[ { "id": 207278, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "38 \n\nWELLINGTON K. K. CHAN \n\nCharitable halls in Shanghai did not display the same amount of community leadership even though they should have had a greater community base than the guilds. The reason seems obvious. Charitable halls dominated in communities where the merchants had no problem of collaboration because of differences in dialects or in regional customs. Hence their pre-eminence in places like Canton and Hong Kong. In Shanghai, the cultural gaps between, say, a Cantonese and a Ningpo merchant were often insurmountable. In the final analysis, charitable halls, like the formalised committees of guilds and Landsmannschaften, failed to grow into truly community-wide institutions. \n\nAchievements \n\nMerchant leaders in nineteenth century China were adept at adjusting their organisations to the changing needs of the day. By building up different types of organisations, they hoped to acquire first, broader economic and social interests; second, a large community base; and third, greater political leadership responsibility. As a result, these leaders were singularly successful in the first, especially in providing social welfare and municipal services, but were only partially successful in the second. Thus, in the more homogenous commercial centres such as Canton and Swatow, the charitable halls and the assembly commanded a community base far larger than the traditional guilds, but could not win the allegiance of the entire community. In other places like Shanghai, where the merchant leaders came from several provinces, it was more difficult to set up community-wide organisations. Even the chamber of commerce which followed these organisations and which had explicit aim of involving each entire community was unable to do without sectional interests. \n\nThe Shanghai chamber was dominated by the Ningpo merchants from its inception in 1904 to at least the 1920's.35 The Canton chamber had seven vice-presidents (fu-pan) who were elected by the various guilds from among the chamber directors.36 The most extreme assertion of this form of group separatism was written into the bylaws of the overseas Chinese chamber of commerce in Singapore. There, two concurrent presidents were elected by the two most powerful Hokkien and Teochiu (i.e. Ch'ao-chou) merchant groups, while a specific number of vice-presidents and directors were assigned, in diminishing sizes, to these two and three", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207626, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPage\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT\n\nTREASURER'S REPORT\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nARTICLES:\n\n· Reflections on the Comparative Study of Modernization in China and Japan - RICHARD J. SMITH\n\n· The Teochiu: Ethnicity in Urban Hong Kong - Douglas W. SPARKS\n\n· Interethnic Interaction-a matter of Definition: Ethnicity in a Housing Estate in Hong Kong DOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\n· \"Patterned Bands\" in the New Territories of Hong Kong - ELIZABETH L. JOHNSON\n\n· A Hawaiian King Visits Hong Kong, 1881 - TIN-YUKE CHAR\n\n· In Search of the Chinese Name for \"Li Sun\"-TIN-YUKE CHAR\n\n· Chan Lai-sun and his Family: a 19th Century China Coast Family - CARL T. SMITH\n\n· Notes on Friends and Relatives of Taiping Leaders - CARL T. SMITH with Additional Notes by JEN YU-WEN\n\n· Operation and Maintenance of a Road Transport System in West China 1942-46 — W. A. REYNOLDS\n\n· Land and River Routes to West China - A. D. BLUE\n\n· In the Path of the Ancient Mon: Pagan, Pegu and Nakom Pathom - MICHAEL SMITHIES\n\nREPORT:\n\n· A Report on Social Research in the New Territories of Hong Kong, 1963 - MAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\n· Visit to Tung Wah Group of Hospitals' Museum, 2 October 1976 — CARL Smith and JAMES HAYES\n\n· Political and Pugilistic Freemasonry? - Y. F. LAM\n\n· Sandal Wood Mills at Tsuen Wan - JAMES HAYES\n\n· Chinese in the Volunteer Forces of Hong Kong — James HAYES\n\n· A Missing Chinese Library? - JAMES HAYES\n\n· Notes on Ho Chung-a 19th Century Artist in Kwangtung - CHUANG SHEN\n\n· Chinese Preserved Monks - KEITH STEVENS\n\n· Preliminary List of the Baker Collection of New Territories Genealogies in The British Library — H.G.H. NELSON\n\n· The Occurrence of Troides Helena (Linn.) in Hong Kong - J. CAREY-HUGHES AND J. B. PICKFORD\n\nPage\n\n1\n\n6\n\n10\n\n12\n\n25\n\n57\n\n81\n\n92\n\n107\n\n112\n\n117\n\n135\n\n162\n\n179\n\n191\n\n262\n\n281\n\n282\n\n283\n\n284\n\n285\n\n292\n\n297\n\n301", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207652, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "The Teochiu: Ethnicity in Urban Hong Kong\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS*\n\nThe Teochiu1 are a highly visible ethnic group2 in Hong Kong. They are aggressive, belligerent, likely to be involved in triads or narcotics, highly organized and shrewd businessmen. This is the stereotype of Teochiu that is widely held by non-Teochiu in Hong Kong. Emotional reactions to Teochiu at times seem to approach the vehemence of racist beliefs, although the diacritics signalling identity are not phenotypic but linguistic, cultural (food, emphasis placed on certain rituals rather than others) and most importantly for this article an individual's self-identification as Teochiu and concomitant involvement in largely Teochiu social networks and possibly in Teochiu organizations. It is difficult, however, to explicate the meaning of this identity in that there is tremendous diversity in the Teochiu population of Hong Kong. Some estimates of this population suggest that it is as high as one-fifth of the total population (see below). There is no clear-cut relationship between ethnicity and occupation in urban Hong Kong, much less between ethnicity and class. Teochiu are found in all sectors of the economy and at all socio-economic levels.\n\n* The author is a postgraduate research student from The Department of Anthropology, University of Texas at Austin, who recently carried out 18 months field work in Hong Kong. This research was supported by a National Science Foundation Dissertation Research Grant, for which he expresses his indebtedness and appreciation.\n\n1 The most widely recognized romanization for this ethnic group in Hong Kong is \"Chiu Chow\" which is the Cantonese pronunciation of the characters 潮州. Newspapers, government publications and even Teochiu associations in Hong Kong use this romanization. “Teochiu\" and other variants (Taechew, Tiochew) represent the romanization corresponding to the pronunciation of the characters in the Teochiu language and are widely used by Western scholars in South East Asia.\n\n2 The Teochiu as well as other Chinese ethnic groups in South East Asia and Hong Kong have until recently been labelled \"dialect groups\" and their languages considered to be dialects of \"the\" Chinese language. This terminology is inappropriate in that these so-called dialects are quite clearly languages, being for the most part mutually unintelligible. The use of the term \"dialect group\" not only reflects the lack of interest and possibly the unawareness of the importance of ethnicity as a variable in studies of overseas Chinese, but has also served to obscure and minimize that importance.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207653, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "26\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nThis article begins with a brief, general overview of the social history of the Teochiu in Hong Kong, and then outlines the Teochiu formal and informal organizational structure, with the intention of examining the nature of Teochiu solidarity. Attention then focuses upon a micro-analysis of the Teochiu population of one government housing estate in order to examine some of the processes that will have been mentioned. Tentative conclusions are then made concerning the nature of ethnicity in urban areas, as opposed to \"rural\" areas, of the Colony.\n\nCurrent anthropological approaches to the study of ethnicity view it primarily as a reflection of political economic dynamics and are oriented toward conflict and competition models while de-emphasizing the importance of cultural content as an explanatory variable of inter-ethnic interaction and conflict. The identification of cultural differences is generally, of course, a salient feature in ethnic ideology and myths and is an important aspect of ethnic stereotypes in Hong Kong. Differences between ethnic groups in Hong Kong in ritual, beliefs, and family structure, etc. are minimal however, particularly in the urban areas. \"Cultural\" explanations of ethnic solidarity in Hong Kong, as well as reductionist explanations postulating the traditional psychological tendency for Chinese from the same village or district to cohere, are insufficient. An individual has a choice as to when, if ever, and in which social contexts a particular role or \"identity\" is asserted. One can quite obviously be a \"member\" of an ethnic group and choose to ignore that membership or identify with a larger, perhaps more inclusive category or a politically dominant category. Ethnic identity is not fixed from birth; anthropologists have been particularly interested in studies of individuals who cross ethnic boundaries and become \"members\" of another ethnic group (see Barth, 1969). An individual's decision is influenced by pre-existing conditions or constraints within the social system. One purpose of this paper is to indicate several constraints influencing some Teochiu to positively assert their identity as Teochiu.\n\nEthnic Studies in Hong Kong\n\nPast studies of Chinese social organization in Hong Kong and South East Asia generally have not dealt with ethnicity as an important variable in that organization nor with different ethnic groups,\n\n1 The concern here is with studies of Chinese ethnic groups and not with studies of Westerners in Hong Kong vis-a-vis Chinese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207654, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n27\n\nwith the exception of the many studies of Hakka and the so-called \"boat people\" of Hong Kong. (Aijmer, 1967; Kani, 1967; Cohen, 1968). Some studies, while discussing ethnic divisions in overseas Chinese communities and the functions of ethnic associations, do not provide an intensive analysis of the dynamics of inter-ethnic interaction, the psychological processes inherent in subjective feelings of ethnic identity, or the processes involved in the maintenance or erosion of ethnic solidarity. (Skinner, 1958; Crissman, 1969). One exception to this is a recent study of Chinese ethnic occupational specialization and interaction in Sabah, Malaysia. (Han, 1971) One of the earliest discussions of ethnicity based on research in Hong Kong focused on ethnic cognitive categories as verbalized by 'Tanka' boat people (Anderson, 1967). More recently Blake examined inter-ethnic interaction and political-economic participation in a small market town in the New Territories of Hong Kong, (Blake, 1973) and Michael Palmer examined the interplay of religion, ethnicity and politics in several villages in N.T. (as yet unpublished). Greg Guldin's (as yet unpublished) study of Fukien youth in North Point, Hong Kong Island, in 1974-75 was the first attempt to examine ethnicity in an urban area. The increasing interest in the study of ethnicity in Hong Kong is partially the result of an increasing concern in anthropological studies with ethnicity and is also a reflection of a well-established trend for young American anthropologists to undertake studies in urban multi-ethnic communities.\n\nEthnic Stereotypes in Hong Kong\n\nIt is difficult to describe general stereotypes of ethnic groups that would be applicable to all categories in Hong Kong, in that the members of different ethnic groups may attribute dissimilar characteristics to a particular ethnic group in question. Attributed characteristics may also be expected to vary with the socio-economic and education level of the respondents. Further, we would expect to find that the ethnic groups considered important to a particular person depend not only on his personal experiences and interactions with other ethnic groups but also on the ethnic composition of the localities where he lives and works. For example, the classification of ethnic groups relevant to a person living in a fishing village may include categories which are not significant to a person living in a government housing estate. These \"superfluous\" categories\n\n1 The applicability of the urban/rural dichotomy to Hong Kong will be discussed below.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207655, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "28\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nmay be more or less unknown to the latter or they may be included in a larger category with no internal divisions. For example, a brief analysis of ethnic stereotypes in the Castle Peak Bay area in the New Territories (Anderson, 1967:98-99) mentions certain groups (particularly Cantonese boat people) which are not significant to the Teochiu that I studied in a housing estate. With regard, however, to very positively or negatively stigmatized categories, members of which are found throughout the Colony, considerable similarity in attributed characteristics is found. This is particularly true of stereotypes of Teochiu. For example, according to the Castle Peak stereotypes, Teochiu are dishonest, rascals, and involved in triads (Anderson, 1967:98). Almost all non-Teochiu that I have spoken to concerning their conceptions of Teochiu, regardless of their educational levels, have verbalized a mostly negative stereotype. The key elements of this stereotype seem to be the conservativeness of Teochiu; their clannishness or tendency to stick together, particularly in the face of adversity (this aspect is invariably given an implied negative connotation); their proclivity for involvement in crime and narcotics; their religious and non-religious superstitions, proven by their commitment to certain rituals, particularly the Hungry Ghost Festival; their violent, aggressive and pushy personality which leads to conflict with others in the market or factory. These elements are causally inter-linked in the minds of non-Teochiu. Teochiu, of course, are well aware of the stereotype and have counter-explanations or rationalizations for each element. The origin of the various elements can be explained in terms of recent patterns of interethnic interaction following the immigration of large numbers of Teochiu after 1949; that is, in the way that non-Teochiu reacted to this group which initially could not speak Cantonese, and in the manner that Teochiu in turn solidified ethnic boundaries and separated themselves. It is therefore important to consider Teochiu conceptions of themselves and other ethnic groups.\n\nThe data presented here is largely drawn from a questionnaire which was administered to Teochiu in a resettlement estate whose residents included former squatters and refugees from mainland China, Teochiu living in other localities, and non-Teochiu from various localities. Probability survey methods were found to be impractical in application and questionnaires were administered to people I met during the research. The questionnaire contains questions concerning ethnic stereotypes and rank ordering of ethnic", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207656, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n29\n\ngroups in relation to a number of variables, as well as behavioural questions concerning actual interaction with other ethnic groups.\n\nTeochiu generally conceive of their own ethnic group in positive terms, although there are some exceptions. Positive conceptions of Teochiu focus on three pivotal elements:\n\n(1) Economic values-Teochiu are very thrifty and hard working, and want to fully support their families by themselves (this usually means that they want to run their own business). (2) Group solidarity-Teochiu are united vis-a-vis other ethnic groups and place strong emphasis on willingness to assist other Teochiu.\n\n(3) Familial and social behavioural norms-Teochiu place greater emphasis upon traditional norms than do other ethnic groups and particularly stress filial devotion, respectful behaviour toward elders, the importance of maintaining face, protecting the family and clan reputation, concern for public affairs.\n\nA small number of respondents to the questionnaire verbalized negative conceptions, primarily emphasizing the selfishness of Teochiu, their concern only for themselves and their families rather than for the wider group.