of 1891, he took two months' leave and went to Hong Kong, where he purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition for the Society and arranged for it to be shipped to Shanghai and from there on to Zhenjiang. He also recruited men for the Society and bought a quantity of dynamite, which he carried with him to Shanghai, where he requested Commissioner Bredon of the Imperial Maritime Customs to allow it to be shipped on to Zhenjiang so that he, Mason, could uncover more of the Chinese rebels' plans. Bredon refused the \"sting\" and instructed Mason to report to Hart in Beijing. Instead, Mason took a river steamer", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216072, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 371, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "305\n\nMason that 'You [Mason] have been left at Chinkiang not because you have been overlooked, but because you have shown a particular proficiency in acquiring the Nanking dialect, and I did not wish to interrupt these studies by transferring you to another province. It is also important for me to train certain men in the intricate business of Transit Passes40 peculiar to Chinkiang alone, and I have been pleased with your mastery of this branch of our work'.\n\nFor the next couple of months Mason's name crops up in some dozen or so of Hart's letters, usually towards the end of a letter on, what were to Hart, weightier matters. Such comments included 'The Yamen finds \"Mason Affair\" very handy: it can now return the Legation fire neatly after last summer's bombardment sustained for the riots, etc.\n\nMason was brought to trial in the British Supreme Court before the British Consul-General and the Shanghai Settlement's Chief Judge, N J Hannen, on 29 October 1891, charged simply with the illegal possession of dynamite to which he pleaded guilty. Although he had declared before and after the trial that he was a member of the Gelao Hui, had acted to further its plans to overthrow its government, and had personally brought the dynamite into China with unlawful intent, these facts were not mentioned at the trial nor did the Chinese government produce any evidence. The Chinese Legation in London later exerted pressure to demand that Mason, on his release from prison in Shanghai, be tried in Hong Kong on charges of crimes and conspiracy against the Chinese state. Mason was, however, not tried again.\n\nHart, at one point, refers to Mason's comrade Croskey who Mason himself mentioned in his \"Confessions\" as a spy, put there by the Customs Service to watch Mason and who, according to Mason, betrayed and ruined him. In practice Croskey had been promoted from the outdoor staff to the indoor, and then posted to Zhenjiang. Mason somewhat naively explained his plans and plots to Croskey shortly after they met, and Croskey informed his boss in Zhenjiang who in turn asked Croskey to learn more about Mason's plan. Croskey resigned from the Service in the November 'on Sir Robert Hart's recommendation'. Croskey, according to Hart, was a promising young American citizen, a grandson of the first Sir Thos. Bazley, a Manchester MP.41", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216079, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 378, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "312\n\n* Li Zee-min (1950) Chinese Potpourri. Hong Kong: Oriental Publishers [He relates a local Hong Kong legend about the arrival of the young emperor escorted by Lu in what is now Kowloon, fleeing ahead of the Mongols. Li claims that the headman of the Hakka walled village of Kowloon was Tan Gong who died during the last battle with the Mongol fleet when Lu, with the emperor in his arms, jumped overboard to their deaths].\n\nCouling, Samuel (1917) Encyclopaedia Sinica. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh\n\n11 Yu Dayu is recorded as being a native of Fujian who died in 1573 having made his name as the victor in the struggle to defeat the Japanese pirates along the coast of China and in particular that of Zhejiang.\n\n12 Yang Xiuqing as one of the leading lights of the Taiping Rebellion, to whose military genius much of the early success of the movement was due. He was known as the Taiping Eastern King [Prince], and professed to be the spokesman of God. After the capture of Nanjing by the Taipings he established his palace in the yamen of the former Viceroy and lived in great state. By 1856 he had begun a campaign of political and religious intrigue to usurp the position of leader and to overthrow Hong Xiuquan, the founder. His plans were uncovered and he, his family and thousands of his supporters were slain by Wei Changhui, the Taiping Northern King.\n\n13 extracted from the Transcription of the letters written from China to Milcote, Stratford on Avon by Thomas Adkins between 1855 and 1879 by courtesy of Theo Christophers of Dorridge, West Midlands : November 1999\n\n14 Hymes, Robert P. (1986) Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite of Fu-chou, Kiangsi, in Northern and Southern Sung. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press\n\n15 Although the name was known much earlier Mao Shan has always been the centre of a Daoist sect. [see Kita Aziya gakuho, a Japanese Journal, Vol. 2]\n\n16 Doré, Henri S.J. (1914) Recherches sur les Superstitions en China. Shanghai [Zikawei] : La Mission Catholique : Vol. XI\n\n17 Werner, E.T.C (1932) A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216091, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 390, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "324\n\nold Colonial Office in Great Smith Street. Sir Christopher Cox, who headed the interview panel, said: 'Waters, you would be more suitable teaching building subjects in Hong Kong than in Trinidad. Go away and think about it!'\n\nRose, Rose I Love You was the first song originating in the People's Republic of China to become popular in Britain. Yet the composers never received royalties. They could not afford to be seen drawing money from a capitalist country. And as I listened to the refrain in Merry England, it all tied in. Serving in the Colonial Service in Hong Kong seemed terribly exciting and romantic. It made me think of Camp Coffee, Zam Buk ointment and other similar branded goods with scenes of Empire on bottles and tins which I grew up with as a child.\n\n'You're not going to the Far East?!' an acquaintance exclaimed. 'The Communists have just acquired half Korea. There's fighting in Vietnam and Malaya. Hong Kong will be the next to fall!”