[
    {
        "id": 204243,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 11,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n8\n\nand contributions from the community, it built a commodious home for itself with a spacious lecture room and provided accommodation for its very valuable library and museum. In Hong Kong we hope that some facilities may be afforded in the new City Hall for societies like ours but if our plans are to mature we need a meeting place of our own where we can build up an Oriental library which should fill a special need which cannot be supplied by the University, whose library is not readily accessible to the public, or by the new City Hall, whose library will probably be of a wider popular interest.\n\nAs the basis of our projected library we propose to print a sufficient number of our periodical journals to enable us to exchange periodicals with kindred societies in other parts of the world. We also propose in our journal to review books on Oriental affairs which may bring us a useful nucleus of publications. Until we have enough money to buy books it would be greatly appreciated if members who have any books of interest and connected with the objects of the Society would kindly remember that any gifts of books and journals would be most welcome.\n\nThe Branch is greatly indebted to benefactors who have been generous with donations. In Sir Richard Winstedt's message on its formation he expressed the hope that both European and Chinese firms with their accustomed generosity would help to foster the growth of a Branch of high promise. This hope was realised in the donations received of 500 dollars each from Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., and The Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, and 250 dollars from Mr. Ellis Hayim. Then in April last year there came a munificent gift from an anonymous donor who is not now resident in the Colony. This was the gift of 10,000 dollars in memory of Arthur de Carl Sowerby, a great authority on the natural history of China, who was the founder and curator of the museum of the Society in Shanghai. These contributions have enabled us to put aside a capital fund which will help us in our aims for the future while yielding a useful interest in the meantime. It is greatly hoped that other merchant houses and individuals in the Colony may, without any direct appeal, emulate the example of these benefactors and help us to build up a Branch of the Society in Hong Kong worthy of the heritage which Professor Drake in his inaugural address coupled with the corresponding task which such heritage implied.\n\nDuring the year there was little change amongst the officers and members of the Council. Mr. Endacott resigned owing to pressure of work and the vacancy was filled in accordance with the rules by the co-option of The Hon. A. G. Clarke. Mr.",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204297,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n61\n\nHis other major life work, A Dictionary of the Chinese language, 1819-1822, is not included in the collection either, but there is a copy elsewhere in the University Library. The Dictionary was published with a generous subsidy from the East India Company who brought Mr. Thoms out from England with a press and materials especially for the job of printing it. He arrived in Macao in September 1814 and after many difficulties over manufacturing moveable types, the first volume was printed by January 1816.\n\nFour works of Julius von Klaproth (1783-1835), the German sinologue contemporary with Morrison, are listed in the printed catalogue but now only one survives, Asia Polyglotta, Paris, 1823, containing comparative word lists in various Asiatic languages.\n\nThis brings to mind the bitter attacks von Klaproth made on Morrison's integrity as a Chinese scholar, printed in the Nouveau Journal Asiatique and quoted by Morrison in the Memoirs. The French sinologue, Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusat, (1788-1832) joined in the attack against Morrison. Von Klaproth seems to have been even more belligerent than the majority of sinologues are towards each other, as his reviews of his colleagues' translations from the Chinese in the same journal show. Von Klaproth even sunk so low as to try to get Sir J. F. Davis, then in the East India Company's service and later Governor of Hong Kong, to join in the attacks against Morrison, by promising that if he did, he would write a laudatory article about him in a forthcoming journal. Davis' reply was,\n\n+ +\n\nI cannot help regretting that you should indulge in such hostility to Dr. Morrison concerning whom I must declare that I agree with Sir George Staunton in considering him as 'confessedly the first Chinese scholar in Europe'. It is notorious in (England) that he has for years conducted on the part of the E.I. Co., a very extensive correspondence in Chinese in the written character; that he writes the language of China with the ease and rapidity of a native; and that the natives themselves have long since given him the title of (Lao Shih Ma). This testimony is decisive, and the position which it gives him is such, that he may regard all European squabbles regarding his Chinese knowledge as mere Batrachomyomachia.\n\nThe French sinologue mentioned above, Abel-Rémusat, the first man to be appointed to a chair of Chinese at a European University, was originally represented by three books in the catalogue, only one of which is now left, Elémens de la Grammaire Chinoise, 1822.\n\nA book little noticed now is Translations from the Chinese and Armenian by Charles F. Neumann, 1831. It contains",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204316,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 84,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n80\n\nthat a Taoist priest entered her chamber. She was indignant and shouted, \"This is my inner room; how dare you, a stranger, come in!\" The Taoist priest said, \"Hurry up, madam, receive your marvellous child!\" Before she had had time to reply, the priest pushed something into her arms and she awoke, and her body was wet with cold sweat. She was frightened and before she could tell her husband all about the dream, she was again seized with a birth spasm. Li Ching went to the sitting room which was adjoining and thought over the matter. Suddenly two maids came out exclaiming “Madam has given birth to a monster!” Li Ching held his sword and rushed into the chamber. The room was filled with red mist which emitted a strong fragrance. A lump of flesh was rolling round the room like a wheel. Li Ching cut it with his sword and a baby jumped out, bathed in red light. The boy was very handsome; his face was as white as powder; on his right wrist was a golden bracelet; and his belly was covered with a piece of red silk gauze, which shone with a golden glow. He was a god, a re-incarnation (avatar) of the Ling-chu-tzu (Master of the Intelligent Pearl) and was destined to be the vanguard under Marshal Chiang Tzu-ya.\n\nTo give birth to a lump of flesh is something unusual in Chinese legends. But similar cases can be cited from the Buddhist sutras translated into Chinese as early as the third century. In the tale of Putrah (7) in chüan 7 of the Avadanasataka (# E), it is said that \"when the Buddha was in the country of Kapilavastu (E6) under the nyagrodha tree (ficus Indica), there was an elder who was very rich and his treasures were abundant and beyond measure. He married a wife from a notable family whom he loved very much, and with music and dances he used to entertain her. Now she conceived and when ten months elapsed she gave birth to a freak—a lump of flesh. The elder was vexed about it and thought it inauspicious. In the Fu-kuo Chi (DE \"A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms\") under the \"stupa in the Vaisali” (œÊME) it is recorded,\n\n+\n\n·\n\n•\n\n•\n\nOn the upstream of the Ganges River there was a king whose concubine gave birth to a lump of flesh. The formal wife was jealous and said it was inauspicious, so she ordered this lump to be put in a wooden box and thrown into the river. Another king went out for an excursion on the river and opened the box in which he found a thousand babies who were extraordinarily handsome and dignified. The king took care of them until they grew up, when they were brave\n\n23 No. 20, The Tripitaka in Chinese.",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204326,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 94,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n90\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n\"build for me a temple on the Ts'ui-p'ing Hill that I may be worshipped for a certain period and thereafter I can be reincarnated.\" When she awoke, she cried bitterly, and told the request to Li Ching. Li Ching was exasperated, and blamed his son once more for the disaster he had brought on them. No-cha repeated his request in vain on several successive nights and at last he warned the mother, \"You know that my temper is bad. If I lose my control over it, you know who will suffer.\" The mother was scared and sent some servants to go secretly to the Hill and build the temple with an image of No-cha set up in it. The temple of No-cha attracted many pilgrims and the incense burnt to him was ever increasing.\n\nOne day, after inspecting his troops at drill Li Ching, with a troop of soldiers, was passing the place. He saw many pilgrims flocking to the place and asked his aid-de-camp, \"Why is this hill thronged with people?\" \"For the last six months the god of this temple has performed miraculous deeds and answered the prayers of his worshippers. Therefore pilgrims from every quarter come to worship him,\" the officer answered. \"What is the name then of this god?\" Li Ching asked. \"The temple is called the Spiritual Palace of No-cha.\" \"No-cha! What!\" Li Ching was enraged, and ordered, \"Stop! I want to go to the temple myself.\" He dismounted at the entrance to the temple and entered the hall in which a lifelike image of his son was erected with some idols as his retinue. Li Ching pointed to the image and rebuked it, \"While you were living you were a source of trouble to your parents. And now, look, you even deceive the people after your death!\" He wielded his whip and smashed the image to pieces, and kicked away the other images. He ordered his troops to set fire and burn down the temple, and the multitude dispersed.\n\nWhen his father visited the temple No-cha had just entered into meditation in such a way that his spirit disappeared from the throne. On his return he found the temple had been burnt to ashes, and his retinue came to him with tears in their eyes. After he was told what had happened, No-cha grumbled, \"I have returned what I got from you and broken off all our relations. Why should you come here to molest me, burn down my place and leave me with no fixed abode?” No-cha's souls after half-a-year had acquired some nourishment through the food offered to him and was somewhat visible, so he went instantly to Mt. Ch'ien-yüan and appealed to his master. The Immortal T'ai-I said, \"Since you returned the flesh and bones to your parents, Li Ching had no right to interfere with the offerings. But Chiang Tzu-ya is soon to descend from the K'un-lun Mountain to help King Wu and",
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    {
        "id": 204364,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 132,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n128\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n  \n    CHING, Henry\n    9 Village Road, 1st fl., H.K.\n  \n  \n    CHING, Joseph\n    U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\n  \n  \n    CHOA, Dr. Gerald H.\n    Queen Mary Hospital, H.K.\n  \n  \n    CLARK, Mrs. N. E.\n    H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n  \n  \n    CLARKE, The Hon. A. G.\n    Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n  \n  \n    CLARKE, B. A.\n    25-A Robinson Road, Top fl., H.K.\n  \n  \n    COHN, Dr. A. J.\n    116 Leighton Road, Leisham Court, 6th fl., H.K.\n  \n  \n    COOK, J.\n    522 Alexandra House, H.K.\n  \n  \n    CRANMER-BYNG, J. L.\n    Dept. of History, H.K.U.\n  \n  \n    CUMINE, E.\n    14 Embassy Court, H.K.\n  \n  \n    CUMMING, M. S.\n    Butterfield & Swire, H.K.\n  \n  \n    DAIKO, P.\n    P.O. Box 201, H.K.\n  \n  \n    DAVID, Mrs. M. C.\n    Dept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U.\n  \n  \n    DAVIS, Dr. S. G.\n    Education Dept. Battery Path, H.K.\n  \n  \n    DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A.\n    Cheshire Wing Room 40, R.A.F., Little Saiwan, H.K.\n  \n  \n    DEVENISH, D. C.\n    S.A.C. 5100108\n  \n  \n    DJOU, G. G.\n    American International Assurance Co. Ltd., 12-14 Queen's Road C., H.K.\n  \n  \n    DORNHEIM, A. R.\n    U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\n  \n  \n    DRAKE, Prof. F. S.\n    Dept. of Chinese, H.K.U.\n  \n  \n    DRAKEFORD, L. S.\n    25 Chatham Road, 11th fl. front, Kln.\n  \n  \n    DUNCANSON, J. D.\n    c/o Barclays Bank (D.C.O.), 1 Cockspur St., Lond. S.W.1.\n  \n  \n    DUNT, P.\n    P.O. Box 94, H.K.\n  \n  \n    EDWARDS, O. P.\n    H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n  \n  \n    ENDACOTT, G. B.\n    Dept. of History, H.K.U.\n  \n  \n    FABER, Mrs. A.\n    10 Cooper Road, Jardines Lookout, H.K.\n  \n  \n    FABER, S. E.\n    1 Repulse Bay Road, H.K.\n  \n  \n    FISHER-SHORT, W.\n    102 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n  \n  \n    FITZGIBBON, D. J.\n    P.W.D., Central Govt. Offices, Lower Albert Rd., H.K.\n  \n  \n    FUNG, The Hon. Ping-Fan\n    Bank of East Asia Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd. C., H.K.\n  \n  \n    GAIFFIER D'HESTROY, Baron P. de\n    Belgian Consul-General, 105 Hongkong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K.\n  \n  \n    GALVIN, J. A. T.\n    c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13th fl., H.K.\n  \n  \n    GIBBS, Mrs. M.\n    48, Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n  \n  \n    GILES, R.\n    Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., Central Government Offices, East Wing, 2nd fl., H.K.\n  \n  \n    GOLDNEY, Miss C. M.\n    H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n  \n  \n    GOTTSCHALK, E.\n    6 MacDonnell Road, Apt. 15, H.K.\n  \n  \n    GUADAGNINI, Dr. P.\n    Italian Consul-General, 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K.",
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        "id": 204512,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 144,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "129\n\nEWING, Miss E.\n\nFABER, Mrs. Audrey\n\nFABER, S. E.\n\nFEARON, Joseph\n\nFITZGIBBON, Desmond J.\n\nFOORD, Dr. Roy D.\n\nFRIEDMAN, Jack -\n\nFUNG, K, S.-\n\n+\n\nFUNG, Hon, Ping-fan-\n\n-\n\n-\n\nGABBOTT, Francis Ridyard\n\nGAIFFIER D'HESTROY.\n\nBaron P. de\n\nGALVIN, J. A. T.\n\nGIBB, Hugh\n\nGIEDROYC. Michal\n\nGILES, R. -\n\nGOLDNEY, C. M. Miss -\n\nJ\n\n9-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\n10, Cooper Road, Jardines Lookout, H.K.\n\n1, Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong.\n\n41, Thorny Road, Thornhill, Cumberland, England.\n\nc/o P.W.D. Central Government Offices, H.K.\n\nC4 Ridge Court, 21 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd. 20, Queen's Road, C.\n\nBank of East Asia Ltd. 10, Des Voeux Rd., C.\n\nP. O. Box 232, Hong Kong,\n\n+\n\nBelgian Consul-General, 105 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13th floor.\n\nc/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., Hong Kong.\n\nVantage House, Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., Hong Kong.\n\nc/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K.\n\nGOOD, Major Donald Arthur CRE Hong Kong, British Forces Post Office\n\nGOTTSCHALK, Ernst\n\nGUADAGNINI, Dr. Piero\n\n+\n\nI, H.K.\n\n6, Macdonnell Road, Apt. 15, Hong Kong. Italian Consul-General, 705 Chartered Bank Bldg.\n\nHeadquarters Land Forces, Hong Kong.\n\nHALLIDAY, Lt. Col.\n\nP. A. T.\n\nHARMAN, Anthony Lisle\n\nHARRISON, Prof. B.\n\nHAYDON, E. S.\n\nHAYES, J. W.\n\nHAYIM, E. J. C.B.E, HAYWARD, G. W.\n\nHEDLEY-SAUNDERS,\n\nMrs. Joanne\n\nHELLBECK, Dr. H.\n\n7\n\nT\n\n-\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of History, Hong Kong University, Hong Kong.\n\n-c/o The Supreme Court, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o The Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. Economic Survey Section, 804, Man Yee Building, Hong Kong.\n\n11-B, Bowen Road, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o German Consulate-General, 1 Duddell Street 4/F.\n\n: \n\n:",
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    {
        "id": 204534,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 15,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "10\n\nLINDSAY RIDE\n\nLet us first go to the top of Monte Fort and view this historic spot where so many foreigners lived their eastern lives and not a few found eternal rest. From the Fort we can see practically the whole of the peninsula and the city of Macao. To the east, beyond the Guia lighthouse, stretches the South China Sea, studded by the Ladrone Islands of which the two nearest - Taipa and Coloane form part of this overseas Province of Portugal. Between these islands and the peninsula lie the Macao Roads and the Outer Harbour. To the west can be seen the narrow neck of land with its barrier gate which bars access to the large delta island of Heung Shan and to the mainland of China. Separating the main portion of this island from the city of Macao, is the Inner Harbour whose two lines of junks, Communist and Macanese, are separated only by the narrow fairway used by the larger sea-going junks, launches and the Hong Kong ferries. Just below us as we view this busy scene, stands, stately and calm, the façade of all that remains of the Jesuit Church of St. Paul, commenced in the sixteenth century, completed in the seventeenth and destroyed by fire in the nineteenth century,\n\nBehind it, almost at the harbour's edge, is a low wooded hill whose trees shelter the Camoens Grotto and on whose lower slopes nestle the Camoens Gardens and the neighbouring cemetery.\n\nIt is but a short walk from the Fort to the cemetery and gardens, access to both of which is gained from a small grassed and treed square the Praça Luis de Camões. On the extreme right as we enter this square, is a high stucco wall pierced by a most unimpressive gateway over which is mounted a small tablet; on which is carved:\n\nPROTESTANT CHURCH\n\nAND\n\nOLD CEMETERY\n\n(EAST INDIA COMPANY 1814)\n\nThis inscription poses a number of questions, a characteristic which, as you will find out later, it shares with many of the inscriptions in the cemetery itself; in fact it is the attempt to solve these problems that supplies much of the fascination and the interest of this cemetery. What was the British East India\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16",
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    {
        "id": 204550,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 31,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "26\n\nLINDSAY RIDE\n\nUPPER TERRACE — Cont'd.\n\n  \n    No.\n    Name\n    Sex\n    Row\n    Age\n    Date of Death\n    Nationality\n  \n  \n    16.\n    JPLAND, Johann Friedrich Christian\n    M\n    Eastern\n    39\n    5 Oct. 1857\n    Dan.\n  \n  \n    17.\n    DINNEN, John\n    M\n    Eastern\n    29\n    20 June 1855\n    Amer.\n  \n  \n    18.\n    HICKMAN, Washington F.\n    M\n    Eastern\n    32\n    21 June 1855\n    Amer.\n  \n  \n    19.\n    WOODBERRY, Charles\n    M\n    Eastern\n    36\n    26 June 1854\n    Amer.\n  \n  \n    20.\n    JPLAND, Christian\n    M\n    Eastern\n    Adult (Ship's Captain)\n    5 Oct. 1857\n    Dan.\n  \n  \n    21.\n    DUDDELL, Harriet\n    F\n    Eastern\n    Adult\n    31 July 1857\n    Br.\n  \n  \n    22.\n    COOPER, Mark Beale\n    M\n    Eastern\n    Adult (Major)\n    26 July 1857\n    Br.\n  \n  \n    23.\n    WILLIAMS, John P.\n    M\n    Eastern\n    31\n    25 July 1857\n    Amer.\n  \n  \n    24.\n    SCHAEFFER, Walther\n    M\n    Eastern\n    28\n    1 July 1857\n    Ger.\n  \n  \n    25.\n    DE VOGEL, Emile Willem Eugène\n    M\n    Eastern\n    19\n    11 Jan. 1857\n    Dut.\n  \n  \n    26.\n    FRENCH, Maria Ball\n    F\n    Eastern\n    1/12\n    18 Aug. 1857\n    Amer.\n  \n  \n    27.\n    DUDDELL, Frederick\n    M\n    Eastern\n    38\n    1 Nov. 1856\n    Br.\n  \n  \n    28.\n    HADDON, Elizabeth Lewis\n    F\n    Eastern\n    28\n    1 Sept. 1856\n    Br.\n  \n  \n    29.\n    KERR, Abby L.\n    F\n    Eastern\n    26\n    26 Aug. 1855\n    Amer.\n  \n  \n    30.\n    GILMAN, Agnes\n    F\n    Eastern\n    11/12\n    8 Sept. 1889\n    Amer.\n  \n  \n    31.\n    PRESTON, Charles Hodge\n    M\n    Eastern\n    2/12\n    6 Dec. 1857\n    Amer.",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 42,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n37\n\nin the desert beyond Tun-huang, which Lao Kan subsequently dated around A.D. 98 or a little later. This confirms the date of 105 given for the announcement of the invention to the throne in the biography of Ts'ai Lun in the Hou Han shu. The technical processes included:\n\n(a) the fashioning of seals out of metal, stone, and clay;\n\n(b) the taking of rubbings (or inked squeezes) of inscriptions on bronze and stone.\n\nSeveral bronze seals have been found in Shang sites, and many later ones made of bronze, ivory, horn, stone, pottery, jade, and iron. They were cut both in relief and in intaglio. Known as yin, the seals were generally small; their purpose was a proof of genuineness. (The woodblock, yet to appear, was large and its purpose was reduplication.)\n\nAs to inked rubbings, these make their appearance during the 5th and 6th centuries; by 649 three professionals were appointed to the T'ang court. They were called T'a shu shou. Chinese scholars love to own copies of prized inscriptions; so the making of rubbings became a popular pastime.\n\nBy the year 640, after the T'ang had consolidated the empire, and achieved victories everywhere, except in Korea, China entered upon a period of material prosperity and cultural advance. It is small wonder that in the ensuing century printing should have developed. The demand must have been very great for elementary texts, dictionaries, copies of the canon, histories, Buddhist sutras, almanacs, etc.\n\nOne must mention here the interesting hypothesis of Robert Shafer [Journal of the Oriental Society, v. 80, No. 4 (Oct.-Dec. 1960), pp. 328-329] that the printing block originated in Tibet. This may be true; but was it first used for literature, or for some other purpose, such as textiles? The authors of both the Chiu T'ang shu (196 A/la) and the Hsin T'ang shu (216 A/lb), writing of the early years of the Tang dynasty, state categorically that the Tibetans had no writing. So do the writers of the Tibetan annals, covering the years 650-747, found by Pelliot at Tunhuang. (Cf. the translation of J. Bacot and Ch. Toussaint in Documents de Touen-Houang relatifs à l'histoire du Tibet.)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204593,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 74,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n63\n\nThese extracts give the official Chinese version of how the British came to occupy their first Legation quarters, and agree closely with Lord Elgin's own account contained in a despatch to Lord John Russell, the Foreign Secretary, dated Tientsin, 13th November 1860:\n\nOn the 7th instant Mr. Bruce reached Peking, having hastened up from Shanghae in compliance with my request. His arrival was most opportune, as it was very important that before my departure from the capital I should be able to confer with him on various matters, and more especially on the subject of the place of residence for the future of Her Majesty's Representative in China. Mr. Bruce informed me that he was perfectly willing to take up his abode in Peking at once. On consultation with Baron Gros and General Ignatieff, however, I found that the latter was about to leave Peking for the winter, and that the former was of opinion that it would not be advisable that M. de Bourboulon should establish himself in the capital until the spring. I considered it, therefore, to be my duty to advise Mr. Bruce to return with me for the present to Tien-tsin, and to remain there until a suitable residence should be provided for him in the capital. In order, however, that there might be no misapprehension on the part of the Chinese Government in reference to this point, we selected a house which we thought might be adapted to the purpose, and which was procurable on easy terms, and we accepted the services of Mr. Adkins, one of the Student Interpreters, a very promising young man, who volunteered to remain at Peking, and to superintend the arrangements necessary for putting it in order.\n\nHarry Parkes, who was Lord Elgin's interpreter at this time, writing to his wife on November 17th 1860 gave a few more details:\n\nPeking is in a wretched state of dilapidation and ruin, and scarcely one of their palatial buildings is not falling into decay. We have obtained one of the best, and yet it is quite\n\n* Elgin to Russell, 13 November 1860. Parliamentary Papers, “Correspondence Respecting Affairs in China 1859-60\", 2754 of 1861, No. 119, p. 254. See also ibid. p. 259 for a note from T. Adkins to Frederick Bruce dated Peking, 12 November 1860, reporting that the capital was returning to normal and that he had found no opposition to his residence there.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204595,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 76,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n65\n\na daily diary of events he was naturally encouraged to continue, and thus we have a very readable account of the first year at the Legation.\n\nRennie had reached Peking on the evening of March 25th, going on ahead with the French suite and staying the night at the French Legation. The next morning he was up early. \"Before breakfast I visited the Leang-koong-foo, the building which has been selected for the British Legation, and in charge of which Mr. Adkins has resided at Peking during the winter. The Leang-koong-foo, or palace of the Duke of Leang, was originally an imperial residence, given by the Emperor K'ang-hsi (who died in 1722) to one of his thirty-three sons, whose descendants are known as the Dukes of Leang. The present representative of the family, and owner of the Leang-koong-foo, holds a command in the neighbourhood of the great wall. The Duke of Leang has let his family residence in perpetuity to the British Government, at an annual rent of fifteen hundred taels (500 £.), no rent to be paid for the first two years, owing to the extensive repairs and alterations required.\" A visitor at that time described it as “a straggling, dreary, dilapidated building, which time and money might convert into a tolerably habitable barrack for a brigade of infantry, but which can never become a comfortable or suitable residence for a Minister and the few members of his suite.\" Time was to prove him wrong.\n\nMeanwhile the British party arrived on March 26th 1861 and Rennie describes the formal entry into the British Legation. “At three o'clock in the afternoon, Mr. Bruce, Colonel Neale, and the other members of the English Legation, arrived in Peking, escorted by the detachment of Sikh Cavalry. This morning the French flag was hoisted over the gate of the Tsin-koong-foo, and on Mr.\n\n'Ibid., I, 28-9. A language-student at the Legation, writing in 1885 stated: \"A rent of 1,500 taels, or between £400 and £500, is paid into the Tsung-li Yamen (the Chinese Foreign Office) every year. It is the duty of the senior student to make this payment, and, in order that he might appear at the Yamen respectably attired, a box-hat was, it is said, provided sometime about 1861, and is still at his disposal. But it is not often worn.' \"Where Chineses Drive\". English Student-Life at Peking. By a Student Interpreter, 27. See footnote 16 below.\n\n10 E. B. de Fonblanque, Niphon and Pe-che-li; or Two years in Japan and Northern China (London, 1862). 217.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204673,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 154,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "138\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nto convince the Chinese and their rulers that they represented nations and civilizations which were in no way inferior in dignity, status and achievement to China herself. Macartney's mission, though most carefully planned and equipped, was no more successful than those of his predecessors in concluding any kind of treaty or agreement on the basis of equality and mutual respect.\n\nIn a brief review such as this, one is faced with an “embarras de richesses”, for there are many aspects of this unusual book that would be tempting to follow up. The eighteenth century European's view of an Oriental overlordship; the relationship of trust and friendship that developed between Macartney and his attendant Mandarins, Wang and Chou; the travelogue itself and its curious but obvious omissions; the detailed study of Chinese achievements revealed in the Appendices; all these and many more invite the reviewer's comment. But it is perhaps the nature of the diarist himself that offers the most rewarding study, for here is the unconscious self-portrait of a man typical in many ways of his own age and culture, set against a wholly strange background. Macartney's early career, added to his personal qualities, marked him out for this mission. He was an experienced diplomat, well versed in dealing with oriental peoples and with rulers enjoying despotic power. He had served his country well in India, and as envoy-extraordinary to the Court of Catherine the Great, he had negotiated a commercial treaty with Russia. He was of proven integrity, indeed as Governor of Madras he had refused the perquisites accepted by his predecessors. He was a man of the world, much travelled, of a flexible turn of mind, far from intolerant in matters of politics, religion or race. Accustomed to control, he was schooled in self-control. Moreover he was of known ability in recording his observations of other countries and their peoples, and realised full well that not only the opinions of rulers but everything about a people their manners, customs, history and achievements -were of vital importance to Great Britain in formulating policies in relation to the country concerned.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v",
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    {
        "id": 204688,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 169,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "153\n\nGOTTSCHALK, E.\n\nGREEN, Mrs. M.\n\nGUADAGNINI, Dr. P. - 6, Macdonnell Road, Apt. 15, H.K.\n\n3, Barker Road, H.K.\n\nItalian Consul-General, 705, Chartered Bank Building, H.K.\n\nGUILLAUME, Baron P. de 5, Coombe Road, H.K.\n\nHARMAN, A. L.\n\nHARRISON, Prof. B.\n\nHAYDON, E. S.\n\nHAYES, J. W.\n\nHAYIM, E. J. *\n\nHAYWARD, G. W. +\n\nHEDLEY-SAUNDERS, Mrs. J. -\n\nHELLBECK, Dr. H. -\n\nHENSMAN, Dr. Bertha +\n\nHERRIES, M. A. R.\n\nD'HESTROY, Baron P. de Gaiffier\n\nHINDMARSH, R. H.\n\nHO, Hung-pong\n\nHO, Kuang-chung\n\nHO, Teh-kuei\n\nHOFFMAN, Mrs. D. P. -\n\nHOGAN, The Hon. Sir M., Kt.\n\nHOLMES, Hon. D. R.\n\nHORSMAN, Miss A. M.\n\nHOWORTH, J. F. +\n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\nDepartment of History, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nc/o The Supreme Court, H.K.\n\nc/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\n41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K.\n\nEconomic Survey Section, 804, Man Yee Building, H.K.\n\n11-B Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o German Consulate-General, 1 Duddell Street, 4th Floor, H.K.\n\nChung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n\nc/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K.\n\nBelgian Consul-General, 105, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K.\n\n228 Wang Hing Building, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\n2, Wallace Way, Rornie Road, Singapore, (11).\n\n10 Tai Hang Road, 2nd Floor, H.K.\n\n36 Macdonnell Road, Flat 7, Lindo Court, H.K.\n\nChief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K.\n\nCommerce and Industry Dept., Fire Brigade Building, H.K.\n\nQueen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nHSIA, Tung-pei\n\nc/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2013 Union House, H.K.\n\n131-B, Wanchai Building, 8th Floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204842,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 145,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "120\n\nFORKE'S TRANSLATION OF THE LUN HENG'\n\nReviewed by D. LESLIE2\n\nThe Lun Heng\n\nof about A.D. 85, is the work of Wang Ch'ung £ (c. A.D. 27-96), one of the most original thinkers of Han China.\n\nMany, including Hu Shih and most western scholars, have praised his critical ability. In fact, this praise is not entirely justified. Wang Ch'ung, in this respect, falls far short of the Chou Confucian philosopher Hsüntzu (also Chuangtzu and Hanfeitzu). Han philosophy is generally considered to lack the originality of the classical Chou philosophers, and Wang Ch'ung, as Fung Yu-lan points out, was a child of his time. The most we can say is that he rises head and shoulders above his Han contemporaries in his critical abilities.\n\nIt is true that Wang Ch'ung demands proofs and verification by experience at all stages in his arguments, but his idea of proof and experience is insufficiently empirical. He does not seek out the facts. He believes some of the weirdest stories (that Duke Ai was changed into a tiger; that Huang Ti, the Yellow Emperor, was twenty months in the womb; that hares give birth via the mouth). As Marcel Granet has expressed it (in his La Pensée Chinoise, 1934, p. 580), \"son scepticisme a quelque chose de livresque\".\n\nWang Ch'ung's criticism is always based on pre-conceived postulates. Rather than reject the superstitions of his time, he merely reinterprets them in accordance with these postulates. Herein lies both his strength and his weakness. A good example is his denial (in his chapter 15 and elsewhere) of the many supernatural births accepted by his contemporaries. For, together with this denial, he accepts the factual truth of all the omens that accompanied these supernatural births. Omens, such as signs in the sky or lines in the hand (the Lun Heng incidentally gives the earliest extant reference to palmistry in China), the appearance of weird animals and plants, all mark, he believes, the rise and\n\n1 Lun-Hêng. By Alfred Forke. Paragon Book Gallery, New York, 1962. Pt. I, iv+577; Pt. II, vi+536. U.S.$20.00,\n\n2 D. Leslic is a Research Fellow in the Department of Far Eastern History, Australian National University, Canberra,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204848,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 151,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "126\n\nD. LESLIE\n\nannotated. The Lun Heng is over six times the size of Mencius and thirteen times that of the Analects (of which Waley's translation takes up 150 pages with 100 pages of comment). The task is clearly enormous. Until such time as a modern scholar can devote many years to this work alone, Forke's translation will remain indispensable.\n\nForke's \"Introduction\" (pp. 4-44) is still amongst the finest summaries of Wang Ch'ung's thought. It goes deeper than the wider-ranging general surveys of Chinese philosophy mentioned earlier, and consequently gives a more rounded picture of his contribution. The only comparable western summary is given by Li Shi Yi in his \"Wang Ch'ung\" T'ien Hsia Monthly 5, 1937, pp. 162-184, 290-307. After reading Forke, one may turn to the more specialised studies by Joseph Needham in his Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. II, 1956, pp. 368-386; and by myself on \"Technical Vocabulary\" (in my \"Contribution\" pp. 134-149); on Wang Ch'ung's biological ideas in \"Early Chinese Ideas on Heredity\" Asiatische Studien: Etudes Asiatiques 1/2, 1953, pp. 26-46; and on \"Les Théories de Wang Tch'ong sur la Causalité\" (to appear in 1964 in the Mélanges).\n\nSince Forke's work appeared, several annotated commentaries to the Lun Heng have been published. The best is undoubtedly the 1938 Lun-heng Chiao-shih by Huang Hui. Unfortunately this is almost unobtainable. A second-best is the 1957 Lun-heng Chi-chieh by Liu P'an-sui, based on work up to 1932. Both include the comments by earlier scholars such as Yü Yüch and Sun Yi-jang; and both give, in extensive appendices, passages from the Chinese works throughout the centuries which mention Wang Ch'ung. However, Huang Hui not only gives a fully punctuated text, but also the pre-Han and Han parallels, rarely given in Liu P'an-sui's edition, but many of which had been found independently by Forke, who also gives a valuable list of Wang Ch'ung's quotations from earlier sources. Huang Hui also includes the brilliant essay on Wang Ch'ung's reasoning by Hu Shih.\n\nThere is no need to go into details about the many recent books and articles in Chinese on Wang Ch'ung, since Timoteus Pokora has dealt with them in his excellent, mainly bibliographical essay \"The Necessity of a more thorough Study of philosopher",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204963,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 71,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "64\n\n6.\n\n7.\n\n8.\n\n9.\n\nJ. MCCOY (1958). A Course in Modern Linguistics. New York.\n\nWang, Li (1932). Une Prononciation Chinoise de Po-pei. Paris.\n\nand Ch'ien Sung-sheng (1949-50a), “Chu-chiang San-chiao-chou Fan-yin Tsung-lun\" (A General Discussion of Local Dialects in the Pearl River Delta), Ling-nan Hsüeh-pao (Lingnan Journal), Vol. 10, No. 2.\n\nand Ch'ien Sung-sheng (1949-50b). \"Tai-shan Fang-yin\" (The Toishan Dialect), Ling-nan Hsieh-pao (Lingnan Journal), Vol. 10, No. 2.\n\n10. Ward, Barbara E, (1954). \"A Hong Kong Fishing Village,\" Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1. Hong Kong.\n\n11. (1965). “Varieties of the Conscious Model, The Fishermen of South China,\" The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. London. From the Association of Social Anthropologists Monographs.\n\n12. Wong, S. L. (1963). Cantonese Conversation Grammar. Hong Kong.\n\n13. Yuan, Chia-hua, and others (1960), Han-yü-fang-yen Kai-yao (The Principal Features of Chinese Dialects). Peking.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205033,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 141,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "132\n\nFUNG, K. S.\n\nFUNG. Hon. Ping-fan*\n\nGABBOTT, F. R.\n\nGALVIN, J. A. T.*\n\nGARCIA, A.\n\nGARD, Dr. R. A.\n\n-\n\nGARTNER, J.\n\nGEORGE, T. J. B. -\n\nGIBB, H.\n\nGIEDROYC, M. J. H.\n\nGILES, R.\n\nGLOVER, Mrs. J.\n\nGODFREY, G.-\n\nGOLDNEY, Miss C. M.\n\nGOODRICH, Prof. L. C.\n\nGORDON, K. H. A.\n\n-\n\n-\n\nto Hang Tsai & Fung's Co., Ltd.,\n\nRoom 205 Fu House, H.K.\n\nBank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux\n\nRd., C., H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 232, H.K.\n\nc/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House,\n\n13/F., H.K.\n\nc/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon.\n\nc/o American Consulate-General,\n\n26 Garden Road., H.K.\n\n15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia.\n\nc/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat,\n\nH.K.\n\nc/o Travellers' Club, Pall Mall, London\n\nS.W.1., England.\n\nVantage House, Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D.,\n\nH.K.\n\n\"Crossways\", 49 Christchurch Road, Sidcup,\n\nKent, England.\n\nPeninsula Court, Kowloon,\n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\n504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New\n\nYork 27, New York, USA,\n\nRoom 601 Marina House, H.K.\n\nGORDON, The Hon. S. S.*\n\nRoom 703 Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nGRAY, Dr. Doris E.\n\nGUADAGNINI, Dr. P.\n\nGUILLAUME, Baron P. de\n\nHARRISON, Prof. B.\n\nHAYDON, E. S.\n\nHAYES, J. W.\n\n+\n\nHAYIM, E. I.*\n\nHAYWARD, G. W.\n\nHECHTEL, F. O. P.\n\n+\n\nHECHTEL, Mrs. F. O. P.\n\nHENSMAN, Dr. Bertha\n\nHERRIES, M. A. R.\n\n=\n\n-\n\n+\n\nDept. of Biochemistry, The University,\n\nH.K.\n\nVia Buon Compani, No. 16, Rome, Italy.\n\nFlat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K.\n\nDept. of History, The University, H.K.\n\nThe Supreme Court, H.K.\n\nc/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\n41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K.\n\nWhite Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Seven-\n\noaks, Kent, England.\n\n10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nChung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n\nc/o P. O. Box 70, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205146,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 102,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n97\n\n38 I have heard this from many informants. See also Reichelt, The Transformed Abbot, London, 1954, p. 156, and J. B. Pratt The Pilgrimage of Buddhism, New York, 1928, p. 311. A Buddhist monk once explained to me that although it was true that Jesus had risen after three days, no one should think he had done this \"just by becoming a Christian\". He had performed religious exercises (hsiu-hsing) and that was how he had achieved resurrection. There was no attempt on the part of this monk to deny the miracle of resurrection, only to fit it into the Buddhist scheme.\n\n39 Rev. Joseph Edkins, The Religious Condition of China, London, 1859, p. 75. In 1875 Timothy Richard, when he was baptising converts in Shantung, found that there was no building convenient to the river where they could change their clothes before and after. He explained his problem to the monk in charge of the Buddhist temple there who \"readily consented\" to lend some of its rooms for this purpose. See Richard, Forty-five Years in China, New York, 1916, p. 95. In 1879 the largest lama temple in Peking allowed a colporteur of the National Bible Society of Scotland to run a bookstore within the temple, where on several days a week Christian books were sold. See C. F. Gordon Cumming, Wanderings in China, London, 1888, pp. 4-9.\n\n40 Harry A. Franck, Roving Through Southern China, New York, 1925, pp. 575-576.\n\n41 In the early 1890's De Groot reported: \"It has often happened to the author of these lines that when he was taking his meal in one of the monasteries where he was staying, he was visited by monks who were curious to see how he ate and what he ate: but it was enough for them to smell the odour of his roast of pork or his leg of mutton and they would be forced to make a hasty exit from the room: they felt overcome by nausea. Such strict vegetarianism, it goes without saying that when non-vegetarian lay people came to stay sometimes in a monastery they are not allowed to have their food prepared in the monks' kitchen. There are small separate kitchens for them, where their own servants can stew things up for them.\" (Le Code du Mahayana en Chine, Amsterdam, 1893, p. 103). In 1908, when Boerschmann stayed on P'u-to Shan, he grew tired of the vegetarian fare and sent his cook to smuggle in some chickens (Pu-t'o Shan, Berlin, 1911, p. 166). In these and other instances the monks are portrayed as tacitly or even gleefully cooperating in getting meat onto the foreigner's bill of fare. It seems more likely that their cooperation, when it was forthcoming (and often it was refused), was reluctant and indignant. There was a compelling practical reason for this. If Chinese pilgrims saw meat being eaten on the premises of a monastery, many of them would take their patronage elsewhere. This was understood by early Western travellers like A. J. Little (Mount Omi and Beyond, London, 1901, pp. 75, 81, and 83). Little also provides an example of the Westerner's tendency to haggle (pp. 68, 83). The meanest bit of haggling was probably perpetrated by Mrs. C. F. Gordon Cumming. In 1879 she visited the Tien-t'ung Ssu, one of the model monasteries of China. After she and her party had enjoyed an \"excellent dinner,\" they were asked to give the equivalent of English tenpence, Mrs. Cumming offered eight pence. When the offer was accepted, she tipped the waiter tuppence halfpenny, and noted that he \"grinned with delight. Can I give you a better proof that we have reached a spot where foreigners are almost unknown?\" (Wanderings in China, London, 1888, p. 291). Mrs. Cumming was quite mistaken, of course, about foreigners being unknown: probably more had stayed at T'ien-t'ung than at any other monastery.\n\nEven today Westerners with plenty of dollars in their pocket take pride in doing the poor Chinese shopkeeper out of a few cents, partly to show their savoir faire and partly out of fear of being cheated themselves. But the monastery was not a shop, and this sort of behaviour was regarded as most inappropriate there.\n\n42 W. E. Soothill, Timothy Richard of China (London, 1924), pp. 162-163.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