\n\nTeochiu generally consider Shanghai people fairly positively, emphasizing their ability to manage large scale factories and their politeness (which is seen as a function of having lived in a large city like Shanghai). Cantonese are generally not perceived as very threatening to Teochiu but are considered to be lacking in moral fibre, in that they do not place much emphasis upon traditional norms (that is, they eat out too much, spend rather than save money, the men allow their wives to leave home to work, are not as filial as Teochiu, etc). Teochiu either know very little about Fukien or consider them to be friendly and polite. Hakka are simple, plain and diligent, although there is some question about the morality of Hakka men in allowing their women to work so hard. The most vehement and outspoken statements are reserved for Hoi Luk Fung (*), people from two districts adjacent to Teochiu further south along the Kwangtung coast. This group is relatively unknown except to people from northeastern Kwangtung. Most Teochiu\n\nThe questionnaire data has not yet been fully analysed. Findings presented here represent general trends in the data.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207657, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "30\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nstrongly dislike and distrust these people and in fact perceive them in much the same way as non-Teochiu perceive Teochiu.\n\nQuestions arise as to the degree that Teochiu themselves have defined and maintained their own ethnic distinctiveness, as opposed to the role of the wider society (that is, other ethnic groups in conjunction with the political administrative structure and opinion influencing media), in structuring Teochiu identity by propagating a certain stereotype which influences non-Teochiu in their interactions with Teochiu and thus reinforces feelings of separation and distance. These questions cannot be answered a priori by logical reasoning from theoretical models of pluralistic societies, but must be examined in terms of the history of a particular ethnic group and its relationships with other groups and in terms of the socio-economic position of that group within the society.\n\nA Brief History of the Teochiu in Hong Kong\n\nThe vast majority of Teochiu in Hong Kong immigrated after World War II; prior to that most Teochiu who emigrated from Teochiu (that is, the nine Teochiu districts in northeastern Kwang-tung) went to Southeast Asia, particularly Thailand.1\n\nHong Kong census reports prior to 1897 do not subdivide the Chinese population into ethnic groups. The census of 1897 states that there were 4,278 Teochiu of which only 293 were women; by 1901, the total was 4,631, a very small increase, of which 332 were women. In 1911 there were 6,592 Teochiu, defined according to birth place, in Hong Kong and Kowloon, and 63 in the New Territories; in 1921 8,033 Teochiu of which 1,076 were women. By 1931 out of a total Chinese population of 821,429, the figure increased to 11,373, of which 2,457 were women (H.K. Census Reports 1841-1941, reports for the years 1897, 1901, 1911, 1921, 1931). The 1941 census did not subdivide the Chinese population into ethnic groups. It is clear that prior to World War II Teochiu were a very small portion of the total population and that the number of Teochiu females was very small, although gradually increasing in size relative to males. According to the 1971 Census, there were about\n\n1 This paper will not deal with the origin or history of Teochiu in China nor with Teochiu emigration to Southeast Asia. My dissertation, which is in preparation, deals with these and other topics not discussed here.\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207658, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n31\n\n371,000 Teochiu in Hong Kong in that year (1971 Census). All \"official\" Teochiu estimates of the total Teochiu population suggest that the census figure is considerably too low. Various Teochiu associations have estimated that there are as many as one million Teochiu (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:105; Chiu Chow Cultural and Educational Association, 1974:125). If this is an accurate estimate, then between 20 to 25% of the total population is Teochiu. This figure is most probably, however, an overestimate and the true figure probably lies somewhere between the government figure and the Teochiu estimate. Whatever the actual number of Teochiu, they are the second largest ethnic group in Hong Kong, Cantonese being the largest.\n\nIt is difficult to outline the pre-World War II history of Teochiu in Hong Kong in that there are few written sources aside from brief statements in Teochiu publications. The major source of information is thus the recollections of older Teochiu who lived in Hong Kong prior to World War II. It is clear that the largest portion of Teochiu lived and worked in Nam Pak Hong (南沛行 at #5), a triangular area of several blocks in what is now Western District. This area was the location of the earliest import-export trading firms after the establishment of the Colony in 1842. Many of these firms were owned by Teochiu and although there appear to be no records indicating the extent of Teochiu control in the early entrepôt trade, Teochiu informants suggest that many of the firms in Nam Pak Hong were Teochiu.\n\nThe success of these early firms, some of which are still in existence, is in large part due to what must have been a very rapid development of commercial ties with Teochiu businessmen in Thailand, other areas in Southeast Asia and Swatow.1 It can be assumed that many of the Teochiu and perhaps a majority, who came to Hong Kong in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries did so in order to participate in and to extend the regional Teochiu commercial networks. A Teochiu publication discusses the biography of an important Teochiu businessman who came to Hong Kong in 1842. This man had emigrated from his home district in\n\n1 Swatow was the second largest town in Teochiu in the 1800s and not very important commercially, but quickly became the centre of commercial and industrial development after it was opened as a treaty port in 1858. It later became the administrative centre for Teochiu and is still the administrative centre today.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207659, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "32\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nChina to Thailand where he worked for a Teochiu trading firm. He came to Hong Kong in 1842 to establish his own import/export firm which became active in the extensive trading between Southeast Asia and the sea ports of China. This person, and the man who established a certain company still well known among Teochiu merchants today, (★★★), are treated as the first important Teochiu merchants in Hong Kong. The former was also one of the original founders of the Tung Wah Hospital (★###), one of the most important charitable and prestigious Chinese organizations throughout the history of British Hong Kong. In 1892 this man served as the Chairman of the hospital board, a reflection of the prestige accorded him. It is interesting to note that of his nine sons, two became prominent in Teochiu; one established a textile factory in the family's home town and the other became active in politics in Swatow during the 1911 Revolution and later owned a utility company in Swatow. (Ching Hoi Clansmen's Assn, 1970: 55-57). The success of the enterprises of the two sons is presumably related to the commercial success of the father's firm in Hong Kong. This example illustrates the manner in which commercial networks were established between China, Hong Kong and Southeast Asia and also partially explains Teochiu specialization in international trading in certain commodities, such as Chinese medicines and Thai rice. Teochiu firms in one country are likely to consider Teochiu firms in another country as potential business partners (there are exceptions of course) and thus the latter may easily acquire a semi-monopoly over commodities shipped from the former. International Teochiu friendship and kinship networks are undoubtedly an important basis for this intra-ethnic trading. Present-day Teochiu domination of the rice importation, wholesale and retail trade in Hong Kong illustrates the extent to which local commerce has been influenced by the development of Teochiu international networks.\n\nThe following brief discussion suggests the outlines of the development of Teochiu commercial relationships between Hong Kong and Southeast Asia. Most of the firms mentioned below were presumably located in Nam Pak Hong. Prior to the establishment of Hong Kong in 1842, trade between Thailand and China was dominated by Teochiu in Thailand. A Teochiu publication states that after 1842 many Thai Teochiu came to Hong Kong expressly to expedite trade between Thailand and China and that Hong Kong Teochiu soon handled most of this trade (Hung, 1961:3). Trading", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n33\n\nbetween Hong Kong and Thailand was at its height during two periods of several years following the two World Wars. Teochiu import/export firms trading with Thailand established a commercial association in 1946 (Hung, 1961:4). In the 1920s there were at least 21 Teochiu firms involved in trade with Singapore, and in 1930 these firms established a commercial association which by 1951 had 41 member firms (Hung, 1961:2). Teochiu trade between Hong Kong and Vietnam began in the last years of the Ch'ing Dynasty and became substantial in 1914, apparently as a result of World War I. This trading gradually increased until the involvement of the U.S. in the war of liberation at which time the importation of goods into Vietnam from China ceased. This drastically curtailed the importing activities of Teochiu firms in Hong Kong exporting Chinese commodities to Vietnam (Hung, 1961:7).\n\nAfter the opening of Swatow as a treaty port in 1858, Teochiu firms in Hong Kong became active in importing Teochiu products from there and then re-exporting them to Southeast Asia, primarily for Teochiu consumption. In 1946 there were at least 20 firms involved in such trading and by 1948 about 100. Many of these were evidently forced out of business or into other areas of business after 1949, although there were still about 20 firms still involved in Swatow/Southeast Asian trading during the 1950s. These firms were evidently forced to operate with a very low profit margin (Hung, 1961:8).\n\nImmediately prior to World War II there were perhaps 20,000 Teochiu in Hong Kong, many living in Western District. During the 1930s, however, some Teochiu began to move over to the Tsim Sha Tsui district of Kowloon, particularly Haiphong, Hankow and Canton Roads (Lee, 1969:55). Many of these people were employed as coolies in the Kowloon Godown, which still today employs predominantly Teochiu laborers. Most, however, were forced to move out of the area after World War II with the commercial and tourist development of Tsim Sha Tsui.\n\nAnother area of Teochiu concentration prior to World War II was in the hills around Kowloon Walled City where Teochiu squatters raised pigs and poultry (Lee, 1969:56). This early concentration was undoubtedly a factor in the later heavy concentration of Teochiu in Kowloon City in the 1950s and 1960s. By 1961, according to the government census, there were 257,319 Teochiu in Hong Kong and by 1971 the figure", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207661, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "34\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nhad risen to 391,474 (1961 Census, 2:35; 1971 Census Main Report: 30-31). Most probably these figures substantially understate the total number of Teochiu, as suggested above.\n\nThis rapid increase in numbers was the result of large-scale immigration of refugees from China in the late 1940s and 1950s. Large numbers of these immigrants were peasants who brought little or nothing with them to Hong Kong. Many were unable to find work other than unskilled labouring jobs at wages that seem impossibly low today (the cost of living was also substantially lower) and were forced to build makeshift huts on whatever land they could occupy as squatters. Virtually all of the Teochiu that immigrated after World War II that I have spoken to made contact upon arrival in Hong Kong with friends, fellow villagers or kinsmen who initially provided food and lodging and later helped them find jobs and places to live.\n\nWithin squatter settlements Teochiu tended to reside in huts adjacent to other Teochiu, and there began to appear concentrations of Teochiu in particular settlements from one of the Teochiu districts in China or even from one village. This was a function of the tendency for new immigrants to live close to kinsmen, friends or friends of friends. Very substantial friendship networks were developed in these Teochiu \"neighbourhoods\" before many of these squatter areas were cleared and the residents moved to resettlement estates. Informants have stated that resettlement entailed a difficult adjustment period which was considerably eased by reciprocal assistance obtainable from long-established friendships and, for many, from extensive kinship networks. The Teochiu populations of resettlement estates with which I am familiar, primarily in Tsuen Wan, did not move into the massive housing estates friendless and without potential sources of assistance other than unknown and possibly unfriendly new neighbours. This is not to say that all Teochiu were equally involved in Teochiu networks or relying primarily on other Teochiu for assistance or friendship, nor that Teochiu solidarity was not internally fractured by conflict and division.\n\nMany Teochiu continued to participate in Teochiu networks after resettlement because they found such participation to be effective in dealing with various kinds of problems and conflicts with other people, government officers, police, etc. This tendency to utilize Teochiu contacts and resources was, of course, partially", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207662, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "# THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n35\n\na reflection of the general mutual animosity between Teochiu and other Chinese. Any further discussion of general patterns becomes less meaningful given the variation within the Teochiu population. The discussion in one of the following sections of the Teochiu population in one resettlement estate considers this variation and the processes discussed above in a particular social setting.\n\nThe geographical distribution of Teochiu in Hong Kong in 1971 is presented in Table 1. The only area of heavy Teochiu concentration in Hong Kong Island is the West census district, which of course includes Nam Pak Hong, the oldest area of Teochiu concentration. Hung Hom is the only area of substantial Teochiu settlement in the Kowloon census districts. More than one half of the Teochiu recorded in the census reside in the New Kowloon census districts, with one-fourth of all Teochiu in the Kai Tak district and almost one-fourth in Ngau Tau Kok and Lei Yue Mun districts. The Kai Tak census district includes Kowloon City, an area of heavy Teochiu residential concentration. The Ngau Tau Kok and Lei Yue Mun census districts roughly correspond to the industrial town of Kwun Tong. Thousands of Teochiu squatters were resettled into Kwun Tong's resettlement estates, particularly Ngau Tau Kok Resettlement Estate. Another census district in New Kowloon with significant Teochiu concentration is Shek Kip Mei; many Teochiu in this district reside in the Shek Kip Mei Resettlement Estate. The only areas of significant Teochiu concentration in the New Territories are Tsuen Wan and Yuen Long. Again, many Teochiu in Tsuen Wan reside in resettlement estates, mostly in Kwai Chung. Personal experiences in Tsuen Wan suggest that the actual number of Teochiu in Hong Kong is greater than the 1971 census figures.\n\nTable II indicates that more than 39% of Teochiu land domestic households are located in resettlement estates and almost one-half are located in one kind of housing estate or another. I would estimate that at least one half of Teochiu households at one time or another resided in squatter structures. In 1971 over 8,000 Teochiu households resided in \"temporary housing\" and another 4,700 households in \"stone structures\". These two categories refer primarily to illegal squatter structures, which suggests that a fairly large number of Teochiu are still squatters.\n\n1 The information in Table 1 and in the other tables was very kindly provided by Mr. M. C. Leong, Statistician, Census and Statistics Department, Hong Kong Government.