[ { "id": 204367, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n131\n\nPAPP, R., Mme. -\n\nPENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. J. R. -\n\nPOPPLE, P. M. - PRESCOTT, J. A. PRATT, M. S. -\n\nRAE-SMITH, W. B.\n\nRAVENHOLT, A.\n\nRIDE, Dr. L. T. RIDE, Mrs. L. T. ROBERTS, Miss F. A.\n\nROFÉ, F. H. - ROSE, J. ROSS, G. W.\n\n-\n\n-\n\nRUTTONJEE, Mrs. A. RUTTONJEE, The Hon. D. - RYAN, Rev. Fr. T. F.\n\nSANDERSON, Mrs. J.\n\nSAUNDERS, J. A. H.\n\nSCHOYER, B. P. SCOTT, A. C.\n\nSCOTT, Mrs. D. -\n\nSELLERS, D. M.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J. -\n\nSHU, H. T.\n\nJ\n\n+\n\nSHUT Chien-Tung\n\nSIDBURY, H.\n\nSMALL, C. J.\n\nSMITH, L.\n\nSMITH, L. A.\n\n·\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F.\n\nSTANTON, W. T.\n\n+\n\nSTARBIRD, L. R. STEWART, G. O. W.\n\nSTRAHAN, R.\n\n-\n\nH\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G.\n\nSUN, T. S.\n\nSWIRE, A. C.\n\n·\n\n \n Church Guest House, 1, Upper Albert Rd., H.K.\n \n \n S.C.M.P., Wyndham Street, H.K.\n \n \n 22-A Kennedy Road, Flat 3, H.K.\n \n \n 46 Stubbs Road, H.K.\n \n \n U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. Dept. of Architecture, H.K.U.\n \n \n U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\n \n \n Butterfield & Swire, H.K.\n \n \n Litton Apt. 6-B, 1219 L. Guerrero, Ermita, Manila, P.I.\n \n \n The Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K.\n \n \n The Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K.\n \n \n U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\n \n \n 5 Tai Hang Road, H.K.\n \n \n Flat 1C, 3 University Drive, H.K.\n \n \n Flat 1, 94-C Pokfulam Road, H.K.\n \n \n 2 Conduit Road, H.K.\n \n \n 2 Conduit Road, H.K.\n \n \n Wah Yan College, 281 Queen's Road E., H.K.\n \n \n 5-A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n \n \n U.K. Trade Commissioner, P.O. Box 745, Colombo, Ceylon.\n \n \n New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kln.\n \n \n Apt. 6-F, 90 Morningside Drive, New York 27, N.Y., U.S.A.\n \n \n Apt. 6-F, 90 Morningside Drive, New York 27, N.Y., U.S.A.\n \n \n Commerce & Industry Dept., Fire Brigade Building, Connaught Road C., H.K.\n \n \n Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n \n \n P.O. Box 1213, H.K.\n \n \n Maryknoll Convent School, Waterloo Road, Kowloon,\n \n \n Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K.\n \n \n Canadian Govt. Trade Commr., 205 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building.\n \n \n 23-A Robinson Road, H.K.\n \n \n 85 Kadoorie Avenue, Kln.\n \n \n -\n \n \n H.K. Tourist Association, Kln.\n \n \n -\n \n \n -\n \n \n Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n \n \n U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\n \n \n H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n \n \n Dept. of Zoology, H.K.U.\n \n \n Caldbeck, Macgregor & Co., Ltd., 2 Chater Road, H.K.\n \n \n U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\n \n \n Butterfield & Swire, H.K.\n \n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO\n\n19\n\nCochin China, Siam, and who died in Macao while en route to Japan in an attempt to open that country to American trade.\n\nTo the south of Crockett is Ljungstedt, a Swedish merchant, a philanthropist, an educationalist, and a Knight of Wasa, and alongside him are three small humble altar-tombs of the three children of an American girl, Caroline Shillaber of Danvers, Massachusetts, who married an English doctor, Thomas Richardson Colledge in Macao in 1833. After their return to England in 1838/39, Dr. Colledge practised his profession in Cheltenham, Gloucestershire, for about forty years, and both he and his wife are buried in the churchyard of the small village of Shurdington just outside Cheltenham. Their tombstone supplied us with the Christian names of one of their children buried in Macao whose memorial does not give the child's name, for it merely refers to \"the infant son of\" Dr. and Mrs. Colledge. The name was Lancelot Dent, the head of a famous merchant house here in those days.\n\nOne cannot mention Mrs. Colledge without referring also to her school friend Harriet Low. She came out to Macao in 1829 as a companion to her aunt. Her uncle was William Henry Low, head of the American firm of Russell & Co. Together they all three left Macao to return to the States in 1834, but the uncle died in Cape Town while on the journey home. Harriet, fortunately for us, kept a diary from the day she left Massachusetts, and it gives us most valuable information of the community life in Macao in the early thirties, as well as of many of the individual members of the community itself.\n\nAlong the eastern wall near the north-east corner of the Lower Terrace is the grave of another Boston merchant, Captain Nathaniel Kinsman. His wife too was a diarist, but whereas Harriet looked at everything through the sparkling and bewitching eyes of a gaiety-loving girl of twenty-one, Rebecca Kinsman viewed the life amongst the members of this predominantly masculine society from the viewpoint of a married middle-aged Quakeress.\n\nYet a third feminine writer to whom we also owe much was the widow of Dr. Robert Morrison. She wrote a biography of her husband which was published in two volumes, and although it necessarily deals mainly with the Morrison family, it nevertheless gives much information too about their contemporaries in Macao.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204853, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n131\n\nartists. It is disturbing indeed to find that two of these previously published elsewhere as \"attributed\" — are promoted here to \"full\" Chinnery status without a word of explanation!\n\n12\n\nHow does one reconcile the title \"The Hong Merchant, Gou Qua\" with the picture showing a man in the costume of a North China scholar?\n\nAnyone familiar with Chinese ship portraits and Chinese port scenes will question the two handsome Chinese Junk oils.13 The clue is the small British and American vessels in the lower corners of the \"War Junk\" — alluring to a prospective nautical purchaser, typical of many ship portraits, but so different in style and subject from other Chinnery marines.\n\nThe time has come to bury forever that misused, euphonic term \"School of Chinnery\". Take port scenes. Mariners and merchants arrived in Canton centuries before Chinnery. Even my two great grandfathers14 had won their battle with the pirates off Macao nearly a generation before Chinnery's arrival. What is more natural than to take home a port scene oil to show one's family. These men were not art experts and Chinese representations were good enough for them. It is possible today to date port scenes definitely prior to Chinnery, proving that Chinnery had no influence on those Chinese artists. It is also possible to date similar port scenes after Chinnery's death that show no style change from the earlier representations. Why not be honest and call them \"China Trade Port Scenes\",15 which they are, instead of \"School of Chinnery\", which they are not? To all other port scenes such as St. Helena and the Cape of Good Hope16 “School of Chinnery”, verges on fantasy, particularly so when the text denies the existence of any Chinnery pictures made on his voyage to India.17\n\n12 Plate 42 top.\n\n13 Plate 73.\n\n14 William Sturgis and Daniel C. Bacon. See R. B. Forbes — Personal Reminiscences.\n\n15 It has taken many years to substitute the correct \"China Trade Porcelain\" for \"Oriental Lowestoft\".\n\n16 Plate 55 bottom, Plate 56 top.\n\n17 Page 59.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205372, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n127\n\nthe Four Books, and finally the Five Classics. All the boys however do not devote so much time to study; such as afterwards engage in trade or learn a handicraft usually only remain at school from two to four years, during which time they acquire sufficient knowledge of the characters to carry on business, write letters, and make out accounts, &c.\n\nIf a boy intends to devote himself entirely to study, he enters a higher school in which graduates train young men for the examinations. Such schools exist at Namtow, Sai-heong, Kap-shui-hau, San-keaou, and many other places. Kap-shui-hau ✯7k ¤, is famous for these schools, and, as the Chinese say, \"diffuses the fragrance of pen and ink.\" Many youths repair thither to study; many inhabitants of the village itself have succeeded in obtaining a degree; and several flag-staffs in it bear witness to the rank of the person over against whose dwelling they are erected.\n\nThe method of teaching observed in these schools is the following: The student is made thoroughly acquainted with the contents of the Four Books and the Five Classics. The teacher explains each passage, and the pupils are required to repeat the explanations on the following day. As the knowledge of the student increases, he is instructed to write essays on a given theme. To acquire expertness and fluency of style, the student obtains a large number of essays, which he must read and commit to memory. He is also instructed in versification. Writing essays and making verses are the two principal requirements in the examinations at Canton for the degree Sew-tsai. Arithmetic, geography, astronomy, or other sciences, are not taught, and are not considered necessary in education.\n\nThe first examination, by which no degree is obtained, is held in the district city by the \"Che yuen” ✯ ✯ — or district magistrate. About 300 young men attend this examination, and about one-half of these, who have some hope of obtaining a degree, proceed afterwards to Canton, to undergo the examination of the Foo under the superintendence of the Prefect. These examinations take place three times in two years. The number of graduates to be chosen at each examination from the applicants from the district of Sanon, amounts to ten persons, eight of whom must be Pun-ti, and two Hak-ka. There are in the district about 150 Seu-tsai† †, and the village of San-keaou boasts of having produced the largest number of them. There is a difference of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205482, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n19\n\nancestral hall association of the village, and since both temple and hall were run by the same people the two organizations were perhaps unlikely to compete for power. If however, a mono-lineage village had both an ancestral hall and a temple organization promoted and operated by different people, their competition in property accumulation and devices for controlling the community could mean much disharmony for the village.\n\nOne suspects that, generally speaking, ancestral hall and temple organizations must have been alternative forms for controlling village affairs, the one being based on mono-lineage villages and the other on multi-lineage villages. Although the literature does not always tell us the relationship of temple organization to the composition of villages in kinship terms, it is clear that the two forms of organization often performed identical functions. A temple organization in one area has been compared, in fact, to an ancestral hall association by Hsiao: it had extensive property and maintained a school.18 Births and deaths might be reported to the temple as they were to the ancestral hall and temples for popular gods sometimes drew up regulations for village control, including such economic arrangements as weights and measures and marketing days.\n\nThose promoting popular temples usually did so by forming an association, or using an existing association in a village or part of a village. It has been noted that some temple associations (she) had headmen \"from whom all villagers took orders\".19 It is said also that sometimes families with common ditches or paths, that is neighbouring groups, joined together to make up a she. One might find, perhaps, the she division by neighbourhood taking place in the larger villages, or perhaps in those sections of a village occupied by different kin-groups without an ancestral hall association. Arthur Smith notes that it was commonly said the local god at one end of a village had nothing to do with the affairs at the other.20 Larger villages, then, might have been divided into several communities organized round different temples.\n\nSometimes a she appears, however, to have crossed village boundaries with many villages supporting the \"incense and fire\" (term for temple contributions) of a temple: this would then foster inter-village solidarities. Fairs and festivals in temples situated in areas with many villages provided opportunities for inter-village trade and further associations.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205637, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "174\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\na factory or in petty trade, or some form of out-work, for example making plastic flowers, extremely popular since about 1960. It also affects the future of young members of the boat community since children, once living on the land, can attend school regularly.\n\nLand people have long regarded the boat people as near barbarians and have myths about their \"un-Chinese\" activities, but Miss Ward argues movement ashore will change their status generally, and in the long run the cumulative effects of all the developments connected with economic change will be to integrate the fishing folk completely into the rest of the Chinese population. Miss Ward's main work has been with the Cantonese speaking fishing folk. One might wonder, however, whether the rate of integration will be the same for the \"Hoklo,\" speaking a different dialect. Land-dwelling speakers of this dialect have still a long way to go to full integration in Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong, 1968.\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nTHE AWAKENING OF CHINA 1793 - 1949: Roger Pelissier (edited and translated by Martin Kieffer) London, Secker and Warburg, 1967, pp 532. 63/-\n\nThis book, part of a series entitled \"History in the Making\", is really a collection of short extracts, few of them more than several pages culled from numerous Western works. English, American and, usefully, (the compiler being of that nationality) French sources form the bulk of the publications from which the selection is made. The extracts are linked by a connecting narrative to form a continuous sequence of historical experience extending from the Macartney Embassy in 1793-94 to the débâcle of 1948 - 49 when the Chinese Communists took over control of all China.\n\nWhilst the narrative is, in places, open to question, this publication deserves to be widely known and read. This is partly because the books from which the extracts are taken are, in most cases, long out of print and sometimes difficult to obtain; but mainly because it provides a superb sweep of modern Chinese history, carefully assembled. The richness of the material is remarkable and the authors are compelling partly, one suspects, because of the vital nature of what lay before their eyes. The writers are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "176\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nTHE SENIOR JOHN SAMUEL SWIRE 1825 - 98: MANAGEMENT IN FAR EASTERN SHIPPING TRADES, Sheila Marriner & F. E. Hyde; (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 1967) pp. xiv, 206, appendices, illus. 42/-\n\nThis book is the latest product of the Liverpool School of Business History which, under Professor Hyde's direction, has published a number of converging and complementary studies of the Liverpool merchant and ship-owner. Although it is claimed for these studies that \"they are collectively an expression of ideas and techniques in the progression towards more sophisticated types of analysis in the handling (sic) of business records\", a common feature of all of them is the endorsement of Charles Wilson's credo: in the history of business, biography is a powerful element.\n\nWe come to this book, then, with the previous knowledge from these other Liverpool Studies that 'The Senior' was a tenacious, aggressive character, described by a business rival as \"a person who lived by and for business alone\"; with, as well, a considerable understanding of the part played by Messrs. Butterfield and Swire in the Far Eastern shipping trades and, in particular, of J. S. Swire's role as architect and protagonist of the Eastern Shipping Conferences. The commercial history of Butterfield and Swire, and to a lesser extent of Holt's Blue Funnel Line,* has already been examined from several angles which means that the reviewer of this present study has had to read three books instead of one! (The third one is K. C. Liu's study of the Anglo-American Steamship Rivalry in China (Harvard, 1962) and which drew, if indirectly, on the Butterfield and Swire records.) This effectively strikes the note of competition arising from the establishment and operation of the China Navigation Company.\n\nWhat we have new in this latest piece of research, principally, is the story of the 'Great and Ancient' (Taikoo) Sugar Refinery and, later, of the Taikoo Dockyard in Hong Kong. This project stemmed, as the authors make quite clear, as much from the conflict between Swire's and Jardine's - Swire swore to oppose the Princely House at all points—as from a calculation that it might further the shipping interests of the firm. Indeed, one of the most valuable sections for the historian of the China Coast trade is the\n\n* Blue Funnel: A History of Alfred Holt and Co. of Liverpool from 1865 to 1914, F. E. Hyde and J. R. Harris, Liverpool University Press, 1957.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205647, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "184\n\nEITEL, Ernest J.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nFeng-shui: or, The rudiments of natural science in China. London, Trübner, 1873. bound with\n\nEITEL, Ernest J.\n\nThree lectures on Buddhism. Hong Kong, China Mail, 1871.\n\nELLIOTT, Alan J. A.\n\nChinese spirit-medium cults in Singapore. London, London School of Economics, Dept. of Anthropology, 1955. (Monographs on social anthropology, n.s., no.14)\n\nELLIOTT-BATEMAN, Michael.\n\nDefeat in the East: the mark of Mao Tse-tung on war. London, Oxford U.P., 1967.\n\nEMBREE, John F.\n\nA Japanese village: Suye Mura. London, Kegan Paul, 1946.\n\nENDACOTT, G. B.\n\nA biographical sketch-book of early Hong Kong. Singapore, Eastern Univs. P., 1962.\n\nENDACOTT, G. B.\n\nA history of Hong Kong. London, Oxford U.P., 1958.\n\nFables de la Chine antique. Pekin, Éditions en Langues Étrangères, 1958.\n\nFAIRBANK, John King.\n\nTrade and diplomacy on the China coast; the opening of the treaty ports, 1842-1854. Cambridge [Mass.] Harvard U. P., 1964. (Harvard historical studies, v. 62 - 63).\n\nFEDDERSEN, Martin.\n\nChinese decorative art: a handbook for collectors and connoisseurs. Tr. by Arthur Lane. London, Faber, 1961.\n\nFINN, Daniel J.\n\nArchaeological finds on Lamma Island (##), near Hong Kong. Ed. by T. F. Ryan. Hong Kong, Ricci Hall, University of Hong Kong, 1958.\n\nRepublication of articles originally appearing in the Hong Kong Naturalist, 1933-1936.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205729, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\nJI13 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 205.\n\n29\n\n12 Now known as the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital. Its subsequent history is described in a brochure privately published by the Hospital in 1957, enlarged and re-issued for the eightieth anniversary in 1967.\n\n13 區德,又名區仰德,列字澤民,\n\n14 The Government took over the project in 1927 and turned it into the Kai Tak airfield which came into being in 1928.\n\n15 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 200.\n\n16 Ho Kai's sister was married to Wu Ting-fang, i.e. Ng Choy.\n\n17 韋寶珊\n\n18 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, pp. 120-124.\n\n19 Chinese members of the Legislative Council were ex-officio members; the other members were elected by the Chinese Justices of the Peace,\n\n20 Li Shu-fan, Hong Kong Surgeon, p. 39. Wei Yuk is, however, wrongly described as a member also of the Executive Council.\n\n21 The Hong Kong Government later built the Kowloon Canton Railway which was started in 1906 and completed in 1910. It may be of interest here to mention that the Beacon Hill Tunnel was designed and constructed by Mr. F. Southey, a former student of Diocesan Boys School who won a Hong Kong Government Scholarship in 1890 to study in England.\n\n22 Named after the first and outstanding headmaster of the Central School, Dr. Frederick Stewart who later became Colonial Secretary in the years 1887 and 1888, under the Governor Sir George William Des Voeux.\n\n23 G. Stokes, Queen's College, 1862-1962, Hong Kong, p. 221.\n\n24 Among his grandchildren whom I know personally are the following distinguished officers in the Hong Kong Government Service: Dr. Ho Hung-chiu, O.B.E., Senior Specialist in Radiology, Mr. Eric Ho, Staff-grade Administrative Officer, Miss Daphne Ho, M.B.E., Principal Social Welfare Officer and Miss Helen He, O.B.E., Senior Medical Social Worker, Mr. Stanley Ho, a prominent businessman in Hong Kong and Macao, is also his grandson,\n\n25 The ages of the boys ranged from 10 to 16. It is said that because of their pig-tails, they were often mistaken to be girls and had often times to fight very hard to repel the advances made to them by the American boys!\n\n26 On p. 294 of Endacott's A History of Hong Kong, it is stated that \"a Chinese member was added to the Executive Council in 1921\". This is presumably a typographic error,\n\n27 Sir Robert Kotewall left eight daughters and one son. His son, Cyril, is now practising as a solicitor in Hong Kong and one daughter, Bobbie, is the principal of the well-known St. Paul's Co-educational College.\n\n28 Sir Alexander Grantham, Via Ports, p. 110.\n\n29 Li Shu-fan, Hong Kong Surgeon, London, Victor Gollancz, 1964.\n\n30 At one time, a director of the Bank of East Asia. Educated at Queen's College, Mr. Chan was a generous benefactor of education. In 1917 he donated HK$50,000 to the University of Hong Kong for the erection and equipment of the School of Pathology. He also endowed prizes in all the faculties of the University.\n\n31 Father of Sir Tsun-nin Chau,\n\n32 Father of Mr. Li Fook-wo, O.B.E., Deputy Chief Manager of The Bank of East Asia, and Mr. F. K. Li, Staff-grade Administrative Officer in the Hong Kong Government.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206157, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "230\n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M.\n\nSHANNON, Capt. J. M.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHING, David -\n\nSHOEMAKER, J. F.\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\n+\n\nSIEGEL, H. W. -\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C. -\n\nSKELSON, Mrs. R. E.\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, L.*\n\nSMYTH, Miss L.\n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam\n\nSPANKIE, D. R. A.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSPOONER, M. G.\n\n+\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F. -\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTEVENS, Major K. G.*\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONE, G. S.\n\nL\n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada.\n\nA3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Glyn Mills & Co., Kirkland House, Whitehall, London, S.W.1, England.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o Economic Survey Section, British Trade Commission, Room 704 Shell House, H.K.\n\nAllied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K.\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nG. Sy Hq. FARELF, Singapore.\n\nP\n\nFlat 4, 180 Argyle Street, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\nTHE GOVERNMENT SERVANTS GROUP\n\n101\n\nA life-long career by a Chinese in Government service usually would not have provided opportunity for the accumulation of sufficient capital to enable one to enter the élite group. The highest paid positions were the interpreterships, but a Chinese who had sufficient competency in English to be appointed to this position could earn more in the employment of the foreign firms. However, many of the young men who received an English language education, at first in the Mission schools or the Morrison Education Society School and after 1860 at the Government Central School (now Queens College), upon leaving school became interpreters and clerks in Government for several years. But normally they did not make a life career of Government service.\n\nThere were, however, two individuals who appear on our lists who had been employed by the British Government even before its removal to Hong Kong and who continued as Government employees until their retirement. These were Tso Aon and Cheong Assow.