\n\nIn spite of adverse comments I accepted the offer from the Colonial Office which was shortly to become Her Majesty's Overseas Civil Service. After all a considerable amount of a map of the world was still coloured red. Hadn't Winston Churchill proclaimed: 'I have not become the King's first minister to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire'? At the time I could have been posted to any one of something like 55 different colonies or dependent territories within the British Commonwealth. For me, 'Go East young man!' was the watchword. Nevertheless, some said that the Hong Kong Royal Naval Dockyard was shortly to be closed down.\n\nSo, in spite of discouraging remarks, I \"burned my boats,” sold the family business as a going concern, and went shopping. I spotted cabin trunks made of sheet metal. 'Oh no,\" the shop assistant exclaimed, 'you only need those, Sir, if you are going to some humid place like Hong Kong!' 'I'll have two!' I replied.\n\nShipboard\n\nIn the early 1950s, if one flew to Hong Kong, one normally went by seaplane, landed on water and slept the night in a hotel. The journey took five days. But up until 1959 most of us travelled by sea. The\n\nPage 390\n\nPage 391", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216098, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 397, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "331\n\nTram with an open-neck shirt and an off-white, wet-wash Saigon-linen suit. He had a necktie in his pocket to put on for meetings. He carried a Hong Kong (rattan) basket: no briefcase for him. One thing you did not do, in those days, was to mention the expiry of the lease and the hand back of the Territory to China in 1997, I did once, at a reception, and regretted it. You could hear a pin drop. It really was a 'borrowed place on borrowed time.'\n\nWhen I arrived conscription was still in force and every able-bodied British subject had to serve. If you were young, in your twenties, you usually joined the Regiment (the Volunteers). People like me, in my thirties, served in the Special Constabulary (in 1959 it became the Auxiliary Police). Those over 40 were drafted into Essential Services, such as air-raid warden duties. New recruits such as me, in the police European contingent, did three months basic training and 10 days at camp every year. At the latter the European contingent was grouped with the Portuguese and Eurasian contingent. There was a separate camp for Chinese. This was said to be largely for language reasons. Of course we all turned out during the five days of the 1956 riots. These were sparked when a junior civil servant pulled down a Nationalist flag, on the \"Double Tenth\" (10 October), from a Shek Kip Mei resettlement block in north Kowloon. The riots were very much Communists against Nationalists. Later, triads stepped in and took advantage of the situation.\n\nRoutinely, we Special Constables went on street patrol a couple of nights a month and raided opium dens and brothels. One of the interesting places we enjoyed going to was Circular Path, to the south of Queen's Road Central. With urban renewal this path has now disappeared. It contained, among other accommodation, a number of back-street workshops where reputedly stolen jade items and the like were \"re-worked.\"\n\n**\n\nI remember being on police patrol in Central, in April 1956, when we received news that the twice knighted, grand old man, Sir Robert Ho Tung, had passed away. He was 93, although for much of his life he did not enjoy good health. A Eurasian, he had \"gone the Chinese way.\" With his fabulous wealth he lived the life of a Chinese gentleman. It is sometimes said, 'All rivers which run into the China Sea turn salty.' In other words, all ethnic groups living in China get assimilated sooner or later.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 402, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "336\n\nGovernment servants completed four-year tours up until the early 1960s. When we went on leave, being seen off was a grand occasion. One would normally organise a reception for a number of friends. They boarded the ship. Occasionally, there was a bit of gate crashing by people known as \"professional see'ers off\" who enjoyed the company and a few free drinks.\n\nBrass bands would play Auld Lang Syne on the quay and paper streamers would be thrown to friends on shore. As the ship pulled away the streamers would break and the \"umbilical cord\" would be severed, as it were. After a four-year tour a government servant would earn something like seven months leave plus 30 days travelling each way. That meant you were away from the colony for about nine months. Being seen off was an important affair for Chinese too and, in the 1950s when the growing of rice was not profitable any more and the \"vegetable revolution\" was underway, many New Territories' Chinese made their way to England to work in restaurants. On being seen off just about the entire village would sometimes turn out!\n\nOn one occasion I was on leave in England and a fellow passenger on a train spotted my suitcase. 'Ah,' he said, 'you're from Hong Kong. Tell me. Do they still put paint on with their hands?' I had to admit that painters stick their woollen-gloved hand into a pot of paint when they paint metal railings and the like. They still do. It's labour saving. It's surprising what people remember about Hong Kong after they have left.\n\nPestilence\n\nThe colony was not a healthy place in its young days and many expatriates died young, as a wander through what we used to call the Colonial Cemetery (now the Hong Kong Cemetery) in Happy Valley reveals. There were cases of bubonic plague up until the 1920s with an especially bad epidemic in 1894. There was a worrying outbreak of cholera in the early summer of 1961. Stalls were manned by nurses in the street, for example by the Star Ferry. There was no wasting of time and no paperwork. All you did was roll up your sleeve. Now, from the days of pestilence and being an unhealthy place, Hong Kong has a life expectancy greater than most western countries, including Britain and the USA.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216124, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 423, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "357\n\nMORE ON LOUIS DE SAN\n\nPAUL BOLDING\n\nYoung and keen for adventure, Louis de San was 29 in 1939 when he found himself in Chungking as a Belgian diplomat at the court of the nationalist Chinese government as the Japanese seized more and more of the country.\n\nThrough a family connection I met Louis de San in Syria in 1988 where he had retired and where he later died. I have recently acquired a fascinating letter he wrote to a friend from Chungking and some family photographs. In addition, his own recollection of how he set an Asian gliding altitude and duration record in Chungking in 1940 has been published.