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207663, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "36\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nThe 1961 Census and 1966 By-Census include \"place of origin\" and \"usual language\" as variables and cross-tabulate them with a number of other variables, including age, education, number of children, place of residence in Hong Kong, length of residence, etc.1 The two variables are not cross-tabulated, however, with occupation and income. The only sources of information concerning Teochiu occupational structure are unpublished data from the 1971 Census, provided by Mr. M.C. Leong of the Census and Statistics Department, and data from Teochiu publications.\n\nTables III and IV provide occupational information from the 1971 Census. The first category in Table III includes unemployed women and children. Many of these women, who may have been represented as unemployed housewives to the census interviewers, are in fact doing piece work in their homes. The largest category is \"craftsmen production workers and laborers\" which reflects the large number of Teochiu semi-skilled factory workers and coolies, and represents 20% of all employed Teochiu. The next largest category is \"clerical and sales workers\" which represents over 29,000 workers, followed by \"service, sport and recreation workers\" (17,581), transport and communication workers (9,460), and then the smallest significant category — administrative, executive and managerial workers (8,826). The large number of transport workers recorded in the census reflects the fact that probably a majority of mini-bus drivers in Hong Kong are Teochiu.\n\nTable IV classifies economically active ever married men by occupation. The same ordering of categories is found in this table as in Table III. It should be noted that many unmarried, young men and women are employed as unskilled and semi-skilled workers in large factories. These tables suggest a preponderance of Teochiu in relatively low paid and unskilled jobs. Unfortunately, the occupational classification presented in these tables do not include ownership of businesses, particularly ownership of small shops, small workshops or flatted factories, and large-scale factories. There are numerous Teochiu owned light industrial firms, including plastic factories, machine tooling factories, garment factories, aluminum factories, as well as many import/export trading firms, banks and financial companies, stock companies, insurance companies and restaurants (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1961; Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971).\n\n1 A more extensive analysis of the census statistics appears in my dissertation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207664, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n37\n\nAs mentioned above, the sale of rice in Hong Kong has always been dominated by Teochiu businessmen. Prior to World War II, the importation of rice into Hong Kong was virtually controlled by Teochiu in that the exportation of rice from Thailand, Vietnam and Burma was almost exclusively managed by Teochiu merchants in Southeast Asia (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:91). Part of the imported rice was re-exported to Swatow and other cities in South China and Japan. Teochiu domination lessened following the introduction of a quota system for rice importation after World War II. However, Teochiu firms are still of considerable importance in the importation of rice. In 1955 the number of government-authorized rice importing firms was increased to 48; of these, 19 were owned or operated by Teochiu (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:92) The 12 Teochiu rice wholesale firms, representing one-third of the number of such firms, are responsible for 65% of all wholesale rice transactions. Not surprisingly, 1700 of the 2,000 or so rice retail shops in Hong Kong are run by Teochiu (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:92, 93). One Teochiu association estimates that 70,000 Teochiu, one-ninth of the total Teochiu population, earn their living from the sale of rice (that is, rice shop owners, employees or dependents of the former) (Cultural and Educational Association, 1964:34). This estimate is probably an overstatement but perhaps as many as 10% of all employed males are working in the rice trade. This specialization is clearly a result of and a reflection of the successful functioning of Teochiu international commercial networks.\n\nAnother pattern which is not reflected in the census occupation tables is the preponderance of Teochiu owned and operated shops of all kinds, including hawker stalls, cooked and uncooked food stalls in and around housing estates. No data is available classifying ownership of such small-scale businesses by ethnic group, but my own experiences suggest Teochiu ownership is considerably higher than the relative population sizes of different ethnic groups would suggest, even in areas of relatively low Teochiu residential concentration.\n\nAnother area of alleged Teochiu specialization is narcotic trafficking between Hong Kong, Southeast Asia, Europe and the U.S. The production and distribution of heroin originating in the Golden Triangle in Southeast Asia is said to be largely controlled by", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207665, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "38\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nTeochiu syndicates based in Thailand and Hong Kong. It is unfortunate, however, that the public media in Hong Kong has perhaps over-emphasized Teochiu involvement and helped create the impression that many Teochiu are involved in drugs and organized crime. Teochiu control of international heroin production and distribution in Asia can be related to two factors:\n\n(1) Teochiu involvement in drug trafficking in China, particularly in Shanghai, prior to 1949 and the gradually established monopoly of the Hong Kong trade by Teochiu syndicates after 1949 (McCoy, 1972:224-229);\n\n(2) the successful functioning of long established Teochiu international commercial networks in Southeast Asia.\n\nMost Teochiu businessmen are of course engaged in legitimate trade within Hong Kong and with Southeast Asia.\n\nWith regard to the so-called triads in Hong Kong, I have been told that Teochiu triads are much more controlled and hierarchically organized within areas in which they operate compared with other ethnic triad organizations; such as the Cantonese 14K triad which tend to be splintered into local level groups with little, if any, control or co-ordination from higher levels. Needless to say, the highly organized nature of Teochiu criminal groups is partially a function of interethnic dynamics and hostility in Hong Kong. The question arises as to the role of Teochiu triads at the \"street level\" in the maintenance of Teochiu solidarity and ethnic boundaries. No definitive answer can be given as my research was not concerned with criminal organizations, but it would seem that Teochiu criminal networks, regardless of the fact that non-elite Teochiu are “victims” of triad extortion, etc., do provide a potential source of assistance in conflicts with members of other ethnic groups (and their triads) and with the police. Ethnic based criminal syndicates in all societies function as alternative authority structures to which some people, perhaps thinking that the \"legitimate\" governmental structure is irresponsive, turn when their immediate resources and contacts are insufficient in coping with a particular problem. The successful functioning of Teochiu criminal organizations is probably partially a result of strong feelings of ethnic identity and solidarity among many Teochiu and is in itself a probable contributing factor in the maintenance of Teochiu solidarity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207666, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "The Teochiu: Ethnicity in Urban Hong Kong\n\nTeochiu Associational Structure\n\n39\n\nTeochiu are reputed to be highly organized, much more so than other ethnic groups. The proliferation of Teochiu associations in Hong Kong must certainly give the impression to outsiders that the Teochiu community is a hierarchically organized, monolithic structure. Teochiu themselves, however, are well aware of internal divisions and the lack of communication between different \"levels\" within the formal organizational structure.\n\nThere are a number of different kinds of formal and informal Teochiu organizations in Hong Kong. A preliminary distinction can be made between what will be called \"higher level\" and \"lower level\" associations. This distinction is based partially on the primary functions or activities of particular associations and partially on the influence of an association as a group and the influence of individual leaders and members. \"Higher level\" associations include commercial organizations of various kinds ranging from the most influential and powerful Chiu-Chow Chamber of Commerce to associations whose membership is limited to certain occupations such as the wholesale rice trade or ownership of plastic factories. \"Lower level\" associations include surname, district, and Hungry Ghost Festival organizations.\n\nThere are probably at least 150 Teochiu organizations in Hong Kong, including 58 Hungry Ghost Festival organizations, a number of other religious organizations, and numerous Teochiu Christian organizations. These organizations are not tightly interconnected through formal communication channels, nor are the \"lower level\" associations controlled by \"higher level\" associations. Many organizations are fairly autonomous, with few formal links to other organizations, and are largely concerned with activities pertinent to their own sphere of interest. This is reflected in the failure of an attempt by some Teochiu leaders several years ago to establish a general Teochiu association to be composed of representatives of all Teochiu organizations. This kind of association would presumably have been a very potent special interest group. The attempt failed because of an apparent lack of interest on the part of many elite Teochiu, the feeling that \"higher level\" Teochiu associations already sufficiently fulfilled the functions of such an association, and, according to one informant, the dominant concern of some leaders with their own limited sphere of interest.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207667, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "40\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nAnother example was an attempt, again several years ago, initially promoted by several very prominent Teochiu elites, to use some of the money donated for the three-day Hungry Ghost Festival for charitable purposes. Total expenditures on each of these 58 festivals range from HK$150,000 to more than HK$200,000. The minimum total annual expenditure is at least HK$9,000,000. The attempt was unsuccessful in that the organizers were unable to convince local-level leaders to set aside part of the collected funds for a general fund for certain charitable purposes.\n\nThere is considerable diversity among Teochiu leaders in attitudes toward this particular festival which, as a three-day public ritual, is largely performed by Teochiu (though many non-Teochiu families also make individual offerings to the hungry ghosts on the 15th day of the 7th lunar month). Some leaders regard the festival as a “superstitious” waste of money, and this attitude was one of the motivations behind the attempt to siphon donated funds into charitable purposes. This example illustrates the lack of agreement among Teochiu organizations and leaders at different levels concerning attitudes toward religious beliefs and ritual in general and this important Teochiu festival in particular. It is important in that it is the ritual focus of a number of locally organized informal groups and is considered by many Teochiu and non-Teochiu as the cultural symbol par excellence of Teochiu ethnic viability. Although it is possible to argue that this huge expenditure is a waste of money and effort, it is my belief that local-level leaders would not be able to generate sufficient enthusiasm for the donation of money and physical labor for purposes other than those which non-elite would choose to participate in. The festival organizations are largely autonomous and locally organized informal groups which would not exert such effort for goals originating at higher levels within the Teochiu community.\n\nIf Teochiu organizations are not tightly inter-linked by formal mechanisms, they are of course interconnected by personal networks. These are the threads tying together the Teochiu community and literally run up and down socio-economic levels and have contact points with the formal organizations. Ego-centric networks also cross-cut ethnic boundaries, a reflection of numerous friendship, commercial, and political ties across ethnic categories. There is of course considerable variation in the extent to which ego-centric networks include non-Teochiu linkages.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207668, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "The Teochiu; Ethnicity in Urban Hong Kong\n\nVariation and Solidarity within Teochiu Population1\n\n41\n\nAs noted above, there were sufficiently large numbers of Teochiu immigrants coming to Hong Kong after the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 to enable Teochiu to reside and work together in fairly large concentrations. The initial contact period between non-Teochiu and the new immigrants was generally marked by ethnic hostility, at times erupting into physical violence between individuals or groups at places of work. Interethnic rivalry and violence was particularly common among coolies. Recently arrived Teochiu could not, of course, speak or understand Cantonese and were often forced to work in the most physically demanding and lowest paid occupations. Informants have indicated that it required a period of up to one year in some cases for Teochiu to learn sufficient Cantonese to enable limited communication with non-Teochiu. Communication difficulties and concomitant mis-understandings were undoubtedly one cause of inter-ethnic hostility and have contributed to the widely held belief among non-Teochiu that Teochiu are loud spoken and quarrelsome. Teochiu who were born in China and learned Cantonese after immigrating to Hong Kong speak Cantonese with a distinct accent and can be easily identified as Teochiu by others. The fact that many Teochiu could initially find work only in low status occupations reinforced the opinions of others that Teochiu were rough and coarse menial laborers. Teochiu were widely discriminated against and treated with fear and disrespect in this early period. They found it difficult to obtain jobs from non-Teochiu and were considered by many to be too violent and aggressive to function well in some jobs. The belief that Teochiu are violent in nature is largely derived from the very real tendency for Teochiu to go to the aid of other Teochiu in a fight, even if they are complete strangers. This norm, involving mutual assistance on the street, was a reflection of the struggles involved in survival and adaptation. It is thus not surprising that most initially relied on Teochiu sources of assistance and that many remained heavily involved in primarily Teochiu networks and committed to a Teochiu identity as they grew older.\n\nThe greater part of my research was concerned with an intensive analysis of Teochiu social networks and several formal and informal religious organizations in one resettlement estate. The Teochiu\n\n1 The discussion that follows, unless stated otherwise, refers to Teochiu living in urban areas of the Colony.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207669, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "42\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\npopulation of this estate, comprising more than one tenth of the 67,000 people in the estate, were for the most part resettled from several squatter settlements in Tsuen Wan and Kowloon, where extensive friendship and kinship networks were already developed prior to resettlement. These networks were elaborated and extended within the housing estate. There is of course differential involvement in local Teochiu organizations and in reliance upon solely Teochiu sources of assistance, although virtually all contribute money and participate in the locally organized Hungry Ghost Festival in early August. Only a minority of Teochiu men in the estate are actively involved in the three Teochiu organizations in the estate, which suggests one kind of variation within the Teochiu population of Hong Kong. Most of the Teochiu households in the estate are composed of two or three generations and the primary wage earners are usually men, ranging from the late twenties to middle age, who immigrated from China. They identify themselves as Teochiu, have primarily Teochiu close friends (this statement is based on observation and not informants' statements) and for the most part marry Teochiu women. The majority of these men are primarily concerned with their jobs or businesses and their families and do not choose to become actively involved in local Teochiu associations. All Teochiu in the estate do have friendship relationships with non-Teochiu who are either work colleagues, neighbors or friends of friends. However, given the large numbers of Teochiu in the estate from a small number of villages in one of the Teochiu districts in China, it is not surprising that most leisure time is spent with kinsmen, fellow villagers or Teochiu friends who are also the primary sources of assistance in resolving problems,\n\nBased on experiences in other resettlement estates, I would suggest that the behavioral patterns outlined above can be generalized to that segment of the Teochiu population residing in resettlement estates. It is not necessarily possible to equate Hong Kong's resettlement population with one social class, in that some resettled families now own very successful businesses. Within the resettlement estate discussed above, however, the majority of Teochiu families, while having modest savings, consume most of their monthly earnings and not infrequently are forced to borrow money from friends or relatives for short periods of time.