\n\nWhen the British established their Government offices in Hong Kong the man who became responsible for all the Chinese staff in Government offices, as well as serving as compradore to the Treasury, was Tso Aon alias Cho Yune Choong alias Cho Wing Chow. His family had lived in Macao for several generations, and in 1834 he entered the service of the British in the office of the Superintendent of Trade. By the time of his removal to Hong Kong he had accumulated enough capital to invest in real estate. When he retired from Government service in 1857 without pension, he lived off the income from real estate, pawn shops and other business ventures. He died in 1874 at Macao, survived by several sons. One of his grandsons was the Rev. Tso See Kai (**) 曹思楷) Vicar of St. Paul's (born 1895, died 1928). Tso Aon's brother, Chow Yik Chong (5) alias Chow Yin Yin alias Chow Yau () alias Chow Kam Ming (alias Chow Wai Chun (R), was a large land owner and capitalist in Macao. He was knighted by the Portuguese Government, made a member of the Macao Legislative Council, and was a leader of the Chinese community in Macao. He died in 1896. His son Tso Seen Wan came", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206327, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "138 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nwith a passion for tidiness disliked them intensely. In this case, I suspect, the Registrar General bowed to the will of the Committee. \n\n26 There was a marked tendency for the committees of such associations to grow very large in size-so many affluent Chinese wanted their names recorded as committeemen, and to donate money, without of course doing any committee work. Professor Freedman supplies an explanation for this phenomenon in Singapore: 'Since office-holding occupies a strategic position in the formation of social status, it is not surprising that the structure of associations seems adapted to this function. This adaptation is clear in two features: the elaboration of offices, such that many positions are made available, and the institutional arrangements for filling the offices with the well-to-do', Maurice Freedman, Chinese Marriage and Family in Singapore, London, H.M.S.O., 1957, p. 95. \n\n27 In 1903 the proposed scheme of detectives under the control of the Committee was not approved; but permission was given at a later date, apparently during the First World War and probably because of the shortage of European policemen. \n\n28 In 1938 there were 5 Head District Watchmen, 6 Assistant Head District Watchmen, 26 detectives and 103 uniformed men. The position was approximately the same in 1941. \n\n29 In 1902 the rate paid by Chinese shops was increased slightly and in 1924 it was increased by another 1/4 per cent. \n\n30 Butters writes that the figures which appear annually regarding the cost of living in the report of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs are based on information obtained from the District Watch Force. At my request figures were furnished from the same source showing the cost of living of an ordinary labourer': H. R. Butters, Report on Labour and Labour Conditions in Hong Kong, Sessional Papers, No. 3 of 1939, p. 137. Applications from guilds and trade unions to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs for permission to hold 'sing songs' were granted conditionally on a district watchman attending the meeting to see that nothing unlawful transpired. See Butters, p. 126. The watchmen were always regarded as a source of information about the Chinese population. When the commission on chair and jinricksha coolies attempted to discover whether there was a secret union of public transport workers, the first people they contacted for information about the matter were district watchmen. See Report of the Commission on Chair and Jinricksha Coolies, Sessional Papers, No. 47 of 1901, p. 56. \n\n31 The Registrar General in his report for 1868 made this quite clear: 'the chief object of the Chinese paying these watchmen is to drive away thieves, the cardinal evil of a shop-keeping population, And it is thought that the watchmen succeed, not only in arresting actual offenders, but also in keeping away those who live by pilfering'. \n\n32 These constables were recruited mostly from Weihaiwei, a territory leased to Britain on 1 July, 1898. \n\n33 These facts are taken from the reports of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs for the respective years. \n\n34 See above: note 33. \n\n35 The Lok Sin Tong was an association established by officials and village gentry in Kowloon about 1879 to perform charitable works in the surrounding district. See James Hayes, 'Old ways of Life in Kowloon: The Cheung Sha Wan Villages', Journal of Oriental Studies, vol. viii, 1970, p. 167. The Chung Sing Charitable Society, originally known as the Chung Sing Opera Society, was founded around 1917 by a leading merchant, Tsang Foo. This charity also maintained a free school.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206445, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "236\n\nLOBO, Mrs. R. H. -\n\nLOCKING, J. R.\n\nLOFTS, Prof. B. -\n\nLOSEBY, Miss P.\n\nLOTHROP, F. B.*\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. S.\n\nLUK, George Ping-Chuen*\n\nLUM Miss Ada*\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nLUTZ, Hans F.\n\n-\n\nLYNCH, Rev. P. Francis\n\nMA, Prof. Meng -\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\nMACKEITH, J. S. -\n\nMACKENZIE, J.\n\nMACLEAN, Roderick\n\nMAGEE, M. W. P.\n\nMAHLKE, W. J.\n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B. -\n\nRace View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Trade Development Council, Ocean Terminal, Deck 2, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, HK.\n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nB-38, Po Shan Mansions, 10 Po Shan Road, H.K.\n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon,\n\nc/o 54 Ravenscourt Gardens, London, W6, England.\n\nTai Yuen Lau, Flat A, 3rd Floor, Tai Pak Street, Tsuen Wan, N.T.\n\nMaryknoll Center House, 120 San Min Road, 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan.\n\nc/o Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nNo. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England.\n\n7 Bodga Wood Walk, York Y01 5 HN., England.\n\nc/o Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nc/o The Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon.\n\n19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K.\n\nc/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nMAO, Dr. Wen-chee, Philip - 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J...\n\nMcBAIN, E. B.\n\nMcBAIN, G.\n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau,\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206508, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "50\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nYour servants have studied what he said in his memorial and find that this really has been the situation. In future the superintendent of trade at Tientsin, the imperial commissioner at Shanghai and the provincial authorities should all be instructed regularly to send copies to each other of their memorials and the imperial edicts which they receive on these matters, quite apart from the reports which they submit to the Tsungli Yamen. When an official is relieved of his post he must specially hand over the files to his successor, so that the new appointee can examine them and the situation will not be entirely obscure to him. However, it is right that such affairs be secret. We should continue to instruct the provinces to depute trustworthy men to copy and know these documents but not allow them to pass through the hands of clerks in order to take special precautions to prevent a leakage of information.\n\n5. Your servants request that instructions be sent to Canton and Shanghai each to send two persons who understand written and spoken foreign languages to come to the capital on official service to be ready for consulting. It should be noted that in matters arising out of relations with foreign countries one must first know their natures. At present as we do not understand their spoken and written languages so there is a complete lack of understanding. How can we expect things to be managed properly? Previously as regards the Russian language a school was established for the study of the language; this was of significance. Now, after a long time, it is regarded as a mere formality and no one can understand Russian. It seems that we ought to offer some encouragement in order to stimulate them. We have heard that there are merchants in Canton and Shanghai who have specialized in learning the English, French and American languages. We request that instructions be sent to the governors-general and the governors of those provinces to select two honest and reliable men to be sent from each province, a total of four, to come to the capital bringing with them books of those countries. Let four or five boys of good natural ability under thirteen or fourteen years old be selected from each of the Eight Banners in order to study under them. The men sent [from Canton and Shanghai] should be given an adequate salary following the precedent of the Russian bureau. After two years the hard working should be distinguished from the idle ones.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206509, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "# THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TSUNGLI YAMEN\n\n51\n\nand the proficient ones should receive official rank. When the Banner students are thoroughly able to understand the written and spoken languages the practice should cease. We request that instructions be issued to the Russian school to draw up appropriate regulations for the study of the spoken and written Russian language and zealously to supervise their lessons. Whenever anyone studying a foreign language succeeds in mastering it we will memorialize requesting that he be given ample reward so that there will be no slackening with the passage of time.\n\n6.\n\nWe request that instructions be issued that monthly reports be sent to the Tsungli Yamen concerning native and foreign trade as well as foreign newspapers so that we may have information on which to act. We note that the main concern of the newly concluded treaties with foreign countries is with trade; therefore whether trade conditions are peaceful or not is of vital importance to each locality. In the future, lest any information on whether or not Chinese and foreign trade is flowing smoothly in the old and new ports should escape the notice of the imperial commissioner, instructions should be sent to the Manchu garrison commanders, the prefect of Peking, governors-general and governors that they should memorialize monthly according to the facts, and at the same time notify the imperial commissioner and the superintendent of trade. This should not be regarded as a mere formality and the information should not in the slightest border on the fictitious. In handling foreign affairs it is all the more necessary to have full knowledge of the true situation, and only then can one succeed in vital matters.\n\nIn recent years, at times of crisis, spies (ch'en-t'an) have been used, but what was obtained was often nothing more than rumours and we failed to get detailed and accurate information. In managing matters in this manner it was impossible to act effectively. Although foreign countries' newspapers are not necessarily entirely trustworthy nevertheless by sifting the information one can obtain a general idea of what is happening. These have been published under various names in Canton, Foochow, Ningpo and Shanghai. It is expected that they will also publish newspapers in the newly opened ports. We wish to request that instructions be sent to the imperial commissioner and the superintendent of trade and also to the Manchu garrison commanders, the prefect of Peking, governors-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "52 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\ngeneral and governors to send monthly to the Tsungli Yamen foreign newspapers, both those printed in Chinese and in foreign languages, so that we can have at our finger-tips knowledge of the situation between China and foreign countries, and so that we can become more fully acquainted with the way to reform abuses and put right our failings. \n\nA memorial from Prince Hui and others in reply was received at the travelling headquarters on 20 January 1861, and an edict was issued on the same day. As no English version of this edict appears to have been made, a translation of it follows.17 \n\nToday we have received a memorial from Prince Hui and others to the effect that they have deliberated on the memorial of I-hsin Prince Kung, and others on restoring normal conditions and on regulations for trade. According to what they said all the items recommended by Prince Kung and others have a close bearing on the circumstances and that this really is the situation. They request that we should act according to the original proposals. \n\nWe have already issued an edict appointing Prince Kung, Grand Secretary Kuei-liang, and Senior Vice-President of the Board of Revenue Wen-hsiang to be in general charge of trade with the various countries. We have also appointed Ch'ung-hou to be superintendent of trade for the three ports [Tientsin; Newchang; Chefoo]. Let Hsueh Huan continue to control trading arrangements at the five old ports as well as at the newly added ones. In their memorandum Prince Kung and others recommend that Canton and Shanghai should each send two men who understand spoken and written foreign languages to come to the capital on official service. Also that the superintendents of trade as well as the Manchu garrison commanders, the governors-general and governors, and the prefect of Peking ought to report monthly on native and foreign trade conditions at those ports and send the foreign newspapers of the various countries and should communicate [this information and newspapers] to the Board of Rites which will transmit it to the Tsungli Yamen. Let the princes and ministers instruct the Board of Rites to this effect and let the Board communicate these instructions. We also authorize young men to be selected from the Eight Banners to study foreign spoken and written languages; instruct the Russian language school's to draw up appropriate regulations and zealously supervise their lessons. Whenever anyone is able to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "54\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nCouncillors at Jehol at this time: Mu-yin; K'uang-yüan; Tu Han; Chiao Yu-ying. Information on all these officials can be found in Hummel, Eminent Chinese, especially in the biography of Su-shun. Their power relationships are discussed in Banno, China and the West, passim, but especially 55-56. The term \"minister of the imperial presence\" (yü-ch'ien ta-ch'en) is rendered by Brunnert and Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization, p. 28, no. 101, as adjutant-general.\n\nII Tengchow is on the northern side of the Shantung promontory. In fact it was not opened to foreign trade which was carried on at Yen-tai near Chefoo. S. Wells Williams, The Chinese Commercial Guide, 211-212. Ch'aochow was the old name for Swatow; Ch'iungchow is in Hainan. Taiwan City and Tamsui were ports on the island of Taiwan which came under the administration of Fukien province.\n\n12 Ch'ung-hou was appointed to this post by an edict of 20 January with the designation superintendent of trade for the Three Ports, with his headquarters at Tientsin. Hsueh Huan, governor of Kiangsu and acting imperial commissioner at Shanghai, was made responsible for the newly opened ports along the Yangtze and the coast to the south of it, by the same edict. As far back as 1844 the imperial commissioner at Canton was currently designated imperial commissioner for the Five Ports. With the addition of new ports it was made a concurrent post of the governor of Kiangsu in 1861, until 1868 when it was made a concurrent post of the governor-general of Liang Kiang residing at Nanking. In 1870 the post of superintendent of trade for the Three Ports was raised to an imperial commissionership and held concurrently by the governor-general of Chihli. It is not clear when the commonly used designations for these two posts viz: superintendent of trade for the southern ports and superintendent of trade for the northern ports were first used. Meng, The Tsungli Yamen, 40-41; Banno, China and the West, 233-5.\n\n13 Article 3 of the Convention of Peking between Britain and China refers. See W. F. Mayers, Treaties Between the Empire of China and Foreign Powers, 8. The phrase to avoid complications arising is a euphemism for 'to avoid peculation'.\n\n14 Tentatively we have translated the Chinese phrase hui-tan as counter-foil. Note 19 also refers.\n\n15 The term is fuyin. See Brunnert and Hagelstrom, Present Day Political Organization of China, 793.\n\n16 See Frank H. H. King, A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911.\n\n17 Translated in collaboration with Mr. Vei-Tsen Yang. Chinese text in Ch'ow-pan wu shih-mo, Hsien-feng, 72: 2-3. A second edict was issued on the same day, and on the same subject, to the Grand Secretariat. This edict was translated by T. F. Wade along with the six-point memorandum. Note 2 above refers.\n\n18 Not to be confused with the Russian Hostel nor with the language school for the Russians in Peking, both of which were often referred to in Chinese documents as O-lo ssu-kuan, thus making confusion likely with the Russian language school referred to here. See Meng, The Tsungli Yamen, 111, note 48.\n\n19 Lit. 'draw up a joint document'. Glossed by T. F. Wade as a paper signed by both parties showing that the amount deducted is in due proportion to the collection'. Translation of Peking Gazette in F.O. 17/352 p. 42.\n\n20 Presumably referring to Robert Hart, the Inspector General of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, and the westerners serving under him. On the general subject of foreigners taking part in the administration of China after the middle of the nineteenth century see Fairbank, The Chinese World Order, 273-5; also Fairbank \"Synarchy under the Treaties\" in Fairbank (ed.) Chinese Thought and Institutions, 204-231.\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207108, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n173\n\ninhabitants of the New Territories fled. It was said that for three years the country presented the appearance of a battle-field, “The ground was covered with bones, in the day time nothing could be heard but the hum of flies, and at night the voice of weeping.\" Kam T'in might have shared the same fate as the other villages but for Tang Man Wai. Lei, remembering his former kindness, forbade his soldiers to go near the place, and seeking out Tang he taught him how to build strong walls to protect his village from other marauders. This story is still told by old people in the New Territories now, and, if true, what was stated in H.K.N. Vol. VII, page 255.... “during the civil wars of the Hong Hei years A.D. 1662-1721 of Ts'ing dynasty these three villages were walled\n\nis not correct.* Lei Maan Wing occupied the New Territories from A.D. 1647 until he surrendered to the Manchus in A.D. 1656 which means that the walls of Taai Hong Wai, at least, were built some time during that period. Tang Man Wai is also remembered for having built the old Yuen Long Market ⇓, in the 8th year of Hong Hei A.D. 1669. The date is inscribed on a tablet in the wall inside Taai Wong temple in the market. Tang also made three fish ponds to the west of the market place which can still be seen by the side of the main road.\n\n+ +\n\nTang Fong was a notable scholar who passed his Kui Yan degree in the 27th year of Kin Lung of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1762. He studied a great number of books especially the canons of Confucius and Books of Histories, and was considered very skilful in writing both poetry and prose. While he was still a Lam Shang he was employed as a professor of arts in Man Kong Shue Yuen * a high grade school in San On district situated in Naam T'au Shing the capital city. Students were prepared there for the Sau-tsoi examination, and it was said that while Tang Fong was there “learning was at its highest pitch.\"\n\n♬\n\nTang Ying Yuen was a military officer and passed his Mo Kui Yan A degree in the 54th year of Kin Lung A.D. 1789 of Ts'ing dynasty. Although of a martial disposition, Tang was fond of books and his penmanship was highly thought of. Some of the characters that he wrote to be carved on stone tablets can still be seen in Ling Wan nunnery on Kwun Yam Shaan 音山 and in So Lau Yuen 泝流園 and Tsoi Shui Yat Fong 在水✈both school buildings in Kam T'in. He was a simple man and\n\n* See p. 168.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "174 \n\nSUNG HOK-PANG \n\nused to help his grandfather in the fields, working like the farm labourers and he was much beloved in Kam Tin. In the 15th year of Ka Hing A.D. 1810 the coast of San On was repeatedly attacked by a large fleet of pirate ships, and the district magistrate asked for sanction from the throne to move the fortress then existing at Fat T'ong Moon near Lyemun to Kau Lung (Kowloon) city. This was granted, but money to do the work was scarce. The magistrate went to Tang in his difficulty: Tang said, \"The hill round Kau Lung are full of large stones. Why not explain to the local masons that they should work on such an important matter for their country, for low wages.\" The magistrate, knowing that Tang had a great gift of persuasion with the country people, begged him to undertake the task. Tang was successful, the stone masons agreed to do what he suggested and when the fort was finished Tang wrote four big characters Chan Hoi Kam Tong. Chan to guard, Hoi the sea, Kam the city was built by strong metal, T'ong hot water; i.e. the water in the city moat is like boiling water that no enemy would dare to cross. These characters were carved on a large stone tablet which was built in the wall of the fort; unfortunately it is no longer to be seen. The public dispensary outside the Kowloon city wall now occupies the original site.\n\nAnother useful public work that Tang Yin Yuen was responsible for, was the rebuilding of Man Kong Shue Yuen, the high grade school for San On district. This building was originally inside the West gate of the capital city of San On, and owing to the low-lying ground it was most unhealthy for the teachers and students. A desirable site was inside the South gate but objections were raised by a native of the town who declared the land to be his own property. Tang went to law on his own responsibility, and when the district magistrate declared himself unable to give judgment he took the case to a higher court. He won and the new building was completed in the 11th year of Ka Hing A.D. 1806. A new name was given to the school, Fung Kong Shue Yuen, and Tang carved yat ch'an pat yim, \"not soiled by a particle of dust” over the top of the main door. Before he died Tang wrote in his will that he hoped one day one of his descendants would teach in the school and help to train good citizens. This wish was granted in 1904 when his great grandson Tang Wai Man went to teach in the school where he stayed seven years.\n\nTang Ying Yuen helped to compile the \"History of San On,\" and his house is still to be \n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207195, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 266, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "260\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nO'HARA, Randolph\n\nO'H WARD, Dr. & Mrs. F. A.\n\nOTTWAY, Mrs. Joy\n\nOXLEY, C. W. B.\n\nPARKIN, Mrs. Elise\n\nPARRINGTON, Miss June\n\nPAUL, Mr. & Mrs. Anthony M.\n\nPAYNTER, J. L.\n\nPERESYPKIN, Oleg P.\n\nPICKFORD, J. B.\n\nPORDES, F.\n\nPOW, Hugh J.\n\nPRESCOTT, Jon. A.\n\nPRYOR, Dr. E. G.\n\nc/o The City Hall Library, Edinburgh Place, H.K.\n\nFlat 58, 140, Pokfulam Road, H.K.\n\n216, Windsor House, H.K.\n\nDistrict Office, Sai Kung, Sai Po Kong Government Offices, 692, Prince Edward Road, Kowloon.\n\n12, Peak Mansions, H.K.\n\nArts Faculty Office, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n9, Jade House, 47C, Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\nCanadian Trade Commission, P.O. Box 126, H.K.\n\nP.O. Box 1382, H.K.\n\nE/M Dept., Public Works Department, Caroline Hill, H.K.\n\n209, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nSchool of Physiotherapy, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\n67B, Perkins Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K.\n\nColony Planning Division, Crown Lands & Survey Office, Murray Building, H.K.\n\nHistory Department, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nQUESTED, Mrs. R. K. I.\n\nREYNOLDS, W. A.\n\n19, Middleton Towers, 140, Pokfulam Rd., H.K.\n\nRICKETT, Mr. & Mrs. E. A.\n\n35A Shouson Hill Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K.\n\nRIFKIN, Miss S. B.\n\nRITCHIE, D. J.\n\nROBERTSON, Mrs. A. G.\n\nROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G.\n\nROGERS, R.\n\nROPER, C. W.\n\nROSE, Miss Patricia\n\nRUDANT, Jacques\n\nSALMON, Mrs. P. A.\n\nAmerican Consulate General, 26, Garden Road. H.K.\n\nFlat A-4, 45, Repulse Bay Road, H.K.\n\n5A, Hatton House, 15, Kotewall Road, H.K.\n\nPark Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, Taipo.\n\n1st floor, Kowloon.\n\nThe Chartered Bank, 10, Granville Road, Kowloon.\n\nPolice Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nc/o Diocesan Girls' School, 1, Jordan Rd., Kowloon,\n\nFrench Trade Commission, 1505-7 Hang Seng Bank Bldg., 77 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K.\n\n40, Plantation Road, The Peak, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207200, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 271, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY OVERSEAS MEMBERS:\n\nJOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. Paul K. +\n\nJOHNSTON, James J.\n\nJUNKER, Mrs. Sibylle\n\nKRAMERS, Dr. R. P. -\n\nKIDD, S. T.\n\nLEAKE, Mrs. Sima B.\n\nLECKIE, J. B. H. - + -\n\nLYNCH, Rev. P. Francis, M.M.\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\nMcCOY, J. -\n\nORR, Iain C.\n\nPENNELL, W. V. -\n\nRAINBIRD, S. W. O.B.E.\n\nRASSIM, Mrs. E.