\n\nThe letter describes how he arrived in Hong Kong en route for his new post. 'I knew absolutely nothing about China. It took me three days to find out what was happening, buy supplies (bed linen, underwear, radio, wines and spirits etc) daily lunches and dinners, packing and repacking my stuff, making a thousand demarches, in short an absolute killer of a regime.'\n\nHe took the 900-tonne steamer Canton for Haiphong, a three-day journey. Hanoi he found ‘a small French provincial town replanted in Asia; the Japanese will find it easy to swallow it when it takes their fancy.' He caught a train to Kunming and waited there for a plane to Chungking. After five days, French fliers got him a place on a flight on a Douglas.\n\n'A lunar landscape with nowhere to land in case of accident; these poor planes are flying 10 or 12 hours a day!' he wrote of the trip.\n\nHe was immediately put to work by colleagues and the next day was at the French embassy when air raid sirens sounded.\n\n'In a few seconds, everyone was underground in the shelters with admirable discipline; then the wait with a note of anxiety and mystery... one did not know if one would still be alive minutes later... that lasted half an hour.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216148, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 447, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "381\n\nTHE COLOURFUL DOUGLAS LAPRAIK (1818-1869)\n\nPETER HANSELL\n\nA year or more ago I purchased what appeared to be an interesting clock at an auction of the residue of the estate of an elderly spinster lady domiciled in the UK, but without any surviving relatives.\n\nMy instant reaction to the likely function of this clock was that it had been used or owned by a merchant traveller or campaigner and so it turned out to be. Similar in substantive construction to a ship's chronometer, but with a lever escapement, it had been lovingly embellished with a gilt oriental bow and strut at some later date and was contained in a mahogany travelling case, which could be laid flat, carried by a flush brass handle, or hung from a concealed bracket. The silvered dial is cursively engraved Douglas Lapraik, Hong Kong.\n\nHaving no provenance from the previous owner, my researches had to begin. Many residents of Hong Kong will know the legend of Douglas Lapraik, but it is worth paraphrasing here. He left Scotland as 'a young businessman' in 1839 at the age of 21 in order to seek further fortunes in the Far East. He spent some time in Macao before moving to Hong Kong, which had recently become a British Dependency. Before arrival there in 1842 in somewhat straitened circumstances he had become acquainted with a fellow ex-patriot and clockmaker, Leonard Just, to whom he became apprenticed. There were several Justs who were devoted to the clock making industry, but Leonard had been supplying clocks and watches to the Chinese market before he emigrated from Scotland a little earlier. His son Leonard Just Junior was listed as an apprentice along with Lapraik. During this time, Douglas Lapraik must have become acquainted with numerous mariners, their ships and their clocks, which he undoubtedly repaired. After a few years he is recorded as setting up his own clock making business, which, after his final departure from Hong Kong, became \"Falconer Jewellers', a trading name that survives to this day.\n\nPerhaps a more important development was that pari passu with this horological activity he became commercially interested in ships and shipping, the building of docks and warehouses and the establishment of a very successful shipping line chiefly concerned with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 536, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "470\n\nand Society in Hong Kong would have been merited.\n\nClearly a book into which Gillian has put a great deal of effort.\n\nPETER HALLIDAY\n\nPhilip Snow, The Fall of Hong Kong: Britain, China and the Japanese Occupation, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 348 pages (text), plus 129 pages (notes, bibliography, index), and 16 pages (plates), 2003.\n\nPhilip Snow has done historians of Hong Kong a great service in producing this generally excellent book. His grasp of the sources for the period 1940-1946 is wide. He has consulted archives in London, Hong Kong, Tokyo, and Taipei (although he seems to have missed the Harcourt archive, and the unpublished war-diaries in the Muniments of the Imperial War Museum, in London), and has read very widely, consulting both collections of original documents and secondary material, in Chinese and Japanese as well as in English. The index to the book is excellent - indeed, rather better than merely excellent. The result is a book which will be a standard for many years to come. The plates included, however, are relatively ordinary: more plates, and plates more tightly connected with the text, would have been valuable. More photographs of the major figures of the Occupation period, both Japanese and local Chinese, would have been very welcome. As so often, alas, better maps would have benefited the book greatly.\n\nDespite the title, the book has relatively little to say on the Battle of Hong Kong, the actual progress of the fighting in Hong Kong, or the fall of Hong Kong: presumably because there are other books which cover the actual fighting well. What the book does above all is illustrate in detail, and very convincingly, the months leading up to the Battle (the Governorship of Sir Mark Young), the developments in Hong Kong under the Japanese, and the post-war period of the Harcourt and restored Mark Young administrations. None of these periods has been entirely adequately covered elsewhere, and this book is the more valuable in consequence,\n\nThe book is particularly valuable in clearly identifying the changes which took place in Japanese attitudes to Hong Kong in the 3 years and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216359, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "67\n\nShortly after this incident in his letter to his London agent and confidant, James Duncan Campbell (ibid: 1478), Hart responded to the attempts at blackmail by one of his wards, Herbert, who demanded money from him:\n\nMy principle, in a general sense, is to \"face the music\" and pay no \"blackmail\" - but this has to be whittled into fitting form so as to cause as little worry as possible to others. I wish you had dipped deeper into my purse and sent off Herbert with £100 instead of only a \"Five Pound Note\".