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    {
        "id": 205215,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 171,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n165\n\nMalay title dato. As for Mo-lo-cha, an abusive expression for an Indian, I see the Portuguese element mouro, 'a Moor'. The slang term for Indian in Macanese is still moro- the area round Belilios Terrace in Hong Kong was once known as mato moros, 'hill of the Moors' because of the large number of Indians living in the district. This name was transformed by folk-etymology to the good old Christian matamoros ‘kill the Moors'. Santiago (or St. James) is nicknamed 'matamoros' in Spain to this day.\n\nMoreover the Indians in Malaysia are referred to by the Portuguese of Malacca as moros, whether they be Muslims or not. The Muslim Malays are never so named. In the Philippines the non-Christian inhabitants of Mindinao and other southern islands are also known as moros, a name given them by the Spaniards.\n\nThe old pidgin records collected by Leland in the nineteenth century also give moloman as the pidgin English word for Indian, so that there is no more reason to derive mo-lo-cha from Maharajah than to imagine that Hong Kong ever was a fragrant harbour.\n\nUniversity of the West Indies. St. Augustine, Trinidad.\n\nROBERT WALLACE THOMPSON\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Itcheong-U-Lam and Ian-Kuong-lam, Ou-Mun Kei-Leok (Monografia de Macau), Macao, 1950.\n\n2 Chang lu Lin and Yin Kuang Jen, Ao Men Chi Lüeh (Gazetteer of Macao), Canton, c. 1751.\n\nSee also Bawden C. R. \"An eighteenth century Chinese source for the Portuguese dialect of Macao\" in Silver Jubilee Volume of the Sinbun-Kagaku-Kenkyusyo, Kyoto, 1954, and Thompson, Robert Wallace, \"Two synchronic cross-sections in the Portuguese dialect of Macao\", Orbis, tome VIII, No. 1, Louvain, 1959,\n\nA NOTE ON LAND MEASUREMENT AND TENANT RENTALS IN HONG KONG.\n\nLand Measurement\n\nUnder the laws of the Colony of Hong Kong all land is Crown Land, albeit some of it is under lease. The right to resumption of leased lands for a public purpose is retained in all leases. The following notes on local Chinese custom have mostly been acquired during investigations for the purpose of presenting the Crown's",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205319,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 81,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "74\n\nL. G. AIJMER\n\n16 The still wider surname groups, hsing (M), in Chinese society, based on entirely fictitious agnatic relationships, expressed in at least preferred exogamy, have often indiscriminately been designated 'clans'. See e.g. Lee 1960, p. 134f. and Willmott 1964, p. 33. This purely conventional consanguinal kin group comes close to the sociological concept of 'phratry', and kin group constellations of this kind may be described better as units of this higher order. The Hakka nomenclature may vary but the units discussed are always conceived of,\n\n17 Freedman 1958, pp. 47, 129.\n\n18 Census 1911, p. 103f.\n\n19 Nine villages with Cantonese-speaking Punti population in the same district at the same time display numbers ranging between 346 and 9, with an average of 108.\n\n20 However, Jean Pratt, in her account of a Hakka village to the north of Tolo Harbour in the New Territories, gives an example of a non-symmetrical segmentation, reflected in the establishment of a new ancestral hall; Pratt 1960, p. 148.\n\n21 This also applies to the Hakka village studied by Miss Pratt: 'The three lineage halls are merely buildings in a row like an ordinary dwelling house'; Pratt 1960, p. 148.\n\n22 Freedman 1958, p. 50.\n\n23 Skinner, in discussing the importance of marketing communities, points out that in Szechuan there existed organizations of Hakka 'composite lineages', with headquarters in teahouses in the market towns (Skinner 1964/65, p. 37). I have no knowledge of similar organizations in the New Territories. One would have expected something of this kind in a portion of China where the Hakka groups suffered political strain from the Punti population. Local groupings on a non-kin basis may sometimes have fulfilled a protective function. Such local organizations, with headquarters in small temples, are for instance to be found in the Sha Tin Valley, and in the Three Fathom Cove area. All three villages studied belonged in pre-British times to an administrative organization called Luk Yeuk, focussed on the old government centre of Kowloon City. Freedman (1966, p. 86) sees yeuk organizations as means for weak communities to seek 'protection against being molested by local powers'. For a discussion of yeuk see op. cit., pp. 82-89 and for the Luk Yeuk especially pp. 85f.\n\n24 A map of Hakka migrations is, for instance, provided by Kuo 1964, facing p. 6. But there are also other views as to the origin of the Hakka, see e.g. Barnett 1958, p. 2.\n\n25 Izikowitz 1963, p. 171.\n\n26 One man from Grass Field Village has settled for good in Borneo. He has taken his wife and children there. This is the only instance of permanent overseas settlement I have come across.\n\n27 This particular migration is said to have been encouraged and even given financial assistance by the Chinese Government as an aftermath of the war mentioned below; Dyer Ball 1925, p. 282. Another author thinks less of the generosity of the government:\n\n'Comme ces tribus Hak-ka se montraient particulièrement turbulentes, les mandarins chinois ne pensaient qu'à les éloigner de leur territoire; c'est ainsi qu'en 1864 et 1866, à la suite de nombreuses revoltes, ils furent expulsés dans le sud du Kouang-Si, vers ces marches frontières qui, comme la province de Moncay, étaient peu habitées et dans un état habituel d'anarchie politique.'",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205324,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 86,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n79\n\nNG, R.\n\n1965 'Economic Life and the Family', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch) n.d.\n\nN.T. Report 1900\n\n1900 'Report on the New Territory during the First Year of British Administration', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hongkong 1900, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nN.T. Report 1899-1912\n\n1912 'Report on the New Territories 1899-1912\", Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hongkong 1912, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nN.T. Report 1917\n\n1918 'Report on the New Territories for the Year 1917, Administrative Reports for the Year 1917, (Hongkong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nPRATT, J.\n\n1960 'Emigration and Unilineal Descent Groups: A Study of Marriage in a Hakka Village in the New Territories, Hong Kong', The Eastern Anthropologists, Vol. xiii,\n\nS., D. W.\n\n1900 European Settlements in the Far East, (London, Sampson, Low and Marston).\n\nSCPH H.K. Chinese\n\n1965 H.K. Chinese in Britain Now Number 35,000, South China Post-Herald, Sept. 12th, Hong Kong.\n\nSIU, P.\n\n1952 'The Sojourner', The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 58.\n\nSKINNER, G. W.\n\n1964/65 'Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China', The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. xxiv.\n\nTOPLEY, M.\n\n1964 'Capital, Saving and Credit among Indigenous Rice Farmers and Immigrant Vegetable Farmers in Hong Kong's New Territories', Capital, Saving and Credit in Peasant Societies, Studies from Asia, Oceania, the Caribbean, and Middle America, R. Firth and B. S. Yamey, eds, (London, George Allen and Unwin).\n\nTREGEAR, T. R. and L. BERRY\n\n1959 The Development of Hongkong and Kowloon as told in maps, (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press).\n\nVAILLANT, L.\n\n1920 'Contribution à l'étude anthropologique des chinois Hak-ka de la province de Moncay (Tonking)', L'Anthropologie, Vol. 30.\n\nWILLMOTT, W. E.\n\n1964 'Chinese Clan Associations in Vancouver, Man, Vol. lxiv.\n\nYANG, C. K.\n\n1959 A Chinese Village in Early Communist Transition, (Cambridge, Mass, The Technology Press).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205506,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 48,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n43\n\n46 Chiang, ibid., p. 17.\n\n47 Ibid., pp. 45-47.\n\n48 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 233.\n\n49 The White Lotus certainly appears to have been a sect, or rather the name taken by certain sects of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao at times when they engaged in militant activities, rather than a secret society. See \"The Great Way... op. cit., p. 386ff for evidence connecting the White Lotus with Hsien-tien sects.\n\n50 See for example G. Schlegel, Thian Ti Hwui, The Hung League or Heaven-Earth-League (Batavia, Lange & Co., 1866).\n\n51 Freedman, Lineage Organization, ..., op. cit., p. 121.\n\n52 It might be noted here, and also in respect of the discussion on p. 35 on religious qualifications and military efficiency that some Hsien-t'ien sects were organized into what they termed Yin and Yang affairs. The nature of these \"affairs\" is somewhat obscure but sects often changed names when performing activities under one or other of these terms, this being one reason for the multiplication of sect names (see \"The Great Way.. op. cit., p. 378 and p. 384). The introduction of such divisions may have been an attempt by sects to organize themselves for practical affairs, including rebellion, as well as religious matters. Yin \"affairs\" might perhaps have dealt with esoteric religious matters (Yin dark, obscure) and Yang with secular matters, and perhaps they had more practical men to organise them. It is interesting to note that the main organisers listed by De Korne for T'ung-shan She in his The Fellowship of Goodness (T'ung Shan She): a study of contemporary Chinese religion (Grand Rapids, Mich., private publication, 1941, mimeo) does not include the patriarch himself who is hardly mentioned by him. Organisers were all practical men of affairs. The man given by De Korne as main organiser appears, in fact, on records of this sect (which is actually an off-shoot of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao) in Singapore, as only one of the five top-ranking administrators. It may well be then that in seeking to engage in practical affairs (T'ung-shan She was involved in political machinations in this century although not actual rebellion) the religious leaders were sometimes kept in the background and other kinds of persons were in de facto charge.\n\n53 Hsiao, op. cit., p. 309.",
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    {
        "id": 205553,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 95,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "90\n\nARMANDO M. DA SILVA\n\nIt will suffice here to say that the exterior defence of the Chu Kong estuary consisted of a series of forts, customs-stations and guard-posts in the Lo Man Shan 老萬山, Kai Pong 鷄澎, Sam Chau Mun 三洲門, Ngoi Ling Ting 外伶仃, and the Tam Kon ## groups of the outer off-shore islands. The civil administration ruled from Nam Tau, the district city of the San On district. The military administration was centred at Tai Pang, on the western arm enclosing Tai Pang Hoi (Mirs Bay). The civil administration operated on a north-south axis, as against the east-west axis of the military coastal defence system. This is understandable when one realizes that the military could facilitate their control of the coast-line by establishing easy communications by water running the length of the coast-line from strongpoints on strategic head-lands and the offshore islands.\n\n3 For the Chinese characters of place names of some locales in the vicinity of Tai Yu Shan see map 3. For names of places within the present territory of Hong Kong see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960).\n\n4 So far as I know there has been no published study of this fort by Hongkong's local historians, except for a brief mention in one work which states that Kai Yik Kok fort was of Ch'ing dynasty date. Lo Hsiang-lin, Hongkong and its External Communication before 1842, (Hongkong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963) p. 172.\n\n5 The principal ingredients of this cement are clam and oyster shells which are crushed and burnt to produce slaked lime. The lime is then mixed with fine sand to produce a holding cement. Shells and fine sand are common to many local beaches and are, apparently for this purpose, used in lime kilns.\n\n6 San On Yuen Chi, kuen 22, under section on Coastal Defence reads:\n\n看復界後海絮籹寧而設險更捻周密雖今之汎地 及設兵皆與舊制不同而大嶼山雞翼角炮臺南頭 炮臺赤濘炮蠱最為餓要\n\n7 Fan Lau is also known as Shek Sun meaning \"boulder growths\", a reference to the numerous residual boulders at Kai Yik Kok,\n\n8 Luis Gomes, Monografia de Macau (Macau, 1951), a Portuguese translation of the O Mun Kei Leuk p. 70. \"No 7° ano de long Tcheng (1730) construiram-se fortalezas nas duas montanhas, distribuiram-se as guarniçoes para a sua defensa e foram reforçadas as tropas que guarneciam Tai-U-San formando assim como que um angulo semelhante ao que e constituido pelos chifres dum boi, para servir de defensa exterior de Macau e o Boca Tigre\",\n\n9 J. J. L. Duyvendak, \"Sailing directions of Chinese voyages\" T'oung Pao, vol. 34 (1938) pp. 230-237; and \"The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century\", T'oung Pao, vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412.\n\n10 The district of San On (新安) was formed in the sixth year of Lung Hing (隆慶) ie. 1572-73, Fourteen years later, in 1587, the San On district gazetteer was written by Yan Tai-kon (縣太君), the District Magistrate. Various editions followed. The latest edition was published in 1819. This gazetteer provides the best primary source of information on pre-British Hongkong. Chapters (kuen) XIV and XXII deal with Coastal Defence. These are chapters of special interest to historical geographers.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
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    {
        "id": 205554,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 96,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n91\n\n11 A lorcha is a specialized fighting craft from Macau that combined a Western-style hull (for speed and maneuverability) with Chinese batten sails and rigging (for easier sail-handling and disguise).\n\n12 Charles F. Neumann, History of the Pirates (š), who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, (London, John Murray, 1831) P. 58.\n\n13 J. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide (Canton, Office of the Chinese Repository, 1848) pp. 70-71.\n\n14 The Last Year in China to the Peace of Nanking as sketched in Letters to his Friends by a Field Officer actively employed in that Country (2nd edition, revised, London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans 1843) pp. 51-52.\n\n15 There is, in addition, the possibility that the fort had a temporary garrison in 1834 see the imperial directive given respecting defence and patrolling at Lantau and Macao quoted by J. L. Cranmer-Byng in his brief note \"An old fort at Tung Chung on Lantao Island” in J.H.K.B.R.A.S. Vol 3 (1963) pp. 144-145.\n\n16 Hong Kong Government. New Territories Administration. Block Crown Lease Demarcation Districts 322 and 327, Shek Sun village, Lantau Island.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY CITED\n\nJ. J. L. Duyvendak, \"Sailing directions of Chinese voyages\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 230-237,\n\n\"The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412.\n\nLuis B. Gomes, Monografia de Macau, Macau, 1951.\n\nHongkong Government. A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hongkong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hongkong, 1960.\n\nLo Hsing-lin, Hongkong and its External Communications before 1842. Hongkong, 1963.\n\nJ. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide, Canton, 1848.\n\nCharles F. Neumann, The History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, translated from the Chinese original, London, 1831.\n\nCh'ing dynasty work:\n\nChinese Sources\n\nMo Pei Chi (AA) A.D. 1621\n\nThe provincial Gazetteer of Kwangtung:\n\nKwong Tung Tung Chi (♬✯ ih sk) 1864 edition\n\nThe District Gazetteers for the following:\n\nSan On Yuen Chi (%) 1819 edition\n\nTung Kwun Yuen Chi ✯✯✯) 1797 edition\n\nHeung Shan Yuen Chi (3) 1827 edition\n\nO Mun Kei Leuk (39 1932) 1800 edition",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205644,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 186,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "THE LIBRARY\n\n181\n\nBREDON, Juliet.\n\nSir Robert Hart: the romance of a great career, told by his niece. London, Hutchinson, 1909.\n\nBUCK, Peter H.\n\nExplorers of the Pacific: European and American discoveries in Polynesia, by Te Rangi Hiroa (Peter H. Buck). Honolulu, Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1953.\n\nBUSHELL, Stephen W.\n\nChinese art. 2nd ed. London, H.M.S.O., 1909 reprinted 1924. (Victoria and Albert Museum handbooks) 2 vols.\n\nCAHILL, James.\n\nChinese painting. [Lausanne] Skira, 1960.\n\nCARL, Katharine A.\n\nWith the Empress Dowager. New York, Century, 1905.\n\nCARNÉ, Louis de.\n\nTravels in Indo-China and the Chinese Empire: with a notice of the author by the Count de Carné. Translated from the French. London, Chapman and Hall, 1872.\n\nCHAI, Fei, and others.\n\nIndigo prints of China. Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1956.\n\nCHENG, J. C.\n\nChinese sources for the Taiping Rebellion, 1850-1864. Hong Kong, University Press, 1963.\n\nCHU, Hsi (AO\n\nKia-li (†): livre des rites domestiques chinois de Tchou-hi, traduit pour la première fois avec commentaires by C. de Harlez. Paris, Leroux, 1889.\n\nCLAUDEL, Paul.\n\nChine. Photographies d'Hélène Hoppenot. [Genève] Skira, 1946.\n\nCLAVELL, James.\n\nTai-pan: a novel of Hong Kong. London, Michael Joseph, 1966.\n\nCOATES, Austin.\n\nPrelude to Hongkong. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205645,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 187,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "182\n\nCOHEN, Paul A.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nSome sources of anti-missionary sentiment during the late Ch'ing. Ann Arbor, Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan [1962?]\n\nExtract from China Society, Taiwan. Journal, v. 2.\n\nCOHN, William.\n\nChinese art. London, The Studio, 1930.\n\nCOHN, William.\n\nChinese painting. London, Phaidon Press, 1948.\n\nCOLE, Fay-Cooper.\n\nThe peoples of Malaysia. New York, Van Nostrand, 1945.\n\nCOTES, Everard.\n\nSigns and portents in the Far East. New York, Putnam, 1907.\n\nCOULING, Samuel.\n\nThe encyclopaedia sinica. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1917 reprinted 1964.\n\nCOWDRY, N. H.\n\nPlants from Peitaiho. [Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1922] Reprinted from Royal Asiatic Society. North China Branch. Journal, v. 53, 1922, pp. [158]-188.\n\nCROSSMAN, Carl L.\n\nA design catalogue of Chinese export porcelain for the American market. Salem, Mass., Peabody Museum, 1964.\n\nDAVID, Armand.\n\nJournal de mon troisième voyage d'exploration dans l'Empire Chinois. Paris, Hachette, 1875. 2 vols.\n\nDAVIS, S. G., ed.\n\nEconomic geology of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nDAVIS, S. G., ed.\n\nLand use problems in Hong Kong: a symposium. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nDAVIS, S. G. and TREGEAR, Mary.\n\nMan Kok Tsui (†); archaeological site 30, Lantau Island, Hong Kong. Hong Kong, University Press, 1961.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205649,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 191,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "186\n\nGILES, Herbert A.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nChina and the Manchus. Cambridge, University Press, 1912. (Cambridge manuals of science and literature).\n\nGILES, Lionel.\n\nA gallery of Chinese immortals; selected biographies translated from Chinese sources. London, Murray, 1948.\n\nGODMAN, A., ed.\n\nThe attainment and ability of Hong Kong primary IV pupils: a first study. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nGOODRICH, L. Carrington.\n\nA short history of the Chinese people. 2nd ed. London, Allen & Unwin, 1957 reprinted 1962.\n\nGRAHAM, Dorothy.\n\nThrough the moon door: the experiences of an American resident in Peking. New York, Sears, 1926.\n\nGRATTON, Henry Pearson, ed.\n\nAs a Chinaman saw us: passages from his letters to a friend at home. New York, Appleton, 1904 reprinted 1916.\n\nGRAY, Terence James Standus.\n\nAll else is bondage: non-volitional living [by] Wei Wu Wei [pseud.] Hong Kong, University Press, 1964.\n\nGRAY, Terence James Stannus.\n\nOpen secret [by] Wei Wu Wei [pseud.] Hong Kong, University Press, 1965.\n\nGRAY, Terence John Stannus.\n\nThe tenth man: the great joke (which made Lazarus laugh) [by] Wei Wu Wei [pseud.] Hong Kong, University Press, 1966.\n\nGRIFFIS, William Elliot.\n\nChina's story, in myth, legend, art and annals. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1901.\n\nGRUNWEDEL, Albert.\n\nMythologie du Buddhisme au Tibet et en Mongolie, basée sur la collection lamaïque du Prince Oukhtomsky. Traduit de l'allemand par Ivan Goldschmidt. Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1900.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205762,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 68,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "62\n\nR. G. GROVES\n\n44 Skinner, op. cit., Part 1, p. 27. The markets of the northern district of the New Territory seem to have been dependent primarily upon Sham Chun, rather than upon several intermediate markets. This may be an example of what Skinner terms a marketing system in a \"topographic cul-de-sac\". Ibid., p. 21.\n\n45 Baker, Hugh D. R. \"The Five Great Clans of the New Territories”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. VI, 1966, p. 31.\n\n46 Freedman, op. cit., pp. 82ff., gives an account of the origins of the Ts'at Yeuk. The character yeuk may be translated as 'covenant', or 'agreement'. The seven covenants' were a confederation of seven groups of villages within the Tai Po marketing area.\n\n47 Papers Extracts, op. cit., p. 192.\n\n48 Hayes, \"The Pattern of Life.\", op. cit., p. 9.\n\n49 Freedman, op. cit., p. 81.\n\n50 Papers Extracts, op. cit., pp. 201ff.\n\n51 Hong Kong 1963, Hong Kong, 1964, pp. 363ff.\n\n52 Papers Extracts, op. cit., pp. 587-8.\n\n53 The following account has been assembled, somewhat in the manner of a jigsaw puzzle, from two sources: Hong Kong. Correspondence (June 20, 1898 to August 20, 1900) Respecting the Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony, Eastern No. 66, Colonial Office, London, 1900; Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1899. Despatches and Other Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1900. Specific references will be given only for quotations.\n\n54 Correspondence, op. cit., p. 261. A brief discussion of the activities of the land syndicate mentioned in the preceding paragraph is to be found in Endacott, G.B., A History of Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, London and Hong Kong, and Paperback Edition, 1964, p. 265, who says: \"The main problem of the take-over was not military but administrative. A land syndicate of Chinese among whom it was suspected Ho Kai [Dr. Ho Kai, a Chinese unofficial member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong] was one, had bought land at a fraction of its value by spreading the rumour that the British would seize all land. Blake threatened to restore this property, but the land problem proved too baffling for him to carry out his threat.\"\n\n55 Correspondence, op. cit., p. 261. Wakeman, op. cit., Chap. V, discusses similar charges made against the British at Canton almost sixty years earlier.\n\n56 One recipient was Liu Wan-kuk, of Sheung Shui. His support for the resistance appears to have been half-hearted throughout. On at least two occasions he protested: \"the villages in our Division have no plans. Moreover, our commissariat and arms being insufficient, how can we offer effective resistance? We request your Division [Yuen Long] to decide on the plan of campaign and we will follow your instruction\". The dominance of the Yuen Long Division—and of the Tang lineages within it—was to become increasingly obvious as the resistance movement developed. Papers Despatches, op. cit., p. 72.\n\n57 Translated in Correspondence, op. cit., pp. 138ff.\n\n58 Baker, op. cit., pp. 35ff.\n\n59 Correspondence, op. cit., p. 147.\n\n60 Ibid., p. 148.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205823,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 129,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM\n\n123\n\n15 Unless exceptional circumstances make him de facto a property-holder; when, for example, a man's parents die before his marriage.\n\n16 This is an extreme over-simplification of the very complex pattern of property rights between father and son, and between brothers: I hope to use material from Sheung Tsuen in a fuller discussion of this topic elsewhere.\n\n17 The eldest brother, usually, who will have assumed responsibility for the family's ancestral tablet when he took over his father's house on his marriage.\n\n18 The result of this being merely to delay the division of the family property by one generation.\n\n19 Traditionally, in default of a close kinsman, any boy of the same surname might be adopted, though I have heard of very few cases of this. As far as the distribution of property is concerned, however, an adoption from outside the localised lineage is no different from a different surname adoption.\n\n20 J. Goody, “Adoption in Cross-Cultural Perspective\", Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 11, No. 1, 1969, pps. 55-78, has an illuminating comparative survey of adoption in Roman, Greek, Hindu-Indian, Chinese, and West African society; but he is concerned to point out the differences between Eurasian and African practices, and therefore does not discuss the significance of differences within the Eurasian group itself. However, his demonstration of the general primacy in these societies of the inheritance of property over succession to an ancestral cult is most strongly supported by material from Sheung Tsuen. Studies of inheritance and succession in traditional Chinese society which rely exclusively on legal and literary sources (e.g. Klaus Mäding, Chinesisches traditionelles Erbrecht, Berlin, 1966) tend to overlook this vital point.\n\n21 And his abandoned land. There is similarly no mechanism in Chinese customary law by which a non-returning migrant's land can be transferred to his kinsmen or fellow-villagers.\n\n22 And although Plum Grove had practically no migrants; if one adds the migrants from Big Stream Village to the population figure for that village, the average number of houses per family is still further reduced,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
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    {
        "id": 205888,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 194,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "188\n\nFOORD, Dr. R. D.\n\nFREEDMAN, Dr. M.\n\nFUNG, K. S.\n\nFUNG, Hon. Ping-fan*\n\nGALVIN, J. A. T.*\n\nGARCIA, A.\n\nGARD, Dr. R. A.\n\nGARTNER, J.\n\n+\n\nGEOFFROY-DECHAUME, F.\n\nGEORGE, T. J. B.\n\nGIBB, H.\n\n+\n\nGIEDROYC, M. J. H.*\n\nGILKES, D. A.\n\nGIMSON, C. H.\n\nGOLD, E. L.\n\nGOLD, Mrs. S. T.\n\nGOLDNEY, Miss C. M.\n\nGOODRICH, Prof. L. C.\n\nGORDON, K. H. A.\n\nGORDON, Hon. S. S.*\n\nGRANT, L. F. H.\n\n+\n\nGRANT, Mrs. I. F. H.\n\nGREGORY, Prof. W. G.\n\nGROVE, Mrs. R.\n\n48 The Rutts, Bushey Heath, Hertfordshire, England.\n\n187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England.\n\nTạo Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K.\n\nBank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K.\n\nLoughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland, c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon.\n\n8128 Hamilton Spring Road, Carderock Springs, Bethesda, Maryland 20034, U.S.A.\n\n15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia.\n\nc/o French Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England.\n\nc/o P.O. Box 64, H.K.\n\n31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England.\n\n5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K.\n\nc/o P.W.D. Hq., 4th Floor, Main Wing, Central Government Offices Building, H.K.\n\n12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\n504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, USA.\n\nRoom 601 Marina House, H.K.\n\nMessrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nDept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n10A Barbecue Gardens, 174 Milestone, Castle Peak Road, N.T.\n\nGUILLAUME, Baron P. de Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K.\n\nE\n\nLife Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206054,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 134,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "A BRITISH WARTIME CHART SHOWING HONG KONG\n\n129\n\nAs can be seen from the illustration the chart has a somewhat old-fashioned appearance as it has the radiating lines indicating the 32 directions in the same manner as the Mediaeval Portulan Charts. It would appear that these lines indicate true and not compass bearings as one East to West line meets the point indicating 21° 54' N. on both sides of the chart, also a North line to the south of Hong Kong (not shown on the illustration) has a fleur-de-lis emblem on it; this is the usual symbol to indicate true north.\n\nThe scale of the chart is not given, but the sides are graduated at one minute intervals of latitude. These can be taken as Sea Miles in use at that time. The precise length of one degree of latitude was in dispute during the eighteenth century, and lacking other information it is probably safest to assume that the value obtained by Picard in 1669 would have been used. This assumption would give a scale of 1:333,475, with 10 Sea Miles equivalent to 56 mm., 10 kilometres equivalent to 30 mm, and 10 Statute Miles equivalent to 1.9 inches. It should be noted, however, that the Kilometre did not come into use until 1799 and that the Statute Mile was established by an Act of Parliament in 1824.3\n\nThe latitudes of the southern point of Macao on the chart is 22° 12′ N., being 14 minutes too far north. The latitude of Canton, at the position of modern Shameen, is 23° 9′ N., being 3 minutes too far north, while Kowloon City at 22° 21' N. is 1 minute too far north. These latitudes are very accurate for the period, but not surprisingly so, considering the fact that the Portuguese had been in the area for more than 250 years, and that as the positions are within the tropics their latitudes could be deduced from the date of the sun at Zenith with the help of the Solar Declination Tables. The small error for Kowloon City is fortuitous, due to surveying errors.4\n\nRegarding the content of the map it is clear from the title that we are faced with a composite map with at least two and possibly three distinct sources. These are 1. A Portuguese Chart 2. A Chinese Chart 3. Possibly original surveys by Hayter or others. The Portuguese influence can be seen in the names \"Furado\" and \"Porado”. The contents of the \"Chinese Chart of the Macao Pilots\" is not known, but if the maps in the local gazetteer of the Hsin-an Hsien are any indication they are not likely to have been based on accurate surveys.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206072,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 152,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n147\n\nabout the customs of Southern peoples published during our era. Another point worth mentioning is the resemblance between the dragon boat and boats in scenes of everyday life depicted on bronze drums found in Tonkin. These drums were made by the natives under the tuition of their Chinese masters. One of them shows the picture of a long thin boat with a dragon's head being paddled by its crew with a drum in the middle.\n\nAnother possible survival of Indonesian culture might be seen in the matshed dwelling in our region. It is unnecessary to build matsheds in a place where typhoons occur so frequently and where there is an abundance of stone, and the explanation can only be given that matshed dwellers have no tradition of building in stone. The Indonesians are invariably matshed dwellers, they do not even use stone walls as protection. In many places they build houses on stilts. This however may be an independent custom on either side, although it should be noted that among some peoples of Indo-China there are identical huts on stilts akin to those of the Tanka and of the water population in the West river regions.\n\nAgain remembering the phenomenon that one religion can take on the divinities of another, we cannot ignore the possibility that the Tanka worship of Tin Hau (A1⁄2, i.e., the Heavenly Queen) their principal saint is an adaptation of an earlier aboriginal goddess. The original Tin Hau lived in Fukien and kept a lighthouse to guide sailors to port. She was officially canonised by the Chinese Board of Rites at the request of local officials but there was a much earlier goddess known among the Indonesians who could avert storms or drought. Temples to her existed in the Tonkin delta at the beginning of our era. It is not likely that the Tanka adopted the enthusiastic worship of such a late personage as Tin Hau without some tradition behind it.\n\nHowever we can never be certain that the Tanka are of Indonesian stock. Whether or not the Indonesians have left descendants, it is certain that they were the founders of maritime commerce in the Far East. Using perhaps canoes and coasting in such stages as for instance from Swabue to Lamma Island,\n\n8 續齊諧記 and 越地記, both Han dynasty books.\n\n9 V. Goloubew-Le Peuple de Dong-Son. (Hanoi.)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206239,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 56,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "50\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nand the Chinese authorities. However the State Secretary, Thomas F. Bayard, was very pleased with Tseng's friendly attitude to the United States in his article. Cf. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1887, No. 168, Bayard to Denby, May 7, 1887.\n\n* Ho Kai (Ho Ch'i) was born on 12 March, 1859, the fifth son of the Rev. Ho Jun-yang. Ho Kai obtained his Bachelor of Medicine and Master of Surgery degrees from the University of Aberdeen in Scotland, 1879, and was admitted to Lincoln's Inn on 29 April, 1879. He was called to the Bar on 25 January 1882. Ho Kai was admitted to practice as a barrister in the Supreme Court on 29 March, 1882 after he returned to Hong Kong. From 1882 onward, Ho Kai appeared to be an educationalist, reformist, revolutionary etc. Ho died in September 1914. At the time of his death he was a Member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong and had been knighted for his public services in 1912. See the account given at pp. 12-16 of T. C. Cheng's \"Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Council in Hong Kong up to 1941” in JHKBRAS Vol. 9 (1969). After Ho's article was published in the China Mail on 16 February, 1887, it was translated into Chinese entitled \"Shu Tseng Hsi-hou Chung-kuo sheng-shui hou-hsing lun-hou\" by his friend Hu Li-yüan (1848-1916) and was published in the Hua Tsu Jih Pao on 11 May, 1887. Most of Ho Kai's writings like Hsin-cheng chen chian was written in English and was translated into Chinese by Hu. For Ho Kai, see Chiu Ling-yeong, The Life and Thought of Sir Ho Kai, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Sydney, March, 1968; Onogawa Hidemi, op. cit.; Watanabe Tetsuhiro, op. cit.; Fang Hao, \"Ch'ing-mo wei-hsin cheng-lun-chia Ho Ch'i yü Hu Li-yüan”清末維新政論家何啟與胡禮垣, Hsin Shih-tai 新時代, Taipei III, 12 (1963) 20-25; Hsiang-Kang yali-shih Ho Miao-ling Na-ta-su i yüân ch'i-shih chou-nien ki nien, 1887-1967, Lo Hsiang-lin, Kuo-fu ti kao-ming kuang-ta, Taiwan, 1965, pp. 115-132, Kuo-fu chih 1a-hsüeh shih-tai, Taiwan, 1954, pp. 5-13; B. Harrison, (Ed): The First 50 Years, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1962 pp. 5-23; Llyod E. Eastman, \"Political Reformism in China before the Sino-Japanese War\", Journal of Asian Studies, Volume XXVII, No. 4, August 1968, pp. 695-710. André Chih: L'occident Chretien vu par les Chinois vers la fin du XIX siécle (1870-1900), presses universitaires de France, Paris, 1962, pp. 42 and 47. Hu Pin, Chung-kuo chin-tai kai-liang chu-i ssu-hsiang, Peking, 1964. pp. 82-84, pp. 173-182. Jen Chi-yü, “Ho Chi Hu Li-huan ti kai-liang chu-i ssu-hsiang” in Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih lun-wen, Shanghai, 1958, pp. 75-91.\n\n中國近代思想史論文集 Liu Yü-sheng, Shih-tsai tang tsa-i, Peking, 1960, pp. 163-164. Immanuel C. Y. Hsü: The Rise of Modern China, New York, Oxford University Press, 1970, pp. 425 and 543. Harold Z. Schiffrin, in his book entitled Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of Chinese Revolution, University of California Press. Berkeley, 1968, also has a lengthy chapter dealing with Ho Kai's relations with Sun Yat-sen,\n\n9 Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih ts'an-k'ao tzu-liao chien-pien, Peking, San-lien Shu-tien, 1957, pp. 174-175.\n\n10 Cf. Chung-Fa Chan-cheng, Chung-kuo shih-hsüeh hui Comp., Shanghai 1955, Vol. I; Ah Ying (Ed); Chung-Fa chan-cheng wen hsieh chi, Chung hua Shu tien, Shanghai, 1957, pp. 3-6.\n\nLi Ting-yi, Chung-Kuo chin-tai shih, Taiwan, 1959, pp. 153-162; Liu Feihua, Chung keo Chin-tại Chiến-shih, Peking, 1954, pp. 117-125.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206244,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 61,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "LETTERS FROM CHINA 1835-36 \n\n55 \n\naverage of one in a fortnight! Moreover, I can't swim a stroke. Thus, the house-top is my esplanade and Champ-de-Mars every morning and evening; and seriously, the view from it is very interesting at least to an eye not palled by long repetition of it. All Canton, the City, and the Suburbs (far more extensive than it) stretches away below you on the north, with its strange curved roofs and gables, such as you always see painted in China tea-cups; and now and then the pinnacles of a joss-house, or temple, with tall flag-staffs; until the eye takes in a most beautiful hill some 2 to 3,000 feet high, and perhaps three miles away from you in a straight line. There stands an enormous Pagoda at the foot of this hill, towering prodigiously many stories above all the trees and houses around it, and with a tree (which looks a merest shrub) growing on its summit. That hill is the finest thing here; I wander over it—I mean in spirit—every morning that day breaks on it drawing out all the tints of the scene; there are half a dozen fissures in one part, which I look on as thunder-rifts; and a delicate whitish line creeps up one shoulder, which I take to be a path-way for those happy, happy, thrice-enviable and most-favored Chinamen who can walk thereon without being bamboo'd to death for the offence! The river opposite the Factories joins another great branch only a few yards higher up, and the remote shores of the united stream above, show yellow with harvest, and painfully rural to the poor bird in the cage. The country there stretches away into hills too, but perhaps 15 or 20 miles away, a long and very high range—several indeed—which break the horizon nearly half its circuit. Down the River, i.e., to the S.E., the stream curves like an S, and thereby, from your point of view, a forest of masts, of all heights and sizes ever used in boats, is visible in one coup-d'oeil, such as I never saw before. I should not say boats, though; for most of them are the masts (single sticks!) of junks from 2 to 600 Tons Burden. Their number is perfectly prodigious. You see the horizon beyond and near this, striped with one or two delicate lines of alternate land and water from the windings of the noble river, the last line of all being perhaps ten miles off. It is over there the sun rises to you, else you could not see that tiny thread of water inlaying the meadows. Not a single European ship is in sight here, and only a few sailing boats and wherries. All the European ships are down at Whampoa reach, some 12 or 13 miles away.\n\n—\n\n—\n\n—",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206673,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 221,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n215\n\npassages in TTCLT dealing with two separate aspects of ancient bronzes into one short paragraph. This is only one example of the jumbled passages which are scattered throughout the book. Such passages can only serve to confuse the translator who in the present case has succumbed unquestioningly to the apparent difficulty and made literal readings of the \"O\" text.