\n\nSCOTT, J. M. P +\n\nSMITH, Dr. Ralph B. -\n\nSMITHIES, Michael\n\nSOO, Dr. Hoy Mun\n\nSTOKES, John -\n\n265\n\nc/o Nan Shan Life Ins. Co. Ltd., 15, Nan King E. Road, Section 2, Taipei, Taiwan.\n\nP.O. Box 65, Marshall, Arkansas 72650, U.S.A.\n\nc/o Federal Foreign Office, Referat 412, Bonn (Germany-West), Adenauerallee 101.\n\nc/o Ostasiatisches Seminar, Der Universetat Zurich, Muhlegasse 21, 8001 Zurich, Switzerland.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Govt. Office, 54, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1, England.\n\nc/o American Consulate, Calcutta, India.\n\nc/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30, Rue Joseph 2nd, Brussels 4, Belgium.\n\nMaryknoll Centre House, 120 San Min Rd., 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan.\n\n34, Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1, England.\n\nDept. of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 14850, U.S.A.\n\nPearce Institute, Govan Cross, Glasgow, S.W.1, U.K.\n\nCan Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Govt. Office, 54, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1, England.\n\n101, Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England.\n\nc/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., 9, Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3, England.\n\nSchool of Oriental & African Studies, Malet Street, London, W.C.1, England.\n\nEng. Language Training Unit, University of Jadjahmada, Jogjakarta, Indonesia.\n\n249, Jalan Pekeliling, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.\n\nc/o Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., Bandar Seri Begawan, State of Brunei.\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. Jaishan, Apartada 56, Marbella, Provincia de Malaga, Spain.\n\nSTURM, Dr. F. G. + c/o Dept. of Philosophy, The University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico 87131, U.S.A.\n\nUHALLEY, Dr. Stephen, Jr. 7103, Kukii Street, Honolulu, Hawaii 96821, U.S.A.\n\nWATSON, Dr. James L. - + c/o School of Oriental & African Studies, Malet Street, London, W.C.1, E7 HP, England.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207374, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "134\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n15 Cited in Mary Ferenczy, \"Chinese Historiographers' Views on Barbarian-Chinese Relations (14-16th C.), Acta Orientalia, 21.3 (1968), 356-357.\n\n16 See Su Ch'ing-pin, 1-2, 596-597. As might be expected, the vocabulary of submission was highly refined, and often connected with the idea of return (kuei): Some common terms included: \"[to come to] adhere to China' (nei-fu); “return and submit” (kuei-fu or kuei-chiang); “return to loyalty\" (kuei-chung); “turn toward [Chinese] civilization” (hsiang-hua), etc. Related terms referring to specific values included \"return to sincerity\" (kuei-ch'eng), \"return to right behavior\" (kuei-i) and “return to virtue\" (kuei-te). For the use of these various expressions in the context of employing foreigners in military affairs, consult Li Te-yü, chüan 2, 8, 10-11; chüan 5, 31, 34; chüan 7, 56-57; chüan 8, 59, 60-61; chüan 13, 101-103, 104, 108-109; chüan 14, 117; chüan 19, 159-160. See also Michael Loewe, \"Chinese Relations with Central Asian, 260-90,\" in the Bulletin of the London School of Oriental and African Studies, 32 (1969), 100.\n\n17 For a discussion of the circumstances under which a foreigner might gravitate to China, see Su Ch'ing-pin, 1-3 and especially 596-597; also Ch'u Tung-tsu, Han Social Structure (Seattle and London, 1972), 138-139; L. S. Yang, \"Hostages in Chinese History,\" Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 15 (1952), 512; Wang Yi-t'ung, \"Slaves and Other Comparable Social Groups during the Northern Dynasties (386-618),\" HJAS, 16 (1953), 295; Yu Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967); Colin Mackerras, trans., The Uighur Empire (Columbia, S.C., 1972) and the numerous works by Henry Serruys in HJAS 17 (1954) and 22 (December, 1957), Oriens Extremus 6 (1959) and 8 (1961), Monumenta Serica 25 (1966), etc.\n\n18 See the informative discussion of Chinese stereotypes regarding barbarians in Earl Swisher, China's Management of the American Barbarians (New Haven, 1951), 43-53.\n\n19 Cited in Yang, \"Historical Notes,\" 28.\n\n20 Ibid., 28-29.\n\n21 Ibid., 31.\n\n22 Ch'ien and Goodrich, 8. \"Before the Yuan, people of the Western Regions who served as officials in China were mostly military men; very few distinguished themselves in cultural affairs.\"\n\n23 See Henry Serruys, \"Mongols Ennobled during the Early Ming,” HJAS, 22 (December, 1957). For the use of the term \"turning toward Chinese civilization” (hsiang-hua) with reference to the submission of Chinese rebels, see IWSM, TC 12:26.\n\n24 See, for example, Serruys, \"Were the Ming against the Mongols,\" 136ff.; also note 43.\n\n25 Cited in Derk Bodde, China's First Unifier: A Study of the Ch'in Dynasty as Seen in the Life of Li Ssu, 280 (?)-208 B.C. (Leiden, 1938), 14-15. For background on Yu Yü, consult Edouard Chavannes (trans.), Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien (Paris, 1895-1905), II: 40-45; also Shih chi, 5: 15b-17b; 68: 7b-8; 83: 13a-b; 87: 3a-b; 110: 4b.\n\n26 IWSM, TC 79; 11; Ch'ing-chi wai-chiao shih-liao [Historical materials on late Ch'ing foreign relations], (Peiping, 1932; hereafter WCSL) 129: 17.\n\n27 See Yu cited in note 17.\n\n28 See Michael Loewe, \"The Campaigns of Han Wu-ti,” in Frank A. Kierman, Jr. and John K. Fairbank, eds., Chinese Ways in Warfare (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 79 and 89; Chun-chu Chang, \"Military Aspects of Han", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207531, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 299, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTHE POTTERY KILNS AT WUN YIU, TAI PO\n\nSo far as I know, the printed official papers of the Hong Kong Government contain only a few references to these local kilns. They all relate to the period 1899-1912 and in chronological order are as follows:\n\n(a) \"One village we visited was engaged entirely in the manufacture of pottery, the clay for which is found in the mountain immediately above the village. The villagers are said to have learned the art of manufacturing pottery from an Italian missionary who formerly resided among them.\" J. H. Stewart Lockhart's Report on the New Territory, Hongkong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899 P. 544.*\n\n(b) \"The pottery works at Un Yiu near Tai Po manufacture very coarse ware for export to Kong Mun and local use. The trade done is quite small.” Eastern No, 88, Correspondence relating to the Kowloon-Canton Railway (London Colonial Office, 1907) Enclosure B to No. 59 to Lyttelton, 11 January 1905.\n\n(c) \"The only Potteries are at Wun Yiu near Taipo, about 400,000 pots, rice bowls and plates are here turned out every year, of an average value of 6 cash each; most of them are exported to Tam Shui in Chinese Territory, Some also to Hongkong.\" G. N. Orme. \"Report on the New Territories 1899-1912\" Sessional Papers 1912, para. 83, p. 55.\n\nThere were at least two kilns. One of these was built over some years ago for a school extension. The other, or part of it, is still to be seen. There are said to be others in the area.\n\nA temple dedicated to Fan Sin Kung (#) stands near the site of the kilns. It is in good repair and contains commemorative\n\n* Appendix No. 2 to the Report, which deals with the geology of the New Territory, adds 'Some excellent pottery clay exists on the slopes of Tai Mo Shan, of which we saw specimens in the village of Wun Yiu, of a light brown colour and extremely fine texture'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207621, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "169\n\nHe paid when he had money, but he always settled his accounts before Chinese New Year so that the shops would give him his New Year supplies.2 Interest was charged for credit; it was nominally 30 percent per annum.25\n\nThe rice, salt, oil, and many other articles (school books and stationery, incense and ritual paper, etc.) had to be imported into Sai Kung from outside. Kerosene was introduced towards the 1910's or 1920's and came to be used in kerosene lamps. Villagers from seaside villages and the boat people also depended on the Sai Kung shipyards for boat building, repair, and the annual removal of barnacles from the boats. The wood used in the shipyards was imported from Fat Shan or Wai Chau, and iron nails were supplied by a ship (the Sai Kung) that came regularly to the Market to take orders. Fishermen also needed fishing explosives.20 Neither the land residents nor the boat people were by any means self-sufficient.\n\nThe markets, Sai Kung and Hang Hau, provided other important services besides ship-building and repair. Quite a few shops made rice wine, and a shop made beancurd. Sai Kung also provided a Taoist priest, and the most important temple in the area.\n\nRoman Catholic converts from villages nearer Sai Kung (e.g. Nam Shan) as well as other villagers attended Sung Chen, the Church school in the market. There can be no question that from the early 1900's, Sai Kung Market and Hang Hau were growing as local marketing centres.\n\nA substantial portion of the trade in the Sai Kung region must nonetheless have bypassed the two markets. Lime, much of the firewood, and some of the pigs were taken directly to Kowloon without passing through the markets. Where Sai Kung and Hang Hau were crucial, it would seem, was in the provision of local services and retail, and in gathering fish for Kowloon and Hong Kong. Even those fishmongers who collected directly from the fishermen for the city markets sent the fish ashore in Sai Kung to be carried into Kowloon by village women. The fish could not have been very fresh when it arrived, and much of it was probably salted before it was sold.28\n\nOn the premise that the primary functions of the markets were largely local services and retail, the marketing regions can", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207896, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 284, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n269 \n\nthe overlapping of Committee members for the two institutions. By 1908 eight such schools attached to temples were managed by the Hospital Committee. When in that year the Ordinance was passed by the Legislative Council vesting the property of the Man Mo Temple in the Tung Wah Hospital, the schools became a legally recognized part of the Hospital's activity and responsibility. \n\nAfter the establishment of Kwong Wah Hospital it likewise assumed charge of the school attached to the Tin Hau Temple on the Public Square at Yau Ma Tei, Kowloon. \n\nAll of these schools were free schools for the poor. They provided a traditional Chinese basic primary education. With the gradual introduction of modern educational methods and text books into China, the schools operated by Tung Wah also changed, and eventually middle school education was offered. Tung Wah's contribution to education merits detailed study since it will shed useful light on the general history of education in Hong Kong. \n\nReligious aspects of Tung Wah \n\nFrom its foundation Tung Wah explicitly stated that it was not a religious institution, but on the other hand it had its religious aspect. This is in keeping with the fact that most areas of Chinese life are reinforced by some kind of transcendent authority. Or as it is expressed in the General Rules of the Hospital, \"Chinese in their custom generally respect spirits\". The Rules then proceed to state that patients expect the protection of spirits, and that hospital servants are made dutiful through fear of the spirits. \n\nMost trade and business guilds have a patron deity. As a medical institution Tung Wah gave place of honour to the patron of medicine. To honour him the Regulations of the Hospital contained the following provision: \n\n+ \n\nNo image \n\nAll members of all ranks in the Hospital shall be present in the Grand Hall between 5 a.m. and 7 a.m. on the 1st and 15th day of each month to worship the Patron Saint (Shen Nung), so as to show that they are pure, upright and honest. An image of him will be kept, and we shall only write and post up his title to show that we respect him as if he were there.* The meeting Hall of the Hospital was built along the traditional lines of a Chinese Temple, as witness the building we are visiting today. There was a central hall containing an altar table with \n\n* One Hundred Years of the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals 1870-1970, Vol. 1, p.12, Rules 11 and 12.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208097, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "120\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nethnicity in North Point. Primarily concerned with community and social welfare projects, the Association sponsors performances of Fujianese provincial operas, folk dances and songs; organizes film showings and outings to the countryside, operates health clinics, a Guangdongese language program and a Fujianese discount grocery; and arranges for inexpensive trips back home to Fujian (Zheng Yi 1974:2-4).\n\nWith all these services and activities the Fujian Province Association is a genuinely popular and community-wide organization among North Point's Fujianese. All Fujianese are familiar with at least some of its services and activities whether or not they have ever personally visited its offices or benefited from its services. They know that the Association is there to help Fujianese, and especially Southern Fujianese, with the problems of housing, jobs, travel to Fujian and access to Fujianese products. With its 3000 active members (2.3% of the 1975 Fujianese Hong Kong population) the Association serves as the main organizational terminal through which many of little Fujian's ethnic and social currents are strengthened and channeled.\n\nAlthough not physically located in North Point, but in the old Sheung Wan district of Fujianese and other trading corporations, the Fujian Commercial Association has exerted a guiding force in the Fujianese community's development. In addition to facilitating PRC trade with the Overseas Fujianese of Southeast Asia and Hong Kong, the Association has acted as the unofficial coordinator of the other pro-PRC Fujianese organizations in Hong Kong.11 Composed of the wealthy, influential and active members of an already unusually depleted older male population, the Commercial Association is usually the prime mover in the few community activities that do occur.\n\nOne such activity, and one in which the Commercial Association's role is most conspicuous, is in the organization and direction of the annual \"All-Fujianese National Day Banquet.\" Although the Fujian Province Association, the Fujian Middle School and the Fujianese Physical Education Association all co-sponsor this \"patriotic\" affair, it is the Commercial Association that foots the bill for the evening and which handles all questions of etiquette and policy. If anything in Hong Kong comes close to being a \"center of Fujianese power,\" the Commercial Association does, diffuse and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208226, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nBROMFIELD, Mrs. Jeanne\n\nBROWN, E. de R.\n\nBROWN, Dr. H. O.\n\nBROWN, Mrs. R. C.\n\nBROWN, T. D. Jr.\n\nBROUWER, Mrs. R. P.\n\nBULLEN, J. B.\n\nBUTLER, Miss B. A.\n\nCAMERON, N.\n\nCAMPBELL, M. C.\n\nCANTERS, R.\n\nCARDENZANA, J.\n\nCAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J.\n\nCATT, Miss Pauline\n\nCAVAYE, P. K.\n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES\n\nCHAN, Mrs. A.\n\nCHAN, Sui-jeung\n\nCHAN, Mrs. T.\n\nCHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A.\n\nCHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang\n\nCHERN, Dr. K. S.\n\nCHESTERMAN, Miss M.\n\n5. Cumberland Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o C3 Reef Court, 48 Stanley Village Road, Stanley, Hong Kong.\n\nSchool of Education, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nSeabranch A3, 31 Horizon Drive, Chung Hom Kok, Hong Kong.\n\nSeabranch A3, 31 Horizon Drive, Chung Hom Kok, Hong Kong.\n\nA3 Repulse Bay Mansions, Repulse Bay, Hong Kong.\n\nMyer Eastern Buying Ltd., Cheong Hin Building, 72 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nPublic Services Commission, Room 573, Central Government Offices 5th floor, Hong Kong.\n\n11D Venice Court, 410 Conduit Road, Hong Kong.\n\nOxford University Press, 5/F News Building, 633 King's Road, North Point, Hong Kong,\n\nThe Belgian Bank, P.O. Box 27, Hong Kong.\n\nHill & Knowlton Asia Ltd., 1401 World Trade Centre, G.P.O. Box 5389, Hong Kong.\n\nRoom 315, Hongkong & Shanghai Bank Building, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong.\n\n8 Aigburth Hall, 9 May Road, Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong Tourist Association, Connaught Centre 35/F, Hong Kong.\n\nEnvironment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong Tourist Association, Connaught Centre 35/F, Hong Kong.\n\n12, Douglas Apts., 22 Old Peak Road, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n27\n\nestablishment of a Directorate for Military Affairs (Tu-pan chün-wu ch'u) in early November, 1894, did virtually nothing to alter the course of the war, and the nearly useless Naval Board (Hai-chün ya-men) was disbanded even prior to the end of the fighting. Neither body found it possible to effectively coordinate land fighting or to insure cooperation between the army and navy.76 Meanwhile, poor field communications and transport facilities, inadequate preparation, faulty intelligence, and widespread corruption in pay and supply, made it virtually impossible for Chinese forces to fight efficiently.77 Ammunition shortages, worthless shells, and lack of standardization in weapons proved especially troublesome at sea. On land, ammunition shortages seem to have been less acute, but morale undoubtedly suffered from the absence of a modern hospital corps and ambulance service such as Japan possessed.78\n\nSurprisingly, Chinese forces did not always do poorly, in spite of these handicaps. Portions of Li Hung-chang's Anhwei Army under Chang Kao-yüan, for example, performed admirably during the war, as they had done a decade earlier under Chang on Taiwan during the Sino-French hostilities. Chang, who had once served with the Ever-Victorious Army, received the praise of foreign observers not only prior to Sino-Japanese War but also during and after the conflict for his tactical ability and the training, discipline, and effective weapons of the troops under his command.79 I-k'o-tang-a, a Manchu general, also gained plaudits from foreigners, including the Japanese, who acknowledged that he had surprising tactical talent for \"a Chinese warrior of the old school.\"80 A few other Ch'ing commanders, such as Tso Pao-kuei, at least received praise for their bravery against the Japanese. But overall, Chinese troops were poorly-led and unsuitably trained. Lack of effective leadership exacerbated all of China's military problems and undermined both discipline and morale. The overwhelming majority of China's field commanders and middle-grade officers were not graduates of China's two infant military academies, and although some such individuals served with distinction in low-ranking positions, their mere presence within a given army was seldom enough to inspire confidence among either officers or the rank and file.81\n\nGenerally, the Chinese were extremely timid on land and sea, encouraging the Japanese to attempt daring and highly successful tactics that would ordinarily be considered too hazardous for use", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208380, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "88\n\nEUGENE COOPER\n\nit were triggered initially by a lockout at a plastic flowers factory in Kowloon and fanned by some arbitrary police action taken against demonstrating workers and students. Anti-colonial demonstrations occurred and anti-British sentiment ran high, fueled by stepped up anti-imperialist propaganda radiating from the mainland then in the midst of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. While most carved wood furniture factory and shop proprietors were unlikely targets for anti-imperialist attack, the Woodwork Carvers' Union seems to have taken advantage of the widespread unrest to extract a wage increase from the Merchants' Association at the time.\n\nOne school of thought (with its locus in the Far Eastern Economic Review) maintains that the Peking government was dissatisfied with its compatriots' handling of the 1967 disturbances and called a halt thereafter to revolutionary activity in the Crown Colony. While these claims are difficult to substantiate with any certainty, it is widely admitted in the Hong Kong pro-communist community that Peking was desirous of a stable situation in post-1967 Hong Kong so that it could actively pursue, from its viewpoint, more pressing diplomatic questions like its entry into the United Nations and the liberation of Taiwan.\n\n\"Hong Kong is a historical problem that will be solved at the appropriate time\" goes the refrain. The Hong Kong \"problem\" does not have the status of a \"principle contradiction\" for the People's Republic. Hong Kong continues to remain valuable to the Communist government in terms of the significant amounts of foreign exchange which China earns by marketing its products in and through the port, and also as a place in which trade and diplomatic contacts are still pursued. While such functions may decline as China continues to open up diplomatically and economically, they are still a factor in Hong Kong's historical viability as a colony.\n\nIn any event, in the post-1967 period, industrial peace in Hong Kong was the common desire of the British colonial government and the communist government in Peking. This led to the assumption on the part of the communist Federation of Trade Unions of some rather odd poses in the local adaptation of Mao Tse-tung thought to the Hong Kong scene.\n\nThis was particularly so in so far as the implementation of Mao's thought has entailed a disciplined adherence to a policy of delayed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "92\n\nEUGENE COOPER\n\ninstilling old social forms with new revolutionary content, making them serve new purposes.\n\nThe current premises of the union are in an apartment block in Tokwawan in Kowloon. They occupy a flat decorated with Communist slogans and a picture of Chairman Mao Tse-tung flanked by two Chinese flags. The Federation of Trade Unions runs a small school for children of \"patriotic\" workers in the union headquarters, although the children are not generally those of art-carved furniture workers. The union premises are seldom used by the workers before the evening as they are all off working; thus the flat was made available to the Federation for the operation of the school. Curricular and extra-curricular activities are structured around revolutionary and pro-Peking themes with texts and reading materials published in Peking. Shortly before my departure from Hong Kong this school was discontinued and the teacher, a middle school graduate, went to work in a factory.\n\nOther Federation affiliated unions have also used the union's premises for meetings and other activities such as preparing for the celebrations of October 1, the anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic. The premises are, however, under the control of the Woodwork Carvers' Union, and it is my impression that any such use of their premises by affiliated Federation unions must be agreed to by them.\n\nThe flat serves as a place where workers without means to afford a private apartment in Hong Kong's over-inflated real estate market, and without family in Hong Kong to take care of them, may sleep at night. However, one must be prepared to put up with the regulations, which include lights out and lock up at 11:00 p.m. One worker friend of mine, forced by circumstances to stay temporarily at the union, had a serious falling out with the union because of these regulations. Nevertheless, during the year that I was acquainted with the union, two or three workers made the union premises their more or less permanent dwelling place. There were no bunk beds in the Woodwork Carvers' Union premises, although I observed them built into the walls of other union halls I visited in Hong Kong. Workers just unrolled their bed-rolls across boards which had been laid across the students' desks.\n\nOnce every week or two these same desks were pulled together to form a long table and the officers and activists in the union", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208388, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "96\n\nEUGENE COOPER\n\nthoughts of the younger worker actually were on the matter, it was apparent that the older fellow eventually carried the day. His younger colleague eventually joined the union. Nor would he have done so simply on a whim. Association with a communist cause is not something casually assumed in the Hong Kong context. The episode shows clearly how the membership drive in progress was implemented at the factory level.\n\nIn the foregoing, one gets a feel for the role of the Woodwork Carvers' Union both as a carrier of a proletarian message and as an agent of Peking policy. Its close association with the Federation of Trade Unions is also highlighted. The union premises are the site of meetings of various kinds, political discussions and planning sessions all of which are oriented in one way or another toward the promotion and consolidation of a unified class conscious labor force, with the Peking government the object of its members' patriotism.