\n\nIn the same letter, Hart also referred to an incident in 1904 involving the two wards (ibid: 1479):\n\nI dare say we shall hear more of Herbert and Arthur from Canada: already a year ago someone who signed \"E. B. Hart\" wrote me from Canada saying a young man was moving about using my name (possibly Arthur) and asking me to authorise denial!\n\nIn the end of the letter Hart also wrote a post script mentioning that Lady Hart and her daughter, Nollie, planned to visit America, even this caused him disquiet (ibid);\n\nLady H. and Nollie propose visiting America this autumn: I don't want to dissuade them, but it is possible Herbert may find them out and something disagreeable may occur.\n\nIt indicates that Hart was concerned by these recurring troubles. He realised the repercussions of his 'mistake' were far from over. It is in this context that he wrote the first statutory declaration - Declaration 1, dated 19th August 1905, only 8 days after he wrote the letter mentioned above to Campbell. In the declaration, Hart, after detailing his non-marital relationship with Ayaou and the illegitimacy of his three children by her, declares clearly that \"I was married to Hester Jane Bredon in 1866; she is my wife: her son Edgar Bruce is my only legitimate son, and is the legitimate heir to the Baronetcy!\" It is obvious that although Hart was annoyed with Herbert for his attempts at blackmail, Hart's main concern is not money but the inheritance of his title. The fact that Herbert himself made claim in the newspaper - \"eldest son of Sir Robert Hart\" - and also the possibility that Arthur moved about using Hart's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216362, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "70\n\nIn his letter to Hester on 15 August 1866 he confessed to an impetuous engagement in 1856 to an English young lady at Ningpo. This was quickly broken up by her father's refusal to accept a young consular employee so lacking in material goods and worldly prospects. However, Hart did not mention his long relationship with Ayaou and fathering three children (ibid: 364). In the letter Hart's dilemma is apparent - he wanted to be truthful to Hester on one hand, but, on the other hand, he felt too embarrassed to tell her the full truth. He repeated what he said to her before: \"Remember, Hessie, you are marrying me for the future\" (Smith, Fairbank, and Bruner 1991: 428), and also convinced her to accept the reality that \"men generally don't attain my age without having gone through both fire and water; I have gone through both, but I flatter myself the result has been of a kind which burns out sores, and washes out stains.\" (ibid: 428-9)\n\nLater in the same year, however, Hart did confess to his relationship with Ayaou. In his letter to Campbell on 11 August 1905, Hart writes: \"I proffered the information in 1866, but was told the past was the past and the future the future: so I said no more.\" (Fairbank, Bruner and Matheson 1975: 1479) The fact that Lady Hart visited the Morning Post when she learnt that Herbert was mentioned in the newspaper also indicates that she knew of Hart's relationship with Ayaou and his three children by her.\n\nHowever, it is not known to what Hart confessed or how he did so. In Declaration 1 and 2 we find, for the first time, a version of Hart's confession to his relationship with Ayaou and three children by her. Firstly he said:\n\nWhen I arrived China in 1854 I found that any acquaintance I made kept his Chinese girl and in 1857 I fell into the habit myself. The girl kept by me was a Cantonese named Ayaou. (Declaration 1)\n\nIn Declaration 2, he makes a similar statement:\n\nIn the year 1857 when in China I formed a connection with a Chinese girl named Ayaou. At that time it was a common practice for unmarried Englishmen resident in China to keep a Chinese girl and I did as others did.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216365, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "73\n\nHester Jane Bredon (1866-1886) and the subsequent twenty-two years of living alone in Peking after Lady Hart moved back to enjoy life in London, we may surmise that Hart's years of liaison with Ayaou (roughly 1857-1865) gave him his fill of romance, including both his satisfactions and its limitations. For whatever reason, after that his need for feminine companionship declined as he steadily and inexorably became more enamoured of managing the Chinese Imperial Maritime Custom Service.\n\nThis point can be proved by what Hart says in his diary entry for 23 July 1864:\n\nMerely, I presume, that I have gotten through the \"love-fever, 20@30, term of life, and that for the future something other than woman will chiefly attract me. (Smith, Fairbank, Bruner 1991: 384)\n\nHart, of course, did not want to embarrass his family by confessing to a long relationship with Ayaou, a relationship that affected his life in so many ways, including his first experience of fatherhood. Thus, in Declaration 1 and 2 he attempted to reduce the extent of his relationship with Ayaou. He even covered up the year when his third child by Ayaou was born so that the duration of his sexual relationship with Ayaou was made even shorter. (We will give a more detailed analysis of this issue later in the paper.)\n\nHart also attempted to reduce the extent of his relationship with his children by Ayaou. In Declaration 2 he stated: \"To the best of my recollection and belief I have seen Anna twice or three times only and Herbert once only. This was in China. I have never seen Arthur.\" It might be true that, as suggested before, Hart never had a chance to see his youngest son Arthur, as his intimate relationship with Ayaou might have ceased before the boy was born. However, it seems unlikely that he saw Anna \"twice or three times only and Herbert once only\". It was fatherhood that made Hart cease his relationship with his new native partner Ayi and resume his relationship with Ayaou. If he had not had both enjoyment with and responsibility for his children by Ayaou, particularly the girl Anna, he would have already abandoned Ayaou in 1858. It has been argued that (Bruner, Fairbank, Smith 1986: 232) Hart “was a man of conscience and in later life affectionate, almost doting, toward little girls and young women. One can imagine how his baby", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216372, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "80\n\nHart's arrangements for separation\n\nHow the relationship between Hart and Ayaou was terminated has long been a cause of speculation. L. K. Little, successor of Maze as I. G., writes in the introduction to \"The I.G. in Peking\" - \"In a private letter to me the late Stanley Wright, author of Hart and the Chinese Customs, wrote, 'Hart was married to a Chinese lady in his early days, but she was dead before his marriage to Miss Bredon,' (1975; Introduction). B. Wang, the author of the book \"Biography of Sir Robert Hart\" also suggested that Hart's happy personal life in China ceased in 1865 when Ayaou suddenly died, and this is the main reason for Hart's decision to return home on leave and find a girl to marry (2000: 97). However, the scholars, who edited Hart's early journals, noticed that Hart received letters from Ayaou in 1870 and 1872, and they noted that she \"later married a Chinese\" (Smith, Fairbank, and Bruner, 1991: 363).