\n\nThere is yet another source of confusion in the \"O\" text. These are the misprints—which are obvious to those acquainted with the texts from which the KKYL is derived. In the passage just referred to there is a misprint in “O” which substitutes a non-existent character for \"grain\". What should read as \"not a grain of grit” is translated as \"not a trace of grit\" through intelligent interpretation. A more serious error arises in another passage which describes the brush strokes representing water as \"grain\" (ku, i.e., comma-like shaped) strokes rather than “crêpe de Chine” (hu ✯, i.e., undulating surface) strokes. This again is literally translated.\n\nThere are other types of errors caused by other types of difficulties (some of them mentioned already at the beginning of this review), but enough has been said to show that the securing of original and early texts is only one of the many aspects of the preliminary work which needs to be done before a satisfactory translation can be made. There is also the question of the very worth of the KKYL as a work of scholarship. For surely it is not \"a pioneer work of epochal importance, for it was the earliest comprehensive and systematic treatise on Chinese art and archaeology\". This honour should be accorded the TTCLT which predates the KKYL by more than a century, if it is to be accorded to any one book of this kind which is extant. To be fair to Sir Percival David, it must be said that he was well aware of the existence of TTCLT and other similar early books, but this knowledge did not shake his faith in the KKYL. The most recent Chinese study of the KKYL, by Chang T'ieh-hsüan, also accepts without question the general importance and great value of the book.\n\nBut why was the KKYL so widely received and taken seriously for the entire Ming period and into the Ching, and even until now? The answer must be that it was published at a time when printed literature was for the first time available to a much wider public, whereas the TTCLT just missed the period of the great flourishing of the printing industry and was little known to most scholars and",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206780,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 57,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "EARLY STEAMSHIPS IN CHINA\n\n51\n\nthe Chinese more than all the rest of the British warships put together,\n\nChinese opposition to steamships was overborne after the First China War, and in the years between then and the Second China War 1857-1858, steam navigation in China was established on a secure foundation. During the first two decades of steam, American ships were as prominent as British on the Canton River and on the coast, and sometimes more technically efficient. This was largely because the Americans made good use of their experience on the Hudson and Mississippi Rivers, and also because their early steamships were designed specially for coastal and river conditions. Many of the early British steamships were merely sailing ships equipped with engines.\n\nThe earliest American steamers were associated with Russell and Company, and Robert Benet Forbes was the man mainly responsible for bringing most of these early steamships to China. The first was the Midas, built at East Boston in 1844, which was the first American steamship to round the Cape of Good Hope, as well as being the first to be seen in China. The Midas arrived at Hong Kong on 21st May 1845, and was put on a twice weekly service between Hong Kong and Canton, the first regular steamship service in China. She also engaged in towing and salvage work, which was usually more profitable than carrying passengers or cargo; so that the advertised regular sailings were often more honoured in the breach than in the observance.\n\nThe Midas was followed by the wooden screw bark Edith, also built at East Boston, which arrived at Macao on 2nd September 1845 and Hong Kong a few days later. The Edith was originally intended to run in the opium trade between India and China, but plans were changed and she was loaded with general cargo for Shanghai. Bad weather and engine trouble foiled two attempts to make this passage, and the Edith was eventually sent back to Boston via Rio de Janeiro, reconditioned at Boston and then chartered to the United States War Department.\n\nIn 1846 Forbes sent the small 20 ton screw steamer Firefly on another ship to Hong Kong, and put her in service between Hong Kong and Whampoa until 1849, usually making two trips daily. She was withdrawn in 1849 and sent to California by sailing ship.\n\nIn 1846 Jardines were successful in inaugurating the first British steamship service on the river, with the Corsair between Hong Kong",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206799,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 76,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "70\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\n7 Hsiang Ta, p. 35; Schafer, p. 20.\n\n8 See Ssu-Ma Kuang *, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien | (TCTC; Peking, 1956), chuan 225, pp. 7228-7237.\n\n9 Chang-Sun Wu-chi £**& and others eds., T’ang-lu shu-i |*| chuan 6; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 56-58.\n\n10 E. Renaudot, Ancient Accounts of India and China by Two Moham-medan Travellers (London, 1733), p. 13.\n\n11 Paul Wheatley, 'Geographical Notes on some Commodities involved in Sung maritime Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 32, part II, 186:28-29 (Singapore, 1961).\n\n12 Chiu Ling-yeong, pp. 504-508; Tao Hsi-sheng, 'Tang-tai ch'u-li fan-shang chi fan-k'o i-ch'an ti fa-ling' ^££# # X ¶¤£***÷. Shih-huo * 4:9:14-15 (Shanghai, 1936).\n\n13 Ou-Yang Hsiu « and others, eds., Hsin T'ang-shu *M† (HTS; 1060 edited), chuan 163; Chiu Ling-yeong, p. 507.\n\n14 N. I. Konrad, 'The Source of Chinese Humanism' (GALEKH Ht), Journal of the Soviet Oriental Studies 3:72-94 (Moscow, 1957).\n\n15 Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 74-77.\n\n1\n\n16 Ibn Khordadbeh, 'le livre des routes et des provinces', et annote par M. Barbier de Meynard, Journal Asiatique, serie VI, tome V. In this geo-graphical treatise, Ibn Khordadbeh gave a very vivid description of these trading ports: Khanfou, Kantou, Lonkin and Djanfon. Kuwabara was of the opinion that these four place-names are present Kuang-chou ★ ★. Yang-chou ##, Chiao-chou ★ and Ch'üan-chou ##. Cf. Kuwabara J.. 'T'ang-Sung mao-i-ching yen-chiu' ♫ ET &A”, Chinese translation by Yang Lien ## (Shanghai, 1935), pp. 64-154. Of these four place-names, Khanfou in the Khordadbeh's book was identified as Kuang-chou by Paul Pelliot and many other schools. Cf. M. Paul Pelliot, \"Deux itineraires de Chine en Inde, a la fin du VIII siecle', Bulletin de l'ecole francaise d'extreme Orient (Hanoi, 1904), p. 205, Place-names in T'ang period and with 'fu' is very common. Kuang-chou was called Kuang-fu . There were also Yang-fu, I-fu # and Chiao-fu X Cf. Li Fang # and others, eds., T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi ★★ (edited A.D. 978) chuan 437; Ts'en Chung-min |, Chung-wai shih-ti kao-cheng *** (Hong Kong, 1966), I, 295-296; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 13-18.\n\n17 HTS, chuan 144.\n\n18 Liu Hsü $ and others, eds, Chiu T'ang-shu (CTS, A.D. 945 edited), chuan 198.\n\n19 Chang Hsing-lang, Chung-hsi chiao-t'ung shih-liao hui-pien **££Ħ (Peking, 1933), 3, 132; Ch'en Yü-ching, p. 15; Maejima, S., 'Evaluation des sources arabes concernant la revolte de Huang Chao *‡, a la fin des Tang', International Symposium on History of Eastern and Western Cultural Contacts, Tokyo-Kyoto (1957), pp. 85-90. According to HTS, chuan 43, part I, it says the whole population in Canton at that time was not more than two hundred twenty-one thousand and five hundred. Huang Chao, in this case, could not have killed one hundred twenty thousand to two hundred thousand as the Arabs reported. To this point, see Ts'en Chung-min *, Sui-T’ang shih t★ ★ (Peking, 1957), pp. 503-504, n. 46.\n\n20 Ho ch'iao-yüan †, Man-shu ⚡, chapter 7.\n\n21 Hsiang Da, pp. 48-50.\n\nTCTC, chuan 218, p. 6972.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206801,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 78,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "72\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\n40 See Liu Ts'un-yan #, \"The Taoists' Knowledge of Tuberculosis in the XIIth Century', a paper presented to the twenty-eighth International Congress of Orientalists, Canberra, January, 1971.\n\n41 Li Hsin's name had been mentioned by B. Laufer, P. Pelliot, G. Ferrand and many other sinologists in the beginning of this century. Cf. O. W. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, a Study of the Origin of Srivijaya (New York, 1966), chapters 9 and 10, also pp. 307-307, n. 13.\n\n42 P. Huard and M. Wong, 'Evolution de la matière medicale chinoise\", Janus 47: (Leiden, 1958); and also their work La mèdecine chinoise au cours des siècles (Paris, 1959).\n\n43 F. S. Drake, pp. 222-223.\n\n44 Ibid.\n\n45 I am indebted again to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's article 'T'ang-shih yu Chung-Jih wen-hua chiao-liu chih kuan-hsi' ✯✯ ZREALMA T'ang-tai wen-hua shih, pp. 194-220.\n\n46 Sun Kuang-hsien, Pei-meng so-yen. It records during the reign of Hsuan-tsung ✯ (A.D. 847-860) and I-tsung ✯✯ (A.D. 860-873) that secretaries in the Inner Court were all foreigners (#, *£*^); HTS, chuan 217, part II.\n\n47 Ch'üan-Tang wen, chuan 767; Ch'ien I &, Nan-pu hsin-shu **** (Hsüleh-ching t'ao-vüan ## edition) records: A › Ü*** › ÄR 三二人,姓氏稀僻者,謂之色目人,亦謂曰牌花口\n\n4 Sung Ming chiu it fed, Tang huiyao (Peking, 1959), chüan 10, p. 64, Tai-ho third year, the emperor decreed that:\n\n南海蕃舶,本以慕化而來,囿在榷以恩仁,使其感孚,如開癘疫,嗟怨之聲達於殊俗;況朕方寶勤儉,豐愛退遐?深慮遐邇未安,榷稅猶重,思有矜恤,以示綏撫。其嶺南、福建及揚州蕃客,宜委節度觀察使,常加存問,除舶稅、市、進奉外,任其來往通流,自行交易,不得重加榷稅。",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206876,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 153,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n147\n\nThe Note was written to accompany a reproduction of Monsignor Volontieri's map of Hong Kong: see Plate IX of this issue of the Journal. This map appears to be an individual production additional to the map of San On noticed in the Journal several years ago: see Journal Vols 9(1969) and 10(1970) pp 141-148 and 193-196 respectively.\n\nThe right hand bottom corner of the map bears the legend 'Milano Stab. Flli Tensi'. The legend and placenames are given in French, mostly with Chinese characters in addition, making it a bi-lingual map, like the main production on which it is probably based.\n\nThe Note itself is of some interest, giving a brief contemporary account of Hong Kong, as seen through foreign eyes. It is not accurate in all particulars. I have drawn attention to some misprints and strange renderings of names and placenames; but have otherwise reproduced it as in the original. Ed.\n\nNOTES GEOGRAPHIQUES\n\nCHINE\n\nL'ILE DE HONG-KONG\n\nNous publions aujourd'hui une carte de l'île de Hong-Kong. Elle a été dressée par Mgr Volontieri, de la Congrégation des Missions Étrangères de Milan, vicaire apostolique du Ho-nan.\n\nL'île de Hong-Kong est située au sud de l'empire chinois, entre 22° 9' et 22° 1' de latitude nord, et 114° 5' et 114° 18' de longitude est (méridien de Greenwich), vis-à-vis des bouches du fleuve de Canton, le Tchong-kiang ou Tigre chinois, dont elle domine l'embouchure principale. Elle est séparée de la grande île de Lan-tao, à l'ouest, par le canal Lamma, et isolée de la terre ferme par la rade qui la baigne au nord, et le petit détroit de Ly-ce-moon, qui n'a qu'un demi-mille de largeur. La plus grande longueur de l'île de Hong-kong ne dépasse pas onze milles géographiques; elle en a cinq dans sa plus grande largeur; la superficie totale est d'environ vingt-neuf milles carrés.\n\nFormée de roches granitiques presque nues et qui s'élévent en cimes escarpées, sans passage praticable de l'une à l'autre, dont la plus basse, le Pic de Pottinger, a 1,020 pieds d'élévation, et la plus...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206879,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 156,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "150\n\nNOTES ET QUERIES\n\na fourni des emplacements aux constructions, spécialement à une place d'armes qui sert de promenade publique. Les marécages d'une petite vallée, appelée aujourd'hui vallée heureuse (happy valley), ont cédé la place à une prairie où se font les courses de chevaux, à l'extrémité orientale de Vittoria, dans le voisinage des cimetières catholique, protestant, mahométan, et zoroastrien. Il n'y a pas de cimetière chinois, les Chinois ayant l'habitude d'enterrer les morts dans les champs, partout où ils se trouvent. Les gens riches ont bâti de délicieuses villas dans les environs. Le mouvement du commerce et des arrivages est des plus animés, Hong-kong étant devenu le premier point sur lequel mettent le cap les vaisseaux qui vont d'Europe en Chine.\n\nL'air y était autrefois malsain, surtout aux mois de juillet et d'août, lorsqu'on commença à défricher cette terre vierge, et la ville manquait d'eau; mais on a fait disparaître ces inconvénients: l'air s'est assaini à mesure que la végétation s'est développée; on a fait venir de l'eau de l'autre extrémité de l'île au moyen d'un canal, et on la conserve dans des réservoirs, dont l'un a une capacité extraordinaire. Cependant, Macao est encore le rendez-vous des convalescents, à cause de la salubrité de son climat.\n\nLa ville de Vittoria, étant située sur le rivage septentrional de l'île, est rafraîchie par le vent du nord et par les grosses pluies particulières aux tropiques; ainsi, dans les appartements, le thermomètre Réaumur monte à 26 ou 27 degrés. Cette température se maintient plusieurs mois, et il y a peu de différence entre la chaleur de la nuit et celle du jour, en sorte que les tempéraments européens s'affaiblissent et souffrent beaucoup.\n\nPendant la guerre de Pékin, les Anglais, craignant que les Français, leurs alliés, n'occupassent la plage de terre ferme située en face de Vittoria et ne se rendissent ainsi maîtres de la rade du côté opposé, s'emparèrent, au mois de mai 1860, de Caw-hong [Kowloon-Ed] et n'ont plus abandonné ce poste. Ils se sont fait définitivement céder par le dernier traité avec la Chine. Il n'y a, sur ce point, ni établissements européens, ni commerçants chinois, mais seulement des soldats, leurs casernes en bois et leurs hôpitaux, et la population indigène.\n\nNota. Notre carte représente non seulement l'île de Hong-Kong, mais la partie du continent dépendant de la préfecture apostolique de Hong-Kong. Les profondeurs de la mer, sur les côtes de l'île, sont indiquées, en pieds anglais, par des chiffres.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
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    {
        "id": 206889,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 166,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "160\n\n38. 1873 June 30\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nCYPHRENES\n\nSamuel Stephen\n\nSan Francisco to Hong Kong: Williams, Blanchard & Co. to Augustine Heard & Co.\n\n12 cases Downers Oil\n\n6 cases whiskey\n\none keg butter\n\none keg pigs feet\n\n4 pkgs herrings\n\none case carriage\n\none case butter\n\n5 kegs pork 5 kegs tongues\n\n5 kegs salmon\n\n10 kits mackerel\n\nINDEX TO MCMULLEN COLLECTION\n\nNames of ships in CAPITALS; names of ship's masters in italics.\n\nThe numbers refer to item numbers in the Calendar.\n\n  \n    Alexander & Co.\n    3\n  \n  \n    CASSADOR\n    4, 12\n  \n  \n    Allen, W.\n    2\n  \n  \n    Cavanagh, C.\n    24\n  \n  \n    ANN\n    2\n  \n  \n    Clark, J.S.\n    17\n  \n  \n    Anfião de Malva*\n    4, 5, 12\n  \n  \n    Coleman, N.\n    20\n  \n  \n    Arcachande, Caramachande\n    12\n  \n  \n    CONDE DE RIO PARDO\n    11\n  \n  \n    ARIEL\n    13\n  \n  \n    Cotton\n    1, 31\n  \n  \n    Ashburner & Co.\n    21\n  \n  \n    CUMBERLAND\n    7\n  \n  \n    AUBURN\n    \n  \n  \n    Beef, Extra mess\n    \n  \n  \n    Begodin, A.\n    34, 36\n  \n  \n    Cumsingmoon*\n    13\n  \n  \n    Cutch*\n    6\n  \n  \n    \n    16\n  \n  \n    CYPHRENES\n    38\n  \n  \n    \n    32\n  \n  \n    BENEFACTOR\n    23\n  \n  \n    Damão\n    4, 5, 11, 12\n  \n  \n    Berry, G.\n    23\n  \n  \n    Dibblee & Hyde\n    25\n  \n  \n    Bombay\n    37\n  \n  \n    Dollars, Mexican\n    15, 25\n  \n  \n    see also Hooghly, River\n    \n  \n  \n    DOM MANUEL DE PORTUGAL\n    5\n  \n  \n    Boston\n    18\n  \n  \n    Brandy\n    19\n  \n  \n    Downers oil\n    38\n  \n  \n    Bread\n    24\n  \n  \n    Dundas, A. D.\n    21\n  \n  \n    Budroodeen (Abadeen) & Co.\n    37\n  \n  \n    Dunham, W. C.\n    16, 27, 28, 35\n  \n  \n    Bull, Purdon & Co.\n    \n  \n  \n    Burt, J.\n    32\n  \n  \n    \n    13\n  \n  \n    Encarnacão, L. d'\n    11\n  \n  \n    Butter\n    38\n  \n  \n    Everett (T.B.) & Co.\n    18, 19\n  \n  \n    Byramjee, Cowasjee\n    2\n  \n  \n    FALCON\n    9\n  \n  \n    Calcutta\n    21\n  \n  \n    Flour\n    24, 27\n  \n  \n    Canton\n    1, 3, 7\n  \n  \n    Foochow\n    24\n  \n  \n    Carriage (presumably horsedrawn)\n    38\n  \n  \n    Fungus FUSI-YAMA\n    33\n  \n  \n    \n    21\n  \n\n*See notes at end of index",
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    {
        "id": 206891,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 168,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "162\n\nRattans\n\nRice\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n6 SUWONADA 29, 30, 31, 33, 34\n\n8, 20\n\nRouth (F.R. & D.)\n\n35\n\nTacoran, Nanjie\n\nRussell & Co.\n\n16, 29, 33\n\nTaria, J.M. de\n\nTaylor, P.\n\nSACRAMENTO\n\n22\n\nTea\n\n14, 30\n\nSafflower*\n\n33\n\nThomas (Charles) & Co.\n\nSalmon\n\n38\n\nTongues\n\nSan Francisco\n\n15, 22, 24\n\nTrautmann & Co.\n\n25, 38\n\nTurpentine\n\nSelzer water\n\n34\n\nShanghai\n\nSHERBURNE\n\nSilva, J. A. da\n\nSilver bars\n\nSemechand, Caramichand [?] 4\n\n29, 30, 31, 33, 34\n\nUpton, W.F.\n\nVALETTA\n\n1\n\nVENUS\n\n4, 12\n\nVermicelli\n\n22\n\nSingapore Roads\n\nSmith (W.H.) & Son\n\nSorabjee & Simjee\n\n7, 9\n\nWHEELER, W.E.\n\n23\n\nWhiskey\n\nAnagrada 2, 28\n\n10\n\n5\n\n7\n\n38\n\n31\n\n21\n\n18\n\n24\n\n37\n\n24\n\n15\n\n38\n\n2 White, G.\n\n1\n\nSteel, A.\n\n7\n\nWild (Aaron D.) & Sons\n\n16\n\nStephen, S.\n\n38 Williams, Blanchard & Co.\n\n38\n\nStone, Bombay\n\n37 With, M.C.G.\n\n28\n\n*See notes below.\n\nNOTES\n\nThe following notes relate to the more obscure items in the foregoing index.\n\nAnfião de Malva-Opium from Malwa, an area in W. Central India, which together with Benares and Patna were the main opium growing areas. I am indebted to Mr. J. M. Braga for this identification, which defeated students of Portuguese in Hong Kong.\n\nCumsingmoon-Kap Shui Mun, the straits between the N.E. point of Lantao Island and Tsing I Island.\n\nCutch=The commercial name of the catechu obtained from Acacia catechu, used in tanning (O.E.D.)\n\nNankeens-Either a kind of yellow cotton cloth, originally made in Nanking, or trousers made of this material.\n\nSafflower=Dried petals of Carthamus tinctorius, a thistle-like plant cultivated in the Mediterranean region, India and China for the red dye obtained from the flowers, also used in the making of rouge.\n\nHong Kong June, 1973.\n\nH. A. RYDINGS",
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    {
        "id": 206964,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 35,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n29\n\nvoyage from Haiphong. The China Mail's shipping notices reported that the Frejr had landed ‘H.M. The King of the Sedangs and 3 servants and 13 Chinese. The King, of course, was the Frenchman David de Mayréna. As soon as Mayréna had been rowed ashore to a waterfront pier, he hired a chair and was carried off to the Hong Kong Hotel in Pedder Street, where he was booked into Room 23.\n\nThe next day a reporter from the China Mail came to the hotel and interviewed Mayréna at some length in his room. The report that appeared in the newspaper that same day, three columns of print, was headed 'The King of the Sedangs in Hong Kong. An interview with His Majesty'. The monarch from Indo-China was described as:\n\na tall energetic man of, I should say, 50 years of age, with whiskers and a moustache turning gray, and a countenance full of vigour. One could not find a trace of the “exalté” about him. He was dressed in simple white clothes such as are worn by European residents here during the Summer, made by natives of his Kingdom or at least of the adjoining dependency over which the Jesuit missionaries have for several years exercised a kind of authority.\"\n\nDuring the interview the French Consul in Hong Kong, M. de Verleye, called, and Mayréna informed them that a royal palace was being constructed in the capital of his kingdom.\n\nThe day after the lengthy article on Mayréna appeared in the China Mail, the Hong Kong Telegraph also published a report on the King, in which its readers were told that:\n\nif many a man here in the Far East wrote his own history, even with a moderate adherence to the truth, it would make unusual reading. For romantic adventures, however, the, at present, principal guest at the Hong Kong Hotel far excels the average adventurer... His few visitors find him a tall, middle-aged, military gentleman, bearing many scars, and with an indifference to his rank except in so far as to assert his right to it at the outset.\n\nThe article affirmed that the King was\n\nnow desirous of attracting Chinese emigration to the Sedangs, with a view to opening it up. To men of enterprise and capital there should be a magnificent opening.\"",
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        "id": 206966,
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        "page_number": 37,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n31\n\nwritten his name in the visitor's book at Government House as 'Marie, Roi des Sedangs', and that hearing he was an educated man, who had brought with him respectable references, I was somewhat curious to see him, and I therefore caused him to be informed that while I was unable to acknowledge as King one who had not been recognised as such by Her Majesty, I should be happy to receive him, if he called as a private person. He adopted my suggestion, and as I found him interesting, I asked him to dinner by the name of Mons. de Mayréna. He came in a magnificent uniform, of unknown design; but as no impertinent inquiries on the subject were addressed to him, I never learnt to what corps or position it belonged.11 Mayréna's uniform—a Ruritanian, musical comedy type of costume—had been designed by the King himself and would have delighted Nathan, the famous theatrical costumier of Drury Lane. With this bizarre outfit Mayréna sported a long Annamite sword worn in a sash, Sedang style.\n\nA day or two after their meeting, Mayréna sent Des Voeux an award—a magnificently engraved diploma of the Grand Cordon de l'Ordre de Sedang. Des Voeux claims, of course, this was at once returned with my appreciative thanks, coupled with an intimation that English officers were not permitted to accept foreign orders except with the special sanction of Her Majesty. I saw nothing more of this gentleman afterwards.1 Des Voeux in any case would have seen little of Mayréna because on 27 November Des Voeux, together with his family, left for a shooting trip to Shanghai and did not return until 18 December. By then Mayréna's star had dimmed and discreditable rumours were beginning to circulate about him, fanned by comments in the China Mail. Des Voeux, a careful man, did not write very much about Mayréna, but it is clear that hidden under the regal plumage he detected a louche adventurer, a royal Raffles all too inclined to pocket the silver spoons at Government House. Des Voeux, who was a great snob,1 doubtless also felt Mayréna was only every other inch a gentleman.\n\nThe speed with which Mayréna approached Des Voeux demands little explanation. Mayréna was indeed an adventurer and time was",
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    {
        "id": 206974,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 45,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n39\n\ntic, sly campaign that gradually revealed Mayréna's shady past. Bain at first simply published extracts about Mayréna from the Courrier d'Haiphong and other sources. On 24 December the Mail reported that there was a rumour in town that M. de Mayrénna (sic) King of the Sedangs, has placed his country under a German protectorate We can scarcely believe the report, although the king does not seem to be consumed with a desire to speedily revisit his new found subjects, and might not regret if he were pensioned and the very heavy responsibilities of Kingship taken off his shoulders'. On 26 December two columns were again published on Mayréna and this time the Mail quoted from an article by Father Guerlach in the Courrier, which made clear that the Mission had been swindled by Mayréna and that he was appallingly dishonest.\n\nThe attacks upon Mayréna's integrity by Bain did not go unchallenged. The King was defended with magnificent pomposity by Fraser-Smith, editor of the Telegraph. The rival editors excoriated each other's opinions with a ludicrous solemnity, reminiscent of the pen-and-ink duels fought daily by Mr. Pott and Mr. Slurk at the time of the Eatanswill election in Pickwick Papers. Father Guerlach's disclosures, for example, were dismissed by Fraser-Smith in these words: 'like most missionary utterances, this one breathes hatred and uncharitableness throughout, and on that account loses any influence on the impartial reader',35\n\nOn 14 January Bain further disclosed that there were 'warrants out for the arrest of the \"King of the Sedangs\" should he touch French territory. He is accused of having declared himself King of a country under French protection; and for one or two other reasons our local monarch would find Saigon an extremely hot place if he returned there'. The next day Bain reported that another letter from Father Guerlach had been published in the Courrier and ‘the charge therein made against the \"King of the Sedangs\" is of so serious a character that we hesitate to translate it, not being in a position to verify the statement. We may say, however, that the letter contains a warning against placing reliance on a letter of credit for 200,000 frs, purporting to be signed by Monseigneur Van Camelbecke, Bishop of Quinhon, no such letter having been written or signed by the Bishop.'\n\nOn 7 January 1889 the Mail published a long editorial entitled \"The King of the Sedangs-Some Interesting Revelations', in which\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206976,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 47,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n41\n\nhowever, he was attempting to start a company with the professed intention of working his new-found country, we thought it our duty to let Hong Kong know both sides of the story of his adventures. Even supposing the adventurer's conduct to have been straight, we can scarcely conceive how any speculators in Hong Kong could be induced to embark in such an enterprise. Meantime for a\n\nHong Kong Company to think of opening up trade with such an inaccessible country as the Sedangs is the most Quixotic project that has ever been mooted in Hong Kong.\"37\n\nThe next day the vitriolic but loyal Fraser-Smith dashed into print to defend the departed King in a long diatribe against the Mail. The article, as a good specimen of Hong Kong journalism at the time, should be quoted from in extenso:\n\nThe article in last night's China Mail regarding M. de Mayréna the King of the Sedangs, is like the former attacks made by this religious journal on that gentleman, a tissue of barefaced falsehoods, published out of sheer malice. “Another King\" has not gone into exile, as the gutter scribe of the China Mail gleefully records. M. de Mayréna has gone to Paris to assert his rights, and where he will have some chance of obtaining fair play and justice. With his influential connections in the French capital, there seems no reason to doubt that his position and claims will be fully vindicated. And when he does return to this colony, which will probably be in about four months' time, the cowardly libeller of the China Mail will summarily be called to account. We should do it with a strong horsewhip; M. de Mayréna will take criminal proceedings for defamatory libel. As we have already indicated, our contemporary's latest attack on the King of the Sedangs—prudently made after that gentleman had left the colony—bristles with inaccuracies and ignorance. The writer is as weak in his geography as he is reckless in his alleged facts. He does not even know where the Sedangs country is. The \"one reader\" of the China Mail is assured that if the cruiser Filipinas had been purchased by the King \"it could never have even reached the country unless it was transported overland.\" The Mekong, by far the largest and most important river in Indo-China, runs right through the Sedangs country, dividing it from Siam, and is navigable beyond Stung Treg, the chief town in Sedangs. It is further untrue, as affirmed by the China Mail, that M. de Mayréna attempted \"to start a company in this co-",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206977,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 48,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "42 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nlong with the proposed intention of working his new-found country.\" He merely wished to form a syndicate to prospect the country, and agreed if their report was favourable to grant certain concessions. And the China Mail writer ought to know, since he claims to have taken so much interest in the King's personal affairs as not to be ashamed to pry into his private life, who he took to supper, and other details which only a hypocritical Pharisee and blackguard of the deepest dye would have had the audacity to set out in print, that the syndicate in question had been duly formed and the agreement signed. Had M. de Mayréna been the adventurer and swindler he has been called by the China Mail he would have surely tried to raise money by his promised concessions but he made no such attempt. He asked for nothing until his bona fides had been clearly established and the enterprise he proposed was thoroughly tested and shown to be genuine. That he may have acted foolishly in some respects during his stay in Hong Kong is probable enough, but we doubt if the China Mail's self-constituted censor is so immaculate a being that he can afford to throw mud at an erring brother. The China Mail oracle says he cannot conceive, even supposing M. de Mayréna's conduct to have been perfectly straight, how any speculators in Hong Kong could have been induced to embark in such an enterprise. That merely proves poverty of conception and further shows that the writer knows nothing whatever about the subject which he pretends to elucidate for the benefit of the public.38 \n\nIt is at first sight difficult to understand why Bain and Fraser-Smith attacked each other with such rancour, but a clue is provided by the following comment in the Mail: 'Imitating the example of the old Kings of France, the King of the Sedangs showed a remarkable affection for literature; and, one night, when the \"flow of soul” was especially strong, he knighted the whole staff of a local newspaper which had kindly taken to espouse his cause.39 The newspaper was of course the Telegraph, which had a staff of five Europeans in 1888. The journalists of the Telegraph, all of whom had suddenly become 'chevaliers' of the Kingdom of Sedang, no doubt swelled up with pride at their elevation and infuriated the puritanical Bain by their airs. \n\nThere is a pendant to the story of Mayréna's odyssey in Hong Kong. In Sir Hugh Clifford's words:",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206979,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 50,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "44 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nWhy did they fight? Again we cannot say; but it would seem sensible to suggest that Morès, a true-blue aristocrat, was antagonised by the monarchical pretensions of the bourgeois Mayréna, who had by his bogus elevation, leap-frogged over the Marquis to out-point him as King. \n\nThere is, finally, the further possibility that Mayréna had put the story of a duel about as a form of self-advertisement, designed to clarify the ambiguities of his status, to signal that he was a proper gentleman, for only 'gentlemen', not the commonalty, were permitted to engage in the duel by caste-conscious European society. But I think we should accept Des Voeux' implication, for as Governor he was likely to be well informed about what was really happening in the town. \n\nLast Adventures \n\nOn his return to Europe Mayréna stayed first of all at the Grand Hotel in Paris under the name of the Comte de Drey. He then opened a small legation in the Rue de Grammont. He was seen frequently on the boulevards and in the fashionable cafes and was interviewed by several noted journalists, including the feuilletoniste Alfred Capus.43 He survived by selling decorations and orders at the Café de Paris, at Weber's, and even at the Rat Mort and the Moulin Rouge, where one evening the singer Maurice Mac-Nab44 and the musician Charles de Sivry composed a national anthem for the Sedangs, an anthem that is unique in that its music is reminiscent of the can-can. But the big prize eluded Mayréna in Paris: he could not find a rich backer. In April 1899 he abandoned that city for Brussels. \n\nHere at last he found an appropriate victim. He met a rich Belgian industrialist, besotted by titles, who desperately sought ennoblement. The obliging Mayréna granted his wish. As King of the Sedangs, Mayréna conferred upon the industrialist the Order of Sainte-Marguerite and the title of Baron and gave him a slice of territory, at least on paper, for his new barony. The industrialist declared he would finance the King's return from exile. \n\nOn 15 January 1890 the 600 ton yacht, the Sachsen, moored to the quay at Antwerp, was about to sail for Indo-China. The royal standard of the King of the Sedangs—rows of daisies on a blue background—was raised expectantly. A choir sang the Hymn of",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206984,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 55,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\nForeign Adventurers\n\n49\n\nThe word 'adventurer' derives etymologically from the French aventurier, a term applied in the fifteenth century to a gamester. Over time the word has evolved to encompass a number of social types such as the soldier of fortune, the speculator, the impostor, and a person who lives by his wits. The Grand Larousse encyclopédique states magistrally that the aventurier is a 'personne qui vit d'intrigues, et n'est pas très scrupuleuse sur les moyens de se procurer de l'argent, le pouvoir, etc.' The concept includes two important elements—the idea that an adventurer is one who freely chooses to take risks and is involved, if only faute de mieux, in some kind of imposture or degree of deceit. This latter quality is particularly attached to the role of the adventuress, for she is perceived as someone who will stick at nothing to gain her ends, including the prostitution of her body; but it must be granted that the terms ‘adventurer' and ‘adventuress' are not simply the male and female equivalents of the same thing, they are linked to social roles, each of which, the male and female, has a different content. An adventurer may be an extremely moral person, like the Marquis de Morès, but an adventuress can hardly be that.\n\nPsychologically, adventurers may be positioned on various points of a continuum, ranging from the atavistic adventurer (the adventurer per se or sui generis) at the one end, to the run-of-the-mill soldier of fortune,54 hardly distinguishable from any other professional, at the other. Mayréna exemplifies the first species; a poseur, liar, gambler, swindler, and crook; his morals were those of the barnyard, though he was often extremely brave. The aristocratic and patriotic Morès, devoted husband and father, a devout Catholic of impeccable private morality, was more a soldier of fortune, as were many of his Spanish forefathers in Sardinia; he was a gentleman who simply enjoyed danger, challenge, movement; he was exhilarated by life in exotic climes. Thus Mayréna and Morès represent two extremes of a class of adventurers, a social category equivalent to that of bandits, feminists, sportsmen, terrorists.55\n\nThe golden age of the European adventurer spanned the hundred years from Waterloo to the First World War. It is true that adventurers of all types flourished before that period—condottierri, landsknechten, conquistidores, filibusters, freebooters, buccaneers, explorers, imposters, swindlers and tricksters—but the hundred years of",
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    {
        "id": 206985,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 56,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "H. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nEuropean expansion and domination that ended in 1914 provided a more richly fertile environment for this social type. Adventurers do not compose a social group held together by common beliefs or ideology like anarchists, bolsheviks or suffragettes; rather they are supreme individualists and their individualism and egomania asserts itself most brutally in periods of rapid social change, in periods of social dislocation, fluid social boundaries, disorder and political ambiguity. Adventurers surface in greater numbers, then, under particular social conditions; they can impose their will, in the short run at least, by force, bluff, imposture or sheer physical courage,56 either because their social audience is credulous or because their victims desire victimisation, as a martyr seeks martyrdom; for the need to be dominated is as strong sometimes as the urge to dominate. Domination means accepting constraints, and constraint may bring a measure of psychic security and peace.\n\nSouth-East Asia, Central and South America, the Wild West and the Pacific, all provided an ideal terrain for the adventurers' individual obsessions, whether it was the pursuit of power, wealth, status, excitement, luxury or sensuality. And these were areas, of course, where the white man increasingly exercised control, by means of his advanced technology and dominant culture. Mayréna in the land of the Moï and Morès in the Bad Lands of North Dakota, a frontier area only recently cleared of Sioux, lived outpost lives on the margin of civilisation—one became, briefly, the King of the Sedangs, the other, likewise, the Emperor of the Bad Lands. Conditions in these places were perfect for the seigneurial role they sought to play. Such conditions would not be found easily today.\n\nAt this time, two other factors favoured the adventurer class: respect for titles and poor communications. Mayréna succeeded in making dupes of several influential and wealthy persons because they were deeply impressed by his assumed rank—the 'King of the Sedangs' or 'le comte de Drey'. Morès was a nobleman and a grand seigneur by birth; the fact that his name and that of his noble house could be found enshrined in print in the Almanach de Gotha seduced people of lesser rank. The European bourgeoisie achieved economic and a larger degree of political power in the nineteenth century; this parvenu class, ostensibly resentful of social distinctions was, on the other hand, often mesmerised by titles of any kind. This was true even in democratic America: the shady thespians who",
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    {
        "id": 206991,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 62,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "56\n\nH. I. LETHBRIDGE\n\n41 In 1838 Charles Mirfin was killed in a duel on Wimbledon Common. The principal escaped abroad but the seconds were found guilty, sentenced to death, but later reprieved. In 1841 the Earl of Cardigan wounded Captain Tuckett in a duel and was accused of 'assault with intent to murder'. In 1852 a group of Frenchmen were indicted for duelling on English soil, sent for trial, and imprisoned. It must have been well known to both Mayréna and Morès that duelling was a criminal offence under English law and that the guilty could not escape easily from a term of imprisonment, even in Hong Kong. In 1872 the Spanish Consul in Hong Kong and the Peruvian Consul in Macao fought a duel at Chinese Kowloon. The Peruvian Consul was wounded by a pistol shot. They were each fined $200 at the Supreme Court in Hong Kong, although the duel had not taken place on Hong Kong soil!\n\n42 ...the duel is a leisure-time institution... In civilised communities it prevails as a normal phenomenon only where there is an hereditary leisure class, and almost exclusively among that class' (Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class, New York, 1934, p. 239.)\n\n43 Alfred Capus (1858-1922) was a well-known journalist and man-about-town.\n\n44 Maurice Mac-Nab (1856-1890) was a chansonnier, poet and notorious noctambule. The Rat Mort was a well-known café-chantant in Montmartre, the haunt of decadents, harlots and pleasure-seekers. The composer Charles de Sivry (1848-1900) was for a long time accompanist at the Cabaret du Chat-noir. He was the brother-in-law of Arthur Rimbaud.\n\n45 At table, for example, the courtiers were expected to wait until the King introduced a topic of conversation.\n\n46 John Fortescue Owen, born in 1869, entered the Federated Malay States Civil Service in 1889 and was appointed Junior Officer and Magistrate, Pahang, in that year.\n\n47 See W. Lineham, 'A History of Pahang', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 14, Part 2, 1936, p. 135.\n\n48 Sir Hugh Clifford, 'The King of the Sedangs', Asia, July-Dec., 1926, p. 920.\n\n49 Edouard Drumont (1844-1917) wrote a famous book, La France Juive, (1886), in which he attempted to demonstrate that France was controlled from behind the scenes by a pack of Jews.\n\n50 R. H. Sherard gives an account of a personal interview with Morès in the Santé prison in The Real Oscar Wilde, London, n.d., pp. 401-2.\n\n51 Morès did not mean to kill Mayer: Mayer impaled himself by running upon Morès's foil.\n\n52 The Marquise offered a large reward for the capture of the assassins. There is a story that she tried to hire a number of cowboys to effect the rescue. She died in 1921 and in her will—a copy of which is in Somerset House, London—she left a sum of money for the erection of a monument at Mechiguig. In 1928 a large granite cross was placed on the spot where Morès fell. Lesley Blanch in her book The Wilder Shores of Love (London, 1954) claims that the Arab-loving Isabelle Eberhardt went in pursuit of Morès' assassins, but I have found no confirmation of the story.\n\n53 Times, 20 July, 1896.\n\n54 Soldiering was also an aristocratic sport, better than the chase. Many people volunteered to fight in wars which did not concern them; see, for example, the career of St. Leger Grenfell, who fought with John Hunt",