\n\nThe use of the union premises as a center of recreation, the provision of board to its indigent members, the linkup with Communist Chinese bureaucracies like China Travel Service, are all examples of ways in which the union can cater to its members' needs.\n\nThe operation of a school in the union hall is particularly noteworthy. Traditional Chinese guilds often provided charitable services to their members, such as medical care, proper burials and relief to workers during periods of unemployment. It was not unusual for guilds to establish schools for children of their members (Gamble, 1921: 198) so that they might be able to better themselves, or more properly, the fortunes of their families. In this sense, the use of the Woodwork Carvers' Union premises as a site for the operation of a small primary school may be seen as a significant continuity with traditional guild practice. With curriculum updated in political content, and text and reading materials from the Mainland, the small patriotic school in the union premises turns our attention to the ways in which the union has adapted the practices of traditional guilds to the contemporary scene and incorporated them into its organizational repertoire.\n\nThere are two other occasions which are of special interest in highlighting this process. The first is the Woodwork Carvers' Union", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208812, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "242\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nBRIGGS, The Hon. Sir Geoffrey, Q.C., Courts of Justice, HONG KONG.\n\nBROMFIELD, Mr. Antony Clifford, King Fung Villa, 224/225, 104 Miles, Castle Peak Road, Tsuen Wan, NEW TERRITORIES\n\nBROUWER, Mrs. R.P., A3 Repulse Bay Mansions, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG\n\nBROWN, Mr. Edward de R., Flat 2IB, 19 Braemar Hill Road, North Point, HONG KONG.\n\nBROWN, Dr. H.O., School of Education, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nBURNS, Dr. John P., Dept. of Political Science, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nBUTLER, Miss B.A., Public Services Commission, Room 573, Central Government Offices, 5/F, HONG KONG.\n\nCAMERON, Mr. Nigel, 1ID Venice Court, 41D Conduit Road, HONG KONG.\n\nCAMPBELL, Mr. M.C., Oxford University Press, 5/F News Building, 633 King's Road, HONG KONG.\n\nCANTERS, Mr. Rene, c/o The Belgian Bank, P.O. Box 27, HONG KONG.\n\nCARDENZANA, Mr. John, Hill & Knowlton Asia Ltd., 1401 World Trade Centre, H.K., P.O Box 5389, HONG KONG.\n\nCAREY-HUGHES, Dr. John, Room 315, Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank Bldg., HONG KONG.\n\nCATT, Miss Pauline, Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nCAVAYE, Mr. Peter K., 8 Aigburth Hall, 9 May Road, HONG KONG.\n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES, The Director, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nCHAN, Mrs. Amy, H.K. Tourist Association, Connaught Centre, 35/F, HONG KONG.\n\nCHAN, Mr. Sui-Jeung, U.S.D. Kowloon H.Q., 148 Sai Yee Street, KOWLOON.\n\nCHAN, Mrs. Teresa, H.K. Tourist Association, Connaught Centre, 35/F, HONG KONG\n\nCHANWAI, Dr. D.J.L., 203 D'Aguilar Place, 7 D'Aguilar Street, HONG KONG.\n\nCHAPMAN, Mr. V.F.D., c/o Wong Tai Sin Police Station, KOWLOON.\n\nCHEN, Mr. S.H., 79 King's Road, 4/F, HONG KONG.\n\nCHESTERMAN, Miss Merlyn, 24D Peak Road, 1/F, Cheung Chau, HONG KONG.\n\nCHEUNG, Mr. Oswald, 703 Prince's Building, HONG KONG.\n\nCHIAO, Dr. Chien, Residence No. 8, Flat 1A, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, NEW TERRITORIES\n\nCHILVERS, Mrs. Anna E.S., 3 Mount Nicholson Road, 1/F, HONG KONG.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208814, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 271, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "244\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nDE BURE, Mrs. Ursula, 550 Victoria Road, Block 29, Floor 30, HONG KONG.\n\nDE SILVA, Ms. Minette, Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nDER, The Rev. E. B.,\n\nHoly Trinity Church,\n\n135 Ma Tau Chung Road,\n\nKOWLOON.\n\nDIAMOND, Mr. A. L.,\n\nPublic Records Office of Hong Kong,\n\n2 Murray Road, HONG KONG.\n\nDOHERTY, Ms. Kathleen Rose,\n\n11 Coombe Road,\n\nFlat 1A,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nDOLFIN, Mr. John, III, 155 Argyle Street, KOWLOON.\n\nDRAKEFORD, Mr. Louis S., 124 Miles Clearwater Bay Road, KOWLOON.\n\nDYER, Mrs. C. E., 233 Prince's Building, HONG KONG.\n\nELSOM, Mr. Graham, J. B., G.P.O. Box 11508, HONG KONG.\n\nEVANS, Prof. D. M. E., School of Law, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nEVANS, Mr. C. J., Flat 9.\n\n8 Mansfield Road, The Peak,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nFABRY, Mr. K. G., Rural Retreat, Taipo Kau, NEW TERRITORIES.\n\nFABRY, Mrs. R. G., Rural Retreat,\n\nTaipo Kau,\n\nNEW TERRITORIES.\n\nFAN, Mr. Jack F. S., 1-25 Shu Kuk Street,\n\nMay Lun Apartment 14/F, North Point,\n\nHONG KONG\n\nFITZPATRICK, Mr. John,\n\nc/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd. World Trade Centre, 30/F, Causeway Bay,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nFORSYTH, Mr. A. H., c/o Stevenson & Co., 821 Central Building, 3 Pedder Street, HONG KONG\n\nFORSYTH, Mr. James J., Flat 102,\n\n80 Macdonnell Road, HONG KONG.\n\nGAILEY, Mr. H. G., 81 Mt. Nicholson Gap, HONG KONG\n\nGAILEY, Mrs. Norah, 81 Mt. Nicholson Gap, HONG KONG.\n\nGAMLEN, Mr. Richard, 62 A-D Robinson Road, 19th Floor, Flat B, HONG KONG.\n\nGARCIA, Mr. Arthur, Victoria District Court, HONG KONG.\n\nGARRETT, Mrs. Valery M., 19 Vivian Court, 20 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG.\n\nGATELY, Major Charles, c/o Environment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG.\n\nGHOSE, Mrs. Rajeshwari, St. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, HONG KONG.\n\nGIBB, Mr. Hugh, c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai\n\nBanking Corp.,\n\nP.O. Box 64,\n\nHONG KONG.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208818, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 275, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "248\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nLUTZ, Mr. Hans F., 9B, 14th Floor, Broadway, Mei Foo Sun Chuen, KOWLOON.\n\nMA, Prof. Ho-Kei, 47 High West, 142 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG.\n\nMA, Prof. Meng, M.B.E., Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nMACCABE, Mrs. S. J., Penthouse No. 2, Valverde, 11 May Road, HONG KONG.\n\nMACCALLUM, Mr. I., Jardine House, 12/F, HONG KONG.\n\nMACGREGOR, Mr. Keith, Cameraman, 4 Conduit Road, 3/F, HONG KONG.\n\nMACKENZIE, Mr. George S., Gibb Livingston & Co. Ltd., P.O. Box 55, HONG KONG.\n\nMAHLKE, Mr. William J., 23 South Bay Close, Apt. 13B, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG.\n\nMANN, Mr. H. D., 7A Paris Court, Realty Gardens, 41 Conduit Road, HONG KONG.\n\nMAO, Dr. Philip Wen-Chee, FRCS, 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, KOWLOON.\n\nMARKEY, Mr. J. C., c/o Estates Office, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nMARTIN, Miss Barbara, 8C Cambridge Villa, 8-10 Chancery Lane, HONG KONG.\n\nMASON, Mr. A. K., Security Branch, Government Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG.\n\nMATHEW, Mr. David, c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd, World Trade Centre, HONG KONG.\n\nMATHEWS, Mr. J. F., c/o The Legal Department, Central Government Offices, HONG KONG.\n\nMCCULLY, Mrs. Arthur M., I-A Branksome, 3 Tregunter Path, HONG KONG.\n\nMCELNEY, Mr. Brian S., c/o Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, HONG KONG.\n\nMCKINNON, Mr. J. W., New Zealand Commission, 34-14 Connaught Centre, HONG KONG.\n\nMCLEAN, Mrs. Robyn H., Public Records Office, 2 Murray Road, HONG KONG.\n\nMELTON, Mr. Michael W., c/o The International School, 6 South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG.\n\nMEANEY, Mr. E. Robert, 1901 Hutchison House, HONG KONG.\n\nMILLINGTON-BUCK, Mr. B. B., c/o Trident International Finance Ltd, 12th Floor, Connaught Centre, HONG KONG.\n\nMINERS, Dr. N. J., Dept. of Political Science, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nMINTER, Mr. C. J. W., Survey Research Hong Kong, 10/F Development House, 30/32 Queen's Road East, HONG KONG.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209233, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "122\n\nTA ACTON\n\nconversation F.M.O. officials made it clear that from the beginning they had consciously been combating the pariah status of the Shui-sheung-yan, or \"Tanka\" as they had been called by ordinary Cantonese. The word “Tanka” is an opprobrious term, with rather ambiguous and shifting ethnic and occupational connotations, like \"nigger\", or \"tinker\".\n\nThe first schools for the children of fishermen were established by the F.M.O. in 1947 and 1948, two in villages on Hong Kong Island, and two in the New Territories. By 1968 there were thirteen primary schools, and one secondary school with a primary department, at Aberdeen on Hong Kong Island. In 1980 this primary department was given a separate school building on the island of Apleichau, which is joined to Aberdeen by a new road bridge. Education in these schools has always been free.\n\nDuring the early years of the scheme ordinary primary education in Hong Kong was neither free, nor sufficient. In 1956, however, the Education Department began to subsidise the F.M.O. schools, and since then there has been general progress towards free compulsory education in Hong Kong. In 1978, the first three years of secondary education were also made free. Where there are no F.M.O. schools, and inadequate Education Department provision also, the F.M.O. sometimes pays the fees of fishermen's children at privately run schools, like the Po Kwong school, which is actually located on a boat in Yaumatei typhoon shelter. The Po Kwong boat school is run by an evangelical Christian group called International Missions Inc. It was known as the “Jesus boat” to boat-people activists struggling for re-housing; although they were working with Roman Catholic social workers, they firmly declined to take me to it. F.M.O. scholarships are also available for higher studies.\n\nIt is not entirely true that no fishing community children were educated before the F.M.O. schools began. Some parents did send their children to school at great sacrifice to themselves, sometimes to traditional Chinese schools, such as that run in the temple on the island of Kau Sai. This school, however, largely served the Hakka land-based population on the island, and when these Hakka were re-housed on the mainland, it was replaced by an F.M.O. school. Before the Second World War in Canton there were even Trade-Union-run Shui-sheung-yan schools. Conditions were, perhaps, however, more difficult for the sea-going fishermen's children of Hong Kong, away for days at a time from all land contact on occasion, than for the riverine salt-traders and transporters of Canton. Before mechanisation very few fishing parents could afford much by the way of school fees. Without the F.M.O. schools it is unlikely that the revolution in literacy would have\n\n10", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209303, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 206, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "192\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTRADITIONAL FUNERALS\n\nApart from the ta tsiu, the most significant ritual acts within the traditional New Territories village were those marking the death of an adult villager. The ritual of such funerals differed in detail from area to area, but seem to follow basically the same form everywhere. The traditional funeral was a matter of importance not only to the bereaved family but to the whole village. The ritual alternated between formal religious acts, led by Taoist priests, and village customs, led by the elderly men and women of the village.\n\nTraditional funerals are becoming rarer, rituals are being simplified to follow the pattern set by the modern style funerals in the City, and the willingness of villagers outside the circle of the immediately bereaved to assist in the rites is less automatic than in the past. There is, therefore, a need to record the funeral ritual used while there are still opportunities to witness it in operation. Miss Barbara Ward, and Dr. David Faure of the Chinese University together with the author of this note were privileged to record at length a recent traditional funeral in Tai Wai Village, Sha Tin; it is hoped that this record will be published in an appropriate form soon. In the meantime a brief indication of the ritual with some photographs, (plates 4-13) is published here as a general guide to the main features of a New Territories traditional Punti funeral. The photographs were taken by Mr. Liu Yun-sum, of Sheung Shui Village, the current First Vice-Chairman of the New Territories Heung Yee Kuk, in 1953, at the funeral of his father, Mr. Liu On-wai, and are published here with Mr. Liu Yun-sum's kind consent. Mr. Liu On-wai was the son and grandson of Ch'ing dynasty village headmen; he and his brother had been educated to the best standards available in Sheung Shui. His elder brother, indeed, became a Sau Ts'oi degree holder and taught in the village school. Mr. Liu On-wai himself went into trade, selling foot-stuffs and roast meats from a shop in Sheung Shui market; he was 76 years old at his death. The photographs, therefore, are of the funeral of a well-connected and moderately wealthy, but neither particularly rich nor powerful villager.\n\nThe funeral ritual began everywhere immediately on the death. Elders of the clan and village washed, dressed, and prepared the corpse, while the women of the bereaved family sang wailing songs. Friends and relatives stood around weeping during the dressing and preparation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209635, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 292, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "270\n\n\"Report of the Education Department\", Administration Reports, Hong Kong 1921, p. 24.\n\n* Subsidies were paid at varying rates of $45 to $180 per month according to a school's merits. Throughout the 1910's & 1920's, the few subsidized village schools at Sheung Shui were placed at grade C, receiving the lowest payment. The teacher got usually $4-$5 a month from the subsidy and a similar sum from school fees paid by students.\n\n* Their usual work was to write formal invitations, announcements or acknowledgement for the villagers on occasions such as engagement, wedding, birthday and funeral. At times, they also composed couplets in fine calligraphy as gifts. In our research, we find that most of the few retired elderly village teachers whom we interviewed had in their possession a hand-written copy of manuals with exemplars of these types of writings. \"Report by the Inspectors of Vernacular Schools\", Hong Kong Administrative Reports, 1930, p. 023.\n\n** Information is based on memories of fifteen of them who are still living at Sheung Shui. Seven had passed away but were contemporaries of these fifteen elders. The oral accounts given are also supported by written records such as certificates, school records, and photographs.\n\n#1\n\n* \"Census Report for 1931\", p. 138.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209868, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "105\n\nwith rocks and reefs in addition; the name may mean \"Dragnet Isles\". The northernmost island is a dumb-bell with quite a good harbour, and a fishing village of huts very different from ordinary Chinese dwellings. This island was another settlement of early man. The southern larger isle has two or three villages on its dumb-bell isthmus. There is a shrimp paste factory here which exports to Europe and America. The names Tai and Sai A Chau mean \"Big and Little Forked Island\". A small island to the west of the group is also a dumb-bell; the isthmus here is covered at high tide.\n\nPatung or Shek Kwu Chau (“Stone Drum Island\") is rocky and barren, but with one small valley where cultivation is possible. It was once proposed to lease the island as a rabbit farm, but the proposers never went on with it.20\n\nits English name\n\nTo the south-east of Lantau are a number of more important islands. Of these the most prosperous is Cheung Chau (“Long Island\"). Cheung Chau is the best example of a dumb-bell island in these waters. The northern end contains a small hamlet and cultivation, the southern end contains the \"Peak\", or European reservation. It started there through missionaries building holiday bungalows on the hills: they began doing so in 1906, attracted by the beaches, the easy marketing and the village ferry to Hong Kong. This was run in the interest of the fish trade, but was taken over some 10 years ago by the Western Ferries Co., a Hong Kong concern,\n\nBetween the fish trade and the market gardens, Cheung Chau breeds more flies per square yard than any other place in the Colony. It has a street cleaning squad, but of course this cannot touch the masses of filth on private property. There is a fire engine, a Government school, a hospital, and a big temple to Pak Tai, god of the Pole Star, the finances of which were inextricably mixed with those of the market, the ferry, and the electric light station. There are plays annually performed in May for the pleasure of Pak Tai, and incidentally for his worshippers, in a huge decorated matshed put up in front of the temple. It draws big crowds, and stimulates business quite a lot. There are other temples too, and little shrines to local spirits. There is also", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209919, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "156\n\nthat lying at the core of Chinese political culture is a fear of chaos and disorder, (1971). I do not pretend to know how to ascertain the presence of this fear among the Chinese population. At least among the spinners, I do not believe it is necessary to resort to psychological reductionism to understand their attitudes. It is sufficiently plain that the spinners' view on organizational dissent in general and trade unionism in particular were derived from a basic conception that power structures should be unitary, not pluralistic. Since they did not accept the possibility of multiple power centres with divided loyalty in an organization, they could speak with the confident voices of B3 and A17 that\n\n'You must be fair and should not be biased. If your actions are reasonable, there will be no conflict.'\n\n'There should not be conflicts. They are not good for the company. In turn that means not good for themselves [the workers], and they should know it.'\n\nCompetition and cooperation\n\nExternal to the firm, conflict assumes the form of competition. How did the spinners feel about this central process of capitalism? Olsen in his opinion survey on Taiwanese school pupils finds that competition was negatively valued. He concludes that the\n\n'major connotation of competition in Taipei business culture seem to be those of excess and harm rather than those of vitality and progress,' (1972: 289).\n\nThis is not the picture I have obtained from the Hong Kong cotton spinners. Over half of them, as can be seen in Table 7, believed that competition among mills is needed to encourage people to do their best. Only two respondents thought that competition is unnecessary. The discrepancy between Olsen's and my findings might well reflect the dissimilarities between our samples as well as the respective economic milieux. But in addition Olsen might have prejudiced his results with leading statements such as 'Business firms should get together to stop \"cut-throat\" competition', (1972: 288-289). On the whole, I am fairly certain that the Hong Kong textile industrialists had little aversion toward economic competition. But the fascinating phenomenon is their\n\n!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210769, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "103\n\nlimestone-bricks fired in open country kilns. Roofs are thatched or patched with pine bark, or of fired earthenware tiles which can cost as much as ¥600 for a single roof. The floors are generally earthen, although concrete floors are also common. Timber is used for rafters, beams and house-posts, and in some areas for inner partitions or lattices which may be elaborately lacquered, as with the Bai housing of Yunnan and in some Naxi areas. Villages vary in size from 10-15 houses to 60-80, although in remote areas villages can be very small, consisting only of some 4-5 houses. Much larger minority settlements and resettlements are also quite common, with populations of 10,000 or more, in lowland regions.\n\nAround the mud paths of the village hogs and fowl, cattle and oxen wander freely or are penned to one side of the house, often in close conjunction with the privy. Primary schooling facilities exist in most areas, but secondary education is rare, and tertiary education reserved for the very few. This is despite the eleven colleges established nationwide specifically for the members of national minorities. Medical stations exist at the xiang level. Children help in the house, in the fields, and at the market, when they are not at school or during school vacations, and their labour is particularly useful in animal husbandry and transportation. The economy remains agricultural, in common with more than 80 percent of China's population, with important elements of animal husbandry, forestry, hunting, and fishing, and in some areas cash-cropping. Hunting small animals provides an important source of protein, while rabbits, deer and other animals are trapped for fur. In some areas a small household trade in pig-husbandry provides a needed source of cash, while fishing in the Dai areas has been reduced owing to the use of chemical fertilizers. Yields and acreages vary widely, depending on altitude, climate, and regional policy. Predominantly wheat and corn-cultivating Naxi households in the arid highlands of Northwest Yunnan cultivated as much as 25 mu of land, while wet-rice and corn-cultivating Yi households in the Kunming plain cultivated only 3 mu per household, and the mixed forestry and wet-rice economy of the Yao in Northwest Guangdong cultivated 0.8 mu of padi per 'mouth.' Sideline occupations are common, particularly chipping granite from quarries by the roadside for resale, or the horse stock-breeding of the Naxi, where a stallion may fetch up to ¥1,000.\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210812, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "146 \n\nCARL SMITH \n\ninvited all the important people and white men in Malacca, \n\n+ + \n\nう \n\nto a gathering at six o'clock in the morning. Assembling there they buried their contributions of money, altogether $70 or $80, in a hole scooped out in a stone below the door. Then they all raised the door into position and Mr. Milne, coming forward and striking it with his hand, declared that the place was the Anglo-Chinese College.\" \n\nAbdullah must have been at the edge of the crowd unable to see clearly what was put into the hole in the foundation stone. Seventy or eighty dollars would not likely have been buried. What probably was buried was a few token coins which were often placed in foundation stones. \n\nA-FA: SEEDS OF THE TAIPING REBELLION \n\nThe first full-time Chinese student of the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca was Liang A-fa. There is no evidence that he was a particularly brilliant scholar, but the college was always proud to claim him as a former student. \n\nHe was a native of Ko Ming District in the province of Kwangtung. His previous education had consisted of a few years at his village school. He began his education late, at the age of 11, and when he was 15 he left the village to learn a trade in the city of Canton as village schools usually provided only a rudimentary education. If one had hopes of being a scholar, attendance at an advanced academy or instruction by a private tutor was the usual procedure. \n\nLiang A-fa, in spite of the few years of study when an adult at the Anglo-Chinese College, never developed a proper classical style of writing. This, however, did not discourage him from composing and printing Christian tracts. Sometimes he would have a scholar revise them to make them more literary. \n\nAfter learning the block cutting trade in Canton, he was engaged by one of Rev. Dr. Robert Morrison's assistants to carve blocks for the printing of a Chinese translation of the New Testament. Such work for foreigners was not looked on with favour by Chinese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210824, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "158\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nBritish Plenipotentiary, informed them that missionaries would not be welcomed at the Treaty Ports. British officials felt missionary efforts to convert Chinese would provoke the hostility of the mandarins and hinder the proper development of commerce and trade with foreigners.\n\nSir Henry maintained that the treaty extended only to commercial relations between Great Britain and China and not to religious activities.\n\nDuring the discussion about the Anglo Chinese College some of the missionaries were rather critical of Dr. Morrison and his work. This deeply hurt his son, John Robert Morrison, who had been invited to attend the Hongkong meeting by the Mission Society's directors in London. This did not please some of the missionaries in the field, for the young Mr. Morrison was not a missionary but had the office of Chinese Secretary in the Government. A disinterested observer who attended the meetings remarked: \"Indeed it seemed to be the studied purpose of some of them to cast discredit on Dr. Morrison by all means. John Morrison was affected to tears on learning of the way in which some of them spoke of his father.