\n\n15\n\nIn Declaration 1, referring to his separation from Ayaou, Hart declares, “she was then presented with $3000 when she surrendered her children to my Agent and herself married a Chinaman.\" In Declaration 2, a similar statement is made: \"I paid her the sum of three thousand dollars1 and she married a Chinaman.”15 This confirms that Ayaou certainly did not die in 1865 but married a Chinaman after receipt of a large sum of money from Hart, a condition of their separation. Ayaou probably did not want to sever the connection with Hart even though she must now have realised it was inevitable. Hart, who by this time was no longer a young and inexperienced assistant for the British Consulate at Canton, but a powerful man in both the CIMC and the Qing government, had to resolve the problem by making an arrangement acceptable to Ayaou. Money must have been given serious consideration, as it would have been a precondition of the relationship for both sides in the first instance. As Bruner, Fairbank, and Smith suggest: (1986:153)\n\nThe girl Ayaou was not a solitary adventuress but came undoubtedly from a proper though lower-class background under the sponsorship of a compradore or other reliable party. Hart's upkeep of her must have included a regular monetary payment, a portion of which reimbursed her family.\n\nIn Hart's diaries requests for money from Ayaou appear frequently.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216394, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "103\n\n'Decision to Establish the Task Force for Cooperation with Foreign Legal Experts; Decree 55$Sr, 10 August 1999.\n\n* Ea Meng Try: Victims and Perpetrators? Testimony of Young Khmer Rouge Comrades, Documentation Center of Cambodia, Phnom Penh, 2001. See also Rasy Pheng Pong: \"Tuy Kin: A Traumatized Perpertrator\" Searching for the Truth, special English Edition, Third Quarter 2003, page 23.\n\n* Sok Siphana: Formation of a Legal and Judicial Reform Strategy for Cambodia, Cambodia Legal Resources Development Center, Phnom Penh, 2002, page 41-42.\n\n\"See the statement of the Bar Association of the Kingdom of Cambodia, the Cambodian Defenders Project and Legal Aid of Cambodia reproduced in Michael Hayes: \"Cambodian Lawyers United for UN Trial”, Phnom Penh Post, page 1-14 October 1999.\n\n11 See CUL Seminar on Judicial Functions, Phnom Penh, 5-23 July 1993, reproduced in Basil Fernando (ed) Problems Facing the Cambodian legal System, Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong, 1998, at page 133.\n\nTom Fawthrop: \"Khmer Rouge trial makes legal history\", Phnom Penh Post, 5-18 January 2001.\n\n11 Richard Woodd: \"Guillotine aimed at KR trial funds\", Phnom Penh Post, 2-15 July 2004, page 1 and 3.\n\n14 See Stephen Heder with Brian Tittlemore, Seven Candidates for the Prosecution: Accountability for the Crimes of the Khmer Rouge, 2nd edition, 2004, Documentation Centre of Cambodia, Phnom Penh, page 1.\n\n15 Australia, for example, has supported capacity building of the Cambodian legal system, and has also committed to a voluntary contribution for the proposed Tribunal.\n\n16 See, for example, the Report to the General Assembly A/58/268 (15 August 2003) Role and Achievements of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in assisting the Government and people of Cambodia in the promotion and protection of human rights.\n\n17\n\n\"Ea Meng Try: Justice and Reconciliation, MA Dissertation, Coventry University, September 2003, page 27-31.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216400, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "109\n\ntrouble in Hankow might be expected, the unrest in the Atlantic Fleet, the Japanese aggression in Manchuria, and the change of Sterling from a gold basis, with its serious effect on ships' companies paid in silver, were events all calling for the closest attention.\n\nOn 18th September 1931 the Japanese Kwantung army in Manchuria, Lieut. General Shigeru Honjo, staged an incident which enabled them to allege that the Japanese owned South Manchuria Railway had been dynamited north of Mukden. Armed with this excuse, a premeditated assault was launched by them against the city of Mukden itself.\n\nAt the time the local Chinese war lord was a protégé of Chiang Kai-shek, Chang Hsueh-liang or the 'Young Marshal'. In June 1928 his father, Chang Tso-lin, the 'Old Marshal,' had been assassinated by the Japanese.\n\nUnfortunately as a consequence of his internal conflict with the Chinese communists, Chiang Kai-shek had decided on a policy of first conquering the bandits and rebels, his euphemism for the communists. He reasoned that with these left wing groups eradicated then later he would be able to deal with the foreign, or Japanese, invaders. So it was that in order to limit the extent of what he saw as merely being an incident, he ordered the 'Young Marshal' not to actively resist the Japanese move against Mukden.\n\nIn short order the Japanese army went on to occupy the remainder of that large and rich province of Manchuria. Thus was established the region later to become their puppet state of Manchukuo.\n\nThere were two important results.\n\nFirst, by their action in Manchuria, which certainly had not been sanctioned by the civilian government of Japan, the army established itself as a power within the government. No longer was every aspect of government under civilian control.\n\nSecondly within China the people saw that China as represented by Chiang Kai-shek, had permitted Japan to occupy a part of their country. By not attempting to eject the Japanese, and so endeavouring to rally all", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "186\n\nalthough for the first few years after their wedding, the family home remained in Suffolk while he went to sea. It was in the village of Hoxne that their eldest son Robert Benjamin was born in 1860 to be followed by Emily Ada in 1864. Young Samuel came along in 1866 after the family had moved to Framlingham and was given the second name Cornell. It would appear from an entry in Harriet Plant's New Ladies' Memorandum Book 1829 in which she recorded important family events, that Cornell was a family name, possibly the maiden name of her mother or Samuel's mother. One entry records a visit to Chedburgh, a village in Suffolk, by a Mr and Mrs TH Cornell. Whatever the origin, Cornell was the name by which he was known throughout his life both inside and outside the family. Cornell's younger brother Charles Henry was born in 1870 and it was not long after that time that the family moved to London and into a house in Tottenham. Perhaps this move away from the country into the big city came about as a result of Samuel Plant's promotion to becoming a ship's master.