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    {
        "id": 207002,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 73,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n67\n\nPrimary Sources\n\nChou Li, Ssu-pu Ts'ung K'an, ts'e 9-14, Commercial Press, Shanghai, 1920-1922.\n\nMu Tien Tzu Chuan, Ssu-pu pei-yao, ts'e 1129, Chung-hua shu-chu, Shanghai, 1927-1935.\n\nSsu Ma Ch'ien, Shi Chi; Er. Shih-Ssu pen, Wu Chou Tung, Wen Shu Chu, Shanghai, 1903.\n\nSecondary Sources\n\nANDERSSON, J. G. Children of the Yellow Earth, Kegan Paul, London 1934.\n\nBIOT, Edouard Le Tcheou Li, Wen Tien Ko, Peking 1929, (reprinted 1939).\n\nBURKHARDT, V. R. Chinese Creeds and Customs, South China Morning Post press, Hong Kong 1955 and 1958.\n\nCHANG Kwang-chih The Archeology of Ancient China, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1963.\n\nCHAVANNES, Edouard Les Memoires Historiques de Se Ma Ts'ien, Brill, Leiden (reprinted 1939).\n\nCHENG Te-K'un Archeology in China, Vols. I, II, III, Heffer, Cambridge 1960.\n\nCOUVREUR, S. Le Li Ki, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, Ho Kien Fu 1913.\n\nCREEL, Herrlee G. Studies in Early Chinese History, Kegan Paul, London 1938.\n\nDUBS, Homer The History of the Former Han by Pan Ku, Waverly Press, Baltimore 1955.\n\nERKES, Eduard (1) \"Der Hund im Alten China\" in T'oung Pao, Vol. 37 (1944) 186-225.\n\n(2) \"Das Pferd im Alten China\" in T'oung Pao, Vol. 36 (1940-42) 27-36.\n\nKARLGREN Grammata Serica, Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Bulletin No. 12, Stockholm, 1940.\n\nLAUFER, Berthold Chinese Pottery of the Han Dynasty, Brill, Leiden 1909.\n\nSCHAFER, Edward The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963.\n\nSCHINDLER, Bruno (1) \"The Development of the Chinese Conception of Supreme Being\" in Hirth Anniversary Vol., 298-366.\n\n(2) \"On Travel, Wayside and Wind Offerings\" in Asia Major, Vol. 45 (1924) 624-656.\n\nYETTS, Perceval \"The Horse; A factor in Early Chinese History\" in Eurasia Septentrionalis Antique, Vol. 9 (1934) 231-235.",
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    {
        "id": 207020,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 91,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "FATHER ERNESTO GHERZI, S.J., 1886 - 1973 AN APPRECIATION\n\nG. J. BELL*\n\nIn the Bulletin de Geophysique No. 34 from the College Jean-de-Brebeuf, Montreal there was enclosed a notice of the death of Father Ernesto Gherzi, S.J. at Saint-Jerome, Quebec. He died on 6 December 1973 at the age of 87 years and 4 months. Fr Gherzi was a very well known and popular figure on the China coast between the years 1910 and 1954. He made notable contributions to the science and practice of seismology and meteorology while at Zikawei Observatory, Shanghai from where he operated an efficient typhoon warning service. He was a colourful character who made a great impression on all those who met him and he is remembered with affection by very many mariners and aviators—both military and civil—who served in the Far East in the thirty years prior to 1954.\n\nEARLY YEARS\n\nFr Gherzi was born in San Remo, Italy on 8 August 1886. In October 1903 he joined the Society of Jesus, an order whose members had made great contributions to geophysics and meteorology at their Observatories at Zikawei and Manila. He was posted to Zikawei for the period 1910-13 after which he went to England to work with Appleton on ionospheric studies for the Admiralty, London. He was ordained in England in June 1916 and returned to China in October 1920 to start his long scientific career in the famous meteorological, seismological and magnetic observatory at Zikawei.\n\nThe Zikawei Observatory was supported by grants from the Chinese Customs, the Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce, the Shanghai municipality and the telegraph companies; in return it provided time signals, weather forecasts and magnetic data for shipping. Fr Gherzi produced annual summaries of typhoon tracks for 1926 and for the years 1928 to 1940; they were addressed to the\n\n* Mr. Bell has been Director of the Royal Observatory, Hong Kong, since 1965. This article first appeared in Weather, Volume 29, No. 5 (May 1974).",
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    {
        "id": 207028,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 99,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA\n\n93\n\nof Chin Lü-hsiang ✯✯✯(1232-1303), and a supplementary section prepared by Shang Lu j (1415-86) and others under imperial order of 1476, was available to de Mailla in the edition of 1708.1 But it carries Chinese history only to the end of the Yuan dynasty, whereas the Histoire générale in its final form includes the Ming and Ch'ing periods to 1780, the 45th year of the Ch'ien-lung reign,\n\nSince de Mailla's manuscript was sent to France in 1737,2 where it remained unpublished for forty years, it is evident not only that the author relied on sources other than the T'ung-chien kang-mu to continue his record beyond the Yuan period, but also that the final chapters are not his at all. There is no secret involved in these facts, credit generally being given where due by the published Histoire générale. But the usual tendency to consider the matter as closed when one has attributed the work to de Mailla and indicated the T'ung-chien kang-mu as his source is misleading. Volumes I-IX represent an abridged translation of the Kang-mu; for Vol. X, which treats of the Ming period, four other Chinese sources were employed. They are indicated in the editor's footnote to Vol. X, pp. 1-3, as follows:\n\n+\nLes trois auteurs que le Père de Mailla a suivis sur ce qui concerne les MING, sont le docteur Kou-yng-tai, examinateur des lettrés du Tché-kiang, dont l'ouvrage, intitulé Ming-ssé-ki-sse-pen-mo ou Faits historiques de la dynastie des MING a été publié par Fou-y-tché, premier ministre de Chun-chi, empereur des TSING: ce ministre en faisant tant de cas, que non content d'en être l'éditeur, il y a ajouté une preface de sa façon. Le second auteur, d'après lequel le Père de Mailla a rédigé l'histoire des MING, est Tchu-tsing yen docteur du premier ordre & gouverneur de Nan-yang-fou du Ho-nan. Son ouvrage, fait sur le modèle du Tong-kien-kang-mu, a pour titre, Tong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai, c'est-à-dire, Suite complette de la dynastie des MING-Tchang-yn, president du tribunal des Rits & ministre d'état, le publia la trente-cinquième année du règne de Kang-hi. Enfin le troisième écrivain, que le Père de Mailla a consulté sur les MING est le fameux lettré Tchong-pé-king, qui vivoit sous cette dynastie, au temps qu'elle perdit le sceptre impérial. Son Ouvrage, intitulé Ming-ki-pien-nien; c'est-à-dire, Annales de la dynastie des MING, fut rendu public la quarante-septième année de Kang-hi, plus de cinquante ans après la mort de l'auteur.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207029,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 100,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "94\n\nR. G. IRWIN\n\nCes trois historiens des MING sont particulièrement distingués à la Chine, & personne n'y révoque en doute les faits qu'ils rapportent; c'est sur leur réputation de fidélité & d'exactitude que le Père de Mailla les a adoptés de préférence aux autres. II a encore puisé dans un recueil de discours & instructions de HONG-VOU, fondateur des MING, que Chun-chi des TSING a fait traduire en tartare pour son usage particulier dans le gouvernement de son nouvel empire & pour l'instruction des grands de sa cour. Ce recueil est intitulé, Ming-kou-lou-hong-vou-han-y-oyong-tatsi-yen; c'est-à-dire, Documens importans de l'empereur HONG-VOU, de la dynastie des MING.\n\nThese authors and their works may well have been renowned at the time of de Mailla, but two centuries later their very identification presents a problem, the results of which are herewith summarized:\n\n1. Ku Ying-t'ai (T. Keng-yü),3 who is credited with the authorship of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-moa by the editors of the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu¤$£$#!' was a native of Feng-jun, Pei-Chihli. After taking the chin-shih degree in 1647 he held a secretaryship in the ministry of Revenue, and later in the Chekiang provincial board of education. The history, a work in 80 chüan, each devoted to a separate topic, carries a preface dated 1658.6 On the whole, it is a well-ordered record of the Ming period. Factual errors, which occur, for example, in connection with Chu Yün-wen, who reigned as Emperor Hui (1399-1402), and again with Chang Ma, better known as Empress I-an (consort of Chu Yu-chiao, emperor of the T'ien-ch'i period, 1621-27), are accounted for by the lack of any such standard source as the official history at the time of composition. But the Ssu-k'u editors are of the opinion that the author has handled the available material well.\n\nWhether Ku should be given entire credit for its authorship is open to question, however, since it seems to have been based on Shih-kuei ts'ang-shu♬ §#*, for which he is reported to have paid Chang Tai of Shan-yin, Chekiang, some 500 pieces of gold. Fu I-li# » † (fl. 1862-74), in a colophon, discusses the problem at length, concluding that Chang Tai's material passed through the hands of Hsu Ch'ao-li, who re-wrote it. Ku, in turn, re-worked this, and cannot be accused of out and out plagiarism.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207030,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 101,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA\n\n95\n\nHis own writings may, however, have suffered just this fate, for the section of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-mo dealing with the Tung-lin party is identical with Chiang P'ing-chieh's10 Tung-lin shih-mo✶✶✶✶. Hsieh Kuo-chen explains this as due to the fact that historians of the late Ming period freely exchanged their materials and copied each other, so that portions of a complete work were sometimes published by more than one man and under different titles.\n\n2. Chu Lin14 (T, Ch'ing-yen†) was a native of Shang-yü, Chekiang,11 who rose to be prefect of Nan-yang Honan, in 1690.12 The Ming-chi chi-lüeh •*#* (based on the Huang Ming t'ung-chi✯ of Ch'en Chien [1497-1567]) which he compiled, was published in 1696 in 16 chüan.13 As Wolfgang Franke writes, this is found in various editions, one of them being the T'ung-chien Ming-chi ch'üan-tsai ih # 124,4 which is cited as one of de Mailla's sources. The preface, dated 1696, was written by Chang Ying15 (minister of ceremonies in 1692, who served as grand secretary in 1699-1701),16 who is credited by the note with the publication of T'ong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai.\n\nThe Ming-chi chi-lüeh had an interesting history after de Mailla's time. In 1771 the ministry of ceremonies entertained a request from the Korean court for the \"correction\" of that portion of the Chi-lüeh pertaining to the palace revolution of 1623.17 But a search of the capital at this time revealed not a single copy for sale. The Board concluded that it was no longer circulating in China, and its recommendation that “the king be ordered to search for them18 in his own country and [if found] prohibit and burn them in order to stop doubts\" received imperial approval. Four years later the sending of a copy of the Chi-lüch to Peking to be burned occasioned a special imperial edict explaining why suppression was unnecessary, in which no mention was made of the objection raised by Korea.19\n\n3. It is true that Chung Hsing (T, Po-ching (k), a native of Ching-ling, Hukuang, who lived from 1574 to 1625, is generally credited with writing the first eight of the twelve chüan Ming-chi pien-nien %, which covered the years 1368-1627.19 But this is obviously out of the question as he died two years before the terminal date. Wolfgang Franke20 suggests that Chung Hsing may have left the work unfinished, or that, as he was primarily a poet, his name may have been \"used after his death by editors and",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207031,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 102,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "96\n\nR. G. IRWIN\n\n\"publishers for advertisement of spurious writings.\" In any case this work was subsequently proscribed by the Ch'ien-lung emperor, exception being taken especially to the last four chuan, written by Wang Ju-nan (T. Chi-yung), a fellow townsman of Chung Hsing, whose preface is dated 1660. It furnishes a record of the final years of the Ming and the advent of the Ch'ing. The sympathy of the author for the former is manifest by the preservation of its chronology throughout, i.e. to 1645/6. Copies of this work are available in several important libraries, such as the National Central Library (Taichung), the Naikaku Bunko (Tokyo), the Library of Congress (Washington), and the University of Leiden. The copy at Columbia University lacks chuan 11 and 12, and that at the Library of Congress has had its objectionable features partially effaced, \"but in no case sufficiently as to be illegible.\"\n\n4. The modern romanization of \"Ming-kouron-hong-vou-y-oyongo Taisi-yen” is “xoeng u i oyonggo tacixiyan,\" which proves to be a Manchu version of Hung-wu pao-hsün, the translation having been done by Kang Lin and others. It is in 6 chuan, and was published in 1646, the 3rd year of Shun-chih.\n\nde Mailla, who was in China from 1703 to 1748, relied on three sources, in addition to his personal observation, for the account of the early Ch'ing period which comprises Vol XI. The editor's introductory note (Vol. XI, page 2) refers to them as follows:\n\nOn a déjà parlé, dans un note sur les MING, du Tong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai, publié la quinzième année de Kang-hi: le docteur Tchu-tsiny-yen, qui en est l'auteur, a conduit ce morceau d'histoire jusqu'en 1659, que les princes de la famille des MING perdirent tout-à-fait l'espérance de recouvrer le sceptre impériale. Le P. de Mailla a écrit d'après lui; & quand cette source a tari, il a en recours au Tsin-tching-ping-ting-sou-han-fang-lio, ou relation des guerres que l'empereur Gin-ti (Kang-hi) fit au Kaldan des Eleutes. Ces Mémoires, rédigés par quatre ministres d'état & par soixante-dix mandarins tant Chinois que Mantchéous, choisis dans le tribunal des Hanlin & parmi les docteurs du premier ordre, sont écrits dans les deux langues, Chinois & Tartare; ils contiennent le détail de l'expédition contre les Eleutes, & l'abrégé des autres événemens du règne de Kang-hi",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207034,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 105,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA\n\n99\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Cf. Robert des Rotours, Traité des Examens, traduit de la Nouvelle Histoire de T'ang (Paris, 1932), 82, n. 1. As des Rotours writes, \"C'est cet ouvrage qui a été traduit par de Mailla, en partie sur la version mandchoue.”\n\n2 de Mailla, Vol. I, xxvii.\n\n3 Cf. Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, 1:426. (Hereafter abbreviated as ECCP).\n\n4 This work's original title (1658) was later changed to Ming-shih chi-shih pen-mo, by which it is generally known. Cf. W. Franke, An Introduction to the sources of Ming history (Kuala Lumpur, 1968), 2.2.11. (Hereafter abbreviated as Franke, Introduction.)\n\n5 Edition of 1930, 49/6b. (Hereafter abbreviated as SKCS catalogue.)\n\n6 This paragraph of appraisal is based on the SKCS catalogue, loc. cit.\n\n7 See biography of Chang Tai by Fang Chao-ying in ECCP, I:53.\n\n8 This paragraph on the origin of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-mo is based on Hsieh Kuo-chen, Wan-Ming shih-chi k'ao (Peiping, 1931), 1/26-28.\n\n9 A native of Te-ch'ing, Chekiang, who graduated as chin-shih in 1673. Hsieh Kuo-chen, loc. cit.\n\n10 A native of Chia-shan, Chekiang, who later moved to Hua-t'ing, Nan-Chihli. He flourished in the last years of the Ming and into the K'ang-hsi period. Cf. Hua-t'ing-hsien chih (1878-9 ed.), 15/38a. On his book, see C. O. Hucker's essay on the Tung-lin in J. K. Fairbank (ed.), Chinese Thought and Institutions (Chicago, 1957), 369, n. 12.\n\n11 See Shang-yü-hsien chih (1890), 11/20b.\n\n12 See Nan-yang-fu chih (1807), 4b.\n\n13 Franke, Introduction 1.3.9. (d).\n\n14 idem. 1.3.9, (c).\n\n15 His biography in ECCP, I:64, is also by Fang Chao-ying.\n\n16 A great favorite of the emperor, he was known to the Jesuit missionaries at court as Cham ym. See P. Pelliot's discussion of the Brevis Relatio (1701) on the rites question in T'oung Pao, 23 (1924), 365.\n\n17 L. C. Goodrich, “Korean interference with Chinese historical records,\" JRAS, No. China br., 68 (1937), 32.\n\n18 L. C. Goodrich, The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-lung (Baltimore, 1935), 138, n. 3.\n\n19 Hsieh Kuo-chen, op. cit., 1/20a; J. J. L. Duyvendak, T'oung Pao, 32 (1936), 343.\n\n20 Franke, Introduction, 1.3.8.\n\n21 SKCS catalogue, 193/6b, sub entry on Ming shih kuei.\n\n22 See Walter Fuchs, Beiträge zur Mandjurischen Bibliographie und Literatur (Tokyo, 1936), 124. The T'ai-tsu shih-lu bao-xun is included in the Ming shih-lu fulu, published in Taipei, 1967.\n\n23 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 50. Cf. ECCP I: 109, sub Cheng Ch'eng-kung.\n\n24 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 52.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207038,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 109,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "The monuments of Vientiane and Luang Prabang\n\n103\n\nwent to Bangkok and the temple in Vientiane lost its importance. It has been restored many times and is technically no longer a temple but a 'haw' or hall since services are not held and the building has been converted into a museum. At the entrance is a fine Dvaravati Buddha and there are several good examples of bronze Lao Buddhas with characteristic sharp, pointed noses both outside and inside the building. Among those inside is an elegant and extremely attenuated standing Buddha and two walking Buddhas. The restored pediments of the building are good examples of Lao woodcarving and so are the carved window panels.\n\nNearby is Vat Srisaket which is a quiet spot without having any particular artistic merit, though its galleries of Lao-style Buddhas, the carved ceiling of vihara and its naive frescoes of animals are worth seeing. The only other temple of note is Vat Ong Tu, near the market with good carving on the portal only in the Chiengmai style. The primitive wall paintings at Vat Oup Muong are a modern interpretation of the Ramayana but the temple is otherwise without interest; Vat Xieng Yuen and Vat Chantaburi, by the river Mekong, have peaceful and shady courtyards, and the temple of the Sankaraj, or Lao Supreme Patriarch, Vat Dong Mieng is remarkable mostly for its carving and hideous modern paintings.\n\nVientiane boasts the usual ministries of an administrative capital and a small modern royal palace for the occasions when the king comes from Luang Prabang. Modern Vientiane is largely without interest, the only building of note being the Monument to the Dead on the broad avenue leading to the That Luang; it is a top-heavy and as yet still incomplete miniature of the Arc de Triomphe. The teak-lined boulevards running parallel to the Mekong have a tranquillity which few capital cities can boast.\n\nThe difference between Vientiane and Luang Prabang is striking; the former has on occasions something approaching a bustle of modernity. Luang Prabang, a half-an-hour away by plane, is a century away in time. There are virtually no modern buildings, there is no traffic, and the ring of mountains around seems to keep the world away. The morning market is peopled by Lao villagers and Meo tribesmen, the latter heavy with silver and bright with colour; three soldiers look after a pig and half-a-dozen people watch a kettle boil on the side of the road. Local silk is offered at very low prices and the silverware is unusual. Luang Prabang is the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207057,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 128,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "122\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nthe settlement into a fortress to guard against marauders. This involved construction of a walled enclosure, built of stone, and the replacing of the existing wooden gateway by a stone structure on the advice of the writer of the clan record, then an old man. As the positioning of the wall and its main gate was of great importance, for geomantic reasons as well as military considerations, a message was sent to Shing Mun* to invite a man named Cheung Lam-to, presumably a noted geomancer and perhaps a distant relative, to advise on the siting and on auspicious days for carrying out the work. The record ends:\n\nWork began on the 13th day of the 8th moon of the 8th year of Chia Ch'ing, and the gate was fixed on the 16th day. All the village men and women co-operated in the work which took a month to complete.\n\nOther areas of the Delta suffered in these years. In 1789, the 54th year of the Ch'ien Lung reign, an official of Hsiang-shan, the district in which Macau is situated, led an expedition in person against a considerable pirate known as the \"wave-leveller\".1\n\nThe scourge continued in the Delta and riverine areas of Kwangtung for over twenty years, and reached its worst proportions in the years 1807-1810. An interesting account of an enforced stay of eleven weeks and three days with a pirate fleet in 1809 was given by Richard Glasbrooke, the mate of an East Indiaman, who was captured by them. This fleet spent a long time on and near Lantau which probably suffered from their levies and depredations. One of these pirates, Cheung Po-tsai, is remembered today in the Hong Kong region, where local stories link many places with his activities.3 With the help of the Macau authorities whose squadron fought a sea battle off Lantau in January 1810, Cheung was blockaded in the shallow waters of the bay of Hsiang-shan and was induced to capitulate with over 270 junks, 16000 men, 5000 women, 7000 swords and jingals and 1200 guns.4\n\n1 Waley, 1956, p. 176.\n\n2 Neumann, pp. 97-125.\n\n3 Lo, 1963, pp. 106-118. See also the Ch'ao-lien of Hsin-hui gazetteer pp. 281-284 and Centenary History of Hong Kong, pp. 12-14. Cheung's memory lingers strongly in the region, though most attributions are unsubstantiated and many stories are probably apocryphal.\n\n4 Montalto de Jesus, pp. 231-248: he calls him Ĉam Pao Sai or Chang Pao.\n\n*In the Tsuen Wan sub-district of the New Territories. See Gazetteer, pp. 147-148.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207068,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 139,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "THE HONG KONG REGION\n\n133\n\nHayes, J. W., 'Old Ways of Life in Kowloon: the Cheung Sha Wan Villages\" in Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. VIII, No. 1, January 1970: 154-188.\n\nHo, Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1959.\n\nHsieh, Kuo Ching, 'Removal of Coastal Population in Early Tsing Period', The Chinese Social and Political Science Review, XIII, 1929: 559-596.\n\nHummel, Arthur W. (Editor), Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (1644-1912), Taipei, Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company, 1967. Reprint of the first edition, Washington, United States Government Printing Office, 2 vols., 1943.\n\nKrone, Rev. Mr., A Notice of the Sanon District. C.B.R.A.S. Transactions VI, 1859: 71-105. Reprinted in JHKBRAS 7, 1967: 104-137.\n\nLo, Hsiang-lin, 'The Sung Wang T'ai and the Location of the Travelling Courts by the Sea-shore in the Last Days of the Sung' in Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. III, No. 2, July 1956.\n\n-, (and others), Hong Kong and Its External Communications before 1842. Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963. An English version, abbreviated, of the Chinese edition of 1959.\n\nMayers, W. F., Dennys, N. B. and King, C., The Treaty Ports of China and Japan. A Complete Guide to the Open Ports of these countries, together with Peking, Yedo, Hong Kong and Macao. London, Trübner & Co., Hong Kong, A. Shortrede & Co., 1867.\n\nMurphey, Rhoads, The Treaty Ports and China's Modernization: what went wrong? Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, No. 7, Ann Arbor, 1970.\n\nMontalto de Jesus, C. A., Historic Macao, International Traits in China Old and New. Macao, 2nd edition, revised and enlarged, 1926.\n\nNeumann, C. F., Translations from the Chinese and Armenian with Notes: 1 History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, London, John Murray, 1831.\n\nNg, Peter Y. L., The 1819 Edition of the Hsin-an Hsien-chih, A Critical Examination with Translation and Notes. Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (1644-1842). Unpublished M. A. thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1961.\n\nNg, Ronald C. Y., 'The San On Map of Mgr. Volontieri. On the Centenary of the Copy in the R.G.S. Collection', London, Geographical Journal, Vol. 135, Part 2, June, 1969: 231-235. Reprinted in JHKBRAS 9, 1969: 141-148.\n\nOrme, G. N., Report on the New Territories for the Years 1899 to 1912. in Sessional Papers 1912.\n\nPerkins, Dwight H., Agricultural Development in China 1368-1968. Chicago, Aldine Publishing Company, 1969.\n\nPotter, Jack M., Capitalism and the Chinese Peasant, Social and Economic Change in a Hong Kong Village. Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1968.\n\nSchofield, Walter, Personal Communications, 1958-1968.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207188,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 259,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nBUTLER, Miss B. A...\n\nBUTT, Dr. Nancy\n\nCAMERON, Nigel\n\n+\n\nCAPLAN, Malcolm\n\nPublic Services Commission, Room 573, Central Govt. Offices, H.K.\n\n253\n\nThe Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\n11-D, Venice Court, 41, Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Hongkong & Whampoa Dock Co. Ltd. Kowloon Docks, Hung Hom, Kowloon.\n\nCAREY-HUGHES, Dr. John Room 315, Hongkong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K.\n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES\n\nCERNY, Miss Eva\n\nCHAN, Prof. Cheng-siang\n\n·\n\nCHAN, Sui-Jeung\n\nCHAN, Tom\n\nCHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A.\n\nCHERN, Dr. K. S.\n\nCHEUNG, O.\n\nCHIU, Mrs. Carol C.\n\nCHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong\n\nCHOA, Robert\n\nCOCHRANE, Mrs. Valerie\n\nCOCKELL, Miss June V.\n\nCOLBOURNE, Dr. M. J.\n\nCOMBER, Leon\n\nCONNOLLY, Miss Moira\n\nCOTTON, P. C.\n\nCRABBE, P. I.\n\n+\n\nCRAIG, Dr. Dale A.\n\nCRAMER, B. L.\n\nCREMA, Mario\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Anatomy, University of Hong Kong, Li Shu Fan Building, Sassoon Road, H.K.\n\nGeographical Research Centre, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nEnvironment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\n43, Stubbs Road, Flat B-1, 5th floor, H.K.\n\n12, Douglas Apartments, 22, Old Peak Rd., H.K.\n\nDepartment of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n703, Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nTwin Brook, Flat 11B, 43, Repulse Bay Rd., H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nBanque Nationale de Paris, 2nd floor, Central Building, H.K.\n\n3rd floor, 112, Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\n66, Conduit Road, Flat 6B, H.K.\n\nDept. of Preventive & Social Medicine, University of Hong Kong, Li She Fan Building, Sassoon Road, H.K.\n\nP.O. Box 6086, Kowloon.\n\nQueen Mary Hospital, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nc/o Humphreys Estate & Finance Co., P.O. Box 44, H.K.\n\nProperty Dept., Local Property & Printing Co. Ltd., 34/6 Caxton House, 1 Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nMusic Dept., Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\n18, Fenwick Street, 7th floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Italian Consulate General, Chartered Bank Building, H.K.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207200,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 271,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY OVERSEAS MEMBERS:\n\nJOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. Paul K. +\n\nJOHNSTON, James J.\n\nJUNKER, Mrs. Sibylle\n\nKRAMERS, Dr. R. P. -\n\nKIDD, S. T.\n\nLEAKE, Mrs. Sima B.\n\nLECKIE, J. B. H. - + -\n\nLYNCH, Rev. P. Francis, M.M.\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\nMcCOY, J. -\n\nORR, Iain C.\n\nPENNELL, W. V. -\n\nRAINBIRD, S. W. O.B.E.\n\nRASSIM, Mrs. E.\n\nSCOTT, J. M. P +\n\nSMITH, Dr. Ralph B. -\n\nSMITHIES, Michael\n\nSOO, Dr. Hoy Mun\n\nSTOKES, John -\n\n265\n\nc/o Nan Shan Life Ins. Co. Ltd., 15, Nan King E. Road, Section 2, Taipei, Taiwan.\n\nP.O. Box 65, Marshall, Arkansas 72650, U.S.A.\n\nc/o Federal Foreign Office, Referat 412, Bonn (Germany-West), Adenauerallee 101.\n\nc/o Ostasiatisches Seminar, Der Universetat Zurich, Muhlegasse 21, 8001 Zurich, Switzerland.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Govt. Office, 54, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1, England.\n\nc/o American Consulate, Calcutta, India.\n\nc/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30, Rue Joseph 2nd, Brussels 4, Belgium.\n\nMaryknoll Centre House, 120 San Min Rd., 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan.\n\n34, Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1, England.\n\nDept. of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 14850, U.S.A.\n\nPearce Institute, Govan Cross, Glasgow, S.W.1, U.K.\n\nCan Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Govt. Office, 54, Pall Mall, London, S.W.1, England.\n\n101, Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England.\n\nc/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., 9, Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3, England.\n\nSchool of Oriental & African Studies, Malet Street, London, W.C.1, England.\n\nEng. Language Training Unit, University of Jadjahmada, Jogjakarta, Indonesia.\n\n249, Jalan Pekeliling, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.\n\nc/o Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., Bandar Seri Begawan, State of Brunei.\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. Jaishan, Apartada 56, Marbella, Provincia de Malaga, Spain.\n\nSTURM, Dr. F. G. + c/o Dept. of Philosophy, The University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico 87131, U.S.A.\n\nUHALLEY, Dr. Stephen, Jr. 7103, Kukii Street, Honolulu, Hawaii 96821, U.S.A.\n\nWATSON, Dr. James L. - + c/o School of Oriental & African Studies, Malet Street, London, W.C.1, E7 HP, England.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207266,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 34,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "26\n\nJOHN T. MYERS\n\nmanaged by members of one Chinese speech group, the Chiu-chow. The \"honorary\" committee members, the working committee members, the tan sang, and the kei tung are Chiu-chow. Observation of numerous possession ceremonies reveals that it is rare to discover a non-Chiu-chow among the worshippers. This de facto exclusivity is rendered more formal in a brochure advertising places for tablets of the deceased in the “Hall of 100 Surnames\" by the statement that the places are reserved for heung lei or fellow countrymen, i.e. fellow Chiu-chow.\n\nWhile from a ritual point of view Tai Wong Ye is correctly described as a spirit-medium temple, from a social point of view it is akin to a type which Feuchtwang2 designates a \"Compatriot” temple. It is a place where members of the Chiu-chow minority speech group can gather to converse freely in their native tongue, exchange useful information, and enjoy that sense of solidarity which Durkheim posits as the chief product of shared ritual. The low-keyedness of the ritual offerings is understandable when one realizes that the target population is one already predisposed by regional socialization to accept the reality and effectiveness of the kei tung's mediumship. Our conclusion therefore is that the success of the Kwun Tong spirit-medium temple is due more to the social selectivity of its appeal than to a heightened interest in spirits and their mediums on the part of the general population.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Firth 1959, p. 141.\n\n2 Feuchtwang, no reference details available.\n\n3 Elliott, 1955.\n\n4 Jordan, 1972.\n\n5 Ahern, 1973.\n\n6 Potter, 1974.\n\n7 This observation is based on casual questioning of Hong Kong residents over a three-year time period.\n\n8 Potter, op. cit.\n\n9 The Chiu-Chow and Hoi-Luk-Fung people's native regions are the eastern coastal counties of Kwangtung Province. The Hokkien are natives of Fukien Province which is immediately east of Kwangtung Province.\n\n10 Tak Kaau is a syncretic cult which claims tens of thousands of supporters from the Chiu-Chow communities in Southeast Asia. Although more ritual attention is awarded to Chinese deities the Tak Kaau pantheon includes Christ, Allah, and deities from the Hindu religion.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207374,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 142,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "134\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n15 Cited in Mary Ferenczy, \"Chinese Historiographers' Views on Barbarian-Chinese Relations (14-16th C.), Acta Orientalia, 21.3 (1968), 356-357.\n\n16 See Su Ch'ing-pin, 1-2, 596-597. As might be expected, the vocabulary of submission was highly refined, and often connected with the idea of return (kuei): Some common terms included: \"[to come to] adhere to China' (nei-fu); “return and submit” (kuei-fu or kuei-chiang); “return to loyalty\" (kuei-chung); “turn toward [Chinese] civilization” (hsiang-hua), etc. Related terms referring to specific values included \"return to sincerity\" (kuei-ch'eng), \"return to right behavior\" (kuei-i) and “return to virtue\" (kuei-te). For the use of these various expressions in the context of employing foreigners in military affairs, consult Li Te-yü, chüan 2, 8, 10-11; chüan 5, 31, 34; chüan 7, 56-57; chüan 8, 59, 60-61; chüan 13, 101-103, 104, 108-109; chüan 14, 117; chüan 19, 159-160. See also Michael Loewe, \"Chinese Relations with Central Asian, 260-90,\" in the Bulletin of the London School of Oriental and African Studies, 32 (1969), 100.\n\n17 For a discussion of the circumstances under which a foreigner might gravitate to China, see Su Ch'ing-pin, 1-3 and especially 596-597; also Ch'u Tung-tsu, Han Social Structure (Seattle and London, 1972), 138-139; L. S. Yang, \"Hostages in Chinese History,\" Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 15 (1952), 512; Wang Yi-t'ung, \"Slaves and Other Comparable Social Groups during the Northern Dynasties (386-618),\" HJAS, 16 (1953), 295; Yu Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967); Colin Mackerras, trans., The Uighur Empire (Columbia, S.C., 1972) and the numerous works by Henry Serruys in HJAS 17 (1954) and 22 (December, 1957), Oriens Extremus 6 (1959) and 8 (1961), Monumenta Serica 25 (1966), etc.\n\n18 See the informative discussion of Chinese stereotypes regarding barbarians in Earl Swisher, China's Management of the American Barbarians (New Haven, 1951), 43-53.\n\n19 Cited in Yang, \"Historical Notes,\" 28.\n\n20 Ibid., 28-29.\n\n21 Ibid., 31.\n\n22 Ch'ien and Goodrich, 8. \"Before the Yuan, people of the Western Regions who served as officials in China were mostly military men; very few distinguished themselves in cultural affairs.\"\n\n23 See Henry Serruys, \"Mongols Ennobled during the Early Ming,” HJAS, 22 (December, 1957). For the use of the term \"turning toward Chinese civilization” (hsiang-hua) with reference to the submission of Chinese rebels, see IWSM, TC 12:26.\n\n24 See, for example, Serruys, \"Were the Ming against the Mongols,\" 136ff.; also note 43.\n\n25 Cited in Derk Bodde, China's First Unifier: A Study of the Ch'in Dynasty as Seen in the Life of Li Ssu, 280 (?)-208 B.C. (Leiden, 1938), 14-15. For background on Yu Yü, consult Edouard Chavannes (trans.), Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien (Paris, 1895-1905), II: 40-45; also Shih chi, 5: 15b-17b; 68: 7b-8; 83: 13a-b; 87: 3a-b; 110: 4b.\n\n26 IWSM, TC 79; 11; Ch'ing-chi wai-chiao shih-liao [Historical materials on late Ch'ing foreign relations], (Peiping, 1932; hereafter WCSL) 129: 17.\n\n27 See Yu cited in note 17.\n\n28 See Michael Loewe, \"The Campaigns of Han Wu-ti,” in Frank A. Kierman, Jr. and John K. Fairbank, eds., Chinese Ways in Warfare (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 79 and 89; Chun-chu Chang, \"Military Aspects of Han",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207376,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 144,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "136\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n46 See K. A. Wittfogel and Feng Chia-sheng, History of Chinese Society, Liao (907-1125) (Philadelphia, 1949), 8-10; also Igor de Rachewiltz, “Yeh-lü Ch'u-ts'ai (1189-1243); Buddhist Idealist and Confucian Statesman\" in Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett, Confucian Personalities (Stanford, 1962).\n\n47 Wittfogel and Feng, 9.\n\n48 See Herbert Franke, \"Sino-Western Contacts under the Mongol Empire,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 6 (1966), 52.\n\n49 Kuwabara, 96-99.\n\n50 See Henry Serruys, \"Mongols Ennobled during the Early Ming,” HIAS, 22 (1959); also Serruys, \"Landgrants to the Mongols in China: 1400-1460,” Monumenta Serica, 25 (1966), especially 394. As had been the case with other barbarians in China's past, the use of Mongol and Jurched troops in the Ming could be a liability as well as an asset. See Serruys, \"Sino-Jürched Relations During the Yung-Lo Period (1403-1424),” Göttinger Asiatische Forschungen (Weisbaden, 1955); 67-68, 71.\n\n51 See the summary discussion in Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, The Rise of Modern China (London and Toronto, 1975), 138-139; also George L. Harris, \"The Mission of Matteo Ricci, S.J.: A Case Study of an Effort at Guided Culture Change in China in the Sixteenth Century,” Monumenta Serica, 25 (1966).\n\n52 James B. Parsons, Peasant Rebellions of the Late Ming Dynasty (Tucson, 1970), 129.\n\n53 C. R. Boxer, \"Portuguese Military Expeditions in Aid of the Mings Against the Manchus, 1621-1647,\" T'ien-Hsia Monthly, VII (1938); S. Y. Teng and John K. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey, 1839-1923 (New York, 1970), 13; North-China Herald, January 10, 1852. Boxer, 32, offers the explanation that the expedition was undermined by Cantonese who feared that the Portuguese, if successful, would be granted extended trading rights, while the North-China Herald suggests that when the men reached Nan-ch'ang they were ordered to return because \"the contemptible figure they presented completely disappointed expectation.\" It is probable that each of these interpretations has a measure of validity.\n\n54 Serruys, \"Were the Ming,” 136.\n\n55 Boxer, 35.\n\n56 Wills, Guns, Pepper and Parleys, especially chapter 2; Fu Lo-shu, A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820) (Tucson, 1966), I: 32-33, 58; Teng and Fairbank, 34.\n\n57 The Ch'ing did, however, ally with the Russians against the Dzungars during the K'ang-hsi period and the Ch'ien-lung emperor did make good use of Western cannon (Hsi-yang p'ao) in his famous campaigns. See, for example, IWSM, TC 9: 30a-b; also Teng and Fairbank, 34; Swisher, 697.\n\n58 See Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, \"Russia's Special Position in China during the Early Ch'ing Period,\" Slavic Review, 13.4 (December, 1964).\n\n59 Chinese Repository 11: 64; Swisher, 98-99.\n\n60 See Masataka Banno, China and the West, 1858-1861 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), especially 45-53, 207-209; Swisher, 683-697.\n\n61 See, for example, IWSM TC 22: 11b-13b; also Richard J. Smith, \"Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Feng-huang-shan, 1864-1873,” Modern Asian Studies, 10.12 (1976).\n\n62 For the use of this expression (or a variant) as late as the 1890's see WCSL 101: 9 and 129; 16.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207653,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 41,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "26\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nThis article begins with a brief, general overview of the social history of the Teochiu in Hong Kong, and then outlines the Teochiu formal and informal organizational structure, with the intention of examining the nature of Teochiu solidarity. Attention then focuses upon a micro-analysis of the Teochiu population of one government housing estate in order to examine some of the processes that will have been mentioned. Tentative conclusions are then made concerning the nature of ethnicity in urban areas, as opposed to \"rural\" areas, of the Colony.\n\nCurrent anthropological approaches to the study of ethnicity view it primarily as a reflection of political economic dynamics and are oriented toward conflict and competition models while de-emphasizing the importance of cultural content as an explanatory variable of inter-ethnic interaction and conflict. The identification of cultural differences is generally, of course, a salient feature in ethnic ideology and myths and is an important aspect of ethnic stereotypes in Hong Kong. Differences between ethnic groups in Hong Kong in ritual, beliefs, and family structure, etc. are minimal however, particularly in the urban areas. \"Cultural\" explanations of ethnic solidarity in Hong Kong, as well as reductionist explanations postulating the traditional psychological tendency for Chinese from the same village or district to cohere, are insufficient. An individual has a choice as to when, if ever, and in which social contexts a particular role or \"identity\" is asserted. One can quite obviously be a \"member\" of an ethnic group and choose to ignore that membership or identify with a larger, perhaps more inclusive category or a politically dominant category. Ethnic identity is not fixed from birth; anthropologists have been particularly interested in studies of individuals who cross ethnic boundaries and become \"members\" of another ethnic group (see Barth, 1969). An individual's decision is influenced by pre-existing conditions or constraints within the social system. One purpose of this paper is to indicate several constraints influencing some Teochiu to positively assert their identity as Teochiu.