\"\n\nFortunately there was a peacemaker present, W.H. Medhurst, the observer remarked. “If it had not been for him, I fear there would have been unpleasant consequences.”\n\nThe outcome of all the troubled waters was that Dr. Legge was authorised to reopen the school in Hongkong, with four pupils in temporary quarters.\n\nFINDING A HOME FOR A COLLEGE\n\nIt was no easy task reestablishing the Anglo-Chinese College in Hongkong. A new student body had to be gathered, a site for a building obtained, the building erected, the new financial support arranged.\n\nThe Rev. James Legge, Principal of the school, had brought with him from Malacca only one student, an orphan boy he had taken into his family. Mrs. Legge had under her care a Chinese girl", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210847, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "181\n\nIt also mentioned difficulties encountered by Chinese students in schools conducted by foreigners during the Opium War.\n\nA-chick wrote: “Mr. Brown is the best teacher that I know in my life, and his school is too. In this part of the country I think there is no such school as his.\n\n\"Here there is a school for Deaf and Dumb in New York. But if Chinese were so, he would not learn anything, neither how to read nor write, until he died.\n\n\"When school first formed had five boys - after about nine months some went home, because English were at war with China. Afterwards eldest of them whose name was A-ling went home, because he did a very bad thing and committed a great sin against God, as in the law of Moses and the prophets.\n\n\"A-tseuk was taken home by his father. One day, as the English were fighting with the Chinese, his father came to Mr. Brown's school and wanted to take A-tseuk home. On the same day Mr. Brown was not at home. Then he wished to take him back without asking Mr. Brown. But A-tseuk wouldn't go, and his father gave him a flogging and he cried, and after about an hour they went. Next morning, father came and wanted to take his things home, when Mr. Brown saw him he rebuked him and he went home.\n\n\"Now in this school our teacher has appointed a monitor to keep the boys still when the teacher is out, and the school in order, and they ring the bell to call the boys into study their lessons and say them to the teacher.\"\n\nThe letter shows that A-chick had made good progress in English after two years' study.\n\nA year and a half after writing it, he was qualified to serve as an interpreter.\n\nIn 1842 the Treaty of Nanking was signed and the British were granted the right to trade at six treaty ports. This privilege meant", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210898, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "232\n\nCARL SMITH\n\ntal to their people, and it will thus be in their power to cut off the supply altogether by a pecuniary sacrifice, far less than that voluntarily taken by England in the emancipation of slaves in the West Indies.\n\nA number of historians have regarded Li Hung-chang's attitude towards the opium problem as ambiguous. However that may be, he took a strong stand in a letter he addressed to the Anglo-Oriental Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade.\n\nHis statement was couched in a high moral tone.\n\n\"Opium is a subject of discussion of which England and China can never meet on common ground. China views the whole question from a moral standpoint; England from a fiscal. England would sustain a source of revenue in India, while China contends for the lives and prosperity of its people. The ruling motive of China is to repress opium by heavy taxation everywhere, whereas with England the manifest object is to make opium cheaper, and thus increase and stimulate the demand in China.”\n\nLi recognised that the crux of the issue was the importance of opium for the revenue of India, and thus indirectly of Britain. He contended that China did not tax opium because of the revenue it produced, but “the present import duty on opium was established, not from choice, but because China submitted to the adverse decision of arms. The war must be considered as China's standing protest against legalising such a revenue.\n\nA Shanghai paper did not believe the letter was composed by Viceroy Li. It stated: \"It bears the impression of foreign --- we had almost written missionary penmanship throughout.” It was perhaps the product of one of the Viceroy's advisers trained in a missionary school, such as Wu T’ing-fang (Ng Choy) or Chan Lai-sun. Whoever wrote it, it went out under Li's name and must have represented his opinions.\n\nThe letter became the subject of a question in Parliament to the Secretary of State for India as to whether the Indian Government was taking any steps to review Britain's position on the opium", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211037, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "73\n\ntion of schools, contained in the Government Gazette, included: “An Upper Grade School means one in which at least part of the Staff is European. Lower Grade Schools are those under purely native management” (Hong Kong Government Gazette, 30th June, 1905, p. 1023). Earlier, Bishop Hoare, the Anglican Bishop of Victoria and South China announced at the annual prize distribution of a school noted for its ethnically ‘mixed' admissions policy that he \"did not believe it was a good thing to put two races side by side in the school. He did not think they mixed. There was a gulf between the Chinaman as a Chinaman and an Englishman as an Englishman, and he did not think it was a good thing for Chinese boys to be educated side by side with English boys” (Hong Kong Daily Press, 30th January, 1901, p. 3). Amongst the largely supportive correspondence in the letters to the editor pages of the local press provoked by the report of Bishop Hoare's speech, there is a letter from a local Chinese resident, Wang Chung-yu, who argued, “Now, to exclude Chinese from certain schools means to go against the law of nature and to aggravate the hatred between Chinese and foreigners.... My experience goes to show that, as a rule, European boys in school generally depreciate things Chinese, and therefore there is no need to fear that European boys may learn any bad method of thinking peculiar to the Chinese.” (Hong Kong Daily Press, 7th February, 1901, p. 3).\n\n48 Sweeting (1983), p. 274.\n\n49 Despite the lack of warmth and closeness in the personal and social relations between the two communities, there was, in a sense, a reciprocal interest by certain Westerners for \"Things Chinese\". This interest was largely intellectual (anthropological and literary) and is, perhaps, best exemplified by Dyer Ball's large publication, which in later editions became increasingly larger, actually entitled Things Chinese. See the Introduction and Prefaces of J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press reprint, with Introduction by H.J. Lethbridge, 1982 of the 5th Edition revised by E. Chalmers Werner, 1925). Interestingly enough, Dyer Ball also published a book entitled Cantonese Made Easy, which by 1904 had reached its 3rd Edition.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211088, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "124\n\nIt was these events that caused Dr. James Legge to close his school and dismiss his pupils. Although he had complete confidence his students would behave in a proper manner during a crisis, he thought it not fair to them to have them under the patronage of foreigners at a time when all Chinese in Hongkong were being urged by the Canton officials to break off all relations with “the barbarians.” Thus after some thirty-seven years, the existence of the Anglo-Chinese College, founded at Malacca and transferred to Hongkong, was ended. It was revived in 1914 as Ying Wah College for Boys.\n\nThe fear that Chinese would come to Hongkong and try to burn the city was soon overshadowed by the threat of sudden death by poisoning or murder. The new terror arose from an attempt to poison the European population by putting arsenic into their bread. When the man who supplied your daily bread could not be trusted, one might well begin to have questions about those who served you daily at home and in the office.\n\nAll foreigners agreed vigilance and strength were needed, “particularly,” as Lieutenant Colonel Lugard of the Royal Engineers put it, “when the overwhelming proportion of Chinese to European population in Victoria is considered; and that they are a low class of people that will ever look upon the Europeans as intruders whom they are pleased to tolerate so long as profitable — or more properly speaking, so long only as they are kept under control by a military and naval power superior to their own.”\n\nSuch a statement was the product of colonial mentality. An inferior, potentially rebellious population must be kept in their place by force,\n\nThe unquestioned right to trade, to subject, to rule accompanied superior military strength. A corollary was that dominance in military might was the product of a superior civilisation created by a superior people.\n\nThe ordinance passed in January 1857 also contained a clause which empowered a sentry or patrol “to shoot with intent to kill”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211201, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "237\n\njoining in our manly games might as well hope to see them reducing themselves to the grade of the despised 'Tanka' or boating population by indulging in rowing; or forfeiting all claim to the calm dignity of a Chinese gentleman by masquerading in jockey costume in a horse race; or outraging all sense of Celestial propriety and decency by whirling in the sensuous waltz clasping the tender waist of some sweet thing of the opposite sex.'\n\nThe first signs of a change, however, were taking place. Around the time these views on the aversion of the Chinese to European sports were being written, a Hongkong Chinese youth was being awarded the first prize at the English Public Schools gymnastic competition at Aldershot.\n\nThe recipient Wei On was a student at Cheltenham College. His picture and an account of the event appeared in the Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News with the comment: \"We do not know how it will strike the modern gymnast that a native of the Celestial Empire is able to take the tuck of all public school forms, but there is no getting away from the fact that he is a wonderfully strong and finished worker, and thoroughly well earned the silver medal.\"\n\nIt seems the young student had not only adopted new forms of exercise but also had a new hair-style for a Chinese of his day. It was said that from the sketch in the magazine: “Wei On does not appear to wear the queue.\"\n\nAfter finishing his course at Cheltenham, the young athlete went on to study at Christ Church College, Oxford, and then in 1897 qualified to practise as a solicitor. He returned to Hongkong and was with the firm of Messrs. Johnson, Stokes and Master. He died in 1907. His brother, Sir Poshan Wei (Wei Yuk), served on the Legislative Council from 1896 to 1914.\n\nThe next generation of the Wei family also produced a noted athlete. Wei Wing-lok, son of Sir Poshan and a St. Stephen's Old Boy, won the world doubles tennis championship at Forest Hills, New York.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "11\n\nQueen's College (then in Hollywood Road), the Government secondary school which is still situated on Hong Kong Island. In 1913, the Technical Institute entered [6] candidates for local examinations of whom 116 passed. Subjects included shorthand, sanitation, building construction and field surveying.\n\nThe development of technical education was slow. However, in 1926 the Salesian Fathers commenced classes in shoemaking, carpentry, tailoring, and printing; at about the same time, Taikoo Dockyard, situated at Quarry Bay, opened evening classes for their apprentices.\n\nIn 1903, a positive step was taken by the Government towards the development of technical education when a committee was formed to report on the possibility of introducing a system of practical education. This Committee, under the chairmanship of Sir William Hornell, made three main recommendations. These were the establishment of a junior technical school; the provision of evening classes for apprentices; and the commencement of full-time courses at a later date.\n\nAs a result, in 1932 the Junior Technical School was established, which was Government's first venture into full-time technical education. This secondary school provided a comparatively narrow four-year course designed mainly as pre-apprentice training for the engineering trades. In 1957, 'JTS', as it was usually known, moved from its accommodation in Queen's Road East (from 1974 to the time of writing this has been occupied by the Technical Teachers College) to the three-storey building in Wood Road vacated by the then Technical College. At the same time, the name (JTS) was changed to Victoria Technical School (VTS), and a phased conversion from a trade to a secondary school, albeit with some emphasis on non-vocational technical subjects, took place.\n\nFurther progress was made in 1935 when the Catholic Salesian Society founded the Aberdeen Trade School. This provided a general education, together with training considered comparable to an apprenticeship within an institution. The School was converted into a secondary technical school in the late 1950s. The author first visited this establishment in January 1955 and recalls the high standard of projects on display.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "Meanwhile the Far East Flying Training School (the original name) commenced training pilots and engineers for civil aviation in 1934.10 The Far East Flying and Technical School Limited, as it was later named, was a private institution. It closed in 1983.\n\nThe first Government post-secondary technical institution was the Trade School which opened in Wood Road, on Hong Kong Island, in 1937, on a site adjacent to that on which Morrison Hill Technical Institute now stands. At the time of opening, under Principal George White, it ran courses in building, mechanical engineering, and marine-wireless operating. The college also took over the evening practice courses previously run by Taikoo Dockyard. The new, then two-storey (an additional floor was completed in 1953), Trade School building in Wanchai, was well constructed and was one of the few examples of good face-brick-work in the Colony. (It was demolished in 1988, seven years after becoming an annexe of the Morrison Hill Technical Institute.)*\n\nThus, when the Pacific War broke out in 1941, technical education was being provided at secondary, trade-school, and post-secondary levels, but not on a large scale. For example, there were about 200 full-time students attending post-secondary courses at the Trade School. This did not receive a great deal of support from employers except from the dockyards and the members of the Building Contractors' Association.\n\nDuring the Japanese occupation (December 1941 to August 1945) oral history has it that the equipment was moved away and the Trade School building was used for a period as an opium factory.\n\nIn 1947, after World War II the Trade School (renamed Technical College in 1947), the Junior Technical School, the Aberdeen Trade School, and a number of centres running evening classes in technical subjects, reopened and were soon working at pre-war capacity. To this group was added the Tang King-po Secondary School, in Kowloon, in 1953. For many years this had a trade school section which organised classes in printing, shoemaking and tailoring.11 This section was phased out in the late 1970s.\n\n*Please see Plate 1.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "13\n\nAn increasing population and rising standards of prosperity gave impetus to the growth of technical education. In 1953, the Technical Education Investigating Committee (the Burt Report) concluded that a technical college in Kowloon was essential.1 The Chinese Manufacturers' Association offered to donate one million dollars towards a new college if Government would provide a similar sum and a site. The Administration accepted the offer and the College commenced classes on its Hung Hom campus in November 1957.16\n\nIn the 1947/48 academic year there were 25 full-time and 599 part-time students on the roll of the Technical College. By the time the College moved to Kowloon in November 1957, these figures had increased to 345 full-time and 5,532 part-time students.7 With the help of donations the Technical College expanded rapidly. New buildings were added which included an all-purpose hall, a dyeing and finishing block, a new electrical laboratory, another workshop block (for construction as well as electrical and mechanical trades), and a heavy-current workshop as well as a library, a textile workshop block, and a new classroom wing. It was estimated in 1967 that, of the total building costs of approximately $7.5 million, some $4.8 million (64 per cent) had been donated. Similarly $2.4 million (40 per cent) had been given towards the cost, or was the estimated value, of the donated equipment out of a total value of $6 million.\n\nDuring the 1960s the Technical College was mainly preoccupied with technician level work, but it also ran courses for technologists (professional) and a limited number at craft level. Most of this development took place under the direction of S.J.G. Burt, who had joined the Trade School in 1938 and was Principal of the College from 1951 to 1963 when he became a full-time technical education adviser to the World Bank. The late Sydney Burt has frequently been regarded as the \"grandfather\" of technical education in Hong Kong.\n\nThe Principal and staff of the College had long felt an institution was required which would concentrate on craft and technician courses. This is the main reason why the first technical institute (of which the author was the first principal) came into being in 1969. It occupied borrowed premises for one year, at the Technical College at Hung Hom, and moved to its new building, at Morrison Hill, in 1970.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "15\n\nNOTES\n\nThe Author is grateful to the Reverend Carl T. Smith for providing material about vocational training in early Hong Kong, and to Mr. C.L. Ko and Mr. M.H. So for the photograph.\n\nT.F. Ryan, 'The Story of a Hundred Years: The PIME in Hong Kong, 1858-1958', Catholic Trust Society, Hong Kong, 1959.\n\nHong Kong Daily Press, 20 July 1876; and Hong Kong Catholic Register, Vol. II, No. 39, 29 June 1879; and South China Morning Post, 16 November 1936.\n\nHong Kong Telegraph, 30 January 1905; and Hong Kong Telegraph, 17 September 1901; and Daily Press, 25 January 1906; and Hong Kong Telegraph, 17 June 1914.\n\nT.C. Cheng, \"The Education of Overseas Chinese: A Comparative Study of Hong Kong, Singapore and the East Indies' (University of London MA thesis, 1949), p. 141; and Hong Kong Telegraph, prospectus of evening courses to be held at Queen's College.\n\n*Imperial Education Conference Papers, Education Systems of the Chief Colonies not possessing responsible Governments' (Hong Kong, 1914), p. 5.\n\n4 Ibid, pp. 27 and 28.\n\n7\n\nWatt Hoi-kee, \"Technical Education in Hong Kong Today\", Appendix I (undated), p. 26 (c. 1964).\n\n# 'Opening Ceremony New Technical College' (booklet), (2 December 1957), p. 3.\n\n*Aberdeen Technical School 1935-1965, 30th Anniversary Souvenir Number'.\n\nC\n\n'Far East Flying and Technical School Ltd' (prospectus) (undated).\n\nMonica Yeung, 'Air-minded men who never get off the ground', Hong Kong Standard (15 September 1974) p. 19.\n\n12\n\n'Hong Kong Technical College 1970-71', prospectus p. 1.\n\n11 Information given verbally by pre-war Trade School student.\n\nTH\n\n'Tang King-po School Speech Day and Prize-giving' (brochure) (19 November 1976).\n\n15 'Technical Education Investigating Committee, Report on Technical Education and Vocational Training in Hong Kong' (30 October 1953).\n\n'Opening Ceremony of the Polytechnic's First New Building' (brochure) (26 October 1976), p. 1.\n\n17\n\nTH\n\n19\n\n'Opening Ceremony of the New Technical College' (2 December 1957), last page. *Report on the Cost Study of the Hong Kong Technical College' (December 1968). *'Opening Ceremony of the Polytechnic's First New Building', loc. cit.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211434, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "126\n\nlocated off Nuuanu Avenue near the waterfront. A third child, a son, was born three years later. As the Chinese in those days rarely registered the births of their children, especially when they were girls, there are no official records of these births. When Mother was about two years old, the family moved to a larger community known as Wai Jook Yard #1, bordered by Nuuanu Avenue and Pauahi Street, probably named after Ching Wai Jook who operated a store on Nuuanu Avenue. The site became known as 'The Children's Playground' later.\n\nIt was at that time that Grandfather started a shoe-making business, but this was not successful because he had to rely on hired workers.\n\nWhen Mother was three, my grandparents made a trip to Shekki, taking Mother and the infant, but leaving Tin Yau in care of Cousin Chang Gum Chin. It was on this trip that Grandmother bought a young bond servant girl, Chang Chun Moy. After Grandfather left by himself for Honolulu, the infant died unexpectedly. Grandmother, alarmed that she would also lose Mother, again pawned her jewellery and returned with Mother to Hawaii, bringing with them Chun Moy. This was in 1891.\n\nGrandfather insisted on having a business of his own, even if it were as small a venture as just selling peanuts. He did not, however, succeed in any of his undertakings, including a restaurant, a dry goods store, and a farm in Moiliili. He tried selling baby chickens and ducks to local farmers, buying the eggs and hatching them in an incubator heated by charcoal. The eggs that did not hatch were fed to the family, then considered good for one's health. Because of much bickering among the workers, he gave that up. His final attempt at being an independent businessman was to buy ready-made 'dim sum', luncheon pieces, and have Uncle peddle them to native Hawaiians. At that time Uncle was a student at St. Louis School, and Mother was in the 4th grade. The average profit of 25 cents a day had supported the family on two meals a day. Finally, with a saving of $10, enough to buy ingredients and fuel, Grandfather hired a cook to make their own luncheon pieces. The cooking was done in an area in the back of the house, and Grandmother, who was suffering from severe headaches at that time, would sit on the back stairs to watch and to supervise. Uncle had to continue peddling even during school days and learned to speak Hawaiian.\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211446, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "138\n\nin life, he would recount childish pranks. For instance, in order to remember English words, they would use Chinese words of similar sounds, as ga dang MÎ for G.D.... Or, they would sneak out to buy fresh bread. On one occasion, a student had to hurriedly hide a loaf of bread under his shirt when he saw the Rev. Damon approaching, even though it was burning hot. Another time, the boys set up the room of a friend in the old See Dai Doo Building on Smith Street to resemble a wake, with an effigy of a dead man stretched out amidst burning candles and incense. When their friend returned, he was so shocked that he became ill.\n\nWith two boys in private school, Grandfather could not afford to pay their full fees, so Father had to turn to his older brothers for help. In a letter dated 22 February 1897, First Uncle advised Father not to give up his schooling and asked what the tuition was. At that time, First Uncle was working in a bank and had been joined by his wife. Second Uncle had finished middle school and was looking for an office to start his practice in San Francisco. In June of that year, First Uncle was able to send 75 dollars towards Father's tuition, but the amount was not so much as Grandmother had expected. Second Uncle wrote on 29 July 1897 that he could not help, but encouraged Father to continue with his schooling. He felt that Father was more fortunate than he to be able to have help from Grandfather. In the autumn of 1897, Father was admitted to Grade II of the Punahou Preparatory School, located at 73 S. Beretania Street, and was registered as Chan Yin Yip,* after he had passed an entrance examination and was considered of good moral character. The principal was Samuel F. French. Two report cards, signed by F. W. Damon as 'guardian', indicated that in the full term Father had perfect attendance and received A's for Arithmetic, Language, History and Penmanship, with a general average of 94; that in the winter term, he added French and Rhetoric to his schedule but did less well, earning a general average of 90. Three receipts show tuition for the term ending 17 December 1897 to be seven dollars and fifty cents; for the term ending 8 April 1898 to be six dollars and fifty cents; and the term ending 21 July 1898 to be five dollars.\n\n* See Oahu College Pamphlets, 1893-1900, Public Archives, Honolulu.