\n\nIn 1881 he was in command of the Iron Ship Reigate, made of iron but powered by sail, for the trade with India. It so happened that the 1881 Census took place on the very day that Reigate was in Middlesbrough when, in addition to Captain and crew, those on board included Harriet Plant, the Master's wife, with Cornell and Charles, the Master's sons, all shown as passengers. But in truth, none of them were passengers - the 14-year-old Cornell had joined the ship for his first voyage while his mother and brother were there to see him off.\n\nThe start of a life at sea\n\nThe Reigate set sail from Middlesborough in early May, 1881 for the long passage round the Cape of Good Hope to Madras with no stops along the way. This was young Cornell's introduction to a life at sea and being a dutiful son, he spent some time every Sunday writing a few paragraphs of a voyage letter to his mother in strong, well-formed copper plate writing. It is a remarkably well written letter for a fourteen-year-old young man that now forms part of the Plant Archive at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. Although the letter is in good condition, the writing on one side of the paper occasionally obscures the writing on the other side but it is still clear enough to make a full transcription. The letter is almost 2,000 words long but the following extracts give some idea of the young man who wrote them and the dramatic events that he experienced.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216480, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "189\n\nbair mentioned in the letter in the pocket of her New Ladies Companion Book where it is still kept.\n\nPersian adventures\n\nCornell Plant remained in the Reigate for another two years leaving her as an Ordinary Seaman in 1883. He then spent a year in the SS Iberia on the Pacific Steam Navigation Company's Australian Service and another year in the iron ship Mermerus as an Able Seaman. In 1885 Plant returned to the Reigate as Third Mate and left the following year after having obtained his Second Mate's certificate. From there he joined Lynch's Euphrates and Tigris Shipping Company, serving in the River Steamer Khalifa.\n\nIn 1891 he was offered the command of Shushan, a stern wheel paddle steamer, built by Alfred Yarrow on the Thames and shipped out in parts to Egypt for the expedition up the Nile to relieve General Gordon at Khartoum.\n\nShushan was 98 feet in length including the paddle wheel, 18 feet in width and had an eighteen inch draft. A boiler with a tall funnel was at the bow end of the flat main deck with the engine that drove the stern mounted paddle wheel at the after end. A wooden saloon containing some cabin accommodation stood in the centre of the main deck with the conning position above it from where the wheel controlled a triple rudder. Access to this position was by a wooden ladder and awnings to protect the main deck were spread forward and aft although how they were kept clean and white just astern of a wood fed boiler is hard to understand. No photograph or drawing of the Shushan has yet been found although there are representations of many of the other similar river craft built by Alfred Yarrow. He was acknowledged at the time as the best builder of those vessels that were used to extend and protect British interests along the rivers of Africa, Asia and beyond. They were built to a standard pattern in watertight sections that could be shipped anywhere in the world and bolted together on site. It was claimed that those required by the expedition to rescue General Gordon were ready for shipment within 17 days of the order being placed. (Yarrow - the first 100 years)\n\nIt is quite evident that young Cornell Plant was immensely proud", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "190\n\nof his first command and the position of trust in which his employers had placed him. The Euphrates and Tigris Shipping Company had come into possession of the Shushan after it was no longer required for the Nile expedition and decided to use it to extend their operations into South West Iran up the Karun River beyond Ahwaz. They were already running a regular passenger and freight service up to Ahwaz but were unable to proceed further because of a series of rapids that had effectively closed the river to conventional steam traffic.\n\nPlant picked up his new command at Basra and was introduced to his engineer officer, a young Englishman called Stanley Webber with whom he would be sharing his Persian adventure. Together, they and a temporary crew from Basra, made their way down the Shatt al Arab to Mohammerah, a town at the mouth of the Karun River and from there, up river to Ahwaz. His next task was to take the Shushan up and over the rapids at Ahwaz, where the water rushed down a seemingly impenetrable rocky slope although, it was said, there were a few fast water channels through which the craft might proceed with safety provided it had sufficient paddle power. To be on the safe side he obtained some long safety lines and hired a crowd of pullers and heavers to man them should the craft not be able to manage the rapid under its own steam.\n\nRiver pilotage\n\nThus, all was made ready for the assault on the feared Ahwaz rapids. The great day came and so did the crowds to see the fun - but his hard work and planning paid off. With a full head of steam and Plant on the wheel the Shushan climbed the first rapid and then went full ahead upstream for the next gap between two great rocks where the river 'poured through like a sluice.' She just made it and then moved up to through the next rapid that was just a little easier and finally entered the calmer waters above the town. Here, the crew was discharged and sent back to their home port while Plant made preparations for taking the Shushan on its first trip to Shuster some 50 miles up river.