\n\nEthnic Studies in Hong Kong\n\nPast studies of Chinese social organization in Hong Kong and South East Asia generally have not dealt with ethnicity as an important variable in that organization nor with different ethnic groups,\n\n1 The concern here is with studies of Chinese ethnic groups and not with studies of Westerners in Hong Kong vis-a-vis Chinese.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207675,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 63,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "48\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nAccording to Kan, the potential role of Kaifongs in mediating between government and people has been negatively affected by actual government policy. Government has tended to de-emphasize the potential role of Kaifongs in community organization, and has indirectly controlled them by withholding possible funds, while providing support to other voluntary organizations (Kan, 1970: 221). Whatever their overall effects upon Hong Kong society, it is clear that there is considerable variation in their impact on local areas. I would suggest that Kaifongs in resettlement estates may be the least active and effective among their number in uniting and developing the local community. The more active and influential of such organizations appear to be located in commercial and private housing areas. These statements are tentative in that the existing literature on Kaifongs in Hong Kong does not appear to resolve these questions.1\n\nThat there is less direct economic and political competition in the urban areas, or at least in some resettlement estates, does not mean that there is no interethnic hostility. The viability and successful functioning of Teochiu organizations and festivals is a reflection of such hostility and of a general feeling of competition with other ethnic groups, particularly in the organization of ritual, in which there is implicitly the aim of having the biggest and the best festival in the local area. Conflict with a neighbor, work colleague, or stranger in the market may escalate and be expressed in terms of ethnic hostility and perhaps require reinforcements from one's own ethnic group in order to \"resolve\". Interpersonal conflict between members of different ethnic groups might even be more frequent and likely to lead to violence with the increase in density and the chance that an appropriate mediator would not be immediately available.\n\nIn conclusion, it is clear that economic and political structure have been important determinants of variation in the expression and organization of ethnicity in Hong Kong. Differences in urban and \"rural\" social structure are obviously related to differences in the nature of interethnic dynamics in the respective areas. The study of ethnicity in Hong Kong should prove to be a particularly fruitful\n\n1 There is an extensive literature on Kaifongs, much of which is impressionistic and not based on intensive research. Kan's dissertation (Kan, 1970) and later publications are the most extensive and detailed studies (her later publications are in the name Aline K. Wong).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207828,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 216,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 201\n\nthe Man and their allies rallied local support to form a new market on the other side of what in British times has come to be known as the Kwun Yam River. This was the beginning of the market town of Tai Po in its present form. (The story up to this point is told by Sung Hok-p'ang, 'Legends and Stories of the New Territories. I. Tai Po', The Hong Kong Naturalist, vol. VI, no. 1, May 1935. The stone slab recording the magistrate's decision no longer stands in the temple; when the temple was recently rebuilt the stone was cast into the yard where it now lies, often encumbered with rubbish, a neglected minor monument of late Ch'ing history).\n\n19. The new market in a short time consigned the old one to a decrepitude familiar to anyone who has walked behind the Jockey Club Clinic which now stands next to the Tin Hau Temple. Soon the founder of the new market put up the first of the bridges to span the Kwun Yam River; the subscription list for the bridge is recorded on two stone plaques set into the wall of the Man Mo Temple which had been built as a centre for the new market. A room in the temple still houses the public weighing scales from which the founders and their successors have derived an income.\n\n20. The story goes that the Man who led the revolt against the Tang monopoly called a meeting of the leaders of seven yeuk around Tai Po, each of these taking a share in the new market in the form of shops. The land on which the market was built appears to have been for the most part the property of the Man. Now it is probable that the Ts'at Yeuk dates from this point in time. My informants take this view. And there is one piece of information which tends to confirm it: one of the constituent yeuk is Cheung Shue Tan which, according to what I was told in Sha Tin, was previously a member of a yeuk-complex in this latter area; so that it may well have changed its allegiance at the time of the founding of the new market at Tai Po. But even if the Ts'at Yeuk came into being so recently, the yeuk themselves can hardly have done so for they appear to have been the material out of which the complex was formed. Many locals assert that the yeuk did not antedate the Ts'at Yeuk, but I am inclined to think that we are dealing here with a very old form of grouping, as comparative evidence will suggest. The seven yeuk were Lam Tsuen, Cheung Shue Tan, Ting Kok, Shuen Wan, Hap Wo, Tai Hang, and Fan Leng. Together they had over seventy villages, but the yeuk were of unequal size, so that while, for example, the Man settlement at Tai Hang formed a yeuk",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207914,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 302,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n287\n\nof incorruptness. The last name of Ho Chung's studio was T’ing-yü-hsien, that is, a pavilion for listening to the rain. The melancholy atmosphere of a rainy day, from the point-of-view of Chinese literary life, has been a special but poetic mood favoured by poets of Sung China in the 13th century. Transferring this sad feeling of listening to the rain as one of Ho Chung's studio names showed that this late 19th century Kwangtung artist certainly shared the Sung poets' feeling of melancholy.\n\nWith regard to Ho Chung's biography, due to the lack of information his life as an artist is not completely clear, although according to an art history written in 1927 and devoted to Chinese artists in Kwangtung, Ho Chung was over seventy years old when he died. Based on this clue, the chronology of this artist can be ascertained in general. There are 34 pictures all by Ho Chung in the Luis de Camoes Museum in Macau. Among them, a circular fan painting has been inscribed by the artist with the date Keng-tze ✯; a year corresponding to the 26th year in the Kwang-shü * era during the Ch'ing Dynasty, which in turn corresponds to the year 1900. This is a very helpful discovery, since if Ho Chung died around 1900 at the age of seventy-five, he might have been born around 1825. At any rate, Ho Chung must have been an artist chiefly active in the second half of the 19th century and presumably his late years touched at least the first one or two years of the 20th century.\n\nFrom the 17th to the 19th centuries, Chinese painting in Kwangtung certainly developed into a more fruitful stage than in the preceding centuries. Nevertheless, the artistic quality of these Kwangtung paintings was not only less significant than those of the Chiang-nan area, the centre of Chinese painting of that time\n\n- but also can hardly be compared with the standard of her neighbouring province, Fukien. For this reason, within these three centuries, artists who were not natives of Kwangtung and were also not first class artists of the Chiang-nan area, but whenever and wherever settled in Kwangtung, were always regarded by Kwangtung art historians as Kwangtung artists. For instance, Wang Hou-lai, a native of An-hui province settled at Pan-yü during the 18th century, was treated as a representative artist for Kwangtung landscape painting. Similarly, Sung Kwang-pao and Meng Chin-i, two artists of the Kiangsu province, lived in Kwang-",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207918,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 306,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n291\n\n* This poetic feeling can be reflected by a Tzu poem written by Chiang Chieh # which reads:\n\n\"The rain song in youth I heard from song bedroom 樓上\n\nred candle setting behind a satin screen *****\n\nolder and travelling I heard rain in a boat #\n\nhuge river, low clouds, ***›\n\na goose crying in the west wind parted from the flock. $$$\n\nK\n\nNow when I hear the rain, in a hermit's cell MET\n\nmy hair has long turned grey 11\n\nsorrow, happiness, parting, joining are all neutral #46BAH raindrops all night long on the stone steps. Ħ¶¤àa¤N ·\n\nFor the English translation, see John Scott: Love and Protest (1972, London), p. 118.\n\n9 see Wang Chao-yung, op.cit. p.7.\n\n10 Its registration number in the Luis de Camoes Museum is AL 1 No. 10.\n\n11 Chiang-nan is a conventionalized geographic term referring to the vast area of Kiangsu, Chekiang, An-hui and Fukien provinces.\n\n12 See Chuang Shen op.cit. pp. 14-18. There I have pointed out that in the 19th century, the painting styles of Hua Yen and Huang Shen, two artists of Fukien, were followed by the Kwangtung artists.\n\n13 See Chu-tsing Li: \"Landscape painting in Kwangtung during Ming and Ch'ing\", in Landscape paintings by Kwangtung Masters during the Ming and Ch'ing Period (published in 1973 by the Art Gallery of The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong), p. 4.\n\n14 Sung Kwang-pao and Meng Chuii were both artists of Kiangsu province. Followed Li Ping-shou, they came to Kwangtung during the first half of the 19th century. Later, Sung was regarded as the founder of a more laborious and decorative school, while Meng became the forerunner of a different school, less decorative, and mainly stressing the artist's inner self.\n\n15 See Lin Po-ting *** \"Brief Notes on the Taiwan painters during the Ch'ing Dynasty”滑朝台灣畫人輯系 history selected in Central Chinese culture and Taiwan AXLA÷ (1971, Taipei), pp. 531-539,\n\n16 See Lin Po-ting: ibid, p. 535.\n\n**MFIL\n\n17 See Sohokaku Shogaki **M***, Descriptive catalogue of Chinese paintings and calligraphies in the possession of Bardo Asano (1864-1880), (published in 1973 by the Kansai University in Japan), pp. 143 - 144.\n\nAs to this catalogue and its editor, see also Kokuro Wakimono + A 'Notes on paintings and calligraphy in the Shohokaku Shogaki Collection and its Author Asano Baido\", *NTORE *o****** The Bijutsu Kenkyu ✯ (Journal of Art Studies), No. 35 (1973, Tokyo), pp. 531 - 544.\n\n18 See Chuang Shen: op.cit. p. 21.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong,\n\nMarch 1977.\n\nCHUANG SHEN",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
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    {
        "id": 207995,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 34,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "18\n\nLEIGH WRIGHT\n\nmarks for booty and slaves, along with other places such as Endau on the east coast of Malaya, and Jolo the seat of the sultan of Sulu in the archipelago to the southwest of Mindanao.\n\nNo wonder that 18th and 19th century accounts of Brunei were so uncomplimentary. It was by one account,5 \"a nest of bandits\". Sea captains were warned to keep well away from Brunei:6\n\nThe predatory and treacherous disposition of the inhabitants of the extensive coasts that encircle the great island of Borneo have now discouraged almost every European from venturing to trade there.\n\nthere is no inducement for a ship to touch there or at any other of the bays on the northwest or northeast coasts of Borneo, the natives being inhospitable and perfidious.\n\nAnd the keen observer and writer Spencer B. St. John wrote of Brunei in 1860:7\n\nThe divisions among the nobles themselves prevent them ever uniting to regain an influence over their distant provinces, which one by one are falling from them. There is a poverty among these men which is almost inconceivable in a rich country, as whatever the amount obtained from the neighbouring villages, it can but support the idlers who throng round the chiefs.\n\nBrunei contains at least 25,000 inhabitants, half of whom depend, directly or indirectly, on the nobles, and in their name carry on a system of plunder unintelligible in other countries. If the followers be sent to make a demand on a certain village, they will obtain double the amount for their own shares. If the inhabitants refuse to pay, their children are seized; and if their means are really exhausted, the little ones are carried off into slavery.\n\nI knew a man, named Sirudin, who at one time brought over seventeen children obtained in that way from the people of Tutong, and this occurred during the spring of 1857. The parents laid their complaints before the sultan; but Sirudin had sold them off to the principal nobles, and no redress was to be had. The sultan pretended to be very angry with the man, but put the chief blame on the Pangeran de Gadong, who, he said, was beyond his power. The aborigines have often risen",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208111,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 150,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "134 \n\nW. J. HINTON \n\nThe fishing fleet, or what part of it is in harbour, lies outside this floating village, and so do the salt and cargo junks, which occupy the centre of the harbour in lines on either side of the fairway to the pier, and boats ply to them from the beach all day and night. To the West are the boats of the Hoklo tribe, drawn up on the beach or riding to their stone anchors. Wonderful boats these, shaped like a crescent moon and able to ride the great waves in the monsoon, miles from land. They are heavy, yet easily rowed by a few men. These tribes like the Puntis and Hakkas keep their own distinctive customs, languages and crafts though so closely packed in one small island. \n\nBeyond the Hoklo beach lies the greatest temple of the island, the Pak Tai Temple, dedicated to the Guardian of the North, and the scene of an annual Theatrical display in honour of the God. The Guardian it appears was once an official under the Sung Dynasty, canonised later for his services to the Empire, and now worshipped in some parts of China. At the other end of the town, among the Hakka tribe is the Temple of the Queen of Heaven, goddess of sailormen. It is hung with votive offerings from the happy sailors whose ships and lives she has saved. One is reminded of the Church of Notre Dame de la Garde at Marseilles. Still farther to the east is a rock shrine, shared amicably by the genius loci, and the gentle and compassionate Kwan Yin. The streets show small shrines wherever a strangely shaped stone or tree is to be found, and of course the Kitchen god, can be seen in his smoky niche above the fire as one peeps through the open doors. Elsewhere in the island are two small shrines or temples. One is the beloved Kwan Yin, and the other a shrine for fishermen where some fish god gives luck to the devotee and receives his offerings and thanks when success has followed the fishing. At the little temple of Kwan Yin mothers often kneel to ask for favours, above all for children. \n\nThus far the village is purely Chinese but some of the houses in the centre are built in the hideous style of the tenements of Hongkong, like a pile of empty boxes with the mouths gaping blankly at the spectator, but the majority are still Chinese in style and ornament. Most of the houses are of one storey, and they are built of a great variety of material. Some are of granite masonry (looking much more substantial than it really is, since the walls are hollow and the mortar practically mud,) and others of brick, \n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208227,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 266,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "250\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nCHEUNG, O.\n\nCHIAO. Dr. Chien.\n\n+\n\nCHILVERS, Mrs. A.\n\nCHIU, Mrs. C.\n\nCHOA, R.\n\nCHU, Lee\n\nCHUA, Miss Fi-lan\n\nCHUNG, Ms. S.\n\nCLIMAS. Mr. & Mrs. D. J.\n\nCOCHRANE, Mrs. V.\n\nCOCKELL, Miss J. V.\n\nCOLBOURNE, Prof. M. J.\n\nCONNOLLY, Miss M. CRABBE, P. I.\n\nCRISSWELL, Dr. C. N. CROSBY, A. R.. CUMINE, E., J.P.\n\nDABORN, Miss Carol\n\nDAIKO, P.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs. L. R.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs. Mona\n\nDAVIES, Mr. & Mrs. S. J.\n\nDAWSON, Prof. J. L. M.\n\nDAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W.\n\nDE BURE, Mrs. U.\n\n703 Prince's Building, Hong Kong. Residence No. 8, Flat 1A, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\n3, Mount Nicholson Road, 1/F1, Hong Kong.\n\nTwin Brook 11B, 43 Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong.\n\nBanque Nationale de Paris, Central Building 2/Fl, Hong Kong.\n\n48, Haven St., 4/Fl, Causeway Bay, Hong Kong.\n\n1903 Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road, C., Hong Kong.\n\nMail Collection, H.K. & S. Bank, P.O. Box 64. Hong Kong.\n\nFlat A1, Pearl Gardens, 7 Conduit Road, Hong Kong.\n\nApt. 9, 23B Shouson Hill Road, Hong Kong.\n\nApt. 6009, Cape Mansions, Mount Davis Road, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Community Medicine, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\n5, Wylie Gardens, King's Park, Kowloon. Property Dept., Local Property & Printing Co. Ltd., 54/6 Caxton House, 1 Duddell St., Hong Kong.\n\nKing George V School, Kowloon.\n\nFlat B23, 7 Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon.\n\n28, Yun Ping Road 2/Fl, Hong Kong.\n\nMountain View, 31 Plantation Road, The Peak, Hong Kong.\n\nP.O. Box 201, Hong Kong.\n\n75 Perkins Road, Jardine's Lookout, Hong Kong.\n\n\"Sailing Look\", Lloyd Path, Barker Road, Hong Kong.\n\n1201 Luginsland, 18 Old Peak Road, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Psychology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\n1, Headland Road, Repulse Bay, Hong Kong.\n\n550 Victoria Road, Block 2, Floor 30, Hong Kong.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208329,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 53,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n59 Ibid. (Wang), 8.\n\n37\n\n60 Ibid. Wang notes that branch schools of the Tientsin Military Academy were established at Shan-hai-kuan and Wei-hai-wei.\n\n61 Ibid., citing LWCK, Memorials, 74: 25.\n\n62 Ibid., 8-9.\n\n63 Ibid., 7. On Li's financial difficulties, consult Wang, Hual-chin, 275-290; Spector, chapter 7.\n\n64 Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang,\" 9-12. The major problems, according to Wang, were: (1) The administrators of the academy were not well suited to their tasks (non-specialists); (2) the foreign instructors were arrogant, overpaid, unappreciative, and remiss in their teaching responsibilities; (3) heavy reliance on interpreters was inefficient and confusing; and (4) both academic and practical training tended to degenerate into formalism. Other problems included capricious grading, reports of cheating, and shortages and lack of standardization in equipment. For problems in China's other military and naval schools, consult Ayers, 108-113, 179-180, and John Rawlinson, China's Struggle for Naval Development (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), passim.\n\n65 Rawlinson, 163, 169; Ernst Presseisen, Before Aggression (Tucson, 1965), 140-141; NCH, September 21, 1894.\n\n66 For a summary of the fighting on land and sea, consult Liu and Smith, \"The Military Challenge.\"\n\n**\n\n67 See, for example, E. Bujac, Précis de quelques campagnes contemporaines (Paris, 1896), vol. 2; N.W.H. Du Boulay, An Epitome of the China-Japanese War, 1894-95 (London, 1896); Lieutenant Sauvage, La guerre Sino-Japonaise 1894-1895 (Paris, 1897); Richard Wallach, \"The War in the East,\" Proceedings of the United States Naval Institute, 21, 4 (1895); T. A. Brassey, ed., The Naval Annual (Portsmouth, 1895); Vladimir (pseudonym for Zenone Volpicelli), The China-Japan War (London, 1896).\n\n68 On the Japanese response to the war, see Donald Keene, \"The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 and Its Cultural Effects in Japan,\" in Donald Shively, ed., Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture (Princeton, 1971); also Jeffery Dorwart, The Pigtail War: American Involvement in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 (Amherst, Mass., 1975), 94-96.\n\n69 Professor Samuel Chu of Ohio State University is currently studying the Chinese response to the war, and has produced several illuminating but as yet unpublished papers on the subject. For the time being, the best available discussion of Chinese attitudes is Kuo Sung-p'ing, \"The Chinese Reaction to Foreign Encroachment\" (unpublished dissertation, Columbia University, 1953).\n\n70 See Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's critique, cited in Joseph Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), 111; consult also Kuo, 49-50, 81-83, etc.\n\n71 Cited in Li Chien-nung, The Political History of China 1840-1928, translated and edited by S. Y. Teng and Jeremy Ingalls (Princeton, Toronto, London and New York, 1956). See also Japanese Imperial General Staff, eds., History of the War between Japan and China (Tokyo, 1904), 1; 30-32.\n\n72 Rawlinson, 190.\n\n73 Liu Feng-han, \"Chia-wu chan-cheng shuang-fang ping-li ti fen-hsi,\" Chung-kuo i-chou, 829 (March 14, 1966) and 830 (March 21, 1966); CJCC,",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208372,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 96,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "80\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER\n\n8 D. H. Perkins, Agricultural Development in China 1368-1968. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969, p. 47.\n\n9 Göran Aijmer, 'A Structural Approach to Chinese Ancestor Worship'. Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde 124, pp. 91-98, 1968, and The Dragon Boat Festival on the Hupeh-Hunan Plain, Central China. A Study in the Ceremonialism of the Transplantation of Rice. Statens Etnografiska Museum, Monograph Series, No. 9. Stockholm, 1964.\n\n10 Several terms are used: *, **, *, ; it is hard to tell whether they signify different types of graves.\n\n11 GJTSJC VI:1259, ##† 1b.\n\n12 TRAŁ. Records of Changde Prefecture. Auth. A, 1813. Juan 13:4a. Wuling is the capital of this prefecture.\n\n13 ****, juan 3:8a, quoting older edition.\n\n14 # Records of Yuanjiang County. 1807-1819. Juan 18:2b.\n\nJuan 18:2b.\n\n益陽縣\n\n154, juan 2:9b,\n\n16 CM, juan 11:2b.\n\n17 ***. Records of Anxiang County. Eds. ## et al., 1748, no pagination.\n\n風俗考\n\n18 GJTSJC VI:1130, £## 1b.\n\n19 GJTSJC VI:1142, ## 3a.\n\n20 GJTSJC VI:1120, #2b.\n\n21 GJTSJC VI:1120, ‡ 4b.\n\n風俗考 BB\n\n22 GJTSJC VI:1116, + 4b.\n\n23 GJTSJC VI:1223, 2a.\n\n24 A#. Records of Wuling County, Auths, $ et al., 1862-63. Juan 7:4b.\n\n25 GJTSJC VI:1142 ### 2a.\n\n26 GJTSJC VI:1120 * 2a.\n\n27 eums, juan 11:12b, quoting 'old record' — presumably an earlier edition of the gazetteer.\n\n28 Sometimes there is also an autumnal she ri, but the present case certainly refers to a spring offering.\n\n29 GJTSJC VI:1120 $ 2b.\n\n風俗考\n\n30 GJTSJC VI:1120 ## 4b.\n\n31 GJTSJC VI:1166 ## 4b.\n\n32 GJTSJC VI:1120\n\n33 GJTSJC VI:1259\n\n34 GJTSJC VI:1223 #‡ 6b.\n\n# 2ab.\n\n# 1b, 2a.\n\n風俗考\n\n35 GJTSJC VI:1142 ## 1b.\n\n36 For a general survey of the architectural features of Chinese tombs, see Magdalene von Dewall, 'Grab und Totenbrauch in China.' Tribus, no. 25, November 1976, pp. 31-81.\n\n37 Harry A. Franck: Roving through Southern China. New York & London: The Century Co., 1925, p. 64.\n\n38 On Tongshan, see GJTSJC VI:1120, A#‡ 6b, and on Wuling, GJTSJC VI:1255, 1, 7ab.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208403,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 127,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "SHIWAN POTTERY EXPLORED\n\n111\n\nsuch as Lu Xun (§i§) and Yang Kaihui, (#5 B♬*) and many types of workers and peasants. In 1962 the art theory of well-known potter Liu Quan was published in Mei Shu (), which greatly enhances the understanding of a designer's creation process.\n\nI regret that time does not permit more than the introduction of a few topics related to Shiwan pottery, but it is hoped that they are sufficient to stimulate the interest of the audience, whom I have no doubt will have further opportunity in the future to hear more about this fascinating artistic expression.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Nigel Cameron, \"Second Thoughts on Shekwan”, South China Morning Post, Tuesday, October 18, (1977).\n\n2 These discoveries were subsequently published in: Chen Zhiliang (***), “Guangdong Shiwan Gu Yao Zhi Diao Cha\" (ARGZSEALJO✨), Kuo Gu (**), (1978) No. 3, pp. 195–199.\n\n3 Li Jingkang (*), “Shiwan Tao Ye Kao” (*****), Guangdong Wen Wu {}£x#), (1941) Vol. 10: 39-47.\n\n4 Xu Zhiheng (#2&), “Yin Liu Zhai Shuo Ci\" (ABÜZ), Mei Shu Công Shu (*#*#), Shen Zhou Guo Guang She (®Æ*), (1947), Vol. 3, No. 6, pp. 159-160.\n\n5 See Guangdong Wen Wu Zhan Lan Hui Chu Pin Mu Lu (ARXMAL**), Zhong Guo Wen Hua Xie Jin Hui, Xi Nan Tu Shu Yin Shua Gong Si (@ztbet, gå!***AJ), (1940); and photographs in Guangdong Wen Wu (A*X4b), (1941) Vol. 2, pp. 163-165.\n\n6 \"Guangdong Yangjiang Shiwan Cun Fa Xian Gu Dai Yao Zhi” (ARBELZHURLRED), Wen Wu Can Kao Ze Liao (24b4”**) (1955), No. 3, pp. 161-162.\n\n7 Op. cit. Ref. 2.\n\n8 \"Gong Yi Ming Cheng Fushan\" (ILM−84), Xin Fu (**), (February 1959), No. 39, pp. 34-37.\n\n9 Yu Chengxian, editor, (**), Zhong Hua Tong Su Wen Zhang: Fushan Qin Si, (+$**$4ké), Xianggang Zhong Hua Shu Ju (✯#+4#5), (March, 1961).\n\n10 Zhuang Jia (ƒ), “Yi Qi Bu Yi Zhi, Yi Cang Bu Yi Lou-Liu Quan Tao Su Jing Yen Jian Jie”(宜起不宜止,宜藏不宜露,一則傳陶塑經驗簡4) Mei Shu, (★#ƒ), (1962), No. 3, pp. 41 f.\n\nThis theory is discussed more fully in: Fredrikke Skinsnes Scollard, \"Destruction and Creation: The Impact of Revolution on Shekwan Pottery\", Leverhulme Conference, University of Hong Kong, 1977, (In press).\n\n11 Manuel da Silva Mendes, \"Barros de Kuang Tung\", Boletim do Instituto Luis de Camoes, (Outubro de 1967), Vol. 2,",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 152,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "136 \n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR \n\nmunity.1 Kin status is for all practical purposes also a prerequisite. To be a village elder a man must stand at the head of a large clan or family, and the more powerful the group behind him, the greater will be his influence. Age is a second value which custom requires, although this is losing its force in many places today. Ability, specifically scholarship, is the third desirable quality for village leadership. Scholarship, whether of the old or the modern style, almost universally brings leadership, both because of the traditional reverence for learning, and because the man of letters is able to talk on a plane of ease and familiarity with officials of the government higher up, a thing which the common villager can never do. \n\nThe traditional village leaders have behind them several very powerful psychological supports for their authority. The first of these is custom: all that is carried over from the familist system such as reverence for age, respect for status, and the habit of obeying vested authority. The central government, at least up until very recently, recognized them as the responsible authority in the village, and thus added to their prestige. Also, they hold their position partly because of their practical ability, their wisdom, and their popularity. At the same time these leaders are constantly protecting and reinforcing the customary values to which they owe their influence. \n\nOne of the most obvious indications of change in village government today is the emergence of a new type of leader in rural affairs. In villages where the influence of new forces has begun to penetrate, men who lack the traditional qualifications for leadership are beginning to assume an importance in village polity. These are men of natural ability who are able to exert power by inspiring and leading small, discontented groups, or the mob generally, to an opposition of \n\n+ \n\n1 Maybon, B.; Essai sur les Associations en Chine, p. 192 points out that throughout all associations in China runs this common trait of “particularism”. He says: \"Entre les members d'une association existe toujours un lien de communauté. la commune n'est ouverte qu'aux habitants originaires des villages, à l'exclusion des aubains.\" From the point of view of the central government, speaking historically, it was only possible for a man to change his political residence (i.e. to become a member of a village other than that of his ancestral home) if the family from which he came had been destroyed. Then if he were the head of a family of his own, had been a registered land owner for twenty years in his new home, could speak the dialect properly, and were an honorable character, his name might be transferred to the local Yüan Chi (§#) or register which fixed his political residence. Bazin; \"Recherches sur les Institutions Administrative et Municipales de la Chine\" II, p. 258. On this point see also Boulais, Guy: Manuel du Code Chinois, p. 161-162.",
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    {
        "id": 208457,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 181,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n165\n\nany contingency of administration which faced the small and self-contained villages of the rural districts in which the great mass of the Chinese people dwelt.\n\nAuthor's note: On rereading this effort of an aspiring young Sinologue in Peking some 45 years ago, the author realizes how quaint it must seem today for the \"state of the art\" is far advanced since then, with a proliferation of on-the-ground studies of Chinese rural life done by sociologists and social anthropologists in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. They provide concrete information on village governance richer than all one could find in 1933, C.M.W., 15 October 1979.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nI. WORKS CITED IN THIS PAPER.\n\nAddison, James T.; Chinese Ancestor Worship: a Study of its Meaning and its Relations with Christianity. No place, Chung Hua Shen Kung Hui, 1925.\n\nAlabaster, Ernest; Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law and Cognate Topics, London, Luzac, 1899,\n\nBazin; \"Recherches sur les Institutions Administratives et Municipales de la Chine\" (Journal Asiatique. 5th Series, vol. 3, 1854, p. 6-66; vol. 4, 1854, p. 249-348), (The two papers are differentiated by the Roman numerals I and II.)\n\nBishop, Carl W. Man from the Farthest Past. New York Smithsonian Institution, 1930. (Smithsonian Scientific Series, vol. 7.)\n\nBishop, C. W.; \"Prefatory Note on the Worship of Earth in Ancient China.\" (Excavation of a West Han Site. Shanghai, no pub., 1932, p. 1-20.)\n\nBishop, Carl W.; \"The Rise of Civilization in China with Reference to its Geographical Aspects\" (Geographical Review, Oct. 1932, p. 617-631.)\n\nBoulais, Guy; Manuel du Code Chinois. Shanghai, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1924. (Variétés Sinologiques 55.)\n\nBuck, John L.; Chinese Farm Economy; a Study of 2866 Farms in Seventeen Localities and Seven Provinces in China. Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1930.\n\nChen Huan-chang; The Economic Principles of Confucius and His School, 2 vols. New York, Columbia, 1911.\n\nChina National Government. The Civil Code of the Republic of China. Translated into English by Hsia, Ching-lin: Chow, James L. E.; Chang, Yukon, 2 vols. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1930-31. vol. 2.\n\nChina Year Book 1932. (Woodhead, H. G. W. Ed.) Shanghai, North-China, 1932.\n\nChinese Repository. See: \"Clanship Among the Chinese.\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208458,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 182,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "166\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nChing Ho; A Sociological Analysis. The Report of a Preliminary Survey of the Town of Ching Ho, Hopei, North China. (Hsu, Leonard, S., Editor.) Peiping, Yenching, 1930.\n\n\"Clanship Among the Chinese\". (Chinese Repository, vol. 4, 1836, p. 411-415).\n\nCreel, Herrlee G.; Sinism; a Study of the Evolution of the Chinese World View. Chicago, Open Court, 1929.\n\nDe Groot, J. J. M.; Les Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées à Emoui (Amoy); Étude Concernant la Religion Populaire des Chinois. 2 vols. Paris, Leroux, 1886.\n\nDe Groot, J. J. M.; The Religious System of China. 6 vols. Leyden, Brill, 1892-1910.\n\nDemiéville, P.; \"Hou Che Wen Ts'ouen (MILŻ#)\" (Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient, vol. 23, 1923, p. 489-499).\n\nDes Routours, Robert; \"Les Grands Fonctionnaires des Provinces en Chine sous la Dynastie des T'ang.\" (T'oung Pao, vol. 25, 1928, p. 219-330).\n\nDuyvendak, J. J. L. (translator); The Book of Lord Shang, a Classic of the Chinese School of Law, London, Probsthain, 1928.\n\nFerguson, John C., \"Political Parties of the Northern Sung Dynasty\" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 58, 1927, p. 36-56).\n\nFerguson, John C.; \"Southern Migration of the Sung Dynasty\" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 55, 1924, p. 14-27).\n\nFerguson, John C.; \"Wang An-shih\" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 35, 1903-04, p. 65-75).\n\nGiles, Herbert A.; A Chinese Biographical Dictionary. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1898.\n\nGiles, Herbert A.; A Chinese English Dictionary. 2nd ed., 2 vols.; Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1912.\n\nGranet, Marcel; Chinese Civilization, London, Kegan Paul, 1930.\n\nHirth, Friedrich; The Ancient History of China to the End of the Chou Dynasty, New York, Columbia, 1911.\n\nHsieh, Pao Chao; The Government of China (1644-1911). Baltimore, Johns Hopkins, 1925.\n\nHu, Shih; \"The Establishment of Confucianism as a State Religion During the Han Dynasty” (Journal of the North China Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 60, 1929, p. 20-41).\n\nHu, Shih: \"Religion and Philosophy in Chinese History\" (in Symposium on Chinese Culture. (Zen, Sophia H. Chen, Editor). Shanghai, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1931, p. 24-58).\n\nHu, Shih; \"Wang Mang, the Socialist Emperor of Nineteen Centuries Ago” (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 59, 1928. p. 218-230).\n\nHuang, Han Liang; The Land Tax in China. New York, Columbia, 1918.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208677,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 134,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n107\n\n5-Father Haughey and Brother Bernard and three Maryknoll Sisters, Sisters Clement, De Ricci and St. Dominic, leave Camp for Hong Kong and freedom, secundum quid. Also six others. Canteen today.\n\n6-The doctors say that Brother Anthony has developed beri-beri and pellagra, and one doctor thinks Father Troesch has sprue, but this latter report was unfounded as later conditions revealed. There are at present a number of cases of beri-beri in Camp, and little means in Camp to combat it, as this requires a special diet.\n\n7----Sunday, Father Meyer continues his Catholic Action meetings, after Benediction. Hereafter, there will be no afternoon service in St. Stephen's Hall, all services now being held in the Club Hall. Our own food parcels are expected daily.\n\n8 At an American community meeting, held at 2:00 p.m., further reports were read on repatriation. The date is still uncertain, but it will probably take place about the middle of the month. Repatriates were told that they may not take trunks with them on the steamer. Shortly after the Camp opened, a number of books belonging to the former American Club were brought out and placed in one of the rooms at the now American Club (formerly the Prison Officers' Club), and we Americans had quite a bit of reading matter to while away some of our tedious hours. Today, this lending library closed up, in view of the coming repatriation. In addition to the earliest list of Maryknollers already handed in, the twelve Maryknoll Sisters and Fathers O'Connor (who had first planned to go to Shanghai) and Madison are definitely on the list for repatriation. The Americans who remain are informed that they will occupy Block A-3, or at least the upper floor of one half of this block. Our food seems to be improving a little. Patients at Tweed Bay Hospital can now secure bananas at 100 apiece.\n\n9-Father Bauer cut walking and is very much improved. Father Madison takes his name off the list for repatriation.\n\n10- Father Toomey sings a Missa Cantata at the Maryknoll Sisters' Chapel on the occasion of his twentieth anniversary of ordination. After the Mass, the Sisters treat us to a Camp breakfast. Our food parcel finally arrives. It will be remembered that each internee, man, woman and child, was to receive $105.00 worth of food or other articles of personal use. Of this amount, it was decided",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208760,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 217,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "190\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\nbe followed. In other words, for the average Chinese, religion is a socially important value system to make for a smooth functioning of human relationships as much as it is a method to obtain divine favours to increase the effectiveness of human efforts toward the realization of a happy life.\n\nEND-NOTES\n\n1 This paper was first presented at the joint panel of the CASA and the CSSR on Chinese Religion at the Conference of the Learned Societies in Saskatoon, May 1979.\n\n2 Compare the five-volume work written by J. J. M. de Groot: The Religious System of China; although it is mainly based on his field work done in Amoy, it is considered to be a standard work on Chinese religion in general.\n\n3 See P. C. Baity, Religion in a Chinese Town (Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs, no. 64), Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1975. (See my review article pp. of this issue).\n\n4 See various ceremonial and memorial booklets issued by the Municipal Government of Taipei, Tainan and Taichung, e.g., Ta-ch'eng chih-sheng hsien-shih K'ung-tzu shih-tsun chien-shuo, Taipei, 1974, Ta-ch'eng chih-sheng hsien-shih K'ung-tzu shih-tsun chien-chieh (Memorial Service for Confucius on his Birthday), Taichung, 1977.\n\n5 See Y. Raguin, S.J., \"Buddhism in Taiwan\", pp. 179-185 in H. Dumoulin, ed. Buddhism in the Modern World, London, New York: Collier Macmillan Publishers, 1976.\n\n6 Questions and Answers about the Republic of China (Taipei: Chung-hua Information Service, 1978), p. 17.\n\n7 W. L. Grichting, The Value System in Taiwan 1970: A Preliminary Report. Taipei, 1971. (Quoted by Y. Raguin).\n\n8 See for example Taiwan Tzu-miao ch'uan-chi, Ed. by Wang I-han, Taichung Luan-yu Journal Society, 1977. Lists of local temples issued by municipal governments follow the same pattern. However, the more scholarly but antiquated list published in the Taiwan Gazetteer and adopted by Lin Heng-tao divides the temples into three main groups: Taoist, Buddhist, folk-religion (t'ung-su).\n\n9 See Lin Heng-tao, Taiwan Szu-miao Ta-ch'uan, Taipei: Ch'ing-wen Publishing Company, 1974.\n\n10 See M. Saso \"The Taoist Tradition in Taiwan\", China Quarterly No. 41 (1970), 83-102.\n\n11 M. Saso, \"Red-Head and Black-Head: the Classification of the Taoists of Taiwan according to the Documents of the 61st Heavenly Master,\" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica (Taipei), 30 (1970).\n\n12 See H. Welch, \"The Chang T'ien-shih and Taoism in China\", Journal of the Oriental Society 4 (1957-58), 188-212.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208767,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 224,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n197 \n\nSix old muzzle-loading cannons, each fixed to a cemented base, can be seen on the main wall; two on the west and four on the east. They were selected from elsewhere, and mounted there as a memorial.26 \n\nOutside the Walled City, there are several brick houses which had been used as a hospital for the garrison and as dwellings of the garrison families. There had been a cemetery. However, its site cannot be found, and the old brick houses are now used as stores and pig-sties. \n\nSeveral old brick houses can be found at the mouth of the Tung Chung stream. They are supposed to be the guard-houses and the ammunition store of the Shek She Fort.2 The position of the Fort has long been forgotten. Recently, rubble walls are found on a knoll near the Tung Chung Ferry Pier. The walls are now in ruins.28 This is likely to be one of the fortresses of the Shek She Fort.29 \n\nHong Kong. March 1980. \n\nANTHONY SIU Kwok-kin \n\nNOTES \n\n1 It is called Fan Lau (separate the flow) because the promontory lies on a place which separates the waters of the Pearl River and the Pacific Ocean. \n\n* The promontory has the shape of a chicken-wing, thus gaining the name Kai Yik Kok. Kai Yik in Chinese means 'chicken-wing'. \n\n* The promontory is also called Yuen To Shan, because ships which came from the west to the Pearl River used it as a landmark. 'Yuen To' in Chinese means 'sailing from afar'. \n\n* There is a village called the Fan Lau Village situated by the Fan Lau Sai Wan, or West Bay. \n\n* The Fan Lau Tung Wan is also called the Miu Wan or Temple Bay because there is a Tin Hau Temple, rebuilt in the Hsien Fung reign (1851-1861). \n\n• It was called the Kai Yik Fort, as recorded in the San On Yuen Chi 1819 edition and the Kwong Tung Tung Chi 1822 edition. \n\n1968. \n\nsee Armando M. De Silva's \"Fan Lau and its Fort\", JHKBRAS 8;",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208768,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 225,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n* The evacuation of the South-east coast of China was carried out from the 1st year to the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1662-1668). It was because of the disturbances of pirates and the followers of Koxinga (Cheng Shing-kung) along the coasts of Kwangtung and Fukien. The disturbances were so large that the Ch'ing Army could not stop them. The government evacuated fifty li from the coast. The lands were abandoned in order that the pirates and the followers of Koxinga could not obtain supplies from them. (see my article: \"The Chow Wang Yi Kung Chi of Kam Tin\", published in the Wah Kiu Man Fa of Wah Kiu Yat Po for 13th September 1976 綿田之周王二公祠,原载1976年9月13日華僑日報文化版)\n\n+\n\n* In the O Mun Kei Leuk ME 1800 edition, it was recorded, \"During the 7th year of Yung Cheng reign, there were forts erected on the two hills. This strengthened the guards of the Tai Yue Shan Shuen”. The Tai Yue Shan Shuen was probably at the place of Tai O today. The forts on the \"two hills\" are most likely to be the Kai Yik Fort on its south-west and Tung Chung Fort on its east. This shows that the Fan Lau Fort was probably rebuilt and refortified in the 7th year of the Yung Ching reign.