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211455, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "147\n\naway from a Sunday evening service to watch some people playing dominos, even though I was too young to realize that they were gambling. This was the only time Father had ever whipped any of us, an indication of his extreme anger at me. He really did not approve of the corporal punishment that Mother administered on Ruth and me, and when Helen came along, he asked Mother not to spank Helen so much. He was never tempted to do anything against his sense of right and wrong. When a relative tried to involve him in opium, he would have none of it, even when his relative thought Father would succumb to the temptation once the drug was sent to him without his consent. When the 'goods' arrived at the pier and Father got the bill of lading, he refused to accept it so that it was returned to San Francisco.\n\nFather was always trying to advance himself and his family, educationally, not only with books but also with experience. I can still picture him before a kerosene lamp at the family table reading, practising calligraphy, or teaching Ruth before she was old enough to attend school. Ruth was quiet, studious and bright, and learned quickly. I was active, impulsive and spirited, somewhat of a clown at times, but not so bright as Ruth. On one occasion when I was no more than four, he tried to teach me addition in Chinese by memorizing 'one tangerine and two tangerines make three tangerines'. I consistently got it wrong, and in frustration Father rapped me on the head with his knuckle, at which I ended up in tears so that Mother had to come to the rescue.\n\nHe bought books and dictionaries for himself and children's books for us. I used to be fascinated with a book about birds where the bluejay acted as the policeman among them. I used to pour over repeatedly the illustrations in our huge Bible and in other books, letting my fantasies take over. He bought a large bookcase for these books, which included textbooks he and Ping Lim had used and the Chinese classics he had studied in China. I grew to love them and often used them as references. Mother, who had a tendency to throw away anything that reminded her of her deceased loved ones, unfortunately gave away most of these books while I was in Nebraska. It was lucky for me that she kept these Chinese books that included the classics which I had proudly used when I attended Chinese language school and which Father would explain to me if there was something I could not absorb at school. When Ruth graduated from the 8th grade, Father shed tears of joy. How much greater his joy would", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211472, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "164\n\nfor being arrogant, did not accept Ruth, probably due to her discrimination against Mrs. Chang's programme. However, she accepted me, perhaps because I was considered uncontaminated and because Father was employed in a bank owned by \"white\" people. She made a poor choice because Ruth was by far the better student. Ruth then was accepted by Mrs. Creighton of Kauluwela School where she was placed directly in the third grade with Mrs. Bowman. Ruth stood out scholastically and was the pride of her teachers. She continued to do well in McKinley High School and won first prize and a gold medal upon graduation. Granted a Barbour scholarship at the University of Michigan, after a premedical programme at the University of Hawaii, she completed her academic medical studies and received a medical degree in 1929.\n\nAt Michigan Ruth met and became engaged to Herbert Kai Gee Wong of Hong Kong before he left to finish his medical studies at the University of Edinburgh. Unfortunately, Ruth sprained an ankle on a tour of a theatre during her last year of school and, even after surgery, was not able to walk normally or to accept an internship in a Philadelphia hospital. On her way back to Honolulu to recuperate, she spent a few days with me in Lincoln and some weeks with Dr. George S. Chan, a distant cousin, in Los Angeles. Being a herbalist, he tried unsuccessfully to heal the ankle with Chinese herbs. Once home she came under the care of Dr. Joseph Lam, family friend and schoolmate of Ruth's at Michigan. An injection of some new medication from Germany, administered by Dr. Mils Larsen, resulted in her death from septicemia on 6 June, 1932. Her three years of illness were a great strain on her and on the family. It was a great tragedy that such a brilliant woman was struck down just at the beginning of a promising career.\n\n―\n\nHelen was a very appealing child bright, sweet and smiling. During the Easter, Children's Day and Christmas services at the Kauluwela Mission, she was always asked to sing or perform. She attended Central Grammar School as I did and was a favourite of her teacher, Miss Padgett, and of the principal, Mrs. Sophie Overend, who had replaced Mrs. Carter. From there Helen went to McKinley High School, where, during her senior year, she was elected ROTC Sponsor for Company L. At the University of Hawaii, from which she graduated in three and a half years with a B.A. degree in Education, she was selected runner-up by movie star John Gilbert in a beauty contest among a group of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "170\n\nmen, steeped in the Classics, is one of my positive experiences in this school.\n\nAs I remember it, starting school was not a traumatic experience; I went alone to the Fort Street Chinese Church and, without any ado, sat with other children in the kindergarten that was supported by the Free Kindergarten Association. In those days, there were no automobiles and very few hacks, so it was not unusual for me, at my age, to travel alone to a place where I attended church services with Mother every Sunday. One of our friends, Mrs. Chun Nam, even asked me to take her son to this kindergarten without the necessity of registering him beforehand. My teacher was a Japanese woman dressed in her native garb. This year left few impressions on me.\n\nAccepted into Central Grammar School, I found my first-grade teacher, Miss Armstrong, a warm and conscientious person, who had many charts from which she drilled us in the sounds of the vowels and consonants and in the combination of these into words, using a pointer to guide us. Arithmetic was simple addition and subtraction or the reciting of the multiplication table, which could always be found on the back of our notebooks. The majority of the class were white children, and I did not feel comfortable enough to make friends with them. In the next three grades, I began to socialize with them and was included by them in play, as I was an active girl and swift on my feet when competing. As we advanced in years, the different races tended to chum around with their own ethnic groups. Many of the white children came from the army base and were driven to and from school in army vans. When Mrs. Carter retired, the school became less segregated.\n\nMiss Smith was my second-grade teacher, a young lady of rather generous proportions. She was warm and likeable, yet firm. She taught me to sew carefully and neatly a miniature book, the pages of which served as a place for pins and needles, something I treasured for years. Promptness was imperative. One day, when I arrived late for class, I was so afraid of her that I went home, only to be sent back to school by Mother, another disciplinarian, after she scolded me for dallying with my morning chores. Without asking for any explanation, Miss Smith had me hold out a hand, and then whacked my palm with a ruler; I felt exceedingly embarrassed. It did not lessen my fondness for her, and I", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211479, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "171\n\nremembered her with a present that Christmas.\n\nMiss Hadley taught me in the third grade. She was a tiny and older woman. The outstanding memory of this school year was that of another embarrassing incident. I had the first seat in the first row. One morning when she asked for answers to her questions, I kept popping up from my seat with hand raised to catch her attention, even after she had told me not to bob up and down. This probably irritated her so much that, to my surprise and chagrin, she took a rope and tied me to my seat. Teachers are more understanding nowadays.\n\nA good grounding in New England history about Indians, Pilgrims and Thanksgiving was given by Miss Rouse in the fourth grade, so that I felt very much a part of America's past, even though my roots originated in the Orient. She must have been of Yankee stock.\n\nWhen Mrs. Overend took over the principalship, she brought with her one of her teachers at Waipahu School, Mrs. Kemp, an army wife who became my teacher in the fifth grade. Mrs. Overend was a loud, authoritative and buxom woman, who would yell at us for any infraction of school rules, especially when anyone stepped on the wall-kept lawn. As the classroom was in one of the two front rooms of the palace formerly occupied by Princess Ruth, I could often hear her scolding or applying the rod across the hall in her office. This was enough to put fear in our hearts! Mrs. Kemp was a strong advocate of the Palmer method of writing and compulsively drilled us daily in penmanship. She challenged my interest and skill in solving arithmetical word problems. I grew very fond of her and felt sad the day she broke down and cried because her husband was ordered to the European front.\n\nI was taught by Miss Mabel Lightfoot the next year. She was a member of a local Irish political family and seemed more interested in life outside the classroom. Several of the boys (Billy Wilkins, Dick Bolton and Benjamin Kong) were always up to some prank, but this did not seem to upset her as she was able to cope with their behaviour and to run an orderly class.\n\nThe school programme became departmentalised in the seventh and eighth grades. For some reason I cannot recall the names of all six\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211571, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "Cio\n\nC\n\nPlate 1. Graduating class, Building Department, Hong Kong Government Trade School (renamed Technical College 1947), summer 1941: Seated left to right: Mr. Fung (workshop instructor), A.J. Peaker (lecturer), F. Buckle (Head, Department of Engineering), G. White (Principal), N.J. Bebbington (Head, Department of Building), K.W. Tam (lecturer), and S.C. Chan (lecturer). ‘Saigon-linen' (wet-wash) suits were the common form of dress. Photograph taken outside main entrance, note high-quality face brickwork which is uncommon in Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212016, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 431, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "406\n\nstated, namely that 'from the 1870s to the 1920s, the rural economy in Jiangsu and Guangdong, especially in areas that produced export crops, saw considerable prosperity' (p. 202) and that this prosperity must have translated into a higher standard of living for the majority of farmers and owner-cultivators, as well as tenants' (p. 202) until the early 1930s when the effects of the world depression came to be felt in China and 'created a situation in which both landlords and tenants felt that they had been unjustly treated', (p. 207). What this implies is again obvious. As Faure unreservedly states, ‘As it was, rural China was poor not because there was excessive trade, but because there was not enough of it', (p. 21). Indeed, Faure's central thesis is a familiar one among the 'optimists'. His work is original in the sense that it explores trade conditions in two provinces (Jiangsu and Guangdong) in a comprehensive manner, and presents new evidence through his documented case-study to strengthen the 'optimistic' viewpoint. It will certainly be welcomed by protagonists of the 'optimistic' school.\n\nBeing a polarized partner in the debate, it is not surprising to find that Faure adopts an uncompromising stance towards the 'pessimistic' argument which, according to him, rests basically on field studies in the 1920s and 1930s that are far from being unbiased records of observation and highly influenced by contemporary emotions', (p. 3). On the issue of documentation, Faure actually stands on the horns of a dilemma; for he has little choice but to rely on the same pool of available source materials which he is so sceptical about. That Faure can manage to build up his 'optimistic' case is partly due to the fact that historical data can be interpreted differently, based on the historian's own frame of mind. As a matter of fact, two historians using the same source may come up with vastly different conclusions, just as two contemporary observers of reality may have very different assessments of the same situation. Besides, the pool of data is enormous and diversified in content. China is too vast a country to provide for homogeneity in economic texture and behaviour. Conditions may vary not only between provinces but within a province, between two neighbouring counties and even within a single county. There thus exists a vast and sometimes conflicting body of qualitative and quantitative information on various aspects of rural China which, when selected with a fixed purpose in mind, can add weight to either the 'optimistic' or 'pessimistic' viewpoint. This controversy, when examined from a methodological perspective, does indeed shed light on the nature of historical debate in general. It is rooted in the historian's selection and interpretation of historical facts. As the eminent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212246, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "165\n\n10 each article taken altogether. The washermen are a regular set of scamps; one has to look very sharp after them. I had no end of clothes to wash on my arrival. I make my servant bring in his bill every morning. You would stare to see the amount I was supposed to eat the first day: Really it was enormous, and so for the first few days. If I send them to get anything I do not see all of it I am sure, or else pounds and ounces are very much smaller here than at home. But I find it is the general rule here; it seems to be regarded as a lawful perquisite. But when I can talk to them I will see all about it.\n\nI generally rise soon after six. At seven I go to the library and give a lesson in French to Hahn-shan, after which I make him work me up in Chinese. Breakfast at a quarter past eight, [and] prayers at a quarter to nine. School at nine, where I stop a short time and then leave the students to themselves, as I have no notion of working in holiday time. Study, etc., till one, then to dinner, after which I write, or study or get the masters or students and talk with them, till five, when I go to tea. At a quarter to six I go out for a walk, etc., till half past seven, then come in and read, etc., in library or parlour, prayers at eight, then walk in the grounds till bed time. When the pupils assemble I need only superintend the school from nine till one o'clock.\n\nMr Beach has gone to Macao for a few days so I am all alone. He is really a capital fellow, and we agree famously. I treat him just like an old college friend and he ditto. He is very rough and blunt in his manner however, and I fancy he might be far more explicit in his explanations. But I think he is ashamed of the present state of the College, and knowing I am one of the trade, he fancies I have private opinions of my own as to the way it has been managed; and he is quite right if he does fancy so. He wishes to leave me to myself entirely, and to let me begin on Sept 1st by myself, if he is not gone up north before then. However I do not care.\n\nMr Irwin lives so far away that I seldom go to see him. The last time I found him just going for a walk, so went with him right through Happy Valley, and round home to his house. As we were going up the hill we met Mrs I. and her daughter, who were also out for a walk, so we joined them and went over some of the ground again. Of course I had the honour to escort Miss Irwin, and carried on a considerable chat with her. I think her voice for singing very nearly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212248, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "NOTES\n\n167\n\nFrom manuscripts in the John Fryer Papers, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.\n\nThe title on the holograph was added in pencil at the top of the page and underlined; a pencil was used to cross out the salutation, probably at the time when the title was added prior to typing many years later. In transcribing this material I have followed the holograph document. Minor changes have been made to bring punctuation and use of numbers into conformity with modern usage and to improve readability. Editorial additions are in square brackets. Fryer tended to write run-on paragraphs; a caret indicates where long paragraphs have been broken up. Colons and semicolons are not easily distinguished in the holograph; Fryer was inconsistent in his use of the apostrophe.\n\n1\n\nFryer mentions below that it has been a fortnight since his arrival. This would place the date for this letter around August 13, 1861.\n\n4\n\nA sketch of the general plan of St. Paul's College, drawn in ink and tinted with watercolors by Fryer, accompanies the holograph document. See Plans in text, redrawn from Fryer's sketch plan.\n\n4 Fryer generally wrote \"&\" in his handwritten letters, but converted these to \"etc.\" and \"and\" in his typewritten transcriptions.\n\nFryer became engaged to Anna Roleston of Chudleigh, Devon, before embarking for Hong Kong,\n\nThe Second Anglo-Chinese War, 1858-1860, which led to a stoppage of much of the trade of Hong Kong with China to 1861.\n\n# This is one of the rare examples of Fryer's use of hyperbole; other examples can be detected below.\n\nHI\n\nThe Reverend George Smith, Bishop of Victoria.\n\nRev. William Roberts Beach arrived in Canton in 1853 sponsored by the Wesleyan Missionary Society. He joined the Church of England in 1855. In 1857 he became Warden of St. Paul's College and Chaplain to the Bishop of Victoria. His other appointments included a period in Macao as Missionary Chaplain in 1857, and service as Chaplain to the Forces under Sir Hope Grant in 1861. He was appointed Colonial Chaplain and Canon of St. John's Cathedral by the Rev. Alford, who in 1867 became \"Lord Bishop of the see of Victoria, and Warden (for the Church Missionary Society) of St. Paul's College'. (see E. J Bitel, Europe in China, Hong Kong: Kelley and Walsh, 1895. p. 466.) Alford was Principal of Highbury Training College, London, at the time when John Fryer was enlisted for work at St. Paul's College.\n\n|| This was the College in Staunton Street, later renamed St. Saviour's (1863), and then (1875) St. Joseph's.\n\nזן\n\nFryer travelled to Hong Kong on the sailing ship Prince Alfred.\n\nPublished in Volume 29 (1989) of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\n14\n\nSee Plans in Text.\n\n15\n\nSee Plates 2-4.\n\n16. Charles R. Alford; see note 10.\n\nדן\n\n* \"animals\" standard English school master-speech for \"schoolboys\".\n\nश्र\n\nPossibly the British Museum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212377, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 319, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "296\n\nIn the middle of the year [1848] Brother Hamberg was able, by God's gracious protection, to pass in a small boat through the pirates and so to arrive at Tungfo. There a respected man, Ho, a Siu Tsai [Sau Tsoi, graduate of the lowest class], rented him a dwelling, and Ho's father-in-law, Jap (Yip), took him under his protection.\n\nTungfo is a great market, quite given over to trade, newly built, and bustling with business. It is built in a closed-in valley, where the people are still simple and uncorrupted.\n\nThe missionary was soon quite well-known to the sick, especially to those with eye diseases, who could be seen coming in droves, demanding treatment.... The centre of Brother Hamberg's work was the free treatment of the sick, of whom many were, by God's foreseeing, available for him. As a still unmarried man, however, Brother Hamberg was unable to do anything for the women.\n\nBrother Hamberg considered that it would be easy to establish a school in Tungfo. Hundreds of people had come to his house which he had called \"The Gentle House of Healing\" within a short time. The old man, Jap, had brought the elders of the villages to visit, and he had come many times, and listened to the preaching....\n\n―\n\nThis was the position in August of last year [1848], when Brother Hamberg was struck down with a serious disease. He had to leave damp Tungfo, surrounded by its rice-fields, with the utmost speed, and make his way to Hong Kong, in part by land over the mountains, in part by sea on a small boat. There, thanks to good care, he recovered completely, ... and resolutely determined to return, in the name of the Lord, to Tungfo ...\n\nBrother Hamberg decided to stay another year in that place, and to leave his house better organised. To this end he surrounded himself with the best and most trustworthy of his helpers, and opened a school. By January", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212390, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 332, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "309\n\nSOJOURNERS IN XIAMEN: NOTES ON THE RAS VISIT\n\nIt was up-up-and-away' on Friday March 6, 1992, as 18 stalwart RAS Members took a one-hour flight to Xiamen Island, in Fujian Province. Also known as Amoy, the town is similar, in some ways, to Hong Kong. Both are situated in the typhoon belt. Also, like Macau, there are isolated 'dip-nets' for coastal fishing, mournful water buffalo haul ploughs as in Guangdong and 'knife-bean' and flame trees adorn skylines as at Repulse Bay. As in most of China for the past decade, 'free markets' exist in Xiamen with intriguing street stall smells.\n\nBut this city, where Chinese still stare at Europeans, is also different from Hong Kong. Limited English is spoken, and, when it is, people often have Japanese accents. Nor is there the same high-rise concrete jungle, sampans and junks have more pronounced curves, straining bare-footed labourers pull carts and street sweepers use brooms made from branches of trees.\n\nAlthough one of the People's Republic's Special Economic Zones, Xiamen cannot be compared to hectic Shenzhen. But if direct relations can be established across the shallow, 150 kilometre wide, Taiwan Straits, instead of routing transactions through Hong Kong, the volume of trade could increase rapidly. To make it easier for the Taiwanese, to attract business many of the street signs in Xiamen are in conventional Chinese characters, as in Hong Kong, rather than the simplified ideograms normally used in China.\n\nThe Group's first stop on arrival in Xiamen, arranged by Member David Norris, was to 'Meixia Arts and Handicrafts' established and run by American Bill Job and wife Kitty. They manufacture and export stained art glass murals, windows and lampshades.\n\nThe following day, the couple invited the Party to their spartan but adequate house, built in 1928, for which the present rent is US$120 a month. An open well and grapevines grace the forecourt. Their two young daughters attend the Chinese school and are fluent in both Putonghua and the local dialect. The latter sounds more nasal than Cantonese. When the Group arrived the two girls were playing ball with Chinese friends in the narrow street at the front of their home.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "11\n\nthat all men must die and not knowing when I may be called away, I deem it right while still in bodily health and full possession of mental faculties to make my will.\n\nWei A Kwong, the father of Wei Yuk, had a typical story of success. He was a Zhongshan native; he left his hometown and worked in Macau as a teenager. His father was a comprador to two American merchants, Benjamin Chew Wilcocks and Oliver H. Gordon. It was known that Wei was forsaken by his family and had to resort to begging on the streets of Macau. He was later sent to Singapore where he studied under the auspices of the Morrison Education Society in a school of the American Board of Commission for Foreign Missions. This changed his life. He returned to Hong Kong and began his career. He served as comprador in Bowra & Co. and then in the Mercantile Bank of India, London and China until his death. Wei wrote his will in 1866. He prefaced it with a brief account of his life, particularly mentioning that he was the first student of the Morrison Education Society and that he first came to Hong Kong in 1843. He had \"ever since lived under the just and equitable rule of the British Government.\" Though we cannot prove to what extent his exposure to Western culture was related to his Christian education, he succeeded in becoming a leading member of Chinese society in Hong Kong. This contrasts with the will of Sung Chin Tseung, which reads.\n\nSung Chin Tseung, otherwise literary appellation Sung Ching, otherwise Ngok Shan, native of Kat Tai village, of Kong Sheung Division, Heung Shan District. I followed my deceased father, Mr. Shau U, to Hong Kong in 1842 to trade in foreign business as compradore. Further, in 1854, thanks to the kind support of Mr. Ryrie and others of Messrs. Turner and Co., Hongkong, I took over the office of compradore and up to the present thirty odd years.