\n\nIt is much more difficult to generalize about interethnic interaction and attitudes toward ethnic identity for Teochiu residing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207670, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n43\n\nin private housing and at higher socio-economic levels. Certainly many Teochiu businessmen are heavily committed to Teochiu commercial networks and there generally appears to be a positive relationship between age, psychological orientation to Teochiu identity, and primary interaction with Teochiu. One pattern that does apply to all Teochiu, regardless of social class and educational level, is the tendency for most Teochiu youth born in Hong Kong to abandon any commitment to a Teochiu identity. They feel, and this to a large extent reflects the attitudes of their parents, that an ethnic identity is largely irrelevant to their lives. Rich and poor parents alike have told me that Teochiu-ness is entirely irrelevant to life in Hong Kong today, and that their children must concern themselves with the problems of living in Hong Kong, particularly getting an education and a good job.\n\nThis de-emphasis of ethnicity in socialization is reflected in the fact that many Teochiu born in Hong Kong and now aged 20 years or less are unable to speak Teochiu, although they may be able to partially understand Teochiu when it is spoken by others. This is reflected in Table V which categorizes the Teochiu population according to usual language. The columns of interest are those labelled \"Cantonese\" and \"Hoklo\" (the latter is defined by the 1971 Census as all Min languages, including Teochiu). The relative percentages of those Teochiu whose “usual language” is Cantonese decreases in the higher age groups. Table VI presents these percentages according to age groups. There are questions which arise concerning the use of the expression “usual language\" when the census questionnaires are administered. It is difficult to know what respondents think when asked this question but Teochiu have responded to my questioning with the reply that they use Teochiu in some contexts and Cantonese in others. It is questionable whether only 52% of Teochiu aged 55 and over consider Teochiu to be their usual language. In any case, it is clear that age is generally related to usual language and I would suggest that this is primarily due to the inability of many young Teochiu to speak Teochiu. The latter have or are attending schools in which the medium of instruction is Cantonese and/or English; this is also true of all Teochiu secondary and primary schools in Hong Kong. They are also more likely, at least in the resettlement estate intensively studied, to have more non-Teochiu close friends and to marry non-Teochiu.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207671, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "44\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nThese changes may have future implications for the continued growth and viability of Teochiu religious organizations. Present growth in number and size of Hungry Ghost festival organizations, the majority of which are located in resettlement estates, suggests that Teochiu local leaders have been successful in mobilizing support for this festival within the lower socio-economic levels of the Teochiu population. This mobilization has obviously been carried out and expressed in terms of ethnic solidarity and a common cultural heritage, and has been successful partially because it has utilized and, in fact, worked through the extensive and dense friendship and kinship networks that have developed within the housing estates. These festival organizations can be viewed as extensions of these networks into the organization of rituals which express Teochiu cultural solidarity to others and reflect underlying inter-ethnic rivalry and hostility in the local area.\n\nOne purpose of this article is to derive a preliminary conceptualization of ethnicity in the urban areas of Hong Kong. Such a conceptualization should involve more than an analysis of ethnic groups residing in a city. It should also indicate in what ways urban ethnicity is different from rural or non-urban ethnicity as a result of particularly urban processes and urban structure. This would involve the consideration of such factors as urbanization and urban planning, transportation networks, available housing and different types of residential settlements, the extent of housing segregation, occupational structure, and occupational specialization by particular groups, differential access to, and ethnic competition for, economic resources.\n\nThis paper has briefly discussed some of these factors with reference to urban areas of Hong Kong; in particular, the relative lack of Teochiu occupational specialization, the absence of housing segregation but the tendency of many Teochiu to segregate themselves in squatter settlements, the general absence of restrictions on social mobility based on ethnic group membership, the effects of urban housing policies on ethnic identity in resettling large ethnic concentrations to housing estates. Certain features of the urban system have thus clearly influenced the expression of ethnic identity and hostility. It is questionable, however, whether any part of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n45\n\nHong Kong can now be considered rural or non-urban given current development and planning in the New Territories centering on three New Towns (Tsuen Wan, Tuen Mun and Sha Tin). This is not to say that there are no differences in scale or social organization between villages or small market towns in the New Territories and Mongkok, the area of highest population density in Hong Kong, but rather that these differences can no longer be usefully conceptualized as corresponding to urban and rural social systems. Some of these differences appear to be significant in influencing the nature of ethnicity, and in particular interethnic rivalry and competition.\n\nBlake's study of Sai Kung, a market town in the New Territories, indicates that the formation of ethnic categories is a process in which \"powerful men struggle for the land and status positions in the emerging organization of the market” [Blake, 1975:233]. Ethnic groups in Sai Kung are closely identified with particular ecological niches in the local area. For example, Tanka [Cantonese] fishermen do deep sea fishing while \"Hoklo\" Hoi Luk Fung fishermen are restricted to less lucrative shallow fishing. Blake found that inter-ethnic dynamics are largely centered upon these traditional niches and that immigrant Chinese have had to negotiate their ethnic identity with the traditionally dominant ethnic group in the local area, the Hakka.\n\nThe patterns of interethnic dynamics that Blake describes for Sai Kung are very different from those in the housing estates I studied. Apparently much of the dynamics of interethnic relationships in small market towns and villages in the New Territories are related to two factors: *\n\n(1) Competition over access and ownership of land and local markets between traditional lineage groups and the immigrant population, and between different ethnic groups.\n\n(2) Competition over control of formal political positions within the locality, such as village representative and membership of\n\n* These generalizations are based upon Blake's study and a paper read to the Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, by Michael Palmer in March 1977.\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207673, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "46\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\na Rural Committee, and over attendant influence with the government and in local affairs.\n\nWith regard to the first factor, there is no such direct, intense competition over economic resources in those resettlement estates with which I am familiar. There is of course ethnic based triad competition over control of territory. Factory jobs, however, are easily obtained by anyone, regardless of ethnic affiliation, although there is a tendency for Teochiu to work in factories where many Teochiu work (this is a result of the fact that such jobs are usually obtained through kinsmen, friends or friends of friends). Employment and business opportunities in the urban areas are largely not restricted to members of particular ethnic groups, and economic competition is generally not operating along ethnic lines. There are exceptions of course; for example, the often violent competition between Teochiu and non-Teochiu coolies in Hong Kong's port areas. There are some areas where commercial networks are largely co-terminous with ethnic networks. Teochiu dominance in rice importation, wholesale and retail trade is well known. Many import/export firms involved in international trade between Hong Kong and Southeast Asia are owned and managed by Teochiu. Within economic institutions there are ethnic blocs; for example, Teochiu stock brokers form a bloc in contrast with Cantonese and Shanghai blocs. In each of these areas, however, there are also competing firms owned by members of other ethnic groups. Ethnic occupational specialization appears to have considerably weakened in the several decades following World War II, primarily due to Hong Kong's rapid industrial growth. Traditional areas of ethnic specialization seem to be of decreasing importance in the overall economic structure of Hong Kong.\n\nWith regard to the second factor, control over formal political positions and organizations within the local area, there also appear to be significant differences between \"rural\" areas and the urban housing estates where I carried out research. These differences are largely due to governmental policy. The government has created formal political organizations, the Rural Committees, and officially recognized positions of village representatives in the New Territories, with direct input into the local governing process. These positions are filled by indigenous local residents and have become one focus of interethnic competition.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207674, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "The Teochiu ethnicity in urban Hong Kong\n\n47\n\nThere are no comparable local level organizations in the urban areas,* though the government has encouraged the development of local-level urban neighborhood associations (Kaifongs), which are presumed to reflect local opinion and to be effective in influencing government decisions affecting the local area. The Kaifongs in resettlement estates with which I am familiar currently fulfill neither of these functions and are hardly considered organizations worthy of much effort to control. Teochiu have primarily been \"isolationist\" in devoting attention and effort to developing their own associations into what are clearly the most active and representative organizations in the local area. The local Kaifongs have thus not become an important focus of interethnic competition. Kaifong associations in other areas of Hong Kong are at times more active in local affairs. They appear to be particularly active when organizing local protest against new governmental policy which would adversely affect local residents. Hong Kong's newspapers periodically carry stories telling of the efforts of particular Kaifongs to mobilize support of local residents against new policy.\n\nThe primary functions of Kaifongs have been to provide social welfare services, serve as a communication channel to government, and to provide prestigious positions for ambitious local leaders (Kan, 1970:95). Kan describes the general image of Kaifongs in the following manner:\n\nthe more 'generalistic' orientation of the Kaifongs is more amenable to the government than is the 'particularistic' orientation of the clan, district, and dialect associations. For this reason, the majority of the population as well as the government itself have believed that the Kaifongs may become the most effective intermediaries between government and people. (Kan, 1970:94).\n\n*The City District Office scheme, initiated in 1968, is intended to bridge the communication gulf between the masses of people in urban areas and government. City District Officers are charged with assessing the overall impact of government policy, and with maintaining contact with all local organizations. In effect, the purpose of the scheme is to \"provide the public with a local manifestation of the Government... (The City District Officer Scheme, 1969: title page).\n\nFor brief discussions of divergent government policy in the New Territories and urban area, see Report by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, The City District Officer Scheme, 1969; Wong, 1975; and Miners, 1975.\n\nSee Annual Departmental Reports of the District Commissioner, New Territories, for brief descriptions of the Rural Committees.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207675, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "48\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nAccording to Kan, the potential role of Kaifongs in mediating between government and people has been negatively affected by actual government policy. Government has tended to de-emphasize the potential role of Kaifongs in community organization, and has indirectly controlled them by withholding possible funds, while providing support to other voluntary organizations (Kan, 1970: 221). Whatever their overall effects upon Hong Kong society, it is clear that there is considerable variation in their impact on local areas. I would suggest that Kaifongs in resettlement estates may be the least active and effective among their number in uniting and developing the local community. The more active and influential of such organizations appear to be located in commercial and private housing areas. These statements are tentative in that the existing literature on Kaifongs in Hong Kong does not appear to resolve these questions.1\n\nThat there is less direct economic and political competition in the urban areas, or at least in some resettlement estates, does not mean that there is no interethnic hostility. The viability and successful functioning of Teochiu organizations and festivals is a reflection of such hostility and of a general feeling of competition with other ethnic groups, particularly in the organization of ritual, in which there is implicitly the aim of having the biggest and the best festival in the local area. Conflict with a neighbor, work colleague, or stranger in the market may escalate and be expressed in terms of ethnic hostility and perhaps require reinforcements from one's own ethnic group in order to \"resolve\". Interpersonal conflict between members of different ethnic groups might even be more frequent and likely to lead to violence with the increase in density and the chance that an appropriate mediator would not be immediately available.\n\nIn conclusion, it is clear that economic and political structure have been important determinants of variation in the expression and organization of ethnicity in Hong Kong. Differences in urban and \"rural\" social structure are obviously related to differences in the nature of interethnic dynamics in the respective areas. The study of ethnicity in Hong Kong should prove to be a particularly fruitful\n\n1 There is an extensive literature on Kaifongs, much of which is impressionistic and not based on intensive research. Kan's dissertation (Kan, 1970) and later publications are the most extensive and detailed studies (her later publications are in the name Aline K. Wong).