\n\n19 See my article: \"A Short History of the Pirates of Hong Kong before 1842\", published in Volume 8, No. 4 of the Kwong Tung Man Hin 廣東文献(1979).\n\n11 see Chapter 13 of San On Yuen Chi\n\nChapter 81 of Kwong Chow Fu Chi A\n\n**** 1819 edition and\n\n1879 edition.\n\n12 Chapter 12 of San On Yuen Chi (1819) stated, \"During the K'ang Hsi reign, it was because of robbery and piracy along the south-east coast that the Ch'ing government evacuated the coastal regions. Later, with the surrender of the pirates, the Ch'ing government extended the coastal boundary. More forts and guard-stations were set up. Those of outstanding importance were the Kai Yik Fort on Lantau Island, the Nam Tau Fort, and the Chik Wan Fort.\" The book was written in 1819, and the famous pirate Cheung Po-tsai had surrendered in 1810. This shows that the fort was again under the control of the Ch'ing government after 1810.\n\n14 1a Chapter 130 of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi 4 1822 edition recorded, \"Tai U Shan, an island which lay in the midst of the sea, was a place where foreign ships anchored. There were only two inlets for the anchoring of these ships: they were at Tai O and Tung Chung. At that time, Tai O was guarded by a garrison of thirteen men. There was already the Kai Yik Fort under a Tsin Tsung (lieutenant) of the Tai Pang Battalion.\" The book was published in 1822. This proves that before 1822, there was the Kai Yik Fort guarding the south-west tip of Lantau Island.\n\n14 see Armando M. De Silva's article, op. cit.\n\n15 also called Tung Chung Hau in the past.\n\n10 To the south-east of the valley is the Sunset Peak (Tai Tung Shan 大東山); the Lantau Peak (Fung Wang Shan 凤凰山) lies to the south-west.\n\n17 Sheung Ling Pei Village is one of the largest villages in the Tung Chung Valley. It is situated to the east of the Tung Chung Walled City.\n\n18 Ha Ling Pei Village, an adjacent village to Sheung Ling Pei Village, is situated to the west of the Tung Chung Walled City.\n\n19 See my article: \"Distribution of Forts and Guard-stations on Lantau Island during the Late Ch'ing period\", JHKBRAS vol. 18: 1978.\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208785,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 242,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n215 \n\nAfter this incident, agreement was reached with the villagers and the Rural Committee on compensation for trees in the fung shui area held under Forestry Licence. The compensation was collected and a period was set for removal of trees by the former licensees before the 1978 lunar new year, following which the engineers would let a 3 months' contract for removal of any remaining trees and shrubs in preparation for major excavation and site formation to begin in earnest in September 1978. \n\nUnfortunately, our hopes for smooth progress were interrupted by the death of a 69 year old male villager and the paralysis of a 48 year old man six weeks after the start of the de-vegetation contract. These events were attributed by the villagers to the continued interference with their 'fung shui hill and led to their stopping the contractor from continuing with the work. (In practice, and as often happens in this kind of situation where it is prudent to employ local people on sensitive work involving themselves and their beliefs -- and despite the seeming inconsistency the contractor had been employing village labour for shrub and tree clearance. The villagers concerned were thus in a good position to make him stop by withdrawing their labour and advising him that no replacements should be taken on). \n\nThe work was stopped. Four more tun fu ceremonies were held in the affected villages: one at each of the two Chan (陳) ancestral halls, one at the Pak Kung shrine (伯公廟) and one on the fung shui hill itself. The object was to pacify the disturbed spirits and the ancestors of the two villages concerned. Payment for these ceremonies was again made by Government. \n\nHowever, despite these protective measures, our negotiations to continue with the interrupted de-vegetation work, prior to starting major site excavations in the autumn, proved abortive. It became clear that even if the work could be started again without incident it was very likely to be subject to more interference and unpredictable delays because of the heightened feelings and fears of the local people. An attempt was made to get the villagers to move out temporarily into public housing to facilitate the important engineering works at stake, but this was discontinued when they tried to link the move to unreasonable demands in the village removal negotiations that had been rejected previously.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208786,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 243,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "216\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIn the event, it was decided to wait until after the villagers were able to move to the new houses being constructed as a replacement of the existing village. These were due for completion in March 1979. Accordingly the de-vegetation and site formation works have been scheduled to begin thereafter.\n\nMarch 1979\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTHE NAM PAK HONG (南北行) COMMERCIAL ASSOCIATION OF HONG KONG\n\nThis history of the Nam Pak Hong Association, which appears to have been prepared by one of its leaders in the 1960s, is included with the consent of the Association. The translation was made available by the courtesy of the Director of Home Affairs.\n\nForeword\n\nThe Association was established in 1868 (i.e. the 7th year of the reign of Tung Ch'ih in the Ch'ing dynasty). In its early years, it was well managed by capable office-bearers, thus safeguarding the interests of our trade and members. Later, owing to change of circumstances, the senility and death of many able office-bearers without suitable successors, the Association's affairs got into a mess. By 1920, there remained only seven members, who were divided in action; nor did they maintain close contact. The situation further deteriorated by 1940.\n\nOn 6.10.41 Mr. Tong Ping-tat, Manager of the member firm, the Nam Tai Hong Co. Ltd., convened a meeting of over a score of members, including the Wah On Hong, the Yuen Lee Hong, the San Fung Hong, the Kin Tye Lung, the Wah Fung Hong, the Hau Tak Hong, the Yue Wo Loong, the Wing Hing Hong and the Kwong Sun Hong Ltd., to discuss the promotion of the Association's functions and the enlistment of more members. It was not until several such meetings were held and sub-committees formed, that the Association's functions were gradually restored.\n\nDuring the Japanese occupation which began on 25 December 1941 the Association did not cease functioning; its membership was then increased to 21 firms.",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208814,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 271,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "244\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nDE BURE, Mrs. Ursula, 550 Victoria Road, Block 29, Floor 30, HONG KONG.\n\nDE SILVA, Ms. Minette, Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nDER, The Rev. E. B.,\n\nHoly Trinity Church,\n\n135 Ma Tau Chung Road,\n\nKOWLOON.\n\nDIAMOND, Mr. A. L.,\n\nPublic Records Office of Hong Kong,\n\n2 Murray Road, HONG KONG.\n\nDOHERTY, Ms. Kathleen Rose,\n\n11 Coombe Road,\n\nFlat 1A,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nDOLFIN, Mr. John, III, 155 Argyle Street, KOWLOON.\n\nDRAKEFORD, Mr. Louis S., 124 Miles Clearwater Bay Road, KOWLOON.\n\nDYER, Mrs. C. E., 233 Prince's Building, HONG KONG.\n\nELSOM, Mr. Graham, J. B., G.P.O. Box 11508, HONG KONG.\n\nEVANS, Prof. D. M. E., School of Law, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nEVANS, Mr. C. J., Flat 9.\n\n8 Mansfield Road, The Peak,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nFABRY, Mr. K. G., Rural Retreat, Taipo Kau, NEW TERRITORIES.\n\nFABRY, Mrs. R. G., Rural Retreat,\n\nTaipo Kau,\n\nNEW TERRITORIES.\n\nFAN, Mr. Jack F. S., 1-25 Shu Kuk Street,\n\nMay Lun Apartment 14/F, North Point,\n\nHONG KONG\n\nFITZPATRICK, Mr. John,\n\nc/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd. World Trade Centre, 30/F, Causeway Bay,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nFORSYTH, Mr. A. H., c/o Stevenson & Co., 821 Central Building, 3 Pedder Street, HONG KONG\n\nFORSYTH, Mr. James J., Flat 102,\n\n80 Macdonnell Road, HONG KONG.\n\nGAILEY, Mr. H. G., 81 Mt. Nicholson Gap, HONG KONG\n\nGAILEY, Mrs. Norah, 81 Mt. Nicholson Gap, HONG KONG.\n\nGAMLEN, Mr. Richard, 62 A-D Robinson Road, 19th Floor, Flat B, HONG KONG.\n\nGARCIA, Mr. Arthur, Victoria District Court, HONG KONG.\n\nGARRETT, Mrs. Valery M., 19 Vivian Court, 20 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG.\n\nGATELY, Major Charles, c/o Environment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG.\n\nGHOSE, Mrs. Rajeshwari, St. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, HONG KONG.\n\nGIBB, Mr. Hugh, c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai\n\nBanking Corp.,\n\nP.O. Box 64,\n\nHONG KONG.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938",
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    {
        "id": 208829,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 286,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "OVERSEAS ORDINARY MEMBERS\n\nKNEEBONE, Mrs. Susan, c/o 65-79 Riverside Avenue, South Melbourne 3205, Victoria, AUSTRALIA.\n\nKRAMERS, Dr. R. P., c/o Ostasiatisches Seminar, Der Universitat Zurich, Muhlegasse 21, 8001 Zurich, SWITZERLAND.\n\nLEIMAN, Mrs. R. M., 14-17 Nishi-Azabu, 4-chome, Minato-ku, TOKYO 106, JAPAN.\n\nLEIMAN, Mr. R. M., 14-17 Nishi-Azabu, 4-chome, Minato-ku, TOKYO 106, JAPAN.\n\nLIU, Prof. Ts'un Yan, F.R.A.S., c/o Dept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T., AUSTRALIA.\n\nLOVELL, Mrs. Hin-Cheung, 2 Dunbar Walk, SINGAPORE, 15.\n\nLU, Mrs. Sylvia, Rangoon, Dept. of State, Washington, D.C., 20520, U.S.A.\n\nLYNCH, Rev. Francis M. M., Maryknoll Centre House, 120 San Min Road, Ist Sect., Taichung City 400, TAIWAN.\n\nMACLEAN, Mr. Roderick, c/o The Singapore International Chamber of Commerce, Denmark House, SINGAPORE 1.\n\nMATHIAS, Dr. John R. G., 36 Bradbury Court, St. John's Park, Blackheath, LONDON, SE3 7TP, UNITED KINGDOM.\n\nMCCOY, Dr. John, Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 14850, U.S.A.\n\nMORGAN, Mrs. Carole, 5 Avenue Vion Whitcomb, Paris 75016, FRANCE.\n\nMYERS, Mr. John T., Dept. of Anthropology, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana 47401, U.S.A.\n\nNUTTER, Baroness Joanna Von, 3802 Castle Rock Drive, MALIBU, California 90265, U.S.A.\n\nREDFERN, Mr. O'Donnell S., Maison de la Foret, Chemin de la Becassiere, 1290 Versoix, SWITZERLAND.\n\nROMER, Mr. J. D., 11, Cecilia Road, Preston, Paignton, Devon, TQ3 1BD, GREAT BRITAIN.\n\nSELWYN, Mr. J. B., 26 Fairway, Merrow, Guildford GUL 2XJ, Surrey, UNITED KINGDOM.\n\nSMITH, Dr. Ralph B., School of Oriental & African Studies, Malet Street, LONDON, W.C.1., UNITED KINGDOM.\n\nSTEEDS, Mr. David, Dept. of International Politics, University College of Wales, Aberystwyth, UNITED KINGDOM.\n\nSTOKES, Mr. John, 427 Banbury Road, Oxford, UNITED KINGDOM.\n\n259",
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    {
        "id": 208883,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 45,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n17\n\nThe even larger Guan Yin temple, facing south west on the reverse of the same hill, has a similar layout, though in this complex the side halls are separated from the main hall by unroofed passageways.\n\nA third large temple, but not of traditional architectural style, the Lin Dai Temple off the Estrada do Repouso, has two separate secondary halls to the west but only one to the east. Each of the two western secondary halls are sub-divided into two altar halls, one to the front and one to the rear, making a total of seven separate altar halls.\n\nThe nearest equivalent in Hong Kong to the two largest traditional temples in Macau, are the traditional temples in Hollywood Road in Central Victoria, Temple Street in Yaumati and Stone Nullah Lane in Wanchai. Nowadays the traditional temple in Yaumati (Illustration 9) is in practice four individual temples under the management of the Tung Wah Hospital Group. Originally it was a single temple consisting of a large main hall with two side halls on either side, each hall separated from the next by an uncovered passageway. For at least thirty years, however, the complex has consisted of the main major temple, with the two secondary halls to the north being divorced from it and becoming individual temples with their own keepers, controlling committees and cults. The two secondary halls to the south have again been divorced from the main hall. One is an individual temple with its own cult etc and the other is a clinic and dispensary. The main cults in the four temples from north to south are Guan Yin, the City God, Tian Hou and again Guan Yin, though in addition the major deities worshipped in the second and fourth temples are the Ten Judges of the Underworld and She Ji (**) the Spirit of the Harvest and Crops. The carved titles of the main deities over the four temples' entrances, are interesting. The first is Fu De (**), the Earth God (and not Guan Yin as one would expect), the second has the title of the City God Temple above its entrance, the third has Tian Hou and the fourth has She Tan (***) (again not Guan Yin as one would expect). The last entrance, the clinic, has the characters for the Library over it.20\n\nThe traditional temple in Stone Nullah Lane in Wanchai is comparatively larger than other similar temples in the colony and is made up of four individual halls. The main hall, roughly 40 feet wide by 55 feet long, has three side-altars on each side of the\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208965,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 127,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT\n\n95\n\noriginated. K. Schipper's knowledge of the ritual is based on the Taoist tradition of Southern Taiwan; Saso on the other hand gathered his data in Northern Taiwan; so did Mr. Liu, who describes the chiao celebrated in Chung-li (Taoyuan district) and Shulin (Taipei district). Why is M. Saso's term different from Mr. Liu's? And why are there two different appellations in the first place?\n\nThere is no doubt that the two different names refer to the same ritual. One wonders only why neither of the three authors mentions the alternative designation. M. Saso seems to know the expression since his translation 'lighting of the new fire' makes more sense if chu-teng is taken as the Chinese substratum rather than fen-teng.\n\nThis terminology aspect would not concern us so much if it were not an indicator of the basic significance of the ritual itself. In any case, both fen-teng and chu-teng are merely partial designations of a ritual event that we have to examine in greater detail; since the ritual is composed of various successive acts, there is apparently no term available that would indicate all these events: so, each designation necessarily is pars pro toto.\n\nThe ritual is described in minute detail by K. Schipper (pp. 15-25) based on his personal observations made during a chiao festival in the village of Su-ts'u, Taiwan, on March 26, 1967. Five Taoist priests participated in the event, while 4 musicians and an apprentice formed the orchestra. Besides the exceptional visitor, there is a group of laymen representing the whole community. The ceremony takes place in the sacred area of the temple, usually on the first evening of the festival.\n\nThe ritual, as summarized by Schipper, is the first part of a threefold liturgy; the second part is called \"The Rolling up of the Screen\" (\"Enroulement du Rideau\"), the third part is 'Sounding of Bell and Chime' (\"Tintement solennel de la Cloche et de la Pierre Sonore\"). (Parts two and three are left out of the present discussion, but will return to focus in section three of this paper.)\n\nThe fen-teng ritual itself can be divided into five episodes:\n\n(i) an introduction with chanting of purification texts and solemn declaration of the high priest's ritual rank (ca. 5′40′′);\n\n(ii) the striking of the new fire: after invocation of the deities, the lights inside the temple are extinguished. Two assistant-priests",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208967,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 129,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT \n\n97 \n\nthe darkness of the world of Yin, making the night seem as day, and lighting the temple votive lamps with a new, life-bringing fire,\n\nSaso's interpretation clarifies several important aspects of the ritual but is also confusing in some instances. The ritual chanting of the forty-second chapter of the Tao-Te ching appears to be an adaptation that does not truly illustrate the nature of the ritual: it does not merely allude to the \"protogenesis of the myriad creatures\" but is here interpreted as and applied to the proceeding of the original Triad of Taoism: three lamps are lit to symbolize and to honor the successive forthcomings of the Three Primordial Worthies: they are the projections of the creative powers of the universe. The emphasis is not on the creation process but on the origin of the creators. The new light, lit from one flame but used to light three candles in succession, vividly symbolizes the successive births of the three primordial \"breaths\".\n\nTherefore, from a phenomenological viewpoint, there is a kind of discrepancy between the text of the ritual (expressing the forthcoming of the Three Primordial Worthies) and the ritual action itself, which points to the creation of light. This may be an indication of a non-Taoist origin of the ritual act itself.\n\nThe possibility of a non-Taoist but Chinese origin of the fen-teng is suggested by J. J. M. de Groot in his Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées,12 He refers to a custom widely spread among various sun-worshipping civilizations of extinguishing their 'sacred fires' especially before the spring equinox and of relighting them soon after the equinox: this symbolizes the sun's victory over darkness. Examples are given from ancient Rome, Syria, Persia, Egypt, and Greece. The custom also existed in ancient China, at least in the North. The original custom in China was to renew the fire in all the four seasons, but since the Han times, it was done only once a year in spring. De Groot refers to a text in the Chou Li ♬ which explains this ritual act13: with the help of a mirror, fire is taken directly from the sun to light the sacrificial candles. The date of this spring renewal of fire was the 105th day after the winter solstice: this would correspond with the fourth day of the fifth month. On the other hand, the relighting of the fires took place on the third day of 'cold food' called ch'ing-ming in Amoy: that also coincides with the 4th or 5th of the fourth month. In other",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208968,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 130,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "98\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\nwords. The Ch'ing-ming festival, now usually seen as a festival to commemorate the dead, was in its origin a celebration of spring: all the fires, including the kitchen fires, had to be extinguished in the country; only cold food was used for two or three days. On the third day, new fire was struck, and the spring festival taking place was called “pure” and “bright”: the new fire was pure since taken directly from the source of light, the sun, and bright since it symbolized the growing strength of sunlight that was on the increase after the equinox. This interpretation of the Ch'ing-ming makes better sense than the more usual and popular explanation.14 Although the old name was retained, the meaning of the festival shifted at a later time, probably due to Buddhist influence.\n\nDe Groot sees this relighting of the fires in ancient China as a parallel with the Easter festival and with similar celebrations taking place in the ancient world, where every year the god's ritual death was followed by his resurrection:\n\nAll those legends speaking of death and resurrection, all those feasts passing from mourning to the most exuberant joy have all had one only purpose: the symbolical reproduction of the history of the sun's light and of the phases through which it passes on earth. What one worshipped was this sacred fire of Nature, which is the soul, the life of the universe, and which finds itself engaged in an ever recurring struggle against the god of Darkness, of Death, which exerts itself incessantly to obstruct it in its dispensation of benefits to man. The most significant of all the phases in this solar cycle is the one when the sun reaches the spring equinox, celebrates its victory over darkness and the days grow longer than the nights. The whole earth then starts a new life.15\n\nWhereas in many societies the god's death and resurrection was thus ritually enacted, the Chinese example is characterized by a more rationalistic, naturalistic tendency: the object of the cult was not a particular god for whom a new name was created, but was the sun itself, as one of the heavenly bodies without strong supernatural overtones.\n\nThat this ancient custom might have inspired the Taoist priesthood to introduce it in their own rituals is not unlikely. The relationship between imperial sacrifices, Buddhist rituals, and Taoist practices is not an exception: the eclectic nature of Taoism has",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208982,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 144,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "112\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\n• M. Saso, Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (hereafter abbreviated: Cosmic Renewal).\n\n* K. Schipper, \"The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies\" in A.P. Wolf, Ed. Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford Univ. Press, 1974,\n\n* Liu Chih-wan, see end-note 9.\n\nThis is the translation of J.J.M. de Groot's \"Messe Taoïque\". See his Les Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées à Emoui (Amoy). Paris, 1885 (Taipei reprint, 1977). This translation of chiao as well as de Groot's rendering of 'Buddhist Masses' for the Chinese Yu-lan-p'en are not satisfactory.\n\n* K. M Schipper. Le Fen-Teng. Rituel Taoïste (Publications de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, vol. 103). Paris: Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, 1975.\n\nSchipper's monograph on the Fen teng ritual is a product of great erudition. After a short introduction, pp. 1-13, (in which he briefly discusses the four manuscripts utilized to establish the text; and sketches the history and present day performance of the ritual), he describes the ritual itself with a detailed time schedule, pp. 15-32. Then follow references to sources in the Tao-tsang (pp. 33-38) and notes (pp. 39-43).\n\nThe text itself (starting from the 'back') is given twice: first in fac simile, a beautiful reprint on high quality paper of a manuscript dated 1889, in 44 folios (or 88 pages); secondly a critical edition of the text based on the four above mentioned manuscripts with variant readings included, (pp. 1-36).\n\nAlthough this publication has its importance, it does not fully satisfy the wishes of the readers: no translation of the text is given (Schipper is certainly one of the few Taoist scholars capable of offering a translation!) and nowhere does one find an interpretation of the ritual.\n\nIn the same year as Schipper's Fen-teng monograph \"came to light”, (1975), M. Saso published his collection of Chuang-lin hsü-tao-tsang in 24 vols. In vol. 6, pp. 1629-1725 (a total of 96 pages), we find a reproduced manuscript of the Fen-teng ritual, dated 1883. The calligraphy is inferior to Schipper's manuscript, but at least Saso's manuscript is six years older.\n\n* Liu Chih-wan, Taipei-shih Sung-shan ch'i-an chien-chiao chi-tien (Great Propitiatory Rites of Petition for Beneficence at Sung chan, Taipei, Taiwan), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology, (monographs no. 14), 1967.\n\nLiu Chih-wan, Chung-kuo min-chien hsin-yang lan-chi (Essays on Chinese Folk Belief and Folk Cults), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology (monographs no. 22), 1974.\n\n10 On the two occasion described by Liu Chih-wan (3-day festivals), the ritual likewise took place on the first evening. On other occasions, however, I have seen the ritual performed on the 2nd evening. The timing depends on the actual length of the festival, which may only last one day, but is more commonly a three or five-day event. One should, however, not confuse two things: first, the actual chiao is called san-ch'ao, wu-ch'ao or ch'i-ch'ao, etc., and refers to the number of days that the essential rituals are performed. However, the total event may last even longer; I have observed that the actual chiao was preceded by two days of preliminary rituals, such as the exorcisms of the water-spirit and fire-spirit. That brought the total duration of the chiao to",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209181,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 84,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "70\n\nHUBERT SEIWART\n\n39\n\nibid., p 20.\n\n40 A practical consequence of this universalism can be seen in the effort of I-kuan Tao to spread beyond the borders of China proper. Of course, most followers outside Taiwan are overseas Chinese, but it also tried to gain followers among foreigners. Up till now, these efforts have not been very successful, not least because of the language barrier.\n\n41 \"Differentiation\" is the key-concept in many neo-evolutionary theories. Bellah makes use of it in his theory of religious evolution which has implications also for the \"secularization\" of traditional forms of religion. Cf. R. Bellah: \"Religious Evolution”, in American Sociological Review, 29 (1964) pp 358–374.\n\n42 The decline of institutional Christianity does not necessarily imply a decline of religion generally. Cf. for example the considerations by Th. Luckmann, The Invisible Religion, New York 1967.\n\n43\n\nCf. similar considerations in the case of a 19th century Korean religious movement by Chai Sik Chung, \"Religion and Cultural Identity - The Case of 'Eastern Learning'\", in Internationales Jahrbuch fur Religionssoziologie 5 (1969) PP 118 - 132.\n\n** For other examples see Paul de Witt Twinem, \"Modern Syncretic Religious Societies in China”, in The Journal of Religion 5 (1925) pp 463–482, 595 – 606 and Hsiao, loc. cit.\n\n46\n\nWhether it is possible to substitute for the traditional symbol system Western science and philosophy depends on several parameters. Social and intellectual stratification is just one. Another important one is the degree of internalisation of the traditional symbol system. Older people - even intellectuals who acquired their primary and secondary socialisation in terms of the traditional symbol system are less likely to be able or willing to substitute for it a new symbol system than are younger people (cf. Paul de Witt Twinem, loc. cit. p 163). It is noteworthy that the attitude toward traditional and foreign religions may change during the life of a person in the sense that he is willing to join a foreign religion during his youth but later on turns back to traditional religions. In a paper entitled \"How I Happened to Join a Japanese New Religion': One Life History and its Significance for Interpreting Japanese New Religions” H. R. Earhart has analyzed an interesting example of such change. The paper was read at the XIVth Congress of the I.A.H.R., August 1980 at Winnipeg, Manitoba.",
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    {
        "id": 209322,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 225,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "211\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nMEMBERSHIP LIST\n\n(As at 31st December, 1982)\n\nPatron\n\nH.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O.,\n\nHONORARY MEMBERS\n\nThe Aide-de-Camp, Government House LAM, Mr. Yung-fai LAWRY, Mr. R.E.\n\nMACLEHOSE, Sir Murray, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O.\n\nO'HARA, Mrs. Margaret,\n\nTOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie,\n\nLOCAL LIFE MEMBERS\n\nALLEYNE, Mrs. E.L. BOARD, Mr. D.B.M.\n\nBONSALL, Mr. G.W. BUTT, Dr. N.S.G. CALCINA, Mr. P.G. CHAMBERS, Mr. J.W. CHAN, Mr. Alfred T. CHENG, Mr. Tuck CHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong, CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHUN, Miss Oy-ling COMBER, Mr. Leon\n\nCRAMER, Mr. B.L.C.\n\nCRONE, Dr. D.L.\n\nDJOU, Mr. G.G.\n\nDUNCAN, Mrs. Josephine\n\nEMERSON, Mr. Geoffrey C.\n\nEVANS, Mr. Paul J.\n\nEVANS, Mrs. P.J.\n\nFABER, Mrs. Audrey\n\nFAULKNER, Mr. Raymond J.\n\nFOK, Miss Nora\n\nFREMANTLE, Mr. Adam\n\nFRY, Mr. R.A.\n\nFUNG, Mrs. Beatrice,\n\nGAFF, Mrs. Jennifer A.\n\nGORDON, The Hon. Sir S.S.\n\nGREEN, Mrs. Judith\n\nHASE, Dr. Patrick H.\n\nHAYES, Dr. James W. HAYIM, Mr. E.J.\n\nHO, Mr. Tick-on\n\nHONEY, Dr. N.R.\n\nHOPKINSON, Mrs. I.\n\nHOWARD, Mr. William James HOWNAM-MEEK, Mrs. R.S. HOYNINGEN-HUENE,\n\nBaron Ture von\n\nHU, Dr. Shih Chang HUI, Miss Wai Haan HUNG, Mr. Chiu-sing IU, Miss Sheila\n\nKINOSHITA, Mr. James H. KVAN, Rev. Erik\n\nLAI, Mr. T.C\n\nLAU, Dr. Michael Wai-Mai\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. B.M.I. LEE, Mr. J.S. LEE, Dr. R.C.\n\nLETHBRIDGE, Mr. H.J. LEUNG, Mr. Pak-Kui\n\nLI, Mr. David K.P.\n\nFUNG, Sir Kenneth Ping-Fan, O.B.E., J.P. LISOWSKI, Prof. F.P.\n\nLISOWSKI, Mrs. W.Y.\n\nGILKES, Mr. David GORDON, Mr. K.H.A.\n\nLIU, Mr. D.H.\n\nLO, Mr. T.S.\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226",
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        "page_number": 226,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "212\n\nLOÈS, Dr. Sabine de\n\nWONG, Mr Kwok Fong\n\nLOSEBY, Miss Patricia\n\nLUK, Mr. George Ping-chuen\n\nWONG, Mr Peng-cheong YEUNG, Mr Walter W.T.\n\nLUM, Miss Ada\n\nMACKENZIE, Mr. John\n\nMACKEOWN, Dr. P.K.\n\nMARDEN, Mrs. J.L.\n\nMCCRARY, Mr. Michael\n\nMCINTYRE, Mr. W.M.\n\nMCKEIRNAN, Rev. Michael\n\nNORONHA, Mr. J.E.\n\nOGDEN, Mr. B.J.N. OU, Miss G.\n\nPAIN, Mr. John H. PICCUS, Mr. R.P. RAE, Mr. John Allan RAWLINSON, Mr. M.C. RAYNER, Dr. Mary RIDE, Lady May RUST, Mr. H.A.\n\nRYDINGS, Mr. H.A., MBE SEED, Mr. Brian SELLETT, Mr. George SERSALE, Miss Shelia M. SHAW, Dr Brian C.\n\nSHAW, Mrs Felicity\n\nSMITH, Rev. Carl. T. SMITH, Mr Leslie C. SPOONER, Mr Michael G. SU, Dr Chung Jen TAN, Mr Khek-seng TANG, Sir Shiu-kin, CBE TANG, Mrs Madeleine THOMAS, Mr Louis F. THOMPSON, Mr. P.J. THROWER, Prof. L.B. THROWER, Dr Stella TON CHEN, Mrs Chp-ching TORRIBLE, Mr Graham R. URE, Mr Gavin M.N, WATSON, Mr K.A.\n\nWAUNG, Mr William Sikying WEINREBE, Mr Harry M. WERLE, Ms Helga WESLEY-SMITH, Dr Peter WILLIAMS, Mr Roger WILLIAMS, Mr Bernard V. WILLIAMS, Mr & Mrs W.D.F. WINKLER, Mrs E.\n\nYOUNG, Miss Pauline\n\nINSTITUTIONAL MEMBER\n\nAGRICULTURE & FISHERIES DEPT. The Director\n\nLOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS\n\nABBOTT, Mrs Elizabeth Lee\n\nADDIS, Mr Stewart\n\nADDIS, Mrs Diana\n\nAIKEN, Mrs Lorna\n\nAKERS-JONES, Mr D.\n\nALLCOCK, Mr R.C.\n\nARCHER, The Hon. Mrs S.\n\nASHCROFT, Miss Jacqueline P. AUM, Mr K.N.\n\nBARD, Dr S.M.\n\nBARRETTO, Mr Ruy 0.\n\nBATSON, Lt. Col. J.F.S. BEHRENS, Mr Ernst H. BERTRAM, Mr James BIRCH, Dr Alan BLAIKLEY, Mr P.E. BONAVIA, Mrs Judith E. BOWMAN, Mr S.A.W. BOWMAN, Mrs Dorothy BOYLAN, Mrs. Catherine BRAGA, Mr Paul BRAMWELL, Mr Hartley BRANDON, Miss Jacqueline N. BRAUN, Mr Francis BRAY, Miss Jennifer M. BROMFIELD, Mr A.C. BROMFIELD, Mrs Jeanne BROOM, Mr Michael B. BROUWER, Mrs R.P. BROWN, Mr Edward de R. BROWN, Mr Gerald H. BROWN, Dr H.O. BURNS, Dr John P. CAMERON, Mr Nigel\n\nCAMERON, Mrs Susan\n\nCAMPBELL, Mr Mark C.\n\nCANTERS, Mr Rene\n\nCAREY-HUGHES, Dr John\n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
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    {
        "id": 209324,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 227,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "CHAN, Mrs Amy CHAN, Mr Sui-Jeung CHAN, Mrs Teresa CHAPMAN, Mr V.F.D. CHAU, Mr David H.S. CHEETHAM, Mrs J.A. CHEN, Mr S.H. CHERN, Dr K.S. CHEUNG, Mr Oswald CHIAO, Dr Chien CHILVERS, Mrs Anna E.S. CHISM, Mr Michael CHIU, Mrs Carol C. CHRISTOFIS, Mr P. CHRISTOFIS, Mrs L.E.R. CHU, Mr Lee CHUA, Miss Fi Lan CLARKE, Mrs Judith CLIMAS, Mr D. John COCHRANE, Mrs Valerie\n\nCOLLINS, Mr Alan J. COOPER, Mr Roy\n\nCOURTAULD, Mrs Caroline CRABBE, Mr Peter I. CRAIG, Mrs Peggy\n\nCRISSWELL, Dr Coline N. CROSS, Mr Niels T.\n\nCUMINE, Mr E.\n\nCUNNINGHAM, Miss Margaret DAVIES, Mrs L.R.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs Mona\n\nDAVIES, Mr S.N.G. DAVIS, Mr Donald V. DAWE, Mr Jock\n\nDAWSON, Prof. John L.M. DE BURE, Mrs Ursula DEPTFORD, Mr David DER, The Rev. E.B. DIAMOND, Mr A.I.\n\nDOLFIN, Mr John III\n\nDRAKEFORD, Mr Louis S. DYER, Mrs C.E. ECCLES, Mr Jeremy R. ELSOM, Mr Graham J.B. EVANS, Mr Clive Joseph EVANS, Prof. Daffydd M.E. FABRY, Mr R.G. FABRY, Mrs R.G. FAN, Mr Jack F.S.\n\nFAURE, Dr David\n\nFERGUSON, Mrs Carolynn L. FITZPATRICK, Mr J.\n\nFORBES, Miss Janet E. FORSYTH, Mr A.H. FORSYTH, James J. GAILEY, Mr H.G. GAILEY, Mrs Norah GAMLEN, Mr Richard GARCIA, The Hon. Mr Justice GARRETT Mrs Valery M. GATELY, Major Charles GHOSE, Mrs Rajeshwari GIBB, Mr Hugh GIBBONS, Mr John P. GOLDSTEIN, Mr A.L. GRANT, Prof. Charles J. GRAY, Mr Peter H. GRIFFITH, Mr Rodney O. GROVES, Prof. Murray C. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HAFFNER, Mr Christopher HAHN, Mr Werner HAIGH, Mr D.F.\n\nHALL, Mr Christopher H. HALLIDAY, Mr Peter E.\n\nHALPERIN, Mr David R.\n\nHAMER-HUNT, Mr & Mrs H.D.\n\nHAMILTON, Mr Alexander HAMMOND, Mrs Jennifer Ho, Dr & Mrs Hung Chiu HOCHSTADTER, Dr Walter HODGE, Prof. Peter HODGES, Mr Ronald HODGES, Mrs Sylvia HODGKISS, Dr. I. John HOLLEDGE, Mr Simon\n\nHOLMES, Miss Jeanette E.\n\nHORSTMANN, Mrs Charlotte HOTUNG, Mr Eric E. HUGHES, Ms. Anne HUNT, Mrs Jillian M.C. HYSLOP, Mr John S. JEFFERY, Mr Malcolm J. JOHNSON, Mr & Mrs P.K. JONES, Mr Gordon W.E. KEMP, Dr Derek R. KHAN, Dr Latiffa\n\nKHAN, Miss Sherifa\n\n213",
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    {
        "id": 209464,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 121,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "THE NEW CONSTITUTION AND\n\nCHINA'S EMERGING LEGAL SYSTEM\n\nIN PERSPECTIVE\n\nW. ALLYN RICKETT*\n\nOn December 4, 1982, China's National People's Congress (NPC) adopted the fourth and perhaps most favourable constitution since 1949 in terms of paper guarantees for the protection of individual citizens against the arbitrary abuse of Party and state power. When coupled with such laws as the Criminal Code and Criminal Code of Procedure, promulgated in July 1979 and implemented in January 1980, there is some room for optimism that China has embarked on a path toward a stable legal system and the provision of basic guarantees for the rights of its citizens. However, given China's traditional disregard of individual rights and the almost constant state of political turmoil prevailing throughout this century, not to mention the Chinese Communists' generally negative attitude toward jural or formal law in the past, such optimism may well prove to have been undeserved. It might be worthwhile to look briefly at previous efforts on the part of the Chinese Communists to establish some semblance of a stable legal system before trying to reach any conclusions about the future.\n\nThe early judicial experience of the Chinese Communists, which began with the special tribunals set up in Hunan in 1926-27 to try \"bad elements,\" can at best be described by Mao Zedong's own words \"zao de hen\" [extremely crude]. It was not until November 1931 with the founding of the Chinese Soviet Republic in Jiangxi that any real attempt was made by the Communists to establish a formal body of law and judicial procedure. During this and the following Yenan period, laws were promulgated and legal institutions established, but this took place within the context of violent revolutionary struggle and the war of resistance against Japan. Moreover, judicial personnel\n\n* Professor Rickett is Professor of Chinese Studies at the University of Pennsylvania.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209507,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 164,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "PHONOLOGY OF A CANTONESE DIALECT OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAT HING WAI\n\nLAURENT SAGART*\n\nThe walled village of Kat Hing Wai (hereafter KHW) near Kam Tin in the New Territories of Hong Kong is inhabited by a lineage of the Tang clan, whose founding ancestor is believed to have settled there in the 10th or 11th century, coming from Jishui in Jiangxi1. Their dialect, which they refer to as way2 t'aw2 wa4 or 'dialect of the (walled) villages', differs from Standard Cantonese (SC) in a number of respects, and some of its speakers have formed the notion that it is really a transplanted Jiangxi dialect. It is not, however, only in use among members of the Tang clan, or in the village of KHW: I have heard a very similar dialect spoken in the Lau Fau Shan peninsula. Furthermore, Dr. P. H. Hase informs me that most, if not all indigenous Cantonese speakers of the New Territories call their dialect 'dialect of the (walled) villages' or 斗話. While there seem to exist differences between the different branches of this dialect, especially between the varieties spoken in the N.W. plains around Yuen Long and in the Eastern N.T. around Tai Po and Kowloon, the nature and extent of such differences are not known. Consequently, the scope of the present paper is limited to the phonology of way2 t'au2 wa4 as spoken in KHW.\n\nSha Tin\n\nI undertook a survey of the phonology of this dialect, which I believe has not so far been described, in October and November 19822. The informant, Mr. Tang Sau-man XXX, a 66-year-old native speaker of the 'dialect of the walled villages', was born and had always lived in KHW. He went to school in Kam Tin until the age of 18. The school was in the traditional Chinese style, and the courses were given in the local dialect by a teacher, himself a 'person of the walled villages' from 圍頭人.\n\n* Dr. Sagart (Doctorat de 3o cycle Paris 7, 1977) is a full-time researcher with the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209593,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 250,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "228\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nand 1877. The burlesques were particularly popular because local references could be injected into them. For instance in the 1877 performance of Alladin, the following takes place in the Sultan's Palace:\n\nWe ha'n't been asked to Government House; perhaps Sir Arthur's busy packing up his traps.* The time, alas, is drawing very nigh\n\nWhen I shall have to call and say goodbye\n\nAdding, 'Good voyage, and good wind, good water”\n\nBoth to Sir Arthur and his charming daughter.\n\nI'm sure that everybody here who knows him\n\nIs very sorry we're about to lose him,\n\nAnd when he leaves as I can only hope\n\nThat we may job along as pleasantly with Pope†\n\nFree from disasters, typhoons and tornados\n\nOr \"rows\" like those which happened in Barbadoes.=\n\nThe musical finale was composed by a local music teacher, Professor Felix Panizza. The scenery was painted by Mr. Kerr (probably Charles Morland Kerr, accountant at the Oriental Bank) and Mr. Marciano Baptista, Junior, whose father had been a pupil of Chinnery at Macao. In the second act Queen's Road was depicted as a thoroughfare in the capital of China.\n\nENTER THE LADIES\n\nBefore 1879 there were no ladies in the productions of the A.D.C. Female roles were taken by men. This was acceptable for farces and burlesques but not so suitable for realistic love-scenes. A review of a production in 1870 noticed, however, that \"Miss de la Courcy has certainly the happiest way of performing female parts. Her performance showed her knowledge of the woman's character\".\n\n* Sir Arthur Edward Kennedy, Governor of Hong Kong April 1872—March 1877.\n\n† Sir John Pope Hennessy, Governor of Hong Kong April 1877—March 1882.\n\nThere had been disturbances during Governor Hennessy's administration at Barbadoes.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209612,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 269,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "1892/93\n\n―\n\n1893/94\n\n247\n\n\"Honour Bound\" (W. S. Gilbert and Sydney Grundy, 1880)\n\n12, 15 Nov. 1892\n\n\"On Bail\" a farce (W. S. Gilbert, 1877)\n\n26, 28, 30 Dec. 1893, 3, 6, 9, 16, 24 Jan. 1894\n\n\"Princess Toto\" (W. S. Gilbert and Clay, 1876)\n\n1894/95\n\n30 Jan. 4, 6, 9, 12, 16, 18, 23 Feb. 1895\n\n\"Robinson Crusoe\"\n\nPantomime:\n\n17, 20, 24 Apr. 1895 \"The Magistrate\" (A. W. Pinero, 1885)\n\n1895/96\n\n26, 28 Dec. 1895\n\n\"Dandy Dick\" (A. W. Pinero, 1887)\n\n8, 10, 20 Feb. 1896\n\n1888)\n\n1896/97\n\n\"Trial by Jury” (Gilbert and Sullivan, 1888)\n\n19, 21 Dec. 1896 — “Cups and Saucers\" (G. Grossmith, 1878)\n\ngiven in 1886.\n\n\"Charley's Aunt\" (Brandon Thomas, 1892)\n\n25 Feb. 1897 — \"Les Cloches de Carneville\" (H. B. Farnie and R. Reece, 1878)\n\n1897/98\n\n19 Nov. 1897\n\n1890)\n\nF\n\n1898/99\n\n19, 21 Feb. 1898\n\n—\n\n\"A Pair of Spectacles\" (Sidney Grundy, 1890)\n\n\"The Duchess of Bayswater and Co.\" comedietta (A. M. Heathcote, 1888)\n\n\"A Pantomime Rehearsal\" (C. Clay, 1891)\n\n17, 19 Nov. 1898 — “Our Bitterest Foe\" (G. C. Herbst, 1874)\n\n\"Sugar and Cream\" comedietta (J. P. Hurst, 1883) \"The Steeple Chase\" (J. M. Morton, 1865) given in 1874.\n\n―\n\n5, 7, 9, 11, 14, 17, 18 Jan., 1, 3 Feb. 1899 pantomime \"The Yellow Dwarf, or Harlequin the Knave of Hearts\"\n\n1899/1900\n\n4, 6 Nov. 1899\n\n\"The Magistrate\" (A. W. Pinero, 1885) given in 1895.