\n\nBoth Wei and Sung were natives of Zhongshan. They came to Hong Kong for business in the early 1840s when Hong Kong was already a British colony. Though they lived in Hong Kong, they maintained connections with their hometown, as Sung's father, Soong Ke, stated in his will written in 1864:\n\nIn the 21st year of Tao Kwong (1841), I came to Hong Kong and employed myself in business all the time with foreigners, always being diligent and making little profit sufficient to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212493, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "27\n\nShanghai, named the Guang Zhao Gongsuo,\n\nNeedless to say, Tang was famous amongst Cantonese merchants. In 1876, when Tang was organizing the telegraph office in Fuzhou, he was invited by Ding Richang to set up a Chinese bank with branches in Tokyo and London. The venture was supported by a group of Cantonese merchants to set up a modern bank with a paid-up capital of three hundred thousand taels to meet the increasing need of a financial institution to accelerate Chinese trade in foreign countries. Tang was also active in business circles in Hong Kong. He joined in partnership with his brother Tang Maozhi in the first sugar refinery in Hong Kong. Tang contributed three thousand taels while William McGregor Smith contributed the largest share of sixteen thousand taels. They planned to export sugar to Jiujiang, but probably due to Tang's transfer to Shanghai, export of refined sugar was changed to connect with Shanghai where they operated successfully until 1864. Afterwards Tang sold his share to his brother Tang Maozhi. The refinery was set up at East Point, Hong Kong, under the name of Smith, Wahee & Co. However, it eventually went bankrupt and was taken over by Jardine, Matheson & Co.\n\nTang left his work at China Merchants' Steam Navigation Co. in 1884 to manage the Kaiping Mines in Tianjin in which he had a personal investment of three hundred thousand taels. It has to be mentioned that with the appointment of Tang as the Kaiping's general manager, a large number of Cantonese workers were recruited for Tianjin. By 1891, the number of Cantonese workers had grown to five hundred of which some had returned from California and Australia. Though these Cantonese miners were more skilled and experienced than local workers, they did not get along with the local people and refused to teach their skills to the northerners, as they were called. In 1883 a group of a hundred men from Swatow had to be discharged because of conflicts between them and their headmen.\n\nZhang Guanying (1842-1922)\n\nZheng was born in Zhongshan. It is unclear when he moved from Zhongshan to Macau but it was certain that he had received his traditional education in Canton. After Zheng had failed in the public examination, he decided to become a merchant. In 1858, he was sent to his uncle Zheng Tingjiang in Shanghai, who had been a comprador to Overweg & Co. Zheng soon entered into the Anglo-Chinese School organized by a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212640, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "174\n\nteams should decide to be active at the same time. Of course, it was always possible, once China had Allies who would unquestionably win the war, whatever happened, that the negative policy might be overdone: should that happen, I am myself convinced, it would not be in accordance with the inclination of the frontline troops, if we can take those who passed through our school as typical, or of guerilla generals.\n\nThe idea of catching the Japanese by a mine, which might explode when those who had set it were many miles away, appealed immensely to the Chinese mind; but the urge was subject to the necessity of not drawing too heavy a retaliation onto the local population. The Japanese expected the local population to inform them of guerilla movements in the vicinity and inferentially any successful guerilla exploit was due to collaboration with guerillas and punished accordingly. Actually, of course, the population supported the guerillas so long as the guerillas did not make life too difficult by attracting too much Japanese retaliation. The guerillas depended, not only for success, but for mere existence, on the intelligence of Japanese movements provided by the local population. When it came to carrying out an operation; for instance, the capture of a small fort, the Chinese much preferred to capture it by guile. The Japanese garrison, who like all soldiers preferred to be waited on to doing anything themselves, would have a Chinese coolie to carry water from the well, a Chinese cook to prepare their meals, a boy to sweep out the quarters, and they would allow hawkers selling vegetables and such things to come in with their wares. These Chinese might be in the employ of the guerillas to a man. These Chinese, who as a nation are perhaps the best judges of character in the world, would soon learn all the weaknesses of the garrison and could make their plans accordingly; but the plan would have to take account of possible retaliation on the civilians involved, and might entail their entire removal from the district. On the other hand, in retaliating, there was a limit beyond which it did not pay the Japanese to go; in their own peculiar way they realised the advantage of attracting the population to their point of view. It resulted in a sort of balance being struck where the Chinese could judge just how far it was wise to go in carrying out any given policy of sabotage or more direct attack.\n\nI have heard criticism of the trade which was allowed to flow between free and occupied China. At Chin Ya we were on one of the main roads over which this commerce passed. Every day you could see strings of coolies, or rickshaws, going towards the Japanese lines laden with tea,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212855, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "149\n\nA PEEK BACKWARDS INTO\n\nTHE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SHANGHAI*\n\n(This paper is dedicated to the memory of the late Mr Hans Diestel)\n\nWEI PEH TI\n\nIntroduction\n\nJewish traders were among the first foreigners to come to work and live in Shanghai when the port was first opened to foreign trade in November 1843. Despite the important role a number of these Jewish residents played in Shanghai as well as in international commerce at that time and for a century to follow, scholars are just beginning to focus their attention on this community. David Kranzler's dissertation at Yeshiva University in New York on the Jewish refugees from Europe who arrived at Shanghai after 1938, Japanese, Nazis and Jews: the Jewish Refugee Community at Shanghai, is the only generally known work that has been published in English.1 Vilhelm Meyer was a Danish Jew who started a small trading house in Shanghai importing goods from his native Denmark at the beginning of the century, and who eventually sold the company, by then a commercial and industrial conglomerate of 1,800 employees, to General Electric in 1935. His life and work is being researched by his grandson, Christopher Bo Bramsen.2 Bramsen, however, is writing a personal biography of his grandfather, emphasizing his work in Shanghai as a Dane, not a treatise on a Jewish individual in Shanghai. On the other hand, two doctoral dissertations on the Sephardic community are being undertaken at this time, one at the London School of Economics, and one at the University of London.\n\n*The suggestion for a paper on the Jewish community in Shanghai was first made in 1987 by Dr Jewish Diestel and Mrs Paula Sandfelder when the Jewish Historical Society and the Jewish Recreation Club of Hong Kong invited me to give the first Ezekiel Abraham Memorial Lecture. Subsequently, I have given similar talks to the student body of the Chapin School and at Temple Emmanuel in New York City, as well as to Jewish groups on Long Island. I am grateful to my many friends for showing interest in the subject, and am especially flattered to be consulted by otherwise intelligent scholars who wish to work on the subject of the Shanghai Jews seriously. I would like to thank the Jewish Library in Hong Kong for letting me consult their collections; my appreciation also goes to the Rev Carl Smith for generously sharing his numerous index cards and his encyclopaedic knowledge.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212862, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "156\n\nThe Abraham Family\n\nEleazer Joseph Abraham\n\nDavid Ezekiel Joshua Abraham\n\nDavid Abraham Reuben m Ruby Moselle (1890-1982)\n\nEzekiel\n\nJoseph\n\nIsaac\n\n1\n\nAziza\n\nof the Jewish community, and served it well. His son, Ezekiel Abraham, recalled how the Jewish community had rallied to succour the refugees from Eastern Europe and Germany in 1938 and 1941 when some 17,000 to 18,000 refugees found their way to Shanghai.\n\n\"The Japanese commander had called in R.D. Abraham, as leader of the Jewish community in Shanghai, to tell him that a shipload of Jewish refugees had arrived. 'We cannot let them land,' said the Japanese. 'Why?' Abraham wanted to know. 'There is no place for them to live, and the refugees have no money to feed themselves,' reasoned the Japanese. 'In that case,' said Abraham, thoughtfully, without a smile, 'you will just have to shoot all of them, because there is no other place on earth for them to go.' Then he paused for a few moments before confiding in the Japanese, 'or, we can open the Sassoon warehouses in Hongkew and let the refugees live there, and put them to work in the factories.'\n\nGhe Ezras\n\n+15\n\nEdward Ezra switched from the opium trade to large-scale real estate construction and management in 1900. He erected - on the land bounded by Nanking, Kiujiang, Szechwan and Kiangse Roads - 1,000,000 taels worth of residences that enjoyed modern amenities. His own home on Joffre Road boasted a ballroom and a music room. The family interests included hotels. The Astor House Hotel, on Broadway and Whangpoo Road, occupied three acres of ground. Edward Ezra, who was a Director of Astor House, was the first person born in Shanghai and educated at the Shanghai Public School to be elected to the Municipal Council. Socially linked to the Sassoons from the beginning by marriage, today", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "155\n\nto the front of the school building, to double the defences of the bridge, probably some time in the last quarter of the nineteenth century.\n\n27\n\nThe building of the gun-towers, the school, the Man Mo Temple and Meeting Hall, and the communal grave, is evidence for the prosperity and vitality of the town, and the village society in which it was set, in the later nineteenth century. By 1904, the market had about doubled in size, and in the number of shops operating, from its situation fifty years earlier. From its foundation in 1830-1835, in fact, the prosperity of the town seems to have increased steadily until 1898, with the only check being the very temporary set-back of the Taiping attack.\n\nThe Market and the New Frontier\n\nThe leasing of the New Territories to Great Britain in 1898 was traumatic for the villagers of the Sha Tau Kok area. The line originally proposed for the new frontier would have run along the Sha Tau Kok River from source to sea. This would have put two of the eleven village alliance areas of the Shap Yeuk into China, the market and the other village alliance areas into the New Territories. This was unacceptable to the Chinese authorities, who were unwilling to allow so significant a place as Sha Tau Kok to become part of the area administered by Britain. Eventually it was agreed that the frontier should run along the Sha Tau Kok River from the source down to the Sha Tau Kok bridge, and then be diverted from the bridge down the centre of the bridge access road to the sluice at Yim Liu Ha, then in a straight line to the sea, and thence east along the high-water mark to the mouth of Mirs Bay.* This line was drawn very close to the northern and western edges of the market. As such it isolated the market from the rest of Chinese territory; its only access was either over the bridge, which was half in Hong Kong, or through Hong Kong territory, or by sea through Hong Kong waters.\n\nIn the late nineteenth century, China controlled imports and exports through customs regulations, enforced by the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service. By the drawing of the frontier where it eventually was, the normal, day-to-day trade of Sha Tau Kok market suddenly found itself\n\n* See Map 4.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213134, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "184\n\npreoccupied with the fuel trade to have any spare time to enter the carrying trade.\n\nEspecially in the 1930s, one of the biggest coolie trades was smuggling, although it was of significance earlier as well. Villagers smuggled their own purchases back over the frontier (the bridge carrying the footpath over the border river near the Sha Tsui temple was a commonly used route, as it was not continuously guarded by the Customs), but bulk smuggling (mostly of sugar, kerosene, tobacco, and also opium) was organised by the shops in the market, especially the tobacco dealers. These treated their trade as any other carrying trade, with village women being hired ad hoc to carry loads to customers across the frontier, or across the lines to Sha Yue Chung. Most village women active in the coolie trade took part in this smuggling business.\n\nThe society of the market at Sha Tau Kok was entirely dominated by the local Hakka of the surrounding villages. The Tanka - the boat people - were, as always, regarded as somewhat second-class, even though their presence was essential to the economic success of the town. The perceived inferiority of the boat-people may well be the reason that few of them lived in the market at Sha Tau Kok: they preferred to live at Kat O, a few miles off-shore, outside the Shap Yeuk area.\n\nEven more regarded as second-class, however, were the Hoklo saltworkers. These groups of workers, living for the term of their contract away from their families in their miserable huts on the saltpans, had no status at all. Of the total population of the town, perhaps as many as one fifth were saltworkers (assuming five workers per salt-works). The Hakka villagers owned the salt-works, but left them entirely to the contract overseer and his hired staff, so long as the rent was paid. No-one remembers the names of any of these salt-workers, nor can anyone remember any marriages between local Hakka or Tanka girls and these Hoklo labourers. The villagers kept away from them, and their only contact was the exchange of fuel or vegetables for salt at Yim Liu Ha. The salt-workers were important to the economy of the town, but they were treated as being the very bottom of the social scale.\n\nAt the other end of the social scale were the teachers at the Tung Wo School. The Shap Yeuk elders had wanted to ensure that the district had at least one first quality school, and had consequently built the school to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213162, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "212\n\nIn 1914, the opium concession had been taken over by the Hong Kong Government and a policy for the discontinuance of the trade was pursued. But its use was not fully prohibited until after World War II,\n\nIt must be stressed that much of the information recorded in this short paper was by word of mouth. Over time facts can, of course, become distorted.\n\nHong Kong was affected directly but little by the First World War. 'But there were great celebrations, a two-day public holiday, a victory parade and a fireworks display (which cost HK$2,000) when it was over,' Mr. Lee told me.\n\n'We lived on the first floor of a three-storey building in Pottinger Street. There was a printing workshop on the ground floor.'\n\nAccording to Mr. Lee, his home was not far from the old Victoria Theatre, which stood in Pottinger Street. This was sometimes attended by Sir Francis May, the then Governor of Hong Kong (1912 to 1919). There were more street traders in those days, shouting out and advertising their wares.\n\nTo give a further idea of what Hong Kong was like in 1920, during World War One, the number of sedan chairs peaked at 1,215; whereas the number of rickshaws did not peak until 1924, with 3,411. In 1920, private cars numbered 351, up from 24 in 1914.\n\nI have always complimented Mr. Lee on his English. He, in turn, gives credit to his Chinese primary school teacher in Hong Kong. 'He was strict. But I learned my English grammar from him. Americans do not teach grammar,' he insists.\n\n‘I used to delight in taking a sentence to pieces and analysing it. We also studied the 'Four (Chinese) Books.'\n\nBecause his father, as a businessman in the fields of jewellery and cosmetics, spent 10 years in Australia as a young man, there was only one other child, Mr. Lee's elder sister. Mr. Lee's father was one of the two founders of the Sincere Department Store in Hong Kong. Father died at the age of 36, and filial Mr. Lee gives great credit to his mother, ‘a remarkably capable woman. She brought us up. I owe her a lot,' he told me.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213207, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "8\n\n00\n\nuntil the outbreak of war in 1914. During the period when the congregation met in the Union Church Hall, the community also conducted a school there. The group meeting there was called the Deutsche Kirchen und Schulegemeinde (Rev. Albert Plag, \"Bethesda and the Berliner Frauenverein Für China”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1969, v. 9: 149-150, Carl T. Smith, “The German Congregation in Hong Kong until 1914\", ibid, 1975. v. 15: 292-295).\n\nIn the 1896/97 the Hildesheim Mission opened the Ebenezer Home for the Blind. There were two homes, one on Hong Kong Island and one in Kowloon. During the First World War they were placed under the supervision of the Church Missionary Society, though the Sisters in charge were allowed to continue to care for the children. Among the first Germans to return to Hong Kong after the end of the war were several deaconesses of the Hildesheim Society. The Ebenezer Home and School for the Blind is now located on Pokfulam Road.\n\nTwo German missionaries became Inspectors of Schools in Hong Kong. Rev. Wilhelm Lobscheid was sent to China in 1848 by the Rhenish Missionary Society, but in 1857 he changed his allegiance to the British-based Chinese Evangelization Society, yet another of the groups inspired by Gutzlaff. He was Inspector of Schools in Hong Kong from 1855 to 1859. He published in 1859 a valuable historical account entitled A Few Notices on the Extent of Chinese Education, and the Government Schools of Hong Kong; with remarks on the history and religious notions of the inhabitants of this island. From 1861 to 1866 he acted as an emigration agent, recruiting labour for British colonies in the West Indies. His labours in this endeavour again produced a book which contains much of interest as its title suggests, Chinese Emigration to the West Indies: A Trip through British Guiana undertaken for the purpose of ascertaining the condition of the Chinese who have emigrated under Government Contract With Supplementary Papers Relating to Contract Labour and the Slave Trade.\n\nAnother German, Rev. Ernest J. Eitel was Inspector of Schools from 1878 to 1896. He was influential in setting policies for the development of education in Hong Kong. He was sent to China in 1862 by the Basel Missionary Society. Three years later he transferred to the London Missionary Society. He married Miss Eaton, an agent of the Society for the Promotion of Female Education in the East. She was head-mistress of the Diocesan School for Girls. Mr. Eitel became a naturalised British", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213229, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "30 \n\nMrs. T.C. Meyrick of Fareham, Hants, England. He was educated at University College School, London, from where he went to Brasenose College, Oxford in 1900. He arrived in China in 1907 to join Arnhold, Karberg and Co. He was a keen supporter of racing with his brother Harry Arnhold. They ran a stable in Shanghai for many years under the nom-de-guerre of \"Winsome and Hasty\". He was the last Chairman of the Shanghai Race Club before the change of régime in China. At one time he was a member of the Shanghai Municipal Council and Vice Chairman of the British Chamber of Commerce, Shanghai. He came to Hong Kong in 1949 and the head office was then transferred here. He had been interned at the Haiphong Road Internment Camp in Shanghai. He supported the British Orchestra and the Hong Kong Concert Orchestra. He was born in London in 1881.\n\nSince 1888 a member of the firm of Arnhold, Karberg and Co. had been on the Board of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank though, of course, after 1914 German firms were not represented. The firm also represented German financial interests in the negotiation of foreign loans to China. Its \"Teutonic thoroughness\" is shown by the number of offices the firm had in China in 1908 — Hong Kong, Shanghai, Canton, Hankow, Tientsin, Tsingtau, Wuhu, Kiukiang, Newchwang, Chungking, Mukden, Peking, Tsinanfu, Kirin etc. It had buying offices in London, New York and Berlin. Dr. Frank King in his history of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation designates the firm as an \"Anglo-German\" company. Like other large China-based German firms it found it advantageous to establish strong links with Britain. It was about the only German firm able to continue its trade after 1914, principally because the two Shanghai partners were born in England.\n\nBourjau, Hubener and Co.\n\nAdolph Bourjau and Carl Albert Hubener were authorised to sign for L.E. Lebert and Company at Canton in 1858 but by the next year they were in business in Hong Kong under their own name (FC 18 Mar. 1858, 31 May 1859). They are mentioned as emigrant agents in 1866 (DP 1 Nov. 1866). Mr. Bourjau continued as a senior partner until his death on 14 February 1873 (DP 5 Apr. 1873).\n\nArthur Booth was a partner in 1862/3 and Oscar Booth from 1866 to 1869. Ernest Behre was the managing partner at Shanghai in the 1860s.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "55\n\npoor doctor escaped to Taiwan on some other score.\n\nThen we learned that the famous playwright Woo Tzu-kwong () married the actress Hsin Fung-hsia () and the couple live happily together until now. It is fair to say that the theatrical people in China, including those actors and actresses, are living a stricter moral life than their counterparts of the European and American origin. I hope that, one of these days, the social differences will be swept away so that men and women can live a non-hobbled life as anybody else.\n\nThe Applause and the Booing\n\nApplause by hand clapping is only a recent invention to the theatres in China. In the old days, applause came spontaneously from the audience when the public felt the singing or acting was beautifully done by yelling the word “Hao” (好) in the third tone. Booing was seldom practiced except for the following few reasons:\n\n(a) when the singer missed or could not keep up with the rhythm or beat of the music;\n\n(b) when the hat fell off from the actor's head to the ground; \n\n(c) in a fighting scene, when his spear, or weapon, fell to the ground.\n\nCoincidentally, booing is delivered by yelling the same word “Hao\" (好) in a different tone, the fourth tone, pronounced as ().\n\n\"The Patron Saint” of the Theatre\n\nYou have probably heard that in China, every trade has its quasi-deity who is worshipped with reverence. The position of this quasi-god equals, in status, the “Patron Saint\" in the Western world.\n\nIn the theatrical profession, they worship Emperor Xuan-zong (玄宗) of the Tang Dynasty - his real name is Li Long-ji (). Xuan-zong is his reigning name.\n\nHe was an exceptionally talented man, possessing charm and charisma. In the second year of his reign, he established, within his palace, a school which he called the \"Pear Garden”, to teach young and talented men and women how to sing and to put on a show. Up to this day, people like to refer to theatrical men and women as \"disciples", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "23\n\nsubcontracting, no vacancies were supposed to have existed. There were said at the time to have been 724 working scaffolders. Of these, 4 (all employed by 1 firm) had received education up to Secondary School Form Five; 160 had craft certificates (they were employed in 19 different firms); and 519 (employed in 45 different firms) had received education up to Secondary School Form Three or below.16 Still today, many of the older scaffolders have frequently only received a few years of Primary education, as was not uncommon until up to the 1960s. Many were young when they started learning the trade.\n\nEmployment figures vary considerably depending on the state of the economy. During a building recession, scaffolders sometimes move into other forms of employment, such as hawking or driving a taxi.\n\nA shortage of scaffolders and the danger factor in the trade results in higher wages being paid. Wages for scaffolders are in the region of 10 per cent more than other principal trades, such as carpenters and bricklayers, in the building industry. If a group of scaffolders decide to 'take work' for a price, they can usually earn even more. In October 1997, the going rate for a scaffolder, at HK$890.00 a day, could not attract workers. It was necessary to pay HK$1,000.00 a day.\n\nA shortage of scaffolders is brought about, too, partly because the work is of a casual nature, depending on the number of jobs available, with employees working somewhere between 20 to (but seldom more than) 25 days a month. Once erected, the scaffolding is 'hired out' at a set rate, depending on the time it is left standing before being dismantled.