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207676, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n49\n\narea of research, given the above mentioned differences and variation within ethnic groups. Previous sections of this paper have discussed variation within the Teochiu population, and the difficulties involved in generalizing about the nature of Teochiu ethnic identity. Another important source of variation is generational differences in the importance ascribed to an ethnic identity in a changing society. The study of these kinds of variation will provide insight into intergroup dynamics in Chinese—here more specifically Hong Kong Chinese—society, and contribute to the comparative study of ethnicity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "50\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nTABLE I\n\nTeochiu Population by Census District (N.T. & Marine in Census Area) —\n\n1971 Census\n\n \n Census district/area\n No. of persons\n \n \n Central\n 1,352\n \n \n Sheung Wan\n 5,844\n \n \n West\n 27,557\n \n \n Mid-levels & Pokfulam\n 2,634\n \n \n Peak\n 115\n \n \n Wanchai\n 4,966\n \n \n Tai Hang\n 5,309\n \n \n North Point\n 8,359\n \n \n Shau Kei Wan\n 13,641\n \n \n Aberdeen\n 13,141\n \n \n South\n 1,352\n \n \n HONG KONG ISLAND\n 84,270\n \n \n Tsim Sha Tsui\n 6,744\n \n \n Yau Ma Tei\n 6,575\n \n \n Mong Kok\n 4,731\n \n \n Hung Hom\n 13,132\n \n \n Ho Man Tin\n 4,129\n \n \n KOWLOON\n 35,311\n \n \n Cheung Sha Wan\n 12,048\n \n \n Shek Kip Mei\n 21,827\n \n \n Kowloon Tong\n 1,170\n \n \n Kai Tak\n 100,935\n \n \n Ngau Tau Kok\n 46,507\n \n \n Lei Yue Mun\n 34,889\n \n \n NEW KOWLOON\n 217,376\n \n \n TSUEN WAN\n 27,496\n \n \n YUEN LONG\n 13,365\n \n \n TAI PO\n 6,552\n \n \n ISLANDS\n 4,575\n \n \n SAI KUNG\n 835\n \n \n MARINE\n 1,674\n \n \n COLONY TOTAL\n 391,454", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207678, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "# THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n## TABLE II\n\n51\n\nNumber of Land Domestic Households (household head being of Teochiu origin)\n\nBy Type of Living Quarter (data from the 1971 Census)\n\n \n Type of Living Quarter\n No. of land domestic households\n \n \n Apartment flat\n 10,653\n \n \n Tenement flat\n 16,508\n \n \n Resettlement Estate\n 31,193\n \n \n Government low cost housing\n 1,792\n \n \n Housing Authority or Society housing\n 3,867\n \n \n Stone Structures\n 4,780\n \n \n Houses of one or 2 stories\n 474\n \n \n Temporary Housing\n 8,099\n \n \n Others\n 651\n \n \n Total\n 78,017\n \n\n## TABLE III\n\nTeochiu Population Living on Land by Occupation\n\n1971 Census\n\n \n Occupation\n No. of person\n \n \n Armed forces, unclassified, economically inactive & job-seekers\n 243,133\n \n \n Farmers, Fisherfolk, etc.\n 3,155\n \n \n Miners etc.\n 497\n \n \n Service, sport and recreation workers\n 17,581\n \n \n Transport and communication workers\n 9,460\n \n \n Clerical and sales workers\n 29,113\n \n \n Craftsmen, production workers & labourers\n 74,203\n \n \n Administrative, executive & managerial workers\n 8,826\n \n \n Artists, draughtsmen and technicians\n 2,173\n \n \n Professional & technological workers\n 1,639\n \n \n Total\n 389,780", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207679, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "# DOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\n## TABLE IV\n\n### Teochiu Economically Active Ever Married Men by Occupation\n\n1971 Census.\n\n \n Occupation\n Economically Active Ever Married Men\n \n \n Armed forces, unclassified & job-seekers\n 2,744\n \n \n Farmers, fisherfolk, etc.\n 1,896\n \n \n Miners, etc.\n 263\n \n \n Service, sport & recreation workers\n 8,607\n \n \n Transport & communication workers\n 6,880\n \n \n Clerical & sales workers\n 14,858\n \n \n Craftsmen, production workers & labourers\n 22,886\n \n \n Administrative, executive & managerial workers\n 6,988\n \n \n Artists, draughtsmen & technicians\n 808\n \n \n Professional & technological workers\n 552\n \n \n Total\n 66,482", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207680, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "TABLE V\n\nTeochiu population by usual language by age group-1971 Census\n\n \n Age group\n Sex\n Cantonese\n Hakka\n Hoklo\n Sze Yap\n Other languages of China\n English\n Any other languages\n Dumb\n Total\n \n \n 14 & below\n M\n 66,312\n 734\n 15,073\n 99\n 1,425\n 27\n 12\n 246\n 83,928\n \n \n 14 & below\n F\n 62,821\n 688\n 13,950\n 103\n 1,320\n 21\n 5\n 243\n 79,151\n \n \n 15-24\n M\n 28,819\n 345\n 8,277\n 49\n 893\n 16\n 5\n 30\n 38,434\n \n \n 15-24\n F\n 25,008\n 221\n 6,980\n 51\n 709\n 15\n 9\n 24\n 33,017\n \n \n 25-39\n M\n 23,011\n 535\n 10,766\n 127\n 1,536\n 18\n 16\n 12\n 36,021\n \n \n 25-39\n F\n 14,561\n 316\n 8,739\n 87\n 1,259\n 14\n 4\n 14\n 24,994\n \n \n 40-54\n M\n 18,938\n 831\n 14,185\n 150\n 1,926\n 9\n 8\n 11\n 36,058\n \n \n 40-54\n F\n 11,404\n 537\n 12,561\n 116\n 1,727\n 16\n 6\n 8\n 26,375\n \n \n 55 & over\n M\n 6,595\n 510\n 7,092\n 83\n 1,191\n 5\n 2\n 10\n 15,491\n \n \n 55 & over\n F\n 5,214\n 452\n 10,356\n 136\n 1,814\n 2\n 5\n 6\n 17,985\n \n \n Total\n M\n 143,675\n 2,955\n 55,393\n 513\n 6,971\n 75\n 43\n 307\n 209,932\n \n \n Total\n F\n 119,008\n 2,214\n 52,586\n 493\n 6,829\n 68\n 31\n 293\n 181,522\n \n \n Total\n T\n 262,683\n 5,169\n 107,979\n 1,006\n 13,800\n 143\n 74\n 600\n 391,454\n \n\n53", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207681, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "54\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nTABLE VI\n\nPercentage of total Teochiu population speaking Cantonese and Hoklo in different age groups, males and females combined:\n\n \n Age Group\n Cantonese\n Hoklo\n \n \n 14\n 79%\n 18%\n \n \n 15-24\n 75%\n 21%\n \n \n 25-39\n 61.6%\n 40.54%\n \n \n 40-54\n 48.6%\n 32%\n42.8%\n \n \n 55 and over\n 35.3%\n 52%\n \n \n Total\n 67%\n 27.6%\n \n\nAijmer, L. Goran 1967\n\nAnderson, E. 1967\n\nBarnett, K. M. A. 1962\n\nBarth, F. 1969\n\nBlake, C. Fred\n\nCensus & Statistics Dept., H.K. Govt. 1973\n\nCommissioner of Census Report, H.K. Govt. 1968\n\nCohen, Myron 1968\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n\"Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society” JHKBRAS, 7, 1967, pp. 42-79.\n\n++\n\n\"Prejudice & ethnic stereotypes in Rural H.K.” Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers 37, pp. 90-107.\n\nReport on the 1961 Census. H.K.: Government Printer\n\nEthnic Groups & Boundaries. Boston: Little, Brown,\n\n\"Ethnolingustic Affiliation and Political Participation in the develop of a Chinese market town: Sai Kung in New Territories\" Canton Delta Seminar Conference Paper, presented at Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, April 28, 1973. Mimeograph.\n\nNegotiating Ethnolinguistic Symbols in a Chinese Market Town. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1975.\n\nHong Kong Population Housing Census, 1971 Main Report. Hong Kong: Government Printer.\n\nReport on the 1966 By-Census. Hong Kong: Government Printer.\n\n\"The Hakka or 'Guest People': Dialect as a sociocultural variable in South East China\". Ethnohistory, vol. 15, No. 3, 237-92.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207682, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "# THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\nCrissman, Lawrence\n\n1967\n\nHan Sin-fong\n\n1971\n\nHong Kong\n\n1970\n\n55\n\n\"The segmentary structure of urban overseas Chinese communities\". Man, vol. 2, no. 2, 185-204.\n\nA Study of the Occupational Patterns and Social Interaction of Overseas Chinese in Sabah, Malaysia.\n\nPh.D., thesis, University of Michigan.\n\nHong Kong Census Reports, 1841 - 1941.\n\nHong Kong Government.\n\nKan, Aline Lai-Chung The Kaifong (Neighborhood) Associations in Hong Kong. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Berkeley.\n\nKani, Hiroaki\n\n1967\n\nMcCoy, Alfred\n\n1972\n\nMiners, N. J. 1975\n\nSecretary for Chinese Affairs 1969\n\nSkinner, G. William\n\n1958\n\nWong, Christopher K. K. 1975\n\n## TEOCHIU PUBLICATIONS\n\nA General Survey of the Boat People in Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong: Southeast Asian Studies Section, New Asia Research Institute, The Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nThe Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia.\n\nNew York: Harper and Row.\n\nThe Government and Politics of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press.\n\nThe City District Officer Scheme. Report by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs. Hong Kong: Government Printer.\n\nLeadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand.\n\nIthaca: Cornell University Press.\n\n\"Communication between Government and People: Hong Kong's New City District Officer Scheme\". In Marjorie Topley (ed.), Hong Kong: The Interaction of Traditions and Life in the Towns. Published by the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nHong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce (ed), 1971\n\n州會館落成開—香港潮州商會金禧紀念合刊\n\n[Joint Publication on the Celebration of the Completion and Opening of the Hong Kong Chiu Chow Union Building and the Jubilee Anniversary of the Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce]. Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce.\n\nHung, Cheung Piu, 1961\n\n新校舍落成紀念\n\n[Publication for the 40th Anniversary of the Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce and to commemorate the establishment of a new school building of the Chiu Chow Commerce School], Hong Kong: Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207684, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "INTERETHNIC INTERACTION – A MATTER OF DEFINITION: ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS*\n\nThis article examines interethnic interaction and ethnic boundary maintenance in a public housing estate whose residents include many former refugees from mainland China. Attention is focused on relationships between two ethnic groups who are similar in language and culture and between whom there is some intergroup passing but which are, paradoxically, separated by rigid cognitive boundaries. The historical origins and relationships between these two ethnic groups in China are related to interaction and communication patterns in the housing estate. Variation and confusion in categorization of people from villages in the border area between the two ethnic groups in China is shown to be a function of participation in social networks which include people from the border villages.\n\nThe fieldwork for this research was undertaken in a resettlement estate in Tsuen Wan, an industrial new town in the New Territories of Hong Kong, and was primarily concerned with the Teochiu ethnic group which is generally described in the companion article in this issue of the Journal.\n\nThe housing estate in which I worked is located in North Kwai Chung, in the eastern part of the new town, an area of heavy industrial concentration and the location of several large housing estates. This particular housing estate was chosen as the primary fieldwork site largely because I had very good contacts with Teochiu leaders in local religious associations. My major concerns in the research were with the analysis of group dynamics and leadership within these associations and within the dense Teochiu networks within the housing estate.\n\n* The author is a postgraduate research student from The Department of Anthropology, University of Texas at Austin, who recently carried out 18 months field work in Hong Kong. This research was supported by a National Science Foundation Dissertation Research Grant, for which he expresses his indebtedness and appreciation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207685, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "58\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nThe study of relationships between Teochiu and other ethnic groups within the estate was obviously of relevance to my research. I became particularly interested in relationships between the Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung, that is, people from two districts in Kwangtung directly south of Teochiu along the coast (海豐 and 陸豐). Hoi Luk Fung persons are the most similar to Teochiu among Chinese ethnic groups in Hong Kong in language, culture, and historical origins. It was initially perplexing that Teochiu in the housing estate disliked Hoi Luk Fung more intensely than any other ethnic group, and I very quickly became aware of sharp cognitive and interactional boundaries between the two groups. With increasing knowledge of northeastern Kwangtung, the area from which these people migrated, and of cognitive and social divisions within the estate, people from the border area between Hoi Luk Fung and Teochiu became an enigmatic social puzzle to me. These people are from an area called Kap Jih (P7), and there exists among Teochiu within the estate considerable variation and confusion as to the ethnic identity of these people. The confusion, of course, fuelled my interest and led to more questions and my eventual ability to view the categorization of Kap Jih in a more fluid and flexible manner, as did the Teochiu themselves.\n\nThe resettlement estate is composed of about 67,000 residents, all of whom were resettled from squatter settlements into densely populated 16-storey blocks. Most of the residents have lived in this estate since it was constructed ten years ago, and many of them had lived in squatter settlements for many years prior to resettlement. Thus, my research did not focus upon problems of resettlement nor upon the adaptation of recent immigrants to an urban, industrial social setting. People living in the estate function within dense social networks which include relatives and friends within the estate, work colleagues, and friends and relatives living in other areas of Hong Kong. This is particularly true among the Teochiu segment of the housing estate population.\n\nMany Chinese ethnic groups are found within the estate. Housing Authority officials managing the estate do not have figures categorizing residents of this estate by ethnic group, but according to information from residents themselves, Cantonese are the largest and Teochiu the second largest ethnic group. According to Teochiu\n\n1 A more detailed description of the ecology of the housing estate appears in my dissertation,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207686, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n59\n\nassociation leaders in the area, there are about 1500 Teochiu households which suggests a total of approximately 9,000 Teochiu in the estate or about 13% of the total population. All other ethnic groups are found in much smaller numbers, Hakka being the next largest. Hoi Luk Fung are very small in number, perhaps one-tenth of the total number of Teochiu, and are usually classified as Teochiu by non-Teochiu within the estate. That is, Cantonese are usually unaware of the distinction between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung and simply consider an individual Hoi Luk Fung as being Teochiu. This is largely due to the fact that the languages spoken by Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung are very similar and for the most part mutually intelligible, and most non-Teochiu do not and cannot tell them apart.\n\nThere are no clear ethnic occupational patterns within the estate, with the exception of several occupations which are dominated by particular ethnic groups. Most rice retail shops are run by Teochiu families, although there are a few Cantonese rice shops. At least one third of the hundreds of small retail shops within the estate are managed by Teochiu, and many of the legal and illegal hawkers are Teochiu. Most of the minibus drivers whose routes originate in the estate are Teochiu, and I have been told that it is difficult for a non-Teochiu to become a driver in the local area.\n\nThe majority of men in the estate work in nearby factories or as laborers and coolies. Virtually anyone who needs a job can find one within several weeks, but it is usually a low paid factory or coolie job which results in a great deal of temporary unemployment as men are laid off or become tired of a particular job and remain at home and in the estate for several weeks or even months. Most unmarried females work in local factories or in their families' business from the ages of 13 or 14, and many married women with children do some kind of piece work at home. Access to jobs within the industrial sector are generally available to anyone, regardless of ethnic identity. Almost always, however, individuals obtain a job through personal contacts with a foreman or worker in a particular factory and this contact is usually with a member of the same ethnic group. With the exception of the occupations mentioned above, there is relatively little economic competition between ethnic groups within the estate. The organization of inter-ethnic hostility is, for the most part, not based on competition for scarce resources or access to jobs within the local area. The major", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207687, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "60\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nexception to this is the rivalry between ethnic gangs and more organized criminal groups in the area, who are competing for territory and access to the local market in illegal gambling, extortion and narcotics.