\n\n12, 13 Dec. 1899 \"The Mother In Law\" farcical comedy (G. R. Sims, 1881)\n\nJL\n\n12, 15, 17, 24, 26 Feb. 1900 \"Yeoman of the Guard\" (Gilbert and Sullivan, 1888)\n\n1900/01 24 Nov. 3 Dec. 1900—\n\n1901/02\n\n1902/03\n\n—\n\n―\n\n\"Our Flat\" (Mrs. M. Musgrove, 1889)\n\n15, 19 Nov. 1901 “Trying It On” farce (W. Brough)\n\n\"Plantation Revels\" minstrel variety\n\n13, 14, 15 Nov. 1902\n\n\"Liberty Hall\" drama (R. C. Carton, 1892)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209715,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 372,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "350\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nHowever, such incomplete listings are probably common to many gazetteers.\n\nIn truth, the gazetteer was never intended to be comprehensive, and Mr. Ng and Dr. Baker cannot be faulted. Perhaps it is just as well to emphasize this. Instead, we should be thankful that the informative and often picturesque descriptive writing in the gazetteer comes over so well in translation, and for the liveliness of Dr. Baker's notes and his other writings (particularly the Ancestral Images series mentioned above). Through the far-sightedness of the Hong Kong University Press, the two authors have surely provided us with a most valuable and useful basis for intelligent appreciation of our past, as well as with many hints for further reading and further studies if we are so minded.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nHistoire de l'Asie du Sud-Est, Révoltes, Réformes, Révolutions, Pierre Brocheux (compiler), Presses Universitaires de Lille, 1981, 276 pp.\n\nThis collection of twelve essays, with a 9-page introduction by one of the contributors on behalf of himself and eight others, devotes itself largely to Vietnamese history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but also includes material on early 20th century Laos and Cambodia, on Java and early Indonesian communism, and on present-day Singapore.\n\nThe Vietnamese subjects are widely distributed in time and place. They include a historical review of peasant movements; reform and traditionalism at the court of Hué in the later 19th century; Ta Thu Thau, an unsuccessful revolutionary assassinated by the Vietminh in 1945; a revolt (1918-22) among the Hmong \"montagnards\" living on the confines of China and Vietnam; the extreme left pan-Asiatic movement and the Vietnamese national movement 1905-25; and a survey of the communists' approach to the peasantry in Vietnam. There is also an essay on the agrarian reforms of the Diệm regime with American prompting and support.\n\nIn their introduction, the authors make the point that the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209718,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 375,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n353\n\nand learn more about them; equally, for those who know and love these vital and exciting rituals, the book will be certain to awaken nostalgia. If the book has the effect of drawing more people's attention to the traditional Chinese festivals and life still to be found all over Hong Kong, then it will have achieved Barbara Ward's aim; it is good to know that, in this her last book before her untimely death, her aim is so likely to be achieved.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nPhonologie du Dialect Hakka de Sung Him Tong by Laurent Sagart [Editions Langages Croisés, published by l'Association des Recherches Interculturelles sur l'Expression Gestuelle et Orale]. Paris and Hong Kong 1982. pp.154.\n\nThis monograph is a study of the Hakka subdialect spoken in Sung Him Tong village in the New Territories of Hong Kong, and is Sagart's doctoral dissertation (thèse de 3ème cycle) done at the University of Paris under the direction of M. Alexis Rygaloff. This work presents in a manageable package most of the information about Sung Him Tong Hakka that one might want for an overview of this specific speech community.\n\nThe text includes a lexicon (listed by traditional categories such as natural phenomena, plants, animals, etc.); transcribed texts of oral materials; an exposition of syllable structure and types; a description of the phonology of the subdialect in both synchronic and diachronic frameworks; a comparative treatment of this subdialect with that of Meixian and other Hakka forms; and a bibliography of Hakka studies.\n\nThe format of Sagart's work is appropriately patterned after that of M. Hashimoto (The Hakka Dialect, Cambridge 1973) so that the two studies can combine to add a degree of uniformity to the published materials. This sort of systematization greatly simplifies the next stages of comparative work in Hakka research. If more field workers could generally agree on format and scope of dialect materials we could move with more confidence toward the goals of complete dialect surveys and more reliable reconstructions of the protodialects and proto-Chinese. Ultimately such materials will be necessary to give us the linguistic reconstructions to compare and contrast with the 'textual' reconstructions derived from the rime books and other written\n\nPage 375\n\nPage 376",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209725,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 382,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "360\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nwith someone, preferably Chinese, who knows the places well and can argue and interpret for him, it could well prove a dangerous as well as an incomplete vade-mecum.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nThe Imperial Ming Tombs, Ann Paludan, Hong Kong University Press.\n\nIn many ways 'The Imperial Ming Tombs' by Ann Paludan is an excellent book, devoid of jargon, it opts for simplicity in its presentation to guide readers not only in detail to the history, architecture and sculptures of the monuments but also to the entire environment of this splendid mausolea complex where thirteen of the sixteen emperors of the Ming dynasty lie buried.\n\nEarlier studies on the Ming Tombs by other scholars concentrated on the first tomb, Ch'ang-ling. Ann Paludan attempts to consider the cemetery as a whole and reveals to us systematically one by one all the thirteen tombs. To complete the account, she includes Hsiao-ling in Nanking, tomb of the first Ming emperor Chu Yuan-chang, and Western Hills, tomb of Chu Chi-yu. Her account is different from that of earlier authors (Jan Jakob Maria De Groot, Georges Bouillard, Vandescal etc.) also because this was written after the restorations which began in the 1950s, and during the time when there was an expansion of the adjacent village and agricultural activities.\n\nThere is a remarkable difference in the way in which individual tombs are being preserved, some are gradually being incorporated into the life of the local village and even stones are being used for contemporary buildings. The book not only gives a description of the architectural and sculptural details of each tomb, but also a picture of the current state of the buildings and the village activities that grow around each mausoleum. The account of each tomb is further supplemented by descriptions of the drainage system and birds and flora observed in the precinct. A brief history of the life of the emperor buried there is also included to give the readers a better understanding of the choice of site of the mausoleum.\n\nFor\n\nA lot of attention is paid to detailed description in the book in order to establish the theory and concept of the tombs. example, the use of colour and materials, the origins of motifs,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209729,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 386,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "364\n\nSELLETT, Mr. G. SERSALE, Miss S.M. SHAW, Dr. B.C. SHAW, Mrs. F. SMITH, Rev. C.T. SMITH, Mr. L.C. SPOONER, Mr. M.G. SU, Dr. C.J. SUESS, Mr. H.\n\nTAN, Mr. K.S.\n\nTANG, Sir Shiu-Kin, TANG, Mrs. M.\n\nTHOMAS, Mr. L.F.\n\nLOCAL LIFE MEMBERS\n\nTHOMPSON, Mr. P.J. THROWER, Prof. L.B. THROWER, Dr. S. TON, Mrs. C.C.C. TORRIBLE, Mr. G.R.\n\nURE, Mr. G.M.N.\n\nVICKERS, Dr. S.\n\nWATSON, Mr. K.A. WAUNG, Mr. W.S. WEINREBE, Mr. J.M. WERLE, Ms. H.\n\nWESLEY-SMITH, Mr. P.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mr. R. WILLIAMS, Mr. B.V.\n\nWILLIAMS, Mr. & Mrs. W.D.F. WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Mr. K.F. WONG, Mr. P.C.\n\nYEUNG, Mr. W.W.T. YOUNG, Miss P.\n\nINSTITUTIONAL MEMBERSHIP\n\nAGRICULTURE & FISHERIES, Director, Dept. of\n\nOXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS\n\nLOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS\n\nABBOTT, Mrs. E.L.\n\nADDIS, Mr. S. ADDIS, Mrs. D.\n\nAIKEN, Mrs. L. AKERS-JONES, Mr. D.\n\nALLCOCK, Mr. R.C. ARCHER, The Hon. Mrs. S.\n\nAU, Mr. K.N.\n\nBARD, Dr. S.M.\n\nBARRETTO, Mrs. K.A. BARRETTO, Mr. R.O.\n\nBATSON, Dr. J.F.S. BEHRENS, Mr. E.H. BERTRAM, Mr. J. BIRCH, Dr. A. BLAIKLEY, Mr. P.E. BLOOMFIELD, Miss F.\n\nBONAVIA, Mrs. J.E. BOOTES, Mrs. H.L. BOSHER, Mr. C.S.T.\n\nBOWMAN, Mr. S.A.W. BOWMAN, Mrs. D. BOYLAN, Mrs. C. BRAGA, Mr. P. BRAMWELL, Mr. H. BRANDON, Miss J.N. BRAUN, Mr. F. BRAWN, Mrs. J. BRAY, Miss J.M. BROMFIELD, Mr. A.C. BROMFIELD, Mrs. J. BROOM, Mr. M.B. BROUWER, Mrs. R.P. BROWN, Mr. E. de R. BROWN, Mr. G.H. BROWN, Dr. H.O. BROWN, Dr. P.M. BRUCE, Mr. P. BURNS, Dr. J.P. BYRNE, Miss P.\n\nCAMERON, Mr. N. CAMERON, Mrs. S.\n\nCANTERS, Mr. R. CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J.\n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES, The Director\n\nCHAN, Mrs. A. CHAN, Mr. S.J. CHAN, Mrs. T. CHAPMAN, Mr. V.F.D. CHAU, Mr. D.H.S. CHEETHAM, Mrs. J.A. CHEN, Mr. S.H. CHERN, Dr. K.S. CHEUNG, Mr. O. CHIAO, Dr. C. CHILVERS, Mrs. A.E.S. CHISM, Mr. M. CHIU, Mrs. C.C. CHRISTIE, Mr. D.W.B. CHRISTOFIS, Mrs. P. CHU, Mr. L.",
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        "id": 209730,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 387,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "365\n\nCHUA, Miss F.L. CLARKE, Ms. J.\n\nLOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS\n\nCLIMAS, Mr. D.J. COCHRANE, Mrs. V. COLLINS, Mr. A.J.\n\nCOOPER, Mr. R. COURTAULD, Mrs. C.\n\nCRABBE, Mr. P.I. CRAIG, Mrs. P. CRISP, Mr. J.A. CRISSWELL, Dr. C.N. CROSS, Mr. N.T. CROSS, Mrs. C.E. CUMINE, Mr. E. CUNNINGHAM, Miss M.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs. L.R. DAVIES, Mrs. M. DAVIES, Mr. S.N.G. DAVIS, Mr. D.V. DAWE, Mr. J. DAWSON, Prof. J.L.M. DEACON, Mr. D.A. DEPTFORD, Mr. D. DER, The Rev. E.B. DIAMOND, Mr. A.L. DOLFIN, Mr. J. DOWELL, Mr. S.M. DOWNER, Mrs. R.W.Y. DRAKEFORD, Mr. L.S. DRESEL, Mrs. H. DYER, Mrs. C.E.\n\nELSOM, Mr. G.J.B. EVANS, Mr. C.J. EVANS, Prof. D.M.E.\n\nFABRY, Mr. R.G. FABRY, Mrs. R.G.\n\nFAN, Mr. J.F.S. FAURE, Dr. D. FERGUSON, Mrs. C.L. FITZPATRICK, Mr. J.\n\nFITZWILLIAM-LAY, Mr. D.H.\n\nFORBES, Miss J.E. FORSYTH, Mr. A.H. FORSYTH, Mr. J.J.\n\nGAILEY, Mr. H.G. GAILEY, Mrs. N.\n\nGAMLEN, Mr. R. GARCIA, The Hon. Mr. Justice A.\n\nGARRETT, Mrs. V.M. GATELY, Mr. C. GERARD-PEARSE, Mrs. J.R.S.\n\nGHOSE, Mrs. R. GIBB, Mr. H. GODOLPHIN, Mr. P.J.\n\nGOLDSTEIN, Mr. A.L. GORER, Mr. P. GRANT, Prof. C.J. GRAY, Mr. P.H. GRIFFITH, Mr. R.O. GROVES, Prof. M.C. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de\n\nHAFFNER, Mr. C. HAHN, Mr. W. HAIGH, Mr. D.F. HALL, Mr. C.H. HALLIDAY, Mr. P.E. HALPERIN, Mr. D.R. HAMER-HUNT, Mr. H.D.\n\nHAMILTON, Mr. A. HAMMOND, Mrs. J. HIGHAM, Mrs. J.E. HIGHAM, Mr. R.D. HO, Dr. H.C. HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W.\n\nHODGE, Prof. P. HODGES, Mr. R. HODGES, Mrs. S. HODGKISS, Dr. I.J. HOLLEDGE, Mr. S. HOLMES, Miss J.E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C.\n\nHOTUNG, Mr. E.E. HUGHES, Ms. A. HUNT, Mrs. J.M.C. HYSLOP, Mr. J.S.\n\nJACOBSEN, Miss S.M. JEFFERY, Mr. M.J. JOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. P.K.\n\nJONES, Mr. G.W.E. JORDAN, Mr. D.J.\n\nKEMP, Dr. D.R.\n\nKERSHAW, Mr. C.J. KHAN, Dr. L. KHAN, Miss S.\n\nKING, Miss C.A. KIRKBRIDE, Mr. K.M.G.\n\nKWAN, Mrs. A.W.S.C. KWAN, Dr. L.H.\n\nKWOK, Mr. P.L.\n\nLAI, Miss M.S.C. LACK, Mr. A.J. LACK, Mrs. R. LANG, Mr. F.G. LAWRENCE, Mr. A. LEE, Mr. P.E.I. LEE, Mr. P.J. LEE, Mrs. R.M. LEE, Miss S.S.Y. LEEDS, Mrs. M.L. LERNER, Mr. B. LEVIN, Mr. D.A. LEVIN, Mrs. S.S. LI, Mr. E.L. LI, Mr. S.Y. LIARDET, Mr. A.J. LIH, Mr. S.H. LIU, Miss D. LLOYD, Mrs. W.E. LO, Miss A.D.W. LO, Mr. S.W. LOCK, Mr. K.B. LOCKING, Mr. J.R. LOFTS, Prof. B. LOK, Dr. L.S.U. LOK, Miss W.K. LOVELL, Mrs. H.C. LUK, Dr. H.K. LUNNEY, Mr. R. LUTZ, Mr. H.F.\n\nMA, Prof. H.K. MA, Mrs. J. MA, Prof. M. MacCABE, Mrs. S.J. MACCALLUM, Mr. I. MACCALLUM, Mrs. W.M.\n\nMACFARLANE, Mrs. H.D.\n\nMACGREGOR, Mr. K. MANSON, Mr. J.B. MAO, Dr. P.W.C. MARKEY, Mr. J.C. MARTIN, Dr. M.R. MASON, Mr. A.K. MATHEW, Mr. D.",
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        "id": 209779,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 38,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "The area is bounded to the east by King's Road, to the west by Leighton Road, to the north by Tung Lo Wan Road, and to the south by Caroline Hill Road and Cotton Path.\n\nA prospectus for the new company was issued in August 1897, with J. J. Bell-Irving of Jardines as Chairman of the Board and a capital of $1,200,000. The mill began operation on 1 June 1899 with 12,000 spindles, with an anticipated full capacity of about 50,000 spindles. The company, however, was plagued by set-backs. It closed at the end of 1910. After a time, it was revived only to be forced to close again permanently in 1914, when its machinery was removed to Shanghai and the land and buildings sold for $400,000. The purchasers were the French Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres.\n\nThe Order had come to Hong Kong in 1848 and located in Wanchai, where they opened the \"Asile de Sainte Enfance\" to receive abandoned children. As the years passed, the Wanchai location became increasingly undesirable. In 1908 the Sisters opened a Hospital in Wong Nei Chung valley. In 1914, when they bought the cotton mill premises, they converted some of the mill buildings for their own purposes and later built new and more adequate accommodation for a convent, St. Paul's Convent School, an orphanage, a hospital, and a church.\n\nThe same year that Keswick transferred IL 1018 to the cotton mill, he conveyed the remaining part of the valley to Sir Robert Jardine. In time, the land came into the possession of the Government, which used it as sites for the Hong Kong Stadium, the South China Stadium, and a recreation ground.\n\nOn the Caroline Hill side of the valley was a large Chinese cemetery. Gravestones and other reminders of the cemetery can still be found among the trees and underbrush.\n\nFive trustees for the Japanese Community acquired a site in So Kon Po Valley in 1911 (Inland Lot 1879). The trustees transferred the site to the Japanese Benevolent Society in 1918. In 1920, the Benevolent Society was merged with the Japanese Education Society to form the Japanese Residents Association. A plot plan of the lot shows buildings that appear to be a temple. The lot is probably the same as that now occupied by the Hong Kong Buddhist Association School.",
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    {
        "id": 209897,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 156,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "134\n\nBoard (in manuscript), p. 121 kept in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong as Hong Kong Record Series 206. Pages 120-141 of the Proceedings relate to a hearing held on 6th June 1893, \"Claim to a Temple at Apleichau\".\n\n10 The same man also said that Ap Lei Chau 'was built about 1850' (ibid, p. 122). However, as stated in my text, the Hung Shing temple on the island appears to date from the 18th century and another local resident (b. 1825) who gave evidence to the Squatter Board (ibid, p. 132) said that it was enlarged in 1847. The temple originally stood on its own little island, later joined by reclamation to Ap Lei Chau. See JHKBRAS 7 (1967) p. 170, footnote.\n\n11 W.F. Mayers, N.B. Dennys and C. King - The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (London, Trubner & Co., 1867) p. 49. 'Boat building and general trade' are listed as the principal concerns. The \"Ap-le-chow\" and \"Shek pai wan\" (Aberdeen) entries in this work are bracketed. The latter had 160 houses and 205 boats and the total recorded population for the two places, together with the boat people, was 1,664. See also information given in the printed proceedings of a court case over ownership of land on Ap Lei Chau given in Sessional Papers August 1886 - September 1887\" (Appendix to Report from the Land Commission of 1886-87) pp. 33-35.\n\n1* See the Hong Kong Government's printed Sessional Papers for 1897 and 1911, pp. 484 and 103 (23) respectively.\n\n1 Sessional Papers 1901, No. 39 of 1901. pp. (6), (18) and (20). Of the 947 vessels, 787 were fishing boats. At that time, there were 2,799 land persons living in and round Aberdeen-Ap Lei Chau.\n\n11 Sessional Papers 1897 and 1911 at pp. quoted at note 12 above. For similar organizations of M. Freedman's article \"Immigrants and Associations: Chinese in Nineteenth-century Singapore\", Comparative Studies in Society and History, III (1960-61), 25-48; and for other coastal market centres in the Hong Kong region, Hayes 1977, chapters 2 and 3 dealing with Cheung Chau and Tai O respectively.\n\n10 See the account given in the printed Ap Lei Chau Hung Shing Festival brochure for year (1983) now in Hong Kong Collection, University of Hong Kong Library,\n\n10 Squatter Board proceedings, p. 138. The word \"Kaifong\" (#) or street association was commonly used in South China to describe (a) all the inhabitants of an area (b) the voluntary organization of leading residents which managed the affairs of that community, e.g. the Kaifeng looked after the interests of all kaifongs. On Ap Lei Chau, the Kaifong and the Fongs' leaders seem to have been one and the same. For Kaifongs in the Hong Kong region see Hayes 1977, pp. 64-69, 81-84, 96-98, 171-172 and 218 note 27. Also, Hayes 1983, pp. 45-46 and 56-59.\n\n18 For divining blocks, see J.J.M. De Groot, The Religious System of China (Ch'ing Wen reprint, Taipei 1976) Vol. VI, pp. 1285-1287.\n\n1o See Hayes 1977, p. 219, note 41, for similar honours paid to leading office bearers reported from Canton (1902).\n\n* The shopkeeper petitioners who came to see the Registrar General in 1893, as recorded in the Squatter Board proceedings, stated that \"The temple is the property of the inhabitants of Ap Lei Chau and the boatpeople who subscribe”.\n\nThe Ap Lei Chau section of this article is based mainly on the oral statements of Messrs. CHENG Kam-kwu ($##) b. 12.10.1887, CHENG Lim () b. 17.12.1891 and LUN Shing-fun () b. ...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209956,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 215,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "193\n\n* Shi Boxuan (Yuan dynasty) is the compiler of two books: the Sishu Kuanku 190 and the Guankui Waipian 7 lumped together as Kuankui in the Gujin Tushu Jicheng. See Bu Liao Jin Yuan Yishu Wenzhi WIGxARK ed. Shangwu, Taipei, 1966, pp. 28, 56.\n\n1차\n\n* Jing Fang (77 to 37 B.C.) was a famous Han philosopher and presumed author of a number of oracular works. Most of these are still listed in the Jingji Zhi, Chapter, part 3, section zi of the Suishu.\n\n\"The Liji refers to the ritual dismembering of a dog in connection with the annual Nuo exorcism. The animal's remains were then buried in front of the main gate of the capital. See S. Couvreur, Le Liji, Imprimerie de la mission catholique, Ho Kien Fu (1913), vol. I, p. 352.\n\n12 The charm, faintly visible near the end of column 22, may represent a model of an \"astronomical\" charm.\n\n\"Peach wood was thought to possess magical properties as early as 544 B.C. (D. Bodde, op.cit. pp. 128 ff.) while the wood of the tong tree was associated with the miraculous birth of the hero Yiying. See M. Granet, Danses et légendes de la Chine antique, Presses universitaires de France, reprint edition 1959, vol. II, p. 428.\n\nB. Laufer \"Bird divination among the Tibetans\", in Toung Pao, vol. XV (1914) p. 4, note 1. \"The Study of Tibetan divination is as wide as it is ungrateful and unpleasant for research”.\n\n* The same omen is found in the Gujin tushu jicheng, vol. 26, j.174, p. 1b, column 7.\n\n\"The prohibition against leaving the house for three years is mentioned three times in the Gujin tushu jicheng. It applies: when a pack of dogs howl in neighbourhood streets; when such a pack howls in city markets and, unless obeyed, portends death for a man who has (accidentally) been spattered with dog urine. Op.cit. pp. 1a,b.\n\n* The contradictory omens in brackets show that other dog divination systems were known at the time.\n\n18 The Gujin tushu jicheng has \"against a palace door\" op.cit. p. 11b, column 11.\n\n** \"Dreadful disasters\" instead of \"of the inhabitants will be harmed” Ibid.\n\n\"The last four characters of this column make no sense. \"Mu is probably an error for the numerator mei.\n\nAN ODE ON HONG KONG COMPOSED BY THE MAYOR OF CANTON IN 1845\n\nP. BRUCE\n\nA charming ode was published on December 13, 1845 by the Friend of China newspaper. It gives a rare Chinese view of the development of the young colony of Hong Kong.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209993,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 252,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "230\n\np. 130. Ho Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, New York, 1962, p. 208.\n\np. 134. Bredon, Juliet and Mitrophanow, Igor, The Moon Year: a Record of Chinese Customs and Festivals, Shanghai, 1927, p. 341.\n\np. 141. Ball, Things, p. 316.\n\np. 142. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol I. p. 122.\n\np. 145. Ho Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953, Cambridge, Mass., 1959, p. 187.\n\np. 148. Anderson, E. N., Jr and Anderson, Marja L., 'Modern China: South', in Chang K. C. (ed.), Food in Chinese Culture, New Haven, 1977, p. 339.\n\np. 154. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol II, p. 293.\n\np. 156., p. 180.\n\nAncestral Images Again\n\nP. 3. De Groot, Religious System, Vol I, p. 30.\n\nP. 4. Johnston, R. F., Lion and Dragon in Northern China, London, 1910, p. 140.\n\n5. Cormack, Birthday etc. Customs, p. 18.\n\np. 9. Freedman, Maurice, Lineage Organization in Southeastern China, London, 1958, p. 64.\n\np. 11. Chen Han-seng, Landlord and Peasant in China, New York, 1936, pp. 37-38.\n\np. 16. Johnston, Lion and Dragon, p. 383.\n\np. 21. Werner, Dictionary, p. 557.\n\np. 22. Watters, T, A Guide to the Tablets in a Temple of Confucius, Shanghai, 1879, p. xv.\n\np. 22. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol I, pp. 525-526.\n\np. 26. Liu Y. C., Fifty Chinese Stories, London, 1967, pp. 36-39,\n\np. 28. Ibid, pp. 56-59.\n\np. 30. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol I, p. 30.\n\np. 33. Gray, China, Vol I, p. 391.\n\np. 36. Macgowan, Sidelights, p. 326.\n\np. 36. Hunter, William C., Bits of Old China, London, 1855, p. 194.\n\np. 38. De Groot, Religious System, Vol I, p. 43.\n\n40. 齊東野, 風水靈籤怪談\n\np. 40. F·AKAKEK Hong Kong, 1963, pp. 12-13.\n\np. 47. Sun Yat-sen, Memoirs of a Chinese Revolutionary, London, 1918, p. 5.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    {
        "id": 210091,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 62,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "41\n\netym, (variant); } = cracks; 1= || scapula !) (K. 1192) enquire by divination; auspicious, good, virtuous; firm, solid; and !! diviner's fee?) { Kui (K. 462) tortoise, divination by aid of the cracks in heated tortoise shell to draw lots; a lot [this character is a strange mixture; enclosure or “border prairie” with possibly 2 sets of stalks on top of a tortoise: 2 types of divination mixed together] * (K. 894; M. 5763) to divine by stalks of milfoil; (from K magic and \" bamboo-stalks) * shih (M. 5801) milfoil (“achillée”) [the character suggests a plant, and elder person, and a mouth: oracle of old sage?]\n\nCharacters derived from 4: A hands manipulating divining sticks on a table to perceive name of king, Kao, a diviner to learn to teach (to learn + whipping)\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The Chinese text of this oracle is found in Sheng-ch'ien chu-chieh (see bibliography)\n\n2 While this article was already in press, I obtained new information stating that there is a still older example of Chinese oracles, dating from the 5th century A.D: “The earliest example of a Buddhist oracle-sequence can be dated to the middle of the fifth century, and is found in the printed Buddhist Canon. It forms the tenth book in a work entitled The Book of Consecration (Kuan-ting ching, T. 1331).” Although this text is not necessarily a temple oracle, yet it is so far the earliest book containing 100 oracle stanzas in a style similar to the later temple oracles. (Michel Strickmann, “Chinese Oracles in Buddhist Vestments”, p. 27 of an unpublished paper delivered at the Berkeley Conference on Chinese Divination and Portent-lore, June 20-July 2, 1983).\n\n3 See for example L. Vandermeersch, \"De la Tortue à l'Achillée\", p. 46. Fung Yu-lan, in his History of Chinese Philosophy, vol. 1 (1952), pp. 27-28: quotes the Ch'ien Han Shu, which in its turn refers to the Shuching. “The divina-tion plant (shih ) and the tortoise shell (kuei #k) are used by the Sages. The Shu says: \"when you have doubts about any great matter, consult the tortoise shell and divination stalks'. . . .\n\n** See also J. Needham, Science & Civilization in China, vol. 2 (1956), pp. 347-349. On page 348 there is a reproduction of a drawing dating from the late Ch'ing dynasty, which shows the legendary emperor Shun and his ministers consulting the oracles of the tortoise-shell and the milfoil.\n\n7 & Miyazaki Ichisada (1966), p. 161.\n\n8 Miyazaki (1966), p. 162.\n\n9 Webster's New 20th century Dictionary of the English Language (1979), p. 765.\n\n10 Andree Richard (1906).",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 245,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "224\n\nJ.H. HAAN\n\n32\n\n13\n\nLetter of Cordier in JNCBRAS, Vol. XXXV (1902), p. xi.\n\nArts of Asia (Hong Kong), May-June 1976, p. 65 (illustration) and p. 72.\n\n14 Portraits in \"Boston and the China Trade” (1970), no. 23; and Liu, o.c., between pp. 78 and 79.\n\n35\n\n36\n\nLiu, o.c. p. 179, n. 9; BS. IV 2520.\n\nAdv. NCH 11.8.1860.\n\n37 NCH 21.11.1863, 31.12.1864, 8.7.1865.\n\n38\n\nMaybon & Fredet: \"Histoire de la Concession française de Changhai” (1929), p. 318, 445.\n\nNCH 13.6.1863.\n\n39\n\n40\n\nBS III, 2274.\n\n41 NCH 4.2.1865.\n\n42\n\n43\n\nJNCBRAS, Vol. I (1865); Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xiii.\n\nCR Jan. 1837,\n\n44 CR Jan. 1847.\n\n45\n\nCR Jan. 1845 (in Macau).\n\n46 See e.g. NCH 3.8.1850; SA 1853-1856.\n\n41 NCH 16.8.1856; cf. also S.C. Lockwood: “Aug. Heard & Co. 1858-1862” (1971), p. 19.\n\n41 Griffin, o.c., p. 306-307, n. 6; S. Couling: \"Encyclopedia Sinica\" (1917), p. 187; \"Guide to the microfilm edition of the Forbes Papers\" (1969), p. 15, 18.\n\nAdv. NCH 3.1.1863.\n\n50 NCH 24.9.1864.\n\n51 Maybon & Fredet, o.c., p. 445-446.\n\n52\n\nBS III, 2274.\n\n53 JNCBRAS, Vol. X (1876), Vol. XVII (1882), p. x.\n\n34 JNCBRAS, Vol. VII (1873), p. i.\n\n55 JNCBRAS, Vol. VIII (1874), p. i; Vol. IX (1875), p. i.\n\n56 JNCBRAS, Vol. V (1869), p. v-vii,\n\n57 Ibid. p. ix-x.\n\n58 Portrait in \"Boston and the China Trade\", no. 24; Liu, o.c., between pp. 78 and 79.\n\n59 Couling, o.c., p. 187; Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xviii; BS I, 480; “Guide to microfilm edition of the Forbes Papers\", p. 18.\n\n60 Adv. NCH 14.4.1855.\n\n61\n\nSA 1856.\n\n62 NCH 9.1.1858.\n\n63\n\nG.B. Endacott: \"Government and People in Hong Kong 1841-1962\" (1964), p. 251.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210277,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 248,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "135\n\nNCH 31.3.1855.\n\n136\n\n137\n\nCR Jan. 1848, Jan. 1849, Jan. 1850.\n\nAdv. NCH 1.4.1854.\n\n134\n\nAdv. NCH 11.8.1855.\n\n119\n\nAdv. NCH 17.5.1862.\n\n140\n\n227\n\nNCH 31.3.1855, 14.3.1857.\n\n141 Polt, o.c., fac. p. 81.\n\n1414\n\n\"Dictionary of National Biography” (1900), Vol. XIII, p. 202-203; A. Wylie: \"Memorials of Protestant Missionaries” (1867), p. 25ff; NCH 11.4.1857; Couling, o.c., p. 344.\n\n143 See: J.H. Haan: “De opkomst van de Internationale Settlement te Shanghai 1845-1865\" (The Rise of the International Settlement at Shanghai) Unpublished manuscript, University of Amsterdam, 1977, p. 167-169.\n\n144 NCH 13.9.1851; SA 1855.\n\n145\n\n146\n\nJ.C. Harris: “Couriers of Christ\" (1931), fac. p. 112.\n\nWylie, o.c., p. 25ff; BS I, 74; III 1596-1597.\n\nObituary by Henri Cordier in T'oung Pao, Vol. III (1902), p. 338.\n\n147\n\n148\n\nSA 1855, 1856.\n\n149\n\nAdv. NCH 19.1.1861.\n\n150\n\nChina Directory 1874.\n\n151\n\nSee: Edward LeFevour \"Western Enterprise in Late Ch'ing China\" (1970), passim.\n\n152\n\nKing & Clarke, o.c., p. 98; see also p. 137 (year of death should be 1902 instead of 1891).\n\n153 JNCBRAS, Vol. VI (1871), p. ix.\n\n154\n\nJNCBRAS, Vol. VIII (1874), p. i.\n\n155\n\nBS III, 2365; IV, 2557.\n\n156\n\nCR Jan. 1847.\n\n157\n\nAdv. NCH 27.8.1853.\n\n158\n\nNCH 12.4.1856, 14.3.1857, 9.1.1858, 15.1.1859. Replaced by Whittal (NCH 13.6.1863).\n\n159 NCH 26.9.1857; Cordier, Letter, (see n. 32) p. xii.\n\n160\n\nDeath reported in Report 1863 Trustees Trinity Church (NCH 10.12.1864).\n\n161 CR Jan. 1842, 1843, 1848 (Macau), 1847 (Canton), 1848 (ibid), 1849 (ibid), 1850 (ibid).\n\n162 Elliston. o.c., p. 25.\n\nSA 1854, 1855, 1856; adv. NCH 3.1.1857.\n\n163\n\n164\n\nCR Jan. 1851.\n\n165\n\nNotification in NCH 17.8.1861.\n\n166\n\nNCH 10.6.1865.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210284,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 255,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "234\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\nof water (Kan Lu #), the chief priest passed the dish to the priest on his right-hand side, who then used a small pine leaf to sprinkle water as he walked through the festival area himself. (See routes 1 and 2 in the plan of the Festival Area at the Appendix to this article.) The participating worshippers regarded the former walking ritual as one to show respect to their 'Ancestors', and the latter one as a kind of offering and purification of the area.\n\n13\n\nThe 'Reporting' ritual, which took place between entrance A and entrance C, started with the throwing of several Man Tau (Man-Juu in Japanese, a kind of bread) and ten-yen coins to those attending. It created a lot of excitement among those attending as well as the priests. Then the chief priest, who was standing on a table, read a Pang (a name list =, yellow in colour, which was burnt on the last night) of 165 names, and then a Shi-ma (a paper-made figure riding on a paper-made horse), the supposed messenger to Heaven, was burnt with paper money and incense sticks. The 'messenger' was to report to Heaven that this place was now holding a festival for (a) all the soldiers who died during the World Wars, (b) the Ancestors of all surnames, and (c) all wandering spirits. It was hoped that through this generous offering (Gong De), the worshippers could obtain family happiness and good luck.\n\n=\n\n16\n\n=\n\n17\n\n#3). At about 3 p.m. on Sept. 2, a bus took fifteen Hokkienese committee members (including 3 females, 1 boy, 2 youths in their 20s) and six priests to the Shumanoura beach, which is in Hyogo Prefecture. There, 21 lotus lanterns (Lien Dan, each with a burning candle inside) were sent out to sea. At the same time, two women put 60 sets of 3 small incense sticks and 2 sets of 3 middle-sized incense sticks into the sand, while the priests chanted facing the sea. After that, the committee members threw vegetarian food around the site. The whole ritual took fifteen minutes. The ritual, according to the Japanese priest, was to send off the ghosts and the ancestors, and some committee members said that it was to send off the orphan ghosts (Wu Zhi Gui 無杞鬼 = Muen butsu in Japanese, meaning ghosts which have no worshippers).\n\nDuring the night offerings, the chief priest first made some\n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210336,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 307,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "286\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\nThe Cheung lineage was not prosperous until the Tao Kuang (*) period. Ancestor Yao-chih (2) of the 2nd sub-lineage became a successful merchant, and through his generous donation, an Ancestral Hall for the whole lineage was built. The Ancestral Hall of the Ya-kang segment was built in the middle of the Chia Ching period by the effort of ancestor I-pi ( ), brother of Ah-lum's grandfather (see clan record, Tz'u yu pu (3) section, Tz'u T'ang Chi (2) sub-section pp. 1-4). Though the lineage had several National School students (B), no one succeeded in the official examinations until the end of the Ch'ing dynasty when they had three chüren (A). Two of them were Ah-lum's sons. Ah-lum's father was also a National School Student who earned his living by teaching in the villages nearby (see the biography of Ah-lum's father in the Clan record, Chi-ching pu (it) section, Hang Chuang ((HA) sub-section p. 5).\n\nThis man is not otherwise mentioned in the Clan record.\n\nAccording to Ah-lum's statement as given in court, \"he first came to the colony at only 18 years of age. He was first employed by Mr. Bigham, who went to California; after that by Mr. Franklyn; then by Murrow, Stephenson & Co.; then by Mr. De Silver, for whom he made biscuits, as well as did other business see: British Parliamentary Papers, China, no. 24: Hong Kong, P. 183. (= BPP 24:183).\n\nThe Russell was owned by Russell & Co., and the Shamrock by Mr. Xavier, c.f. BPP 24:170 and 173.\n\nSee BPP 24:164–184. The bakery had three machines making bread to supply most of the foreigners in Hong Kong.\n\nSee BPP 24:155-184, and Eitel op.cit. p. 311-313.\n\n10 The Arrow War. The anti-foreigner movement was supported by Yeh Ming-shen (), the Imperial Commissioner for Kwangtung, in Canton. See Wakeman, F. Jr. Strangers at the Gate. 1966, pp. 109ff. Also Eitel op.cit. p. 305.\n\n11 Eitel: op.cit. p. 312-313.\n\n12 According to Chen Kuan-ying (###), Ah-lum was chief of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Co. (TERA) in Vietnam. He owned a shop Hung Tai Ch'ang() in Saigon, and his son Ti-fu (#) was chief manager (*) of the Cambodia Opium Co. (12). Chen Kuan-ying (E), Nan-yu Jih-chi (12), (Diary of a Journey to the South), reprinted 1967, Taiwan, p. 19ff, 81-89. According to the Clan Record Tsa Chi-pu() section, Pa-yu (if) sub-section, p. 1, Ah-lum had businesses in Saigon, Haiphong, Comuponton, and in Nha Trang in Kwangnam (ÂM NHIỀU).\n\n13 According to the clan record, we know that one of Ah-lum's sons was buried in the free cemetery of Haiphong (), and another was buried in the free cemetery of the Canton City Association in Vung Tau, Vietnam (#).\n\n14 In 1884, when Chen passed through Vietnam, Ah-lum was chief manager (*) of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Co. in Vietnam. See Chen: p. 19.\n\n15 Chen: ibid.\n\n16 Clan record, Chi-ching pu (###) section, Ch'i-shou (##) sub-section, pp. 1-4; has two essays presented on this occasion by the gentry of Heung Shan, and by the merchants of the Canton City Association in Vung Tau, Saigon (F#城會館).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210520,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 127,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "108\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nintelligent and a willing worker. With about four years' village schooling as a boy in China behind him, he was better educated than most Kau Sai fishermen at the time. Nevertheless, he remained a foki, unmarried and without prospects. This was largely because he had no kinsmen of any kind, all having been lost to him during the Japanese occupation of Kwangtung and Hong Kong. By birth a land child, he had taken to work on fishing boats faute de mieux when he found himself alone in the world at the age of about 16. Now, a dozen or so years later, he was indistinguishably a boat man. His earnings were too small to make it possible for him to marry, unless someone else would put up the bride-price for him (a most unlikely occurrence, though not unknown), and although he could have saved enough to buy at least a sampan of his own, he preferred the freedom from responsibility of a hired man's life on his employer's boat, with all found and a chance to supplement his earnings every now and again.\n\nIn this, he but followed the pattern of all the other unmarried fokis: a married man liked to have his own boat, however small, or a woman alone might also own her sampan; unmarried men seldom, if ever, did so. Only 3 of the 31 fokis employed in Kau Sai in 1953 owned small boats of their own. All were married men over thirty years of age with more than one child. Two of these boats were small sampans, normally acting as houseboats for the man's wife and two or three young children, occasionally journeying to Sai Kung, where the boat population was much larger, or to one of the local Boat Peoples' festivals, when short-haul water transport was in demand to make a small income from ferrying passengers. The third boat, with a somewhat larger complement, including the owner's two adult brothers as well as his wife and children, acted as a hand liner catching smallish quantities of good-quality fish and selling them direct to local consumers or tea-houses in Sai Kung. Both the adult men on this boat were unmarried and had previously worked as fokis on other men's boats. They were prepared to do so again if their present experiment failed. Unfortunately, on my return to Kau Sai in 1959, I found they had moved away, and I have no further record of their story. The other 3 married fokis in Kau Sai in 1953 had their wives living with them on their employers' boats.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210539,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 146,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "127\n\nWhether apocryphal or not, this passage takes us deep within the Roman psyche, and explains an extraordinary fact: when the spirits of the deceased behaved propitiously, they were called lares, but when their actions were malevolent, they were termed larvae (Servius ad Aen. 3.63). Clearly, the Romans were profoundly impressed by this dual capacity of their ancestors for benevolent and malevolent behavior.\n\nThe term larva is also used to characterize a broader group of evil spirits, which we may loosely translate as \"ghosts\". These spirits were compelled to wander (Apul. de deo Soc. 15), and thereby to suffer perpetual hunger and thirst, for the most part because they had been denied proper burial. Thus in one of Plautus' comedies, the Mostellaria, a house is haunted by the ghost of a man murdered and buried secretly therein (lines 499-504). Self-evidently, this was the worst of all possible fates, and it accounts for Plato's recommendation that murderers not only be executed but also denied burial (Leg. 9.874b). This actually happened to the notorious emperor Caligula, with the interesting result that, until his remains received proper burial, his ghost haunted the house in which he had been slain, and eventually caused it to be consumed in a fire (Suet. Calig. 59).\n\nThe prevailing Roman vision of the afterlife may, then, be summarized in the following terms: the individual has a soul that at death normally takes up permanent residence in the grave, where it is to be the venerated object of a cult centred on periodic sacrifices of food and drink. This spirit has a continuing capacity to intervene in human affairs, and normally does so for benevolent purposes; if it suffers neglect, however, it may punish severely those responsible for its well-being. In so doing, it passes into the larger category of evil spirits, which avenge their own tortured condition by haunting the living.\n\nThe popular Chinese conception of the afterlife\n\nMore than a century has now passed since the Reverend Justus Doolittle observed that people in Foochow believe each individual to be blessed with three souls, which separate at the moment of death, and undergo quite different fates. One",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210557,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 164,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "145\n\n5 For an introduction to the religious life of the empire during the Principate, see J. Ferguson, The Religions of the Roman Empire (London, 1970), together with the criticisms of this work advanced in the review of M.J. Boyd, JRS, 62 (1972), 197-198; or the more synthetic effort of R. MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire (New Haven, 1981).\n\n* For the date of composition, see G. Highet, Juvenal the Satirist (Oxford, 1954), 12-13. Isis was one of the redemptive oriental divinities; standard treatments include L. Vidman, Isis und Sarapis bei den Griechen und Römern (Berlin, 1970); R.E. Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World (London, 1971); and F. Dunand, Le culte d'Isis dans le bassin oriental de la Méditerranée, 3 vols. (Leiden, 1973). As the title itself suggests, S.K. Heyob, The Cult of Isis among Women in the Graeco-Roman World (Leiden, 1975), focuses on the characteristics of Isis that made her attractive to women in the classical world, and on their role in her cult. The last two items are vols. 26 and 51 respectively in a general series edited by M.J. Vermaseren, Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain (Leiden, 1961-), which contains several more specialized monographs on Isis, and on which I shall have more to say below. Other salvationist deities worthy of note include Mithras and Cybele. The classic study of the Mithraic cult is that of F. Cumont, Les mystères de Mithra, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1902); on Cybele, cf. H. Graillot, Le culte de Cybèle, mère des dieux, à Rome et dans l'empire (Paris, 1912); and M.J. Vermaseren, Attis and Cybele: the Myth and the Cult, trans. A.M.H. Lemmers (London, 1977).\n\n7 The literature on the persecution at Lyons, as on the persecution of Christians in general, is predictably vast. One may profitably begin with S.R. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church (Oxford, 1965), of which pp. 1-30 are devoted to the events at Lyons.\n\n8 The persecution at Lyons was preceded by a ban on Christians entering private homes, the public baths, or the forum (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 5.1.5-6) - a useful reminder that people of very different beliefs routinely mingled in public and private. The tensions that could arise between a Christian and his or her pagan spouse were addressed by Paul circa A.D. 56 (1 Cor. 7: 12-16); we can follow them in greater detail in some of the aristocratic households of the fourth century; cf. A. Chastagnol, “Le sénateur Volusien et la conversion d'une famille de l'aristocratie Romaine au bas-empire”, REA, 58 (1956), 241-253; and P.R.L. Brown, \"Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman Aristocracy”, JRS, 51 (1961), 1-11. But Christianity itself was not a monolith; the decision to embrace the ascetic life could generate strong opposition from more orthodox Christian family members, as has been demonstrated by A. Yarbrough, “The Christianization of Rome: the Example of Roman Women\", Ch. Hist., 45 (1976), 149-165.\n\n9 One frequently encounters the argument, for example, that the ecstatic cult of Dionysus was especially attractive to women because it offered an outlet for the pent-up frustration and anger that resulted from their extremely low social status; cf. recently R. Kraemer, \"Ecstasy and Possession: the Attraction of Women to the Cult of Dionysus”, HThR, 72 (1979), 55-80; and E.C. Keuls, The Reign of the Phallus. Sexual Politics in Ancient Athens (New York, 1985), 360 et passim.\n\n10 The extraordinary cultural diversity of the empire is brought out well in the brief survey of F. Millar (ed.), The Roman Empire and Its Neighbours (London, 1967).\n\nHence the resort to notional dates, as in Ogilvie (1969), who admits at the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210560,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1985",