\n\nFirst, he had to find and train a permanent crew, including someone with knowledge of the river and a Tindal (bo'sun) to take charge of the deck hands. He also needed an interpreter, through whom he could give instructions to the crew, most of whom spoke no English. He would\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216482, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "191\n\nalso want someone to translate his words to those government officials and village chiefs with whom he would have to negotiate his way up and down the river. He engaged a local small boat skipper as Nocador (coxswain); a Chaldean by the name of Judges who had served some time on board a line of Turkish steamers plying on the Tigris as bo'sun; and a steward who also doubled as interpreter. A further eleven hands were taken on to complete the crew and Plant was ready to set off on his journey of exploration up the Karun river. It was truly a journey of discovery as he had no maps or books on the river and had to rely on local knowledge provided by the Nocador. After a number of excitements along the narrow winding waterway, they stopped at the small village of Shalaliah that acted as a port to Shushter. Plant covered the last seven miles to Shuster on horseback to report the safe arrival of the Shushan to the Company's agent, one of several young Englishmen in the area serving the interests of the shipping company. As both foreigners and Christians, the company's agents lived a life of some difficulty and danger. Plant felt that his life aboard the Shushan was far more congenial.\n\nThus started the regular passenger and freight service that Plant was to run for some time. His relations with the many local officials with whom he came in contact were conducted with tact and skill - his private thoughts about them and his comments on their ways of life and business, he confined to his personal log book. The difficulties of piloting his craft up and down an uncharted river were considerable and required great resource and powers of improvisation. He found that his triple rudder could not cope with the narrow winding part of the river unless he went at full speed, which proved particularly exciting when navigating a series of blind bends. On another part of the river an unexpected eddy took him into some rocks at speed which sprung a line of rivets and opened up a section of the hull. Fortunately, the Shushan's watertight construction in sections kept it afloat but left him with the problem of making a repair - they were far from any dockyard facility. He provided the answer by lowering a weighted line through each empty rivet hole; fishing for the weight from the bank; attaching a bolt; hauling the bolt up through the rivet hole; and anchoring it with a nut which he tightened up to re-secure the sprung plate. This turned out to be a tedious, time-consuming but entirely successful means of making good a damaged hull that he later introduced to the shipmasters of the Yangtse. There were many more occasions when he was up the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "192\n\nKarun without an effective paddle wheel but he met every emergency with energy and resolve.\n\nWherever he went, he surveyed the river, recorded his observations and updated his map. He explored other waterways, first by sailing boat and then in the Shushan in order to establish which rivers in the area were navigable. The account of Shushan's journey of exploration up the River Diz in 1891 is still included in the current edition of the Admiralty Pilot for the Persian Gulf,\n\nLife in Iran\n\nLife in Iran for the young Cornell Plant was not all hard work. Game was plentiful and he enjoyed shooting it. If it was edible he ate it, if not, he just enjoyed the shooting. He shot hare, fox, jackal, wolf and deer and went pig sticking with mixed results. He was asked by representatives of one of the villages along the route to shoot a desert lion that had been raiding their herds. Less sportingly, he shot another lion that he spotted from the bridge of the Shushan. Far more dangerous was his encounter with a wild buffalo, which he dropped in the true tradition of the best heroic tales with a shot from his .577 Express, as it charged at him from a few yards away. The most amazing of his adventures was watching a formal battle between two warring Arab tribes from a concealed position on a hill overlooking the chosen battleground. It took several hours for the 600 or so mounted warriors to assemble and hurl insults at each other but once the battle proper started, it was over very quickly. One side felt they were losing and left the field at speed leaving their Sheikh and his family to fight on alone. The opposing warriors withdrew to allow the families of the two opposing sheikhs to fight it out - to the death which they did. Only one 14-year-old boy was spared from the losing Sheikh's family.\n\nThe whole area through which the Shushan travelled was under the direct control of the Nizam, an official appointed by the Shah but when he lost favour and another took over, law and order seemed to break down and Plant found himself threatened by gangs of river pirates. Fortunately, he kept on the move and away from trouble but on one occasion, when anchored overnight in a remote spot he and his team were stood to with their hunting rifles at the ready. The watch, while half asleep, had observed what he made out to be dusky figures stealing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "193\n\ndown the bank opposite the ship and fearing surprise, gave voice to his warning. It proved to be a false alarm, the supposed marauders turned out to be some jackals stealing down to the river to drink.\n\nMarriage and home again\n\nAt some time during his time in Iran, Cornell Plant met Alice Peters, the daughter of a shoe maker from Hertford. They were married at Bandar Bushire in 1894 by Colonel Wilson, the acting consul. Cornell was 28 and Alice was 24. What she was doing in South West Iran has not yet been satisfactorily explained - perhaps she had travelled with an expatriate family as a lady's maid or a children's nurse. Whatever her background and her reason for being in the Persian Gulf, for the next 27 years she was Cornell Plant's loyal wife and good companion in strange places and through turbulent times. There is a photograph of Cornell Plant at about this time taken in Iran by Joseph (Photographer, Est 1875, Gold Medals - Shah of Persia). It shows a chubby young man in a crumpled uniform and is one of only a very few photos of him that are in the family record.