\n\nThere are various kinds of formal and informal associations within the estate, including several estate-wide associations as well as several ethnic associations. The most active and organized associations within the estate are the two registered Teochiu religious associations and another informal, unregistered Teochiu association. There is one informal Hoi Luk Fung religious association and one Cantonese association which is the least active of the ethnic associations. The primary functions of these ethnic organizations are the organization of ritual and the maintenance of small temples within the local area. Separation between ethnic groups is expressed in competition in the performance of particular religious festivals. This article will not consider the internal organization and dynamics of these ethnic organizations.\n\nThe Teochiu segment of the estate population was resettled from squatter settlements in Tsuen Wan and Kowloon. Prior to resettlement, Teochiu in a particular squatter settlement were likely to be from the same village in China or from nearby villages and were involved in very dense kinship and friendship networks. A majority of Teochiu who were resettled into the housing estate are from one of the Teochiu districts in China and a very large portion are from a small number of villages in this district. This is due to the resettlement of certain squatter settlements, many of which were in Lower Kwai Chung, which contained high concentrations of Teochiu from that district. Most of the members of the Teochiu associations in the estate are from a small number of villages in this district, and these associations may be seen as extensions of social networks developed in squatter areas into the realm of ritual organization. Some of the most active members are from a single village which has over 400 “descendants” residing in this and nearby estates. The social and ritualistic core of this transplanted village is one extended family with over 40 members living in the estate studied. This pattern is by no means unique to this estate; other resettlement estates in Hong Kong have high concentrations of Teochiu from particular districts. This \"same village\" density is the basis for the organizational strength and ethnic solidarity of Teochiu in Hong Kong.\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207688, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n61\n\nThe companion article provides a description of ethnic stereotypes in Hong Kong, indicates social distance between ethnic groups as perceived by Teochiu, and generally discusses interethnic interaction. Within the housing estate studied, the Teochiu are clearly the most insulated in that they are a sizeable minority with long established friend and kinship networks. But this does not mean that there is little or no interaction with other groups. Resettlement has caused an increase in the frequency of interethnic interaction, although it is doubtful whether this has led to an increase in the intensity of such relationships, particularly between Teochiu and non-Teochiu. There is daily contact and interaction between all ethnic groups. Squatters were randomly moved into the estate so that there is no concentration of a particular ethnic group on a certain floor or in a particular block of the estate. Thus one's neighbors are likely to be of a different ethnic group. Some families have developed reciprocal helping relationships with nearby neighbors which involves looking after children and providing assistance with household matters. There is constant interethnic interaction in the marketplace, although people will often buy food or other items from a shop managed by someone of the same ethnic group if it is convenient.\n\nThe work place is another arena of interethnic interaction in that virtually everyone, regardless of occupation, has work colleagues who are of another ethnic group. There is no positive correlation, however, between the frequency of such interaction and the likelihood that such contact will develop into close friendship. Most Teochiu that I know who work in factories state that they have non-Teochiu friends at work, but they further indicate that these friends are not close friends. It is clear from my own observations that few efforts are made to meet with non-Teochiu friends outside of the work place, aside from random meetings in the housing estate. Some individuals do of course have close friends who are of a different ethnic group but these are exceptions in that most close friendships are formed with people of the same group. Among Teochiu it is very likely that many close friends will be from one's village or nearby village in China: this is a function of the dense friendship networks that have developed within the estate.\n\nThus there is a constant inter-mixing between ethnic groups, but for most residents who immigrated to Hong Kong these relationships are of secondary importance. Interethnic interaction is much", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207689, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "62\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nmore important for the children of immigrants born in Hong Kong in that it is likely that some of their best friends will be of a different ethnic group and, not surprisingly, the frequency of interethnic marriage increases significantly. Cognitive boundaries between groups are clearly drawn although there is considerable variation in the strength of these boundaries. As indicated in the companion article, Teochiu are perceived as very distinct from other groups and are insulated from other groups by clearly defined and maintained boundaries.\n\nMost of the Teochiu in this estate are from the district of Hui Lai (惠来). Map 1 shows the administrative districts of Kwangtung province prior to 1949. The nine districts of Teochiu are indicated in the upper right hand portion of the map, as well as the administrative center Swatow and the two districts Luk Fung and Hoi Fung. Hong Kong is marked as a reference point. The northernmost Teochiu districts border Fukien, and the district Hui Lai has a long border with Luk Fung. Map 2 shows the coastal region and indicates the major road and railway systems in this area as well as the towns of Swatow, Hui Lai, Kap Jih, Luk Fung and Hoi Fung. The major towns and villages of the Hui Lai district are presented in Map 3 as well as relevant villages in bordering areas of Luk Fung. The remaining map was drawn by Teochiu in the housing estate. Informants' villages are indicated and the border of Kap Jih is as accurately drawn as possible. The majority of the Teochiu residents are from Hui Lai villages close to the ocean and to the border with Luk Fung. These villages almost surround the area of Kap Jih which is administratively a subdivision of Luk Fung. Kap Jih has three major settlements-Kap Jih itself, West Kap Jih (溪西), and East Kap Jih (溪东). The latter two as well as most of the informants' villages are not located on the larger maps and have been placed on the map according to the approximate position indicated by the informants. The area with which I am concerned is only a part of the entire border area between Hui Lai and Luk Fung. This particular area is of interest only because of the concentration of people from these villages in the estate studied. Teochiu from other border areas of Teochiu and who live in other areas of Hong Kong do not necessarily have the same kind of relationships with people in adjacent bordering villages.\n\nThere are Teochiu and Luk Fung migrants from all of the marked villages. Village 12 has over 400 migrants in the area that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207690, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n63\n\nI studied Village 10 is a central point on the map. It is 8 li (Chinese mile, about one third of a western mile) from this village to Village 6 on the ocean; 10 li to Village 12; 20 li to Village 15; and 80 li to Village 17. It is 60 li from Village 1 to the town of Kap Jib and 60 li from Village 14 to the town of Luk Fung. These distances are only approximate in that they were supplied by informants. The entire area is very small and densely populated. Many of these former villagers had friends and relatives in nearby villages and had traveled throughout the area under consideration. The historical origins of Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung, changes in administrative structure in the area and relationships between border villages are discussed in the following section.\n\nHistorical Origins and Relationships\n\nHistories of districts and prefectures in China are confusing, given the many changes in administrative boundaries and names. This article will not be concerned with the overall history of Teochiu nor with the frequent changes in boundaries. The historical origins of the Teochiu people will be briefly outlined as well as the establishment of and administrative changes in Hui Lai, Hoi Fung and Luk Fung districts. The histories of these districts are relevant to the understanding of social relationships between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung living in Hong Kong today.\n\nTeochiu are Han Chinese, the major racial group in China, and their language is one of the Southern Min languages (Forrest, 1965). The earliest migration of Han Chinese into the area known today as Teochiu occurred in 214 B.C. after Ch'in Shih Huang conquered Nan Yüeh (✯✯), an area in Southern China, and established the Nan Hai prefecture ( ). These first migrants were some of the 50,000 troops who stayed in southern China to initiate the settlement of the area (Chan, 1974: 120). During the Ch'in Dynasty there were several waves of migration from the Central Plains of the Yellow River southward to Teochiu. From 317 to 581 A.D. larger numbers of Han Chinese migrated into Fukien and as the latter became populated, there was further movement into Teochiu. The latter were led by four large clans (✯ ✯ ✯) which constituted the majority of the migrants (Chan, 1974:122). During this period the downstream areas of the major river system in Teochiu, the Han River, were populated by the original inhabitants of Teochiu, who were not Han Chinese. These people were gra-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "64\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\ndually pushed into the hilly regions further away from the coastal areas and the majority were eventually exterminated or assimilated after a series of rebellions during the seventh and eighth centuries (Chan, 1974:123). In successive dynasties, as southern Fukien became over-populated, there was further extended migration into Teochiu beginning at the end of the T'ang Dynasty and lasting until the 1660's (Chan, 1974:125). There are a few settlements of the original natives of Teochiu that have survived until the present in several of the Teochiu districts (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:66; personal communication with Jao Tsung-i of The Chinese University of Hong Kong). Hoi Luk Fung was presumably populated during these successive waves of southward migration by groups who moved a short distance beyond the present day boundaries of Teochiu.\n\nAccording to Jao Tsung-i, who has edited and compiled Teochiu local histories or gazetteers, a separate administrative unit was first established in Teochiu in the Ch'in Dynasty (221-209 B.C.) and was a part of the Nan Hai prefecture (☞☞) (Jao, 1965). There then followed a confusing series of boundary and name changes which will not be mentioned here. The name Teochiu first appeared in 591 A.D.; this name was chosen because it refers to a coastal area where the tides move constantly and the first character of the name () has the literal meaning of “tide” (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:59). Although there were later name changes this particular name survived into the present. There were also frequent internal boundary changes. To simplify, in 1936 Teochiu was divided into 9 districts, one city and one supervised area (Chan, 1972:93). After 1949 other surrounding districts, including Hoi Luk Fung, were added to the traditional districts to make a larger administrative area,\n\nIn the late 15th century the town of Hui Lai, three surrounding districts of Teochiu (which was then known as Chiu Yeung, * () and a small subdivision of Hoi Fung were joined together to form the administrative district of Hui Lai (Chiu Kiu, 1975:33; Hui Lai Gazetteer, 1930:80). At that time the village of Kap Jih was part of Hoi Fung and everything 5 li inland from Kap Jih became a part of Hui Lai and the villages and towns along the banks of the river running into Kap Jih became part of Hui Lai (Hui Lai Gazetteer, 1930:59). This new district contained 160 square miles. The district was established as a result of a petition from a local official stating", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207692, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n65\n\nthat the area was far from administrative centers, was very hilly and a refuge for bandits. The local people were described as rough, uneducated and rebellious. It was suggested that another administrative unit be established in the area to suppress bandits and establish schools in order to civilize the inhabitants (Hui Lai Gazetteer, 1930:81).\n\nPrior to the establishment of this separate district (the local administrative unit at that time being #), the area that was to become Hui Lai was part of the administrative unit of Hoi Fung. The latter first appeared as an administrative unit in 627 A.D.; prior to that Hoi Fung had been a part of Nan Hai (✯✯) and later administrative units in southern China (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, pp. 11-12). In 1142 Hoi Fung was combined with surrounding units to form Wai Chow prefecture () (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, pp. 11-12). According to the Hoi Fung Gazetteers, during the Ming Dynasty, in 1524, some of the Wai Chow sub-units were combined to form the district of Hui Lai, leaving Hoi Fung with only 7 districts (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, p. 11). Evidently Hui Lai then became administratively subordinate to Chiu Yeung, as Teochiu was then known. During the Ch’ing Dynasty, in 1731 Hoi Fung was divided into two units, Luk Fung and Hoi Fung, which remained a part of the larger unit of Wai Chow (Hoi Fung Gazetteer, p. 11). Prior to the establishment of Luk Fung, Kap Jih had always been a part of Hoi Fung and in 1731 when Luk Fung was separated from the rest of Hoi Fung, Kap Jih became a part of Luk Fung (Wai Chow Gazetteer, section on the geography of Luk Fung). Kap Jih was originally a small horse changing station for government messengers. It was always a part of Wai Chow Fu (AF), and except for one brief period, was never a part of Teochiu. From 1914 to 1921 Wai Chow, including Kap Jih and Hoi Luk Fung, were combined with Teochiu into a larger administrative unit containing 25 districts (personal communication from Jao Tsung-i, October, 1976). After 1921 this larger unit was disbanded, and Kap Jih and adjacent Hui Lai villages became parts of different administrative units, as had traditionally been the case after the early 1500's.