        "page_number": 167,
        "title": "RAS-1985",
        "content_text": "148\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nSociety (London, 1952), 175.\n\n34 Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 26-27; Cumont (1922), 3; and Toynbee (1971), 35.\n\n35 J. Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese, 2 (New York, 1865), 401–402.\n\n36 Ahern (1973), 146, 217-244, and 247.\n\n37 Feuchtwang (1974), 107, points out that in the Taiwanese village that he calls Mountainstreet, an odd number of incense sticks are burnt for gods and ghosts, and an even number for the ancestral spirits. Still, deification has been possible; Wang Sung-Hsing, \"Taiwanese Architecture and the Supernatural”, in Rel. & Rit., 190-191, cites the striking example of a Japanese police officer named Seijiro Morikawa, who was formally deified after death in recognition of the services which he had performed for the villagers in his district.\n\n38 For these and additional details, see Ahern (1973), 221-228; and R.L. Janelli and D.Y. Janelli, Ancestor Worship and Korean Society (Stanford, 1982), 178. In the village of Taitou, which Yang (1945) investigated, the coffin of the deceased was usually kept at home for one to three months, although in some wealthy households this transitional period might be prolonged for as much as a year (p. 87). Here, with the exception of mock paper money, which was offered periodically, the many paper articles were transferred to the spirit world at the end of the funeral procession itself (p. 89).\n\n39 Thus Hsiao-tung Fei, Peasant Life in China: a Field Study of Country Life in the Yangtze Valley (London, 1939) 30; Hsu (1967), 76; Jordan (1972), 32-33; Ahern (1973), 149; and Wolf (1974), 177.\n\n40 Hsu expresses the same view in his Clan, Caste and Club (Princeton, 1963), 45-46, but here extends it from West Town to \"every part of China.\n\n41 Wolf (1974), 160; cf. inter alia, R.F. Johnston, Lion and Dragon in Northern China (New York, 1910), 286-287; Fei, Peasant Life, 78; M. Freedman, \"Ancestor Worship: Two Facets of the Chinese Case\", in M. Freedman (ed.), Social Organization, Essays Presented to Raymond Firth (Chicago, 1967), 92-93; and Jordan (1972), 97.\n\n42 Wolf (1974), 164-167.\n\n43 Ahern (1973), 199-201.\n\n44 R.L. and D.Y. Janelli, Ancestor Worship and Korean Society, 192, and 195, argue that a wife is much more likely openly to attribute malevolent behavior to the spirit of one of her parents-in-law than her husband, who will be exceedingly reluctant to condemn the mother or father who nurtured him. They go on logically to suggest that \"the lower the rate of uxorilocal marriage, the sharper the difference between men's and women's reluctance to acknowledge ancestral hostility.\" This may account in part for the profound disagreement between the findings of Hsu and Ahern, for as we shall see below, the rate of uxorilocal marriage in the northern Taipei basin, where Ch'i-nan is situated, has approached 15 per cent, while it was closer to 40 per cent in West Town during the period of Hsu's residence.\n\n45 Cf. Jordan (1972), 32-34; Ahern (1973), 248; and especially Feuchtwang (1974), 117. This was no less true of the p'o in the Han period; see Loewe, Chinese Ideas of Life and Death, 26-27.\n\n46 Hsu (1967), 75-76, and 103.\n\ni",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210789,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 140,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "123\n\ntwo.\n\nForeigners in the land\n\nAlthough the opening of Hainan to foreign trade led to an influx of westerners to open business houses and man the British, German and French consulates that were installed in Haikou soon after the treaty port proclamation, they were not the first foreigners to penetrate Hainan. This honour belongs to gallant Roman Catholic priests who took up residence on Hainan almost 300 years before, although undoubtedly even these priests were preceded by unknown sailors from foreign vessels marooned by typhoons on the \"Shore of Pearls\".\n\nThe first Jesuit padre known definitely to enter Hainan was Father Gago who was shipwrecked in 1560 on the southern coast (Madrolle, 1898), and spent five months at San Ya before he could secure passage to Macau (Dehergne, 1940). However, it was not until the arrival of the Portuguese Jesuits, Pierre Marquez in 1632 and Benoit de Matos in 1635, that a church was established in K'iungchow (Pfister, 1932). By 1637, there were four churches with a total membership exceeding one thousand which included some high officials such as Wang Hung-hui, a former emissary to Peking, and his son, Paul (Pfister, 1932; Dunne, 1962).\n\n2\n\nThrough persecution and plagues, a succession of priests from Portugal, France, Italy and Germany, superintended the growing mission for more than a half century until 1665 when Jesuits were banished from China (Dehergne, 1940). After the priests were expelled, church property was seized and converted into Taoist temples, two of which were still standing in the late nineteenth century (Swinhoe, 1872a). Little remains today of this influence, although as late as 1919, the Roman Catholic cemetery in K'iungchow was still intact, albeit neglected, and the epitaphs of at least three priests buried in the 1680's could still be deciphered (Moninger, 1919). The number of tombs of respectable people is evidence of the large following the Jesuits had established in Hainan (Henry, 1886).\n\nBetween 1673 and 1725, priests returned to Hainan to continue",
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    {
        "id": 210807,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 158,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "141\n\nReview, 49: 501-502.\n\nK'iungchou fu chih www (1920 edition), cited by Schafer (1969).\n\nLaTourette, K.S. (1929) A History of Christian Missions in China, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge,\n\nLee, Hwa (1964) “Hainan Island today”, Issues and Studies, October issue, p 35-45.\n\nLiu, Hans (1938) “Hainan: The Island and the People\", China Journal, 29: 236-246; 302-314.\n\nMadrolle, C. (1898) “L'ile d’Hainan”, Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie Commerciale, 20: 361-370.\n\nMayers, W.F. (1867) “Ancient Pearl Fisheries in the Province of Kwang-tung”, Notes and Queries of China and Japan, 1: 1-2.\n\nMayers, W.F. (1872) “A Historical and Statistical Sketch of the Island of Hainan”, Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 8: 1-23.\n\nMcClure, F.A. (1922) “Notes on the Island of Hainan”, Lingnan Agricultural Review, 1: 66–79.\n\nMcClure, F.A. (1934a) “The Lingnan University's fifth Hainan Island Expedition”, Lingnan Science Journal, 13: 163-171,\n\nMcClure, F.A. (1934b) “The Lingnan University's Sixth and Seventh Hainan Island Expeditions”, Lingnan Science Journal, 13: 577-601.\n\nMerrill, E.D., and F.P. Medcalf (1937) “Systematic Notes on Hainan Plants including New Species”, Lingnan Science Journal, 16: 181-197.\n\nMichalk, D.L., J.F. Ayres, Fu Nan-Ping and Zhu Ching-Min (1985) \"Range Improvement in Tropical China: Gaopoling",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210819,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 170,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "153\n\nwondered how much of that soft musical quality was due to him and how much inherent in that unknown tongue.\n\nWilliam Hunter wrote two books on his China days, Bits of Old China published in 1855, and The Fan Kwai at Canton, in 1882. Both contain valuable and interesting information on the relationship between Chinese and foreign traders at Canton in the first half of the 19th century.\n\nW. C. Hunter was married twice. His first wife was of a Virginia family noted for its high-spirited and beautiful girls, or at least this is the impression drawn from remarks made by Lieutenant (later Rear-Admiral) G. H. Preble. Preble was a frequent guest of the Hunter family at Canton. One sister, Preble states, gained notoriety by eloping, which so devastated a former lover that he committed suicide. Another sister also eloped but with less tragic consequences.\n\nPreble in repeating this gossip said that Mrs. Hunter was “quite a different person” from her sisters, and though she had had five or six children by the time he had met her \"no one would have guessed it.\" After her death, her husband married an American woman in Paris in 1876.\n\nThe homesick American lieutenant enjoyed his visits in the Hunter home and wrote to his wife about them. In 1854 he mentioned the international gastronomic delicacies he enjoyed at one of their small dinner parties—shark's fin soup, and beche de mer stew, fresh pineapple, baked mango tarts and English Yarmouth bloaters.\n\nOn another evening he was much impressed with the new-fangled stereopticon kept in the Hunter's parlour for the amusement of their guests. He described it to his wife as \"a couple of daguerreotypes fitted or mounted with a stereoscope attachment so that seen through it only one image was shown, and every part stood out with the fulness of a statue, and the perfection of life petrified.\"\n\nDuring the 1840s and 1850s Hunter divided his time between",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210983,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 45,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "20\n\nbandit will bear the name of France, the other the name of England . . . I hope that some day, France once freed and cleansed will send back to China the booty she has plundered.'\n\n16\n\nIncidentally, the Summer Palace of Peking, sacked and burned by French and British vandals, had been restored in the time of Emperor Qianlong (eighteenth century) by Jesuit architects and painters such as the famous Castiglione. The very contribution of European culture to China was smashed down by European militarism in China.\n\nThat French intellectuals concerned with China not only were very few, but also showed little interest in the political China, is supported by the non-committed attitude of that strange Jesuit, palaeontologist and philosopher, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin. His Chinese years in the 1920s and 1930s were most productive intellectually. He elaborated his partly mystical, partly anthropological views on man's fate and future. Yet, he was utterly indifferent to the complex developments of the Chinese revolution at that time, epoch-making as they were. He was living in a China almost without Chinese --- except fossils.\n\nTeilhard de Chardin was an intellectual explorer, almost an adventurer, and so was the energetic Pelliot, one of the founding fathers of modern French sinology. He had established his reputation with his expedition to the Dunhuang Buddhist caves in the Gobi Desert, had not hesitated to bribe and to steal, brought back to France a unique Chinese library and became a Professor at the College de France at the early age of 27.\n\nFrench sinology then was still entirely oriented towards classical China. Just as British sinology was a by-product of missionary studies on China, French sinology was a distant replica of Latin and Greek studies in the Jesuit tradition. The teaching aids which the Jesuits had prepared for classical Chinese often used Latin. Classical Chinese studies did not have to pay attention to the China of that time, any more than Latin and Greek studies did to the Italy and Greece of modern times. And classical sinology remained quite marginal in French academic life, just as much as China-inspired novels and poetry in French literature. Yet, the\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46",
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    {
        "id": 210985,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 47,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "22\n\nTwo completely different factors come into the picture, namely Gaullism and Italy.\n\nA hidden but deep correspondence had always existed between Gaullists and Maoists. Both emphasised the importance of historical roots and long-term perspectives, for France de toujours as well as for the Sons of the Han on their everlasting Yellow Earth. Both had refused to align their nuclear policies with the strategies of the superpowers. André Malraux's visit to China in the 1960s, both as a former activist in the 1926-27 revolution and as a prominent Gaullist intellectual, was a symbolic episode, much publicised in France. Had General de Gaulle not died suddenly in 1970, he most probably would have paid Mao Zedong the visit already arranged by his old companion Etienne Manach, then French Ambassador to Peking. It would have been an extraordinary performance, in both the grand French and Chinese traditions.\n\nItaly was also very influential. There has always been a special connection between Italy and China. Chinese intellectuals have always felt very much at home in Italy, and the active sympathy for Maoist China of such prominent Italian intellectuals as Malaparte, Alberto Moravia and Maria-Antonietta Macchiocchi certainly made an impact on Parisian literary circles. Altogether, many influential French intellectuals were in those years very keen on visiting China and however brief their visit publicising their sympathy for China. Be they Claude Roy, Etiemble, Roland Barthes, Philippe Sollers, Julia Kristeva18 or many others, their individual approaches may have differed one from another, but they were all indulging in China as if their commitment to China was more important than China itself. They also affected a definitely revivalistic attitude, as if they were the new sinophiles in the grand eighteenth-century tradition.\n\nBy and large, Maoist China was very chic in French cultural life of the 1950s and 1960s. The theatres were packed full at every Peking Opera visit, the books of Han Suyin sold very well, Chinese exhibitions of art at the Grand Palais were a must, the veteran film-director Joris Ivens, Dutch by birth but settled in France, embarked on a 12-hour film on Yu Gong and People's China's achievements, and the well-established literary publishing series",
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    {
        "id": 210991,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 53,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "28\n\nNOTES\n\nVirgile Pinot, La Chine et la formation de l'esprit philosophique en France, 1640-1740 (Paris, 1932).\n\n1 From Diderot's Encyclopédie. English translation from A. Reichwein, China and Europe, Intellectual and Artistic Contacts in the Eighteenth Century (Kegan Paul, Trench, Turbner & Co., London, 1925), p.92. Reichwein offers the best comprehensive treatment of China at the Age of Enlightenment, together with L. Maverick (see note 10).\n\n3 Pierre Poivre, Voyages d'un Philosophe (English translation by Reichwein, loc. cit.).\n\nFrançois Quesnay, Le Despotisme de la Chine (Paris, 1767). His friends had dubbed him 'the Confucius of Europe'.\n\n$ Lo Hui-min, The Tradition and Prototype of the China-watcher, 1976 G.E. Morrison lecture (Australian National University, Canberra, 1978), p. 9.\n\n7 Louis Lecomte, Nouveaux mémoires sur l'état présent de la Chine (Paris, 1969). Du Halde, Description géographique, historique, chronologique, politique et physique de l'Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie Chinoise (Paris, 1735).\n\n$ Hugh Honour, Chinoiseries, the Vision of Cathay (John Murray, London, 1961).\n\nIn 1951, at the Lycée de Chartres where I was teaching history, the bicentenary of Diderot's Encyclopedia was celebrated at the initiative of left-wing teachers who were keen to stress the connection between the Encyclopedia and French Revolutionary traditions. I gave a public lecture: 'China and the Encyclopedists', of which the present Morrison Lecture might be considered the direct descendant.\n\n10 Lewis A. Maverick, China, a Model for Europe (Paul Anderson Company, San Antonio, Texas, 1946).\n\n|| From Les Fleurs du Mal (my translation).\n\n12 Evariste Regis Huc, L'Empire chinois (Paris, 1854). For a more severe evaluation of Huc, see Simon Leys, The Burning Forest (New York, 1986), pp. 47-94 (\"Peregrinations and perplexities of Pere Huc').\n\n13 Eugene Simon, La Cité chinoise (Paris, 1885).\n\n14 Paul Claudel, Connaissance de l'Est (Mercure de France, Paris, 1908).\n\n15 The novel by Jules Verne, Les Tribulations d'un Chinois en Chine (1879), is quite unique in its concern for the politics of nineteenth-century China. The hero, Kin Fo, is torn between his fascination with modern technology and his loyalty to his teacher Wong, who is an ex-Taiping leader. It is to my knowledge the only appearance of the Taiping rebellion in French literature.\n\n16 V. Hugo, Lettre au Capitaine Butler, Hauteville House, 25 November 1861 (my translation).\n\n17 Charles Bettelheim, Cultural Revolution and Industrial Organisation in China: Changes in Management and the Division of Labor, trans. by Alfred Ehrenfeld (Monthly Review Press, New York, 1974). See also China Since Mao, by Neil G. Burton and Charles Bettelheim (Monthly Review Press, New York, 1978).\n\n18 Claude Roy, Clés pour la Chine (Paris, 1954); Etiemble, Le Nouveau singe-pèlerin (Paris, 1957); Philippe Sollers, Tel quel (a literary magazine edited by...",
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    {
        "id": 211016,
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        "page_number": 78,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "53\n\nhowever, it is interesting to note that Mok's universe of persons and occupations encompasses such categories, as well as the more pragmatically justified \"Broker\", \"Interpreter\", \"Agent\", \"Magistrate\", \"Justice of the Peace\", \"Compradore\", \"Stone-cutter\", \"Tin-smith\", \"Shroff\", \"Coolie Agent\", et al. It is also interesting to note that the dramatis personae of this section of the book include \"Schoolmaster\", \"Teacher\", \"Horse-boy\", \"Bad man\", \"Fool\", \"Watchman\", \"Porter\", \"Deaf\", \"Convent Sister\", \"Midwife\", various family relations, \"Tenant\", \"Kidnapper\", \"Geomancer\", \"District watchmen\", \"Juggler\", and \"Priest\".\n\nA similar ambivalence, between traditional and modern as well as between East and West, may be detected in other sections of the book. Under \"Stores and Business Shops\", for example, one finds a Bank, Foreign goods shop, Factory, Dispensary, Tobacco store, Hardware dealers, Ship Chandler's store, as well as a Compradore shop, Opium divan, Pawn-broker's shop, and Chinese Bank. Under \"Clothing and Wearing Apparel\", the reader could discover a way to pronounce \"Pyjama\", \"Silk stockings\", \"Breeches\", \"Chemise\", \"Mosquito net\", \"Knickerbockers\", \"Cholera belt\", \"Combination\", \"Pantaloons\", and \"Swallow Tail coat\", while the separate section on \"Chinese Clothes\" introduced him to the pronunciation of such objects as \"Wadded Coat\", \"Mandarin robe\", and \"Queue string\". The section on \"Crockery and Household Articles\" and the separate section on \"Household Articles\" provide an interesting glimpse of some of the personal belongings which Mok Man Cheung assumed would be characteristic of his readership. Such items include \"Wine bottle\", \"Scissors\", \"Tea cup\", \"Tea saucers\", various other pieces of crockery (including a \"Mustard cup\"), \"Nut cracker\", \"Cheese scoop\", \"Pickle fork\", \"Candle stand\", \"Soy stand\", \"Bamboo broom\", \"Feather brush\", \"Red tape\", \"Bay Rum\", \"Hair oil\", \"Powder horn\", \"Bullets\", \"Horse saddle\", \"Dagger\", \"Tooth brush\", \"Tooth pick\", \"Chessmen\", \"Thimble\", \"Gramophone\", \"Telephone\", \"Looking glass\", \"Lamp chimney\", \"Scissors\", and \"Horse whip\". Under \"Court Matters\" and \"Punishments\", the reader could also find traditional modern, Eastern and Western practices intermingled. For example, in",
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    {
        "id": 211053,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 114,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "89\n\nNorthern Vietnam) he asked to be relieved of office and left the capital for Guangzhou. In 327 he settled in the Zhuming cave of Mt. Luofu where he busied himself collecting medicinal herbs and refining cinnabar. His extensive writings include several important treatises on Taoism and Chinese medicine. (Source: Zongjiao Cidian [Dictionary of religion], Shanghai, Cishu Chubanshe (Lexiographical publishing company), 1981, pp. 997-998; see also Jin Shu [The Book of Jin], volume 72, Zhonghua Shuju). Needham calls him \"the greatest alchemist in Chinese history\" (Science and Civilization in China, vol. II, Cambridge University Press, 1956, p. 437).\n\n14 The story that Huang Yeren was late for the levitation because he was drunk, we heard from a young official of a local Taoist organization whom we interviewed in Guangzhou on August 27, 1987. Cultural affairs cadres whom we interviewed at the main temple on Mt. Luofu on August 28, 1987 indignantly denied this story. The young official also related the story that Huang Yeren (Huang the wild man) had originally been called Huang \"also [in Cantonese “yah”] man” (in many Luofu folk-tales the Yeren is said to appear in the shape of an animal). Later the character for \"also\" (in Mandarin “ye”) had been substituted by that for \"wild\" (in Mandarin also \"ye\"). We have not found any documentary sources which confirm this information.\n\n19 Michel, Soymié, \"Le Lo-feou chan\", 1954. Bulletin de l'école française d'Extrême-orient, Tome XLVIII (ler semestre), 1954, pp. 1-137, raises another possibility (see pp. 109-110): that the Yeren tradition is based on contacts in ancient times, possibly including periodic trading exchanges, between people of the plains of Guangdong and aborigines living on or near the mountain. In the eyes of the plainsmen, the aborigines would appear strange in many respects, especially in speech and appearance. Stories derived from these contacts might have become the basis for the Yeren legend. Supporting this interpretation, Soymié notes, is the fact that Yeren was thought to be able to appear as a man or a woman, a young person or an old person, and that Yeren is in fact a category of \"strange person apparitions” rather than a single figure. Clearly, once such a flexible figure had become established in the popular imagination, sightings of almost anything on the mountain could feed into the growing folklore about Yeren.\n\n16 Some stories of healings by Yeren are contained in Luofushan Fengwuzhi (Records of Mt. Luofu scenery), Guangdong Lüyou Chubanshe (Tourist affairs publishing co., 1984). This source also records the tradition that the cave of Yeren was guarded by a mute tiger. The chapter in which the healings are recorded is titled, \"The earth-bound fairy riding on a mute tiger.\"\n\n17 Source: Nanhan Shu (The book of Southern Han), Guangdong Renmin Chubanshe, 1981 (reprint), volume 17. This story was also related to Ragvald by scholars of the provincial Wenshi Guan (Research institute of culture and history) whom the first author interviewed in Guangzhou, September, 1987.\n\n18 These details are in notes provided to the first author by the Wenshi Guan scholars (see previous footnote), and were evidently taken by them from an addition to the Nanhan Shu, titled Nanhan Shu Kao Yi (Collating the variants), volume 17.\n\n19 We have not yet been able to verify the exact location of the temple, which apparently is called Huangxianweng miao (The temple of old saint Huang). There may be several other Huang Li temples in this region.\n\n20 According to Nanhan Shu Kao Yi (volume 17) his original name may have been Wang rather than Huang. Evidently he changed his surname to Huang (in Canton...",
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        "page_number": 127,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "102\n\nof this has yet been found although contemporary maps indicated at La Loma a \"Burial place of infidels.” Infidels comprised non-Catholics and included European Protestants, Chinese, and Indians. Incidentally, still living in Cainta, only a few miles away are the descendants of the Indian troops of the expedition who decided to stay after deserting or being left behind after their boat capsized, but their distinctive looks are, however, slowly disappearing. Sadly, after being governed by the East India Company for eighteen months, Manila had to be returned to the Spanish by the Treaty of Paris in 1763. Speculation still exists amongst Filipino scholars about what the Philippines might have been if the British had remained in control — a British colony in the Far East, rich in natural resources, fifty years before the acquisition of Singapore and Malaya and eighty years before Hong Kong.\n\nTrade continued to prosper after the resumption of Spanish Authority, and, until 1821 the Philippines continued to be run from Mexico. Treaty ports and trading posts were established in several places including Sual in Pangasinan, on Luzon Island, in Iloilo on Panay and on Cebu and Protestant cemeteries were established in each town, where beforehand the burial of Protestants in consecrated ground was prohibited, (as was the importation of Protestant Bibles).\n\nWith the expansion of trade, a burial place for the four hundred to five hundred aliens from Europe and North America living in Manila, was becoming an urgent necessity.\n\nIn 1827 the first British Consul General was appointed and it was his successor, John William Perry Farren (sometimes referred to as Fearon) who in 1860 attempted to establish a Protestant Cemetery for the mostly but not exclusively British residents. Sadly, Farren became one of the cemetery's first residents within weeks of its establishment.\n\nOn May 27th, 1862, the Spanish Government by a \"Superior Decreto\" granted permission to construct the Cemetery, and on March 11th, 1864 a lease was signed between Farren and Don Jose Bonifacio Roxas, the Owner of Hacienda de San Pedro, of a parcel of land of 31,656 \"varas cuadradas\" (22,467.85 sq metres or",
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        "page_number": 263,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "238 \n\nIf the correspondent opposing the park scheme was not able to look very clearly into the future, a writer who adopted the pen-name \"Atalanta\" was a better seer. True, he had to wait until 1904 for his vision to become reality. He advocated the building of a tramway from east to west as a jubilee scheme. It would benefit every resident \"male or female, child or adult, Chinese or Portuguese, Indian or European.\"\n\nA tram would provide easy access to the proposed park. Without a convenient way of getting there, he too thought it would be useless. He was more interested, however, in the beneficial effect a tram would have both for health and recreation in general.\n\nTo the west were the cool airs of Pokfulam, “and those citizens who are not able to live at the Peak can be transported on hot summer evenings to the other side of the island, there to be refreshed by the western breezes and the health-giving and invigorating perfume of the fir trees.”\n\nTo the east was the beach at Shaukiwan, \"where the little ones might get health and amusement by ‘paddling' while their parents may enjoy bathing or boating.\"\n\nEasy access by tram to a good beach would be welcomed, so the writer claimed, by “hundreds and thousands of our humble English and Portuguese fellow residents who, by their narrow means, are denied the luxury of a country villa at the Gap or Kellett's Ridge.\"\n\nNot all Portuguese were deprived of a summer villa, but few had them at the Peak. In the current issue of the Boletim do Instituto Luis de Camoes published in Macau, an article entitled \"The Portuguese in Hongkong and China” by the late Jose Pedro Braga describes some of the villas built by members of the Portuguese community at Pokfulam and Kowloon.\n\nThe advocate for the tram took a different view of Chinese attitudes towards sport than the writer of the other letter. He said they and the Portuguese did not play cricket and tennis simply for want of space.",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 324,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "299\n\ncount given in the book-length study. Personally, being interested in military matters, I would have liked to have had more information on the recruitment, organization and officering of the “Ever Triumphant Army”. If not in this account, where else? It is too shadowy a body for my liking. Nor is there enough about Giquel in the Introduction, and unlike me, many readers may not have the other book to hand for reference. This handicap sometimes applies in reverse, since there are no maps in Transferring Technology, and the useful section in the Diary giving biographical vignettes only appears in that work. Finally, in neither work are we told anything about Giquel's wife and children, and the Giquel family, although the 1864 diary and other papers came from his grand-daughter's home.\n\nNotwithstanding these observations, readers will find much of interest in these fascinating works which relate to a man who clearly had much to offer, did his best, and assuredly deserves to be better known and appreciated, especially in China itself.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nFrank Ching, Ancestors, 900 Years in the Life of a Chinese Family. London, Harrap, 1988, pp. 528.\n\nFrank Ching is a journalist. He has the journalist's eye for the dramatic and unusual. He knows a good story when he sees one, and how to put it across. These gifts have served him well in his first book, an account of his own family over nearly a millennium.\n\nThe book comprises a series of studies of eminent persons of the Ching lineage from whom he is directly descended. In such studies, motivated by the desire to get at one's roots, there is always the danger that we shall get hagiography rather than history, but there are few signs of this. The author has set himself high standards. Starting, as he tells us in the prologue, from scratch in as complex and difficult a field as Chinese historiography, it is remarkable that he has achieved such a tour de force. The book is of great and absorbing human interest, perhaps heightened for readers by the fact that there is a direct connection with a living person. It has been assiduously researched, in person and using the best authorities, and is well organized and beautifully written.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211339,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 55,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "31\n\n1\n\nElgin to Clarendon, 9 Jan. 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 257) p. 140 and Bowring to Malmesbury, 15 April, 1859 Confidential Print, FO 405: 6. fol. 2, no. 1. It is often said that Martineau des Chesnez (see for example Hurd, The Arrow War, p. 125) spoke Chinese as well. This seems a confusion based on the fact that Chesnez spoke English and thus was helpful as a French-English linguist. See for example, Gros to Walewski, 13 January 1858, p.s. of the 14th, CP 23, fol. 41, AE.\n\n1\n\n5\n\nWade to Elgin, 10 March, 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571, (1859), p. 226.\n\nSee Steven A. Leibo, Transferring Technology to China: Prosper Giquel and the Self-strengthening Movement, (Berkeley, Institute of East Asian Studies, 1985), ch. 5.\n\nBourboulon to Walewski, 5 October, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 177-178, AE plus Leibo Transferring Technology To China, ch. 1.\n\n7\n\nLaurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan in the Years 1857, 58, '59 (London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1859), vol. I, 151.\n\n10\n\nGros to Walewski, 3 January, 1858, CP, vol. 23, fol. 8, AE.\n\nGros to Walewski, 3 January, 1858, CP vol. 23, fol. 8, AE.\n\nGros to Walewski, 8 January, 1858, CP vol. 23, AE.\n\nHurd, The Arrow War, p. 125.\n\nBowring to Labouchere, 16 April 1858, FO 17 296, des. 49, fol. 117-118, PRO. and Stanley F. Wright, Hart and the Chinese Customs (Belfast: Wm. Mullan and Sons, 1950), p. 176.\n\n13\n\nGros to Walewski, 8 February 1858, vol. 25, fol. 210, AE.\n\nLaurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan,\n\nP. 155.\n\n15 Genouilly to Min. de la Marine, July 1, 1858, Dossier Individual Martineau des Chesnez, CC 7 2503, SHM.\n\nElgin to Malmesbury, 5 November, 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571, (1859), p. 413.\n\n17\n\nHsu, The Rise of Modern China 3 ed. p. 207.\n\n19 Trenqualye to Walewski, 28 April 1859, CCC Canton, vol. 2, fol. 112 and\n\nD'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 2 May 1859, BB 4 763, fol. 106-7, AN.\n\n19\n\nLaurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, P. 155.\n\n20\n\nGros to Walewski, 8 January 1858, CP vol. 23, fol. 23, AE,\n\n21 Hurd, The Arrow War, p. 125.\n\n15\n\n21\n\nD'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 12 December 1858, BB 4 763, fol. 20, AN.\n\n11 January 1858, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571 (1859), incl. 2 in no. 83 fol. 149. PRO.\n\n24 Coupvent to Min. de la Marine, 20 June 1860, BB 4 787, fol. 11, AN,\n\n25\n\nHurd, The Arrow War, pp. 124-126.\n\n26 Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, P. 169",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211340,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 56,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "32\n\n27\n\nParkes to Elgin, Accounts and Papers, XXXIII 2571 (1859) incl. 1 in no. 93 fol. 161. PRO and George Wingrove Cooke, China: Being “The Times\" Special Correspondent from China in the Years 1857-1858. (London, 1858), p. 356.\n\n28 Laurence Oliphant, Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan, p. 169.\n\n19 Gros to Walewski, 13 January 1858, p.s. of the 14th, CP, vol. 23, fol. 41, AE.\n\n30\n\n32\n\nGros to Walewski, January 3, 1858, CP, vol. 23, fol. 8, AE.\n\nTrenqualye to Walewski, 24 March, 1858, CCC, Canton, vol. 2, fol. 62-65, AE.\n\nBourboulon to Walewski, 5 April, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 102-3, AE.\n\nHong Kong Daily Press, 19 April, 1858, CP, vol. 2, fol. 44, AE.\n\n34 Parkes Memorandum, April 21, 1858, incl. 2 in Bowring Dispatch no. 116 FO 17 296, 1858 PRO.\n\n35 Bourboulon to Walewski, 26 October, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 194, AE.\n\n36 Proclamation of Huang Tsung-han, trans. by Parkes, CP, vol. 22, fol. 90, AE.\n\n37\n\nBourboulon to Walewski, 18 June, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 69-70, AE and D'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 5 June, 1858, BB 4 763, SHM.\n\nMalmesbury to Cowley, 17 June, 1858, CP, vol. 24, fol. 340, AE.\n\n39 Bourboulon to Walewski, 18 June, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 69-70, AE.\n\nAD\n\nBourboulon to Walewski, 1 July, 1858, ps. of 2 July, CP, vol. 22, fol. 86, AE.\n\n41 Bourboulon to Walewski, 21 June, CP, vol. 22, fol. 103–104. AE.\n\n42\n\nCircular, 22 June, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 94-95, AE.\n\n41 Bourboulon to Walewski, 1 July, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 86, AE.\n\n44\n\nBourboulon to Walewski, 1 July, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 84, AE.\n\n45 Bourboulon to Walewski, 1 July, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 84, AE.\n\n47\n\n48\n\n49\n\nIbid., fol. 86.\n\nGros to Imperial Commissioner, 5 July, 1858, CP, vol. 23, fol. 62-63, AE.\n\nElgin to Foreign Office, no date, CP, vol. 25, fol. 154, AE.\n\nElgin to Foreign Office, July, CP, vol. 25, fol. 155-157, AE.\n\n50 Bourboulon to Walewski, 21 July, 1858, CP, vol. 22. fol. 103-104, AE, and D'Abouville to Min. de la Marine, 8 August, 1858, BB 4 763, AN.\n\n51 Alcock to Acting French Consul Trenqualye, I August, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 125 and Bourboulon to Walewski, 5 August, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 101, AE.\n\n52 Gros to Walewski, 10 August. 1858, CP, vol. 25, fol. 217-220. The second letter which lists 400 troops rather than the earlier 1000 is probably a correction of the total number of French soldiers.\n\n53 Gros to Bourboulon, 14 August, 1858, CP, vol. 25, fol. 250, AE.\n\n54\n\nGros to Walewski, 14 August, 1858, CP, vol. 25, fol. 216, AE.\n\nBourboulon to Walewski, 20 August, 1858, CP, vol. 22, fol. 132, AE.\n\n56 Bourboulon to Walewski, 2 September, 1858, CP, vol. 25, fol. 256, AE.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211350,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 66,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "42\n\nThe search for the giant panda through Chinese historical records and ancient writings represented an interesting exercise. Nevertheless, no positive statement can be made that the Chinese had known about the giant panda before the pelt was brought to western attention.\n\nPère David, it is safe to say, may continue to bask in glory as the discoverer of the giant panda for the whole world, including China.\n\nbaixiong 白熊 Bishan 璧山\n\nBishi 壁溪\n\nGLOSSARY\n\nErya 爾雅\n\nLi Shizhen 李時珍\n\nLiaodong 遼東\n\nLolo 玀羅\n\nMing 明\n\nmo 貘\n\nOuyang Xiu 歐陽修\n\npixiu 貔貅\n\nSima Qian 司馬遷 Sichuan 四川\n\nShandong 山東 Xuande 宣德 Wuding 武定\n\nYunglo 永樂\n\nYunnan 雲南\n\nZhou 周\n\nzhouyu 州圉\n\nZhu Su 朱橚\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nBrightwell, L. R., \"The Giant Panda, Its History in Ancient China and Modern Europe”, Field 187:497-498 (London, 1946)\n\nDavid, Armand, \"Journal d'un Voyage dans le centre de la Chine et dans le Thibet Oriental\", Nouvelle Archives Musée Naturelle de Paris (Bulletins) 10:3-82 (Paris, 1874)\n\nFox, Helen (editor and translator), Abbé David's Diary, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1949.\n\nDictionary of Ming Biography 1368-1644, New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1976. Essay on Li Shih-chen (1518-1593) by L. Carrington Goodrich and Chaoying Fang, I:859-865.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211379,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 95,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "T'sing (i) dynasty, when the \"History of Sun On District (ïZ)\" was finally revised by the district magistrate Shuc Mau Koon (47), all written references to the place used the words Taai Po (X#). (See Note 1). But since that date Taai Po (iii) has been the generally accepted name, although Taai Po (4) meaning big wharf was occasionally written on account of a wharf having been built there.\n\nThe earliest known history of Taai Po refers to the finding of pearls in the sea nearby, in the fourth year of Hoi Yuen (72) A.D. 761 of Tong (WF) dynasty, and in the fifth month of that year. The method of collecting the pearls was crude, a man with a weighted rope was dropped over the side of a boat, and left until he was hauled up again at the discretion of those in charge of the boat. The loss of life was enormous, and after some time a high official of beneficent character named Yeung Paan Shan (PME) called attention to the fact, and the collecting was stopped.\n\nIt was started again, however, in the Naam Hon (M) dynasty when Kwangtung and Kwangsi became one kingdom, separated from the rest of China. In the sixth year of Taai Po (A) A.D. 964, the emperor changed the name of Taai Po to Mei Ch'uen To (I) beautiful stream town, raising it to the status of a military post and stationing 8,000 soldiers there to protect the pearl industry. Not only were pearls collected in great number, but tortoise shell of great value was obtained from Taai Po, and sent up to the capital Canton, then called Hing Wong Foo (EA) and used for decorating the emperor's palace there.\n\nIn A.D. 969 the Naam Hon dynasty came to an end, the palace with all its beautiful decorations was destroyed, and in the fourth year of Hoi Po (BH1%) A.D. 971 of Sung (*) dynasty the industry was again stopped. The soldiers who formerly guarded the pearls were turned into a form of police to protect the countryside and keep order.\n\nAt the end of the Sung dynasty when the Mongols came down from the North and the Yuen (6) dynasty began the emperor Chi Yuen (DC) in the seventeenth year of his reign, A.D. 1280, ordered the pearls to be collected again. In A.D. 1299, the third year of Taai Tak (A$) it was suggested by two men, Lau Tsun (3) and Ch'ing Lin (DE) to appoint more than seven hundred families of boatmen",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211675,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 90,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "65\n\nthe better equipped but uninspired troops of the War Lords, had rapidly moved north and reached the Yangtze river at Kiu Kiang. Trouble immediately broke out in the Concession. Violent many-hued anti-foreign posters were pasted onto walls both inside and outside the foreign area. A variety of slogans appeared on these posters such as \"Beat down the British Imperialists”, or “Kill the running dogs of the new War Lords”. Others showed pictures of poor Chinese peasants and students being slaughtered by the aforesaid imperialists, and yet other pictures were too obscene to describe. Every artifice was bent to the inflammation of the feelings of a normally gentle and law-abiding population.\n\nThe threat to the security of the small foreign population was so manifest that armed piquets were put ashore from the British destroyer anchored off the Bund. Guards were mounted on the Concession gates, and rudimentary precautions were taken for the safety of the civilians. Soon the Revolutionary Army reached Hankow, the large treaty port further up the Yangtze, and there the situation repeated itself in an even more acute form.\n\nThe tension was relieved once or twice by incidents which were not without humour. One day a respected member of