\n\nThe exact movements of Captain and Mrs Plant in the years following their marriage are not certain. He wrote an 80-page account of his Persian adventures some seven years after he was first offered command of Shushan. At the end of this account he says that he became ill and returned home to the UK. He says his illness was diagnosed as typhoid fever, not the malaria that he suffered throughout his later life and which he mistook for the pneumonia that eventually brought his life to a close. Perhaps they returned home in 1896 or thereabouts. While recuperating back in England, Plant will have taken stock of his position and his future prospects. His selection by the Euphrates and Tigris Shipping Company to command the Shushan was evidently based upon his ability as a seaman, because the only formal certificate recorded in his name is that of Second Mate. Perhaps he did not wish to return to a life at sea after his experience in command and the success he had achieved in river pilotage. This may be the reason why in 1898 he wrote the long and detailed account of his Persian adventures - almost a description of his suitability for similar employment elsewhere.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216485, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "194\n\nThe move to China\n\nWhether his meeting with Archibald Little in the Oriental Club in London in 1899 was accidental as contended by some, or whether it was arranged by one or other of them is a matter of conjecture. The meeting itself was important to both of them. Archibald Little, an Imperial entrepreneur with an ambition to be the first to establish a regular passenger and steam service in the Upper Yangtse, was back in the UK to supervise the building of a paddle steamer designed for the task. He also needed an experienced and professional river pilot to command it. Cornell Plant needed just such employment. He must have been enthralled by Little's description of the great river, its problems and its dangers. The undoubted difficulties that Plant had overcome on the Karun River were trivial in comparison with the many natural hazards that existed in the Upper Yangtse that some claimed to make it the most dangerous river in the world. The annual snow melt in the high mountains and the seasonal rainfall over the whole area combined to produce variations in the height of water of as much as 150 feet - a scarcely believable phenomenon to a deep sea sailor. Plant was used to rocks, rapids and river water turbulence, but not the standing whirlpools, the moving whirlpools, the sudden holes that appeared in deep water and the rapidly changing nature of the river bed with every new rush of water down the feeder rivers of the great Yangtse Kiang. The talk must have whetted his professional appetite to such an extent that he even joined Little on his trip to Denny's of Glasgow where the new paddle steamer, the Pioneer, was being built. The result of their meeting was that Cornell Plant joined Archibald Little in China and took command of the Pioneer on her voyage up through the gorges, the first truly successful trip by a commercial vessel driven by steam.\n\nPostscript\n\nThis is the story of how Captain Samuel Cornell Plant came to be in China. His career as a trader, river pilot and finally Senior River Inspector of the Upper Yangtse is well covered in the article by AC Bromfield and Rosemary Lee. They also tell of the tragedy that occurred when Captain and Mrs Plant were on their way home on leave in 1921 accompanied by two young Chinese girls they were thought to have adopted.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216486, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "195\n\n-\n\nCornell Plant died at sea shortly before their ship's arrival at Hong Kong. Alice Plant died a day or so later and they were both buried in Happy Valley Cemetery, Hong Kong. This posed the question what happened to the two young Chinese girls? This is partly answered by an extract from a letter written to Cornell's younger brother Charles by J.L. Smith, the British Consul at Ichang, an old friend of Captain and Mrs Plant:\n\nThe reference to the two girls as \"adopted daughters\" is a mistake. The two girls were waifs bought by Mrs Plant a number of years ago and brought up by her as servants in her own house. They were too young to marry and therefore Mrs Plant was taking them home with her, intending to bring them back at the conclusion of her furlough after which she intended to marry them off and give them a small dowry. They are now being sent back from Hong Kong to Miss Moore of the Church of Scotland (Ladies) Mission here: Miss Moore desires to keep them for four or five years in her excellent girls school so that they can get an education after which she will see that they are decently married off or settled down in some occupation in the same way as Mrs Plant would have done. There is a movement on foot amongst friends of Captain and Mrs Plant to raise a sum of money to meet the expenses that will be entailed in connection with the education, etc. of the girls.\n\nIn the event, some $4,000 was raised by the friends and colleagues of Captain and Mrs Plant to educate the two girls and set them up in life. Although the Royal Library of Scotland has some of the letters sent home by Miss Amelia Moore to the Church of Scotland, no mention has yet been found of the two girls and what happened to them.\n\nThe 30 foot granite monument overlooking the gorges put up in memory of Captain Samuel Cornell Plant show the high esteem in which he was held by his friends, his business associates and the Chinese Customs Service. On his death, tributes were received from the representatives of many countries including France, Japan, and the United States of America. More personal were the feelings expressed in \"Plant the Pilot\" a poem written shortly after his death and the inscription on the silver inkwell presented to him by Captain F Scurr, shortly before his final voyage in 1921 as a small memento of many kindnesses while 'dodging the dragon.' It was all summed up in the words of his good friend of over ten years, the British Consul at Ichang.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "1. This is a formal photograph of young Cornell Plant (original in the Caird library at the National Maritime Museum) taken in Iran when he was about 25 (1892) that has on the reverse side the words: Joseph - Photographer Est. 1875 Gold Medals - Shah of Persia written around a badly eroded symbol, which appears to have the hind legs of a cow, holds a sword with its left arm and wears a crown. The National Maritime Museum arranged for it to be photographed for me and I have scanned the result. It shows a rather scruffy young man taken at about the time of his engagement to be married and when he was engaged in learning the skills of river pilotage.\n\n197", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]