\n\nThis brief administrative history, although confusing to follow, is important in indicating the following points: (1) The district of Hui Lai was a part of Hoi Fung until about 1500, a fact which is virtually unknown to Teochiu in the housing estate who think that Hui Lai has always been a part of Teochiu. Aside from indicating", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207693, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "66\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nlack of familiarity with Teochiu history, this is important when current Teochiu feelings of hostility and social separation from Hoi Luk Fung in the housing estate are considered. (2) Kap Jih has always been an administrative unit of Luk Fung and Hoi Fung throughout Chinese history, and even during the period in the 1900's when Hoi Luk Fung was combined with Teochiu, Kap Jih was not administered by Hui Lai. This is not to say that villagers in the border area were restricted or contained by administrative boundaries. Hui Lai, Kap Jih and Luk Fung residents of the housing estate have told me that there was considerable interaction across boundaries, including marriage and economic ties. Yet within the housing estate, strict cognitive boundaries have been established between Teochiu and Luk Fung people and considerable confusion exists as to the social identity of people from Kap Jih villages. The latter should technically very clearly be categorized as Luk Fung, a categorization which, if universally applied, would have drastic effects on Teochiu-Kap Jih interaction,\n\nTeochiu, Hoi Luk Fung and Kap Jih in the Housing Estate: Stereotypes and Interaction\n\nAs mentioned above, the housing estate which I studied has a large number of Teochiu. There are several major networks of individuals which to some extent overlap and are primarily composed of individuals from the same village or nearby villages. Some individuals are from villages with small numbers of descendants in the estate and are active in the major networks or cliques because of friendships established during a long period of residence in the estate. Certain individuals have close contact with key people in each of the several networks, as well as with other Teochiu and non-Teochiu, and serve as informal leaders and conflict mediators. As briefly described in the companion article, most Teochiu in the estate have intense relationships with fellow Teochiu and spend most leisure time with their fellow countrymen and kinsmen. With a few exceptions, there is virtually no intended interaction between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung. There appears to be less interaction between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung than between Teochiu and Cantonese. These patterns in behavior also extend to organizational and ritual concerns in that similar Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung organizations and similar rituals and ritual preparation are kept clearly distinct and separate. Cognitive conceptions also function", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207694, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n67\n\nto clearly demarcate the two groups, Organizations, ritual differences and stereotypes will be discussed shortly.\n\nThe number of Hoi Luk Fung in the housing estate is not more than one-tenth of the number of Teochiu, and there are only several hundred people from the Kap Jih area. The latter are sufficiently large in number, however, to be considered socially significant by local Teochiu, and for the label \"Kap Jih\" to have meaning within the local area. The primary concern of this paper is that the label has different meaning for different people, and some are not at all sure of the appropriate meaning.\n\nThe largest, most active and organized Teochiu association within the housing estate maintains an office and a small temple, which has been recently expanded, and is primarily concerned with the organization of public rituals. The latter are almost entirely supported by the local Teochiu population with very little participation by other ethnic groups. The other registered Teochiu association is organized around a spirit medium and his public presentations, and has recently built a tiny concrete temple (which is not in the immediate local area). The third Teochiu association is informal in that it is not registered with the government and is only active during a period of several months each year during preparations for the major Teochiu religious festival, the Hungry Ghost Festival. Most of the members of these associations are Teochiu, primarily from the district of Hui Lai, a few members are Kap Jih, and there are no Hoi Luk Fung members. There are a number of other Teochiu associations within Tsuen Wan, the industrial town within which the housing estate is located, as well as a large number of temples and temple organizations. The Teochiu associations discussed above have no formal contact with most of these; formal contacts between associations tend to follow the personal networks of the members. Thus, there are close formal ties between the three associations in the estate and other Teochiu associations in nearby housing estates in South Kwai Chung. These ties are very clearly a function of the extension of friendship and kinship networks from the one estate into the other estates, where fellow villagers, kinsmen, and old friends reside.\n\nThere is only one informal Hoi Luk Fung association within the housing estate, whose sole function is the organization of a five-day religious festival which in most respects is similar to the Teochiu Hungry Ghost Festival. The only substantive difference", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207695, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "68\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nis the name given to the festival—the Hoi Luk Fung festival is known as the festival for the King of Hades (E) while the Teochiu festival is called the Yue Lan () Festival. The purpose of this festival, to placate the souls of those who died as orphans, in war, as children or who were murdered, and who are released from hell during a certain period during the seventh lunar month, is the same in both ethnic group's festivals. Hoi Luk Fung have told me that formerly in China they used the same name to refer to the festival as now. This festival was known throughout China and was not unique to either Teochiu or Hoi Luk Fung. These ethnic groups have chosen to emphasize this particular festival in Hong Kong and the performance of the festival as a public ritual has become synonymous with Teochiu ethnic solidarity and distinctiveness.\n\nThat Hoi Luk Fung have chosen to retain their own name for the festival is indicative of the underlying hostility and rivalry between the two ethnic groups. In almost every other respect the festivals are identical—the physical layout of the temporary buildings, hiring of professional monks or priests to chant sutras during the festival, ritual paraphernalia, etc. The two festivals are held at the same location several weeks apart and, although it would save both effort and money, the two groups build and then remove identical temporary structures to house the opera group, monks, offices and auction items and massive figures of gods. There is absolutely no cooperation or communication between the two groups during the preparations for the festival, which last several months and require huge sums of money and a tremendous amount of physical labor and planning. The local Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung communities are sorely taxed by the necessity to donate large sums to the festival organizations in order to put on the festivals. Fund raising is a complex matter for the festival organizations and is successful only because of the great enthusiasm and support for the festival within the local community. Yet no leader in either group would suggest that they join efforts in order to produce a really outstanding festival. The festival organizations see themselves in direct competition in terms of producing the most expensive, best and most organized festival. As one Teochiu leader said to me, this competition is primarily a matter of prestige. I was told that for a long time, during the formative period of the festival organizations, there was no clear winner, but that now the Teochiu", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207696, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n69\n\nwere firmly established as having the best festival, and that this has helped to elevate the general prestige of Teochiu and their leaders.\n\nAlthough there has never been any cooperation between the two organizations, relations between them deteriorated several years ago as a result of an incident which involved police and local government officials. Many of the Hungry Ghost Festivals in Hong Kong are held in playgrounds within housing estates and are widely considered nuisances by non-participants in that the operas perform until late at night, loudspeakers shriek out auction proceedings, etc. The Hoi Luk Fung festival had for several years been performed at a certain playground within the housing estate, while the Teochiu had held their festival at a more remote site outside the estate. One year the Teochiu decided that they would use the more centrally located playground in the estate since they were the larger and stronger of the two groups. Hoi Luk Fung learned of the Teochiu plan, and overnight they quickly began building their opera matshed in order to forestall the Teochiu strategy. The next day both groups applied to the government for use of the playground and both were refused. During this period someone tried to burn the Hoi Luk Fung structures on the playground. The Teochiu claimed that the Hoi Luk Fung started the fire themselves in order to blame the Teochiu, and the Hoi Luk Fung of course blamed the Teochiu. In any case, the Teochiu then decided to follow the government's ruling and commenced planning to use the acceptable but more remote site. The Hoi Luk Fung persisted, however, in their plans to use the now restricted playground as their festival site and continued to build their structures. This led to a series of confrontations with police and several injuries to both sides were incurred. Although the Hoi Luk Fung rebuilt structures several times after police destroyed them, they were eventually forced permanently out of the playground. In succeeding years, Hoi Luk Fung used the more remote site with government permission. Although there was no organized fighting between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung, the incident severely strained relationships between individuals and the organizations.\n\nAs stated above, Hoi Luk Fung are the most similar to Teochiu among Chinese ethnic groups in language, culture and historical origins. Yet they view each other with great hostility and distrust. These feelings and perceptions were evidently developed in Hong Kong in that I have been told that Hoi Luk Fung and Teochiu", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207697, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "70\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nwere not antagonistic toward each other in China. Teochiu, if asked why they dislike Hoi Luk Fung, will reply that although there are many similarities, Hoi Luk Fung are very different in personality, and that it is their aggressive and rough nature that distinguishes them from Teochiu. Teochiu also resent Hoi Luk Fung for identifying themselves as Teochiu to outsiders who cannot distinguish between the two; for example, it is often stated by Teochiu that Hoi Luk Fung criminals identify themselves as Teochiu and thus the police have an unjustified opinion of Teochiu and crime statistics for Teochiu are inflated by Hoi Luk Fung wrong-doing. Teochiu consider Fukienese, however, to be distantly related and feel a special friendship as a result, although very few Teochiu within the estate know any Fukienese. This is interesting in that Teochiu and Fukienese are linguistically and historically related and are perceived in a positive manner, whereas Hoi Luk Fung are even more closely related and are so negatively perceived.\n\nThe nature of Teochiu perceptions of Hoi Luk Fung is exemplified in the following incident known to me. The son of a particular Teochiu was severely beaten by another boy; the father (A) wanted to revenge the act and attack the other boy's father. Another Teochiu (B) told me that the reason for (A)'s desire to assault the man was because he is very hot-tempered and that although (A) is from Hui Lai, his village is near the border with Hoi Luk Fung. Hence (A) has acquired a Hoi Luk Fung temperament! Other people from the same village might not be considered in a similar manner but because (A) is over-reacting in (B)'s eyes, (A) is behaving like a Hoi Luk Fung and is actually seen by (B) to be similar to Hoi Luk Fung in temperament. Cases of over-reaction in Teochiu from villages distant from Hoi Luk Fung would not, of course, be susceptible to (B)'s logic and assumptions.\n\nAlthough there are no phenotypic differences between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung, they can easily distinguish each other's speech. A Teochiu can immediately determine whether a Southern Min speaker is Fukien, Teochiu, or Hoi Luk Fung, and it usually requires only several hours or days of conversation for Teochiu to completely understand a particular Hoi Luk Fung. They are readily identifiable to each other, and cognitive boundaries and conceptions are thus easily acted upon in interaction. Cantonese and other ethnic groups, with the exception of Hakka originally from north-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207698, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n71\n\neastern Kwangtung, cannot of course distinguish the two and usually are unaware of any difference in speech. Most Teochiu in the housing estate cannot differentiate the speech of Kap Jih people and Teochiu originally from Hui Lai villages near to Kap Jih. Thus Kap Jih are known to be Kap Jih only as a result of a person's self identification or participation in the local Kap Jih organization.\n\nAlthough most Teochiu in the housing estate have no close friendships or significant contact with Hoi Luk Fung, there are exceptions which are interesting in that such interaction does occur, albeit not frequently, and they serve to explicate the distance between the two groups. A few Teochiu do have friendship relationships with Hoi Luk Fung which are of course similar to Teochiu-Teochiu friendships; that is, each of the actors has expectations and responsibilities within the relationship which are appropriate for any such relationship, regardless of ethnic background. The major difference between a Teochiu-Hoi Luk Fung relationship and a Teochiu-Teochiu relationship is that in the latter the two people are likely to be very involved in a common network and norms concerning friend loyalty are reinforced and at times interpreted in terms of a loyalty to the local Teochiu group vis-a-vis other groups.\n\nThe first example of a Teochiu-Hoi Luk Fung relationship concerns an elderly Teochiu (C) who runs a small ground floor shop in one of the blocks within the estate. This man's shop sells mostly candy, soda, beer and other small items and also has a mahjong game continuously going in the back. A number of Hoi Luk Fung live in this particular housing block, and (C) has joking and acquaintance relationships with several who buy beer, etc. from his shop. One Hoi Luk Fung (D) calls (C) the honorific title \"uncle\" and usually stops and chats with the old man when passing the store. I met (D) on such an occasion and learned that his great great grandfather was originally from the old man's village in Hui Lai and that he moved to Hoi Luk Fung. Thus the old man and (D) consider themselves very distantly related as \"fellow villagers\". Both (D) and the old man label (D) as Hoi Luk Fung, and (D) speaks Hoi Luk Fung rather than Teochiu. He is involved in the local Hoi Luk Fung festival organization and in the only major Hoi Luk Fung temple organization in Tsun Wan (which is not in the immediate vicinity of the housing estate). The old man (C) had heard of this temple but had never been there. (C) and (D)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207699, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "72\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\ndo not visit one another's homes in the estate nor did I ever see (D) accompanying the old man to any Teochiu rituals. Although their interaction is limited to the store front, it is more than an acquaintance relationship. The old man personally knows more Hoi Luk Fung than do most Teochiu in the housing estate, largely because of his friendly personality and the location of his shop.\n\nAs I got to know (D) I learned that he had lived prior to resettlement in a squatter settlement in which many Teochiu in the housing estate had also resided. He thus knows many of the people in the local Teochiu associations and had, in fact, opened a business in the estate with one of the local Teochiu leaders. The business went bankrupt about 8 years ago, and since then the two have not been involved in any kind of business relationship and do not visit one another. This was the only business partnership between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung in the housing estate that I learned about.