\n\nErecting bamboo scaffolding is normally seen, naturally, as a man's job, although, since the Construction Industry Training Centre opened in 1976, it has trained two girls (Plate 4). One of those later took over the managing of her father's scaffolding firm. With running the business in mind, that was why she undertook the course in the first place. However, although scaffolding is normally seen as a man's job, of the trainee-places on the Training Authority's course, only nine were taken up in the 1997-98 intake. Seventy per cent of the graduates from the course, which has been running for about 20 years, still work as scaffolders.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214666, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "45\n\nMarket at Kowloon City grew, so, too, did the numbers of villagers able to get work there as shop-keepers, shop-assistants, or general coolies.\n\nIt is, again, a mark of the prosperity and local importance of Nga Tsin Wai that villagers from the village were very important in the foundation (1880) and early history of the Lok Sin Tong. This important charitable organisation was founded with the encouragement of the Sub-Magistrate and local Military Commander, with enthusiastic input from merchants in the Market, and local village leaders. The Ng clan of Nga Tsin Wai donated the land on which the Tong stood at its foundation. Prominent among the Tong's early Directors were Ng Shue-fan, RM, (1848-1906) and his first cousin Ng Shue-tong (44) from Nga Tsin Wai. Ng Shue-tong had been the leader of the villagers in the 1854 fight against the Taiping bandits, and must have been in his 60s when the Lok Sin Tong was founded. Ng Shue-fan was a scholarly man. He acted as the accountant of the Ng clan. He bought himself a degree somewhere in the late nineteenth century.\n\nThe Chans and Lis were also closely involved as early Lok Sin Tong Directors. Chan Tak-hang (1828-1892, also known as Chan Jit-ming) was a Founding Director. He came from the Tseung Kwan O branch of the clan, but was resident in Kowloon Market, where he ran a general store, the Yi Hing Store (H). Since he was living nearby, he was probably regarded by the Nga Tsin Wai community as being \"one of their own people\". He was a prominent leader of the Kowloon City Kaifong. He also owned a shop in Fatshan, and four shops and a house in Hang Hau Market. He had a cargo junk which was busy in the stone trade, carrying cargo from the Kowloon area, especially stone from the \"Four Stone Hills\" in the Kwun Tong area, to Fatshan. He prospered greatly, and bought himself a degree in the late nineteenth century. He was a man of great charity, and built a guest-house and school for his clan at Tseung Kwan O, and a number of bridges and piers at various places, especially the great stone pier at Hang Hau Market, and paved the footpaths from Hang Hau to the summit of the pass to Sai Kung above Tseng Lan Shue (these paths and pier were critical to the prosperity of Hang Hau, much of whose trade consisted in handling fish carried from Sai Kung, and then sent on to Hong Kong by Hang Hau merchants). He amassed a large area of agricultural land near Tseung Kwan O (2.3 acres), and was the trustee of a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "32\n\nmovement, and the innocent uninvolved citizens as well. In a memoir-like fragment somewhat randomly chosen from the volume My House Has Two Doors, we read:\n\nAnd so the Emergency began. It would justify the suspending of all rights, giving the police (Special Branch) total power to arrest, search, detain anyone without trial and indefinitely, to disband all trade unions, arrest trade unionists, ban demonstrations, mete out the death sentence for 'possession of dangerous weapons,' which included school penknives, to apply censorship in all its forms, to impose curfews, to shoot suspects on sight.\n\nThere are a vast number of Han Suyin's excellent essays also, which had originally been published basically in the magazines of South East Asia (e.g., in the Hong Kong journal Eastern Horizon) and tackle various different sociopolitical problems of former colonies, generated just in the course of their colonial past. Luckily enough, a good deal of these largely dispersed essays were saved from oblivion by a rather recent re-editing them in a book entitled Tigers and Butterflies - Selected Writings on Politics, Culture and Society (London, 1990). The very titles of some of these essays are eloquent enough to remind us of Han Suyin's steady interests and passions: Social Changes in Asia (1960), The Aborigines (1961), Relations between East and West (1963), The Rich vs the Poor (1964), or The Troubles Miscalled Racial (1965).\n\nThe entirety of Han Suyin's literary achievements - and especially those parts which tackle predominantly colonial threads - have still to be sufficiently investigated and discussed. One reason for this situation seems to be the vagueness of average Western opinion in the matter of colonialism as sociopathology of the world's not so very distant past. In this particular context, Han Suyin's profound analyses followed by very moderate conclusions ought to be studied very attentively indeed, whereas her remarkably open, yet self-restrained and balanced attitude can only be gratefully acknowledged, admired and revered.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215157, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 253, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "213\n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong\n\nKong today. In the early 20th century it formed a department under the Director of Education. It had no building of its own but was housed in Queen's College,\n\nthen sited on Hollywood Road. In 1913 it entered a mere 161 candidates for local examinations of whom 116 passed. Subjects included shorthand, sanitation, building construction and field surveying. This first Technical Institute was\n\nabsorbed into the Hong Kong University when it opened in 1912.\n\nPost-World War One\n\nThe development of technical education was nevertheless slow, But in\n\n1926 the Salesian Roman Catholic Fathers, who have done so much over the\n\nyears to promote technical education, commenced shoemaking, carpentry, tailoring and printing courses and, at about the same time, the old Taikoo Dockyard in Quarry Bay started classes for their own apprentices.\n\nIn 1931, a committee was formed under the chairmanship of Sir William Hornell, then Vice-Chancellor of Hong Kong University, to consider the\n\npossibility of introducing a system of technical education. The Report's three\n\nmain recommendations were:\n\n* the setting up of a junior technical school,\n\n* the provision of evening classes for apprentices, and\n\n* the commencement of full-time classes at a later date.\n\nAs a result the Junior Technical School, Government's first venture into\n\nfull-time technical education, was up and running by 1932. This secondary school ran a comparatively narrow, four-year course designed mainly as pre-apprentice training for the engineering trades. I remember JTS, as it was usually called, in the mid 1950s in more or less that form, where the Headmaster, an Englishman,\n\nwas a pattern maker by trade and proud of it. For those who do not know, a\n\npattern maker was a craftsman who made timber moulds for metal castings in a\n\nfoundry. It was not until 1957, when the name was altered to Victoria Technical", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 254, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "214\n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong\n\nSchool (VTS), that a new curriculum was phased in. It changed from being a trade school and became a secondary technical school.\n\nMeanwhile the Far East Flying Training School -- the original name -- commenced training pilots and engineers for the civil aviation industry in 1934. The Far East Flying and Technical School Limited, as it was later renamed, sited at Kai Tak, was a private institution. It shut its doors in 1983 because of the rapid expansion of government-sponsored technical education.\n\nMeanwhile, retracing our steps, further progress in the field of technical education was made pre-World War Two when, in 1935, the Salesian Society founded the Aberdeen Trade School. This provided a sound general education, together with training considered to be comparable to an apprenticeship.\n\nLike the JTS, this School too was converted into a secondary technical school in the late 1950s. I recall visiting the Aberdeen Trade School on its open day, in January 1955, when I was struck by the high standard of craftsmanship of the students' work on display.\n\nThe first Government post-secondary technical institution was the old Trade School which opened in Wood Road, Wan Chai (using the old spelling), in 1937. It stood on the corner where the Vocational Training Council's multi-storey office block stands today. At the time of opening, under Principal George White, it ran courses in building, mechanical engineering (with a bias towards automobile engineering) and marine wireless operating. The Trade School also took over the evening classes previously run by Taikoo Dockyard at Quarry Bay.\n\nThe new, then two-storey (an additional floor was added in 1953) Trade School was well constructed on the lines of other colonial-style buildings erected between the two World Wars. It had high ceilings with paddle-fans because there was virtually no air-conditioning in Hong Kong at that time (an exception was the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank). The Trade School was one of the few examples of good face brickwork. In the 1950s navigation, commerce and textile", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215159, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "215 \n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong \n\ndepartments were added. The building was demolished in 1988, seven years after \n\nit had become an annexe of the Morrison Hill Technical Institute. There are \n\nantiquarians in Hong Kong today who feel the building should have been \n\npreserved. \n\nBut, retracing our steps, when the Pacific War broke out in 1941, technical education was being provided in Hong Kong at secondary, trade school and post-secondary levels, but on a limited scale. There were about 200 full-time \n\nstudents attending post-secondary courses at the Trade School, in Wood Road, although the School did not receive a great deal of support from employers, except from the dockyards and members of the then named Building Contractors' Association (now the Hong Kong Construction Association). The latter even erected the Trade School at cost price under the supervision of Mr. Tam Shui Hong, an affable, elderly gentleman I recall. In addition, generous building contractors would sometimes donate a load of bricks or sand for use in practical classes. \n\nPost-Second World War \n\nIn 1947, after World War Two was over, the Trade School (in that year \n\nrenamed Technical College), the Junior Technical School, the Aberdeen Trade \n\nSchool and a number of centres running evening classes in technical subjects reopened. They were soon operating at pre-war capacity. To this group were added, in 1953, the Ho Tung Technical School for Girls in Causeway Bay, and Tang King Po Secondary School in Kowloon. For many years the latter also had a trade school section which ran classes in printing, shoemaking and tailoring. \n\nThis Section was closed in the late 1970s after more Government \n\ntechnical institutes and pre-vocational schools were up and running. \n\nMy early memories of the old Technical College, in Wood Road Wan Chai in the mid 1950s, are crystal clear: like the views at that time from Hong Kong Island during the winter months over to Kowloon and above and beyond \n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215163, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 259, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "219\n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong\n\nFive. But for some part-time technician courses completion of Form Four was acceptable. The College also ran a limited number of post-Higher Diploma endorsement courses rated at technologist level. Some led to membership of British professional institutions.\n\nBelieving that 'local ginger is not hot' a large number of our students, on graduating, left for Canada or Britain. In latter cases we frequently arranged for them to take up employment and to study on a day-release basis overseas. Our students acquitted themselves splendidly. We took pride in the fact that they were not afraid to roll up their sleeves and get their hands soiled.\n\nThe old Technical College was very much 'all things to all men' in the 1960s. It even ran a limited number of craft and pre-apprenticeship courses. A few of the students attending had only completed Form One or Form Two because nine years of universal, compulsory, free education had not been introduced. This was phased in between 1978 and 1981. In fact the impetus for the introduction of this general education milestone came largely from Britain.\n\nMuch rapid development took place under S J G Burt (nicknamed \"The Bull\" in Cantonese) who joined the Wan Chai Trade School in 1938. He became Principal of the then fairly recently renamed Technical College in 1951 and served until 1963 when he joined the World Bank as an advisor on technical education.\n\nAs elsewhere, technical education depended very much on personalities and Sidney Burt, although not always popular, has often been regarded, deservedly, as the 'grandfather' of technical education. Instead of a briefcase he carried a Hong Kong rattan basket and wore a Saigon linen, wet-wash suit, both carry-overs from an earlier era. In addition to driving us, his staff, he also drove himself. Without work he was like a bear with a sore ear. Every morning he was reputed to wake up and say to himself, 'Thank God for technical education'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215167, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 263, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "223\n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong\n\ndates. Also, with the introduction of the Apprenticeship Act and the Designated Trades Act, part-time day-release courses built up rapidly.\n\nBut in those days, although useful as guides, there was a tendency to put too much faith in the Government Labour Department manpower surveys. For example, if a survey showed that 129 tool and die makers were required, some planners seemed to believe that this exact number could be trained in a technical institute, and, from then on, it was just a question of slotting them into vacancies when they completed their course. Insufficient thought was often given to broad-based technical education to suit the rapid pace of change. After all, Hong Kong now has little manufacturing.\n\nBut retracing our steps yet again back to the latter half of the 1960s, a proposal was made that the old Technical College should be upgraded to become a Polytechnic. This proposal really emanated from Britain in the wake of the Polytechnic Act which had then been introduced there. Not everyone agreed with the proposal. Some would have preferred that the Technical College in Hong Kong remained as such and a new polytechnic be built on an entirely new campus.\n\nWhat happened is now history. The Technical College was upgraded to Polytechnic status in 1972 and, during the 1970s, in spite of some growing pains, the rate of expansion has been equalled in few parts of the world. Today the Polytechnic University, as it became in 1994, is one of the best examples you can find anywhere of ‘academic drift', starting life as a humble trade school. It has much to be proud of.\n\nFinal Thoughts\n\nIn recent months, especially since the Handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China, education - including technical education - has been under the microscope. Today it is fashionable to denigrate Hong Kong's past education", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215409, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "135\n\nthe town of Pontevedra into prominence during the first half of the sixteenth century. They provide interesting insights into the social factors that favoured the development of this kind of structure, and remind us of Macao's pre-eminence in the region due to the trade with Japan.\n\nFrom Late Gothic times the town became the centre of a cofraria or confraternity of Pontevedra seamen in the southern region of Galicia. Its wealthy trading ships sailed to Portugal, France and Italy and the church's construction by the cofraria was a direct result of the city's commercial prosperity.7\n\nCornelis of Holland and Juan Nobre, probably a Portuguese, started work on the façade of the church in 1541. These master masons and their team of artists actually superimposed their large carved Late Gothic decoration onto the front of an early sixteenth-century church.\n\nThis highly decorative \"stone altarpiece\" is in fact fitted, in imitation of a real main altarpiece, into the apse-like space created by the wall of the church and the two large plain buttresses framing it. Apart from its function as a refined embellishment to the church and city, the sole reason that such a large decorative work should be erected outdoors on top of a high hill was evidently that it could be seen for miles around and from the river below, especially by seamen and traders aboard ship.\n\nIt is divided into five bays, comprised of a large central bay and two adjoining narrow ones at either side, divided horizontally into five storeys. The three lower storeys are sculptured and stand forward, away from the two upper ones executed in lower relief. Stone steps lead to a sumptuous terrace and to an equally sumptuous façade (Fig. 3).\n\nIn spite of its 1541 date, rather outmoded Early Plateresque baluster columns are used throughout. But there is little one can say against the delightful Netherlandish fantasy of these columns and their carving (Fig. 4).\n\nMore important to my arguments are the reliefs of its central bay. They have as focus a depicting the Dormition of Mary, which in style recalls Gothic retables of the School of Cologne and others (Fig. 5).8", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215959, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "192\n\nChalmers (Zhán Yuehàn, 1825-1899) in 1861.15 The dominance of the \"Confucian\" or Ruist traditions was symbolized by the central place that temples to Master Kong (\"Confucius\") held in all the major towns. So it was very appropriate that in the city of Poklo there was a large and impressive temple to the \"Master of myriad generations.\"\n\n16\n\nFrom the brief description of the Fūzi miào (“Temple of the Great Master [Kong]\") recorded by Legge in 1861 as well as from some descriptions preserved in other contemporary sources, a scenario of Ch'ea's role as a \"keeper\" can be partially reconstructed.17 Situated in a place lacking both \"large population\" and \"flourishing trade\" because of the more competitive neighbouring cities of Shek-lung (M. Shilóng) and Wye-chow (M. Huizhou), Poklo was a relatively poor walled town of about 15,000 inhabitants. In spite of its obvious shabbiness, the town's \"temples and ancestral halls\" were regularly maintained and attractive. Within the relatively elegant “temple of Confucius\" were \"images of the sage, of his four assessors, and of the twelve more distinguished of his followers.\" (Having published his first volume of the Chinese Classics only a few months earlier, Legge knew very well who these were because he had described them in detail in one of his essays in the prolegomena.) These were probably life-size sculptures of each figure, the Sage himself seated while the others were standing in his presence.\n\n17\n\nTemple rites offered in the presence of the Chinese Master Teacher were often described in local gazettes, and were intimately woven into the fabric of the civil examination system and the literati codes of honour. Ch'ea, as the keeper of the temple in Poklo, most likely had to maintain the temple's appearance and may have sometimes even offered the regular sacrifices at the first (\"of fruits and vegetables\") and fifteenth (\"a solemn burning of incense\") of each month. Similar ceremonies would be performed in the adjacent school to the Poklo temple, where students were tutored in the Ruist canon by a qualified teacher. Twice in each lunar year, all the temples to Master Kong throughout the Qing empire were filled with successful graduates, their teachers, and ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "33\n\nresidence of factors or agents, and not because anything was manufactured there. Built and owned by the merchants charged with the conduct of foreign trade, they were let out to the foreign merchant houses, and comprised a series of 13 hongs placed side by side of each other, which formed a terrace fronting the river.15 (Plate 4) Each Hong consisted of a series of buildings placed one behind the other from the river backwards, for a depth of from 550 to 600 feet to the first street running parallel to the river.15\n\nSpread over 21 acres, the factory grounds and buildings were rented from the Chinese merchants charged with the conduct of the foreign trade. They impressed visitors, especially in contrast with their proximity to 'low, dingy Chinese houses on the one hand, and the densely populated river on the other', and as another newcomer put it, 'sparkling like diamonds in a heap of old rubbish'.\" (See Plate).\n\nLike the Old China Trade itself, the Factories are long gone. They did not survive the outbreak of the Second Anglo-Chinese War in 1856 (the so-called \"Arrow War,\" after the vessel which became the casus belli) when they were destroyed by fire on the orders of the Chinese authorities. However, they have been immortalized in the many pictorial representations that have come down to us of the sights and scenes of Old Canton.\n\nThese are known collectively as \"China Trade Pictures\" because they were objects of trade, painted to order for the foreign merchants and ships' crews connected with the trade. The earliest panoramas date from the mid-eighteenth century, and from them we can trace the Factories' architectural history, notably the re-buildings that followed periodic disasters, such as the fires of 1822 and 1842.18\n\n19\n\nA salient fact is that most of these paintings are by Chinese, sometimes associated with a particular school of professional painters and sometimes unidentified. Such works were in the Western style, meant to suit Western tastes. Traditional Chinese style \"views\" were, of course, very different.\n\nHonam\n\nPart of Honam Island, on the south side of the Pearl River, opposite", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216511, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 270, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "222\n\nand (from Needham) a “Summary on the Transmission of Mechanical and other techniques from China to the West'. There is an index, and an extensive bibliography. Tucker acknowledges the assistance of experts in many cities along the Silk Road, and also his wife, Antonia Tozer, who accompanied him on several of the journeys that he undertook while writing the book and whose photographs comprise the majority of those included. Other sources of photographs include the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London, Tucker's alma mater.\n\nNo book is perfect, and although my background does not qualify me to comment on the content and arguments of this one, I have one major reservation about the way Tucker argues his thesis, and several reservations about the book's presentation.\n\nMy first point relates to Tucker's failure to compare the relative significance of the overland Silk Road with that of the maritime Silk Road. An excellent, though very different and far briefer, companion to Tucker's book is a volume produced in 1996 by the Hong Kong Museum of History, edited by Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong) member Dr. Joseph Ting.2 Contributors to this edited volume make it clear that the cultural exchange between China and countries to the west was just as significant by sea as by land. Admittedly, Tucker notes a contemporary account in around 800 that describes Chinese junks in Baghdad, and several maps indicate the maritime routes, but his single-minded focus on the overland route detracts from a more balanced picture of the relative significance of the two routes. In fact, Patricia Ebrey comments that the trade along the sea routes in the Tang Dynasty was higher in volume than that by land. Tucker's concluding chapter implies that it was European voyages of discovery in the fifteenth century that led to the development of the sea routes between China and the west. His emphasis on Chang'an, which is appropriate as it was a major destination for travellers along the overland Silk Road, might lead readers to overlook the significance of Guangzhou, a city which dominated the maritime Silk Road for centuries, and in which the cultural mix in the Tang dynasty was as great as in Chang'an.\n\nThis leads me to wonder whether the extant art and history of the Chinese influence in the ports used by Chinese vessels on route for India, the Middle East and East Africa have been investigated, and whether this would be a worthy subject for a book. I note a tantalising\n\nPage 270\n\nPage 271", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]