\n\n(D) once visited the office of one of the Teochiu associations. He knew 5 or 6 of the 15 people present and was very friendly in greeting those he knew as well as the others. The ex-business partner was present and entered into the usual greeting ritual for someone one has not recently seen but did not initiate any extended conversation. (D) busily took interest in the on-going mahjong game, asked about people, etc. Two Teochiu who had known (D) in the squatter settlement were particularly friendly at his arrival and made an effort to act the role of friend seeing friend after a long period by enthusiastically greeting him, seating him, asking about his current situation, asking him to drink beer, etc. This clearly indicated the unusualness of the visit; a frequent visitor is not likely to be publicly treated as a guest. (D) spoke briefly to these two individuals and to several others, walked around and tried to take part in several conversations, and shortly made parting statements and left. My impression, confirmed by talking to some of the Teochiu afterwards, was that he was not particularly close to any of the Teochiu and was unable to enter into conversation or initiate his own simply because he was not involved in that network of individuals and, as in any culture, knew when to end the interaction at an appropriate time. The interaction was interesting in that it was the only case of a Hoi Luk Fung visiting the association office, and because that morning (D) had taken me to visit the Hoi Luk Fung temple and his visit was evidently prompted by our own prior interaction.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207700, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n73\n\nIn these examples, the very negative beliefs concerning Hoi Luk Fung are not applied to those Hoi Luk Fung that one knows, but rather to the unknown group as a whole. Stereotypes do, however, influence interaction in that unknown Hoi Luk Fung are likely to be treated with distrust; negative feelings resulting from interaction with Hoi Luk Fung also reinforce and verify the attitudes and beliefs.\n\nIt is difficult to explain why Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung so heartily dislike one another. Part of the reason is demographic. Teochiu are a sizeable minority and are not in the position of having to combine with other related groups in confronting the discrimination of the majority group, Cantonese. And there are sufficient numbers of Hoi Luk Fung to support separate ethnic organizations and to maintain a separate ethnic identity. The group is thus directed into rivalry with competing ethnic groups, and particularly with the \"sister\" ethnic group which is much stronger and clearly the most dominant. If this reasoning is correct, the similarities of the two groups, their \"relatedness\", would thus become the essence of the differentiation process and would have to be counteracted and in effect re-defined in the ethnic ideologies of the two groups. Similarity is thus transformed into distinction which must be maintained in interaction and belief systems.\n\nLocal Kap Jih built and maintain a small temple overlooking the housing estate. This temple and its organizing committee were initially identified to me as being Hoi Luk Fung, and it was only later when I visited the temple that it became clear that it was run by Kap Jih. The founders of the temple are from one village which has over 100 descendants in Hong Kong, many of whom live in the estate. One of the officers of the temple organization is a Teochiu from Hui Lai who had been invited to participate in rituals for several years and had subsequently been selected as an officer. Of the 40-50 families involved in the temple, 6 or 7 are Teochiu and some of the Kap Jih are members of local Teochiu associations.\n\nOne of the founders of the temple explained to me that the village mentioned above is located near Hui Lai, and he claimed that the village was really part of Teochiu rather than Hoi Luk Fung. He said that his village was very prosperous and that there had been much conflict between Hui Lai and Hoi Luk Fung over jurisdiction of the village. It was further claimed that the village", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207701, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "74\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nwas always within the Hui Lai boundary until 1949 when the district government in Hoi Fung successfully petitioned the government to transfer authority of the village to Hoi Luk Fung. According to the historical materials discussed above, Kap Jih was never administratively subordinate to Hui Lai and was always administered by Luk Fung. I have found no other historical source to verify the transfer of a border village from Hui Lai, and I suspect that the claim was made to establish a link with Hui Lai and hence with the Teochiu population of the housing estate. This particular man identified himself to me as Teochiu.\n\nConsiderable confusion exists among Teochiu as to the ethnic identity of local Kap Jih. Initially they were described to me as Hoi Luk Fung, presumably in order to simplify the local situation. Two men with some knowledge of the history and geography of Teochiu later explained to me that all of Kap Jih originally belonged to Hui Lai, and hence some Teochiu consider them to be Teochiu. Teochiu in the housing estate are mostly uneducated and are only vaguely familiar with Teochiu history. The belief that Kap Jih was once a part of Hui Lai permits some to more easily accept the former as Teochiu today. I was further told that people from other Teochiu districts not so close to Hoi Luk Fung considered Kap Jih to be Hoi Luk Fung. Many of the Teochiu in the associations classify Kap Jih as Teochiu, but there are also those who classify them as Hoi Luk Fung. The difference is primarily a function of participation in networks which include a number of Kap Jih. That is, those individuals who have friends who are Kap Jih and who interact with those friends in the context of interaction with fellow Teochiu, generally classify Kap Jih as Teochiu. Those people who classify Kap Jih as Hoi Luk Fung are less likely to have Kap Jih friends and are less active in the networks mentioned above.\n\nKap Jih themselves have the option of labelling themselves as Teochiu or as Hoi Luk Fung. Most have chosen the Teochiu label and would strenuously deny that they are Hoi Luk Fung. A few individuals have chosen to retain both identities in different spheres of interaction. They are able to do so because Hoi Luk Fung claim Kap Jih as their own. Thus the only interethnic passing among Teochiu occurs when a Kap Jih person develops contacts within both ethnic communities. I have never heard of a person from Hui Lai attempting to become involved in Hoi Luk Fung networks and proclaiming a Hoi Luk Fung identity. There are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207702, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n75\n\nonly a few cases in which a Kap Jih person has done so. One example involves a very charismatic and locally powerful man who has cultivated ties in both communities and is involved in the festival organizations of both. Not everyone could successfully do so; it is unlikely that Kap Jih involved in Teochiu networks would be tolerated if they became intensely involved in Hoi Luk Fung activities and relationships. The two sets of relationships would be contradictory in that membership in one requires that one behaves \"loyally\", and the latter is partially defined in terms of specified action vis-a-vis outside groups. Those individuals who do successfully operate in both communities are in effect manipulating the normative system in breaking some norms, but are possessed of certain attributes that can negate the misbehavior. In the example mentioned here, the individual is sufficiently powerful within the local area so as to demand and obtain the allegiance of Teochiu despite his known involvement with Hoi Luk Fung.\n\nConclusion\n\nCognitive classifications and interactional patterns are often treated as distinct analytical entities in anthropological research and theorizing. When viewing the way people act and conceive of things at a lower level of abstraction, the two are obviously inseparable. The study of process, as opposed to the study of frequencies, form and structure, forces attention to be focused upon the interplay between the two, to explain categorizations of groups or individuals in terms of interactional patterns, as in the case of Teochiu classification of Kap Jih in the housing estate. In the latter, the lack of consensus concerning Kap Jih is only confusing for the outsider, in this case the researcher, and has never been a public issue that had to be \"resolved\". Variation in classification is acceptable and not threatening. This is partly because Kap Jih have loosely modified their history to establish an historical link with Hui Lai and thus become \"Teochiu\" if they choose to do so. On the other hand, interactional patterns may be influenced by generally accepted and acknowledged conceptualizations of other groups, as in the case of Teochiu-Hoi Luk Fung relationships. In the latter, there is consensus concerning the classification and there is much less variability in interaction with Hoi Luk Fung. Viewed in a simplistic manner, interethnic interaction is a matter of definition — one must decide which category a person belongs to and then\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207703, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "76\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nact with regard to the person in terms of accepted norms connected to that category. This model is appropriate in cases of clearly defined others or outside groups. The identification of some groups in some cases, however, is not clearly defined and the definition of the \"outside\" group may vary with participation in interaction with members of that group. The definition itself is susceptible to manipulation; development of friendships, modification of history, participation in formal organizations can gradually lead to a re-definition or to variation in the definition.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nChan (i). \"The Southward movement of the Teochiu people and the 1974 progression of Teochiu culture\" in Yearbook of the Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu-Chow and Swatow Residents (no. 3), (1974). Hong Kong: The Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu-Chow and Swatow Residents.\n\nChiu Chow Chamber of Commerce. Joint Publication on the Celebration of the Completion and Opening of the Hong Kong Chiu Chow Union Building and the Jubilee Anniversary of the Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971. Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce.\n\nChiu Kiu Annual Report Editorial Committee. Chiu Kiu Annual Report, 1975. Hong Kong: Hong Kong News Review Publishing Company.\n\nCultural and Educational Association of Chiu Chow and Swatow Residents. 1974 Yearbook of the Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu Chow and Swatow Residents, no. 3. Hong Kong: The Cultural and Educational Association of Chiu Chow and Swatow Residents.\n\nForrest, R.A.D. \"Appendix I: The southern dialects of Chinese\" in V. Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, 1965. London: Oxford University Press.\n\nHoi Fung Gazetteer. (Date unknown). Originally published in the Ch'ing Dynasty.\n\nHui Lai Gazetteer. (1930). Originally published in the 1730s and reprinted in 1930.\n\nJao Tsung-i (compiler). Collective Volume of Teochiu gazetteers, 1965. Hong Kong: Lung Men Book Store.\n\nKwangtung Province Geography, vol. 1, 1934. Published by the Kwangtung Government Press.\n\nWai Chow Gazetteer, vol. 2, geography. (Date unknown). Originally published in the Ch'ing Dynasty.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207705, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "! FukieN\n\nChiu\n\nScuse\n\n\"Swntow\n\nHui Lai\n\nLuk Fung\n\n\"How Fung\n\nMap 2. The Teochiu Coastal Region.\n\n(Source: Kwangtung Province Geography, Vol. 1).\n\nQ\n\n78\n\n:\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "# “LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)”\n\n127\n\nKong's North Point feel more familiar and therefore more comfortable. Overhearing a conversation between friends in the accents of the homeland while listening to a soft Fujianese melody wafting gently from a shop, one could close one's eyes and imagine being back in Fujian. With eyes open again, though, Little Fujian would have to suffice.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 E.g. Fujianese (Fukienese) and Shanghaiese in North Point; Shanghaiese in Tsim Tsa Tsui; Chau Zhou (Chiu Chau, Teochiu) in Chai Wan, Western District and Kwun Tong; Boat People in Aberdeen and Tai Po. See Guldin (1977) for a discussion of Han Chinese ethnicity and identity levels.\n\n2 See below, fig. 3.\n\n3 In the parlance of the times, and to a lesser extent even today, \"Shanghaiese\" often referred broadly to all Central (and sometimes even Northern) Chinese.\n\n4 Accurate figures are lacking; no detailed colony-wide or North Point censuses were conducted between 1930 and 1960.\n\n5 Based on analyses of Census Block Tally Sheets from 1971 Census made available to me through the kindness of the Commissioner.\n\n6 By \"Fujianese\" I refer specifically to \"Southern Fujianese,\" the Min-Nan speaking Fujianese of Xiamen (Amoy), Quan Zhou (Chuan Chow), Zhang Zhou (Chang Chow) and the surrounding counties. Other Fujianese are present in Hong Kong but Southern Fujianese are the overwhelming majority.\n\n7 Based on 1971 Census: table 4; Wai 1957:5; Lam 1967:35; 1975 Census Update.\n\n8 Based on 1971 Census, immigration statistics, and 1975 Census Update.\n\n9 A problem with these categories is the Hakka, a distinct ethnic group, whose places of origin often overlap with those of ethnic Guangdongese. One source though (Kuo 1964:65) has estimated the Hakka population of Hong Kong as 12% of the total. For urban North Point the percentage of the predominantly rural Hakka would be substantially lower than for Hong Kong as a whole.\n\n10 Although membership in these \"Fujian\" associations is theoretically open to all Hong Kong Fujianese and some non-Southern Fujianese do indeed belong, the Northern Fujianese of the Fuzhou (Foochow) area have set up their own associations.\n\n11 Fujianese organizations not aligned with the PRC do exist in Hong Kong but are mostly \"paper\" associations.\n\n12 Few Fujianese in Hong Kong are Christians (perhaps 4 or 5%), but those that are mostly arrived in Hong Kong earlier than the bulk of late 1950s and later immigrants and have been largely isolated (both physically and socially) from most aspects of life in Little Fujian.\n\n13 Aidan Southall (1973) makes a related point in using the concept of interaction intensity as key to a definition of \"urban.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212469, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "the reliance on native place ties by Shaoxing natives away from home. Susan Naquin and Evelyn Rawski, in their history of eighteenth-century China, observe that \"native place was the principle most often invoked as grounds for affiliation and assistance by men who left their homes to work in an alien environment.”\n\nThe most extensive analysis of native place ties in an urban environment is William Rowe's detailed study of the central China treaty port city Hankow (Hankou). Although concluding that \"the prevailing mood of the city was cosmopolitan,\" he nevertheless emphasizes the persistence of localism in urban development. Rowe describes the importance of hometown bonds in securing jobs, financial help in time of need, and defence in daily street brawls. Commercial cliques, worker recruitment, and leisure activities were often organized around native place ties. More interestingly, Rowe's study has demonstrated a process of different ethnic groups establishing themselves in the newly developed city. The most distinctive one was a rivalry between Cantonese and Ningbo with Shaoxing people, the two prominent ethnic groups in Hankou. Cantonese used the advent of Western trade to advance their position in native commercial circles while the Ning-Shao natives had become the most powerful force in the native banking and lower Yangzi River trade, but they were second to their Cantonese counterparts in foreign trade. More recently, in addition to the above studies, as shown in Emily Honig's study of Subei people in Shanghai, there are many more factors determining ethnic identities than race, religion and nationality.\n\nOrigins of Cantonese Emigration in the Nineteenth Century\n\nHistorically, South China was the recipient of successive waves of migration from the north, which is more hilly and hence conducive to the isolation of one social group from another. In Guangdong province, the Chinese inhabitants categorized themselves as Punti (Bendi, locals) which included the Cantonese and the people of Teochiu; Hakka (Hejia, guests); Hoklo or Tanka (Danjia, boat people). By the end of the eighteenth century, the rate of delta land reclamation could not match the rate of increase in population in South China. Growth of population caused massive emigration both domestically and overseas. The rapid growth of population, unaccompanied by improvements in agricultural technology, meant that it was increasingly difficult for peasants in this area to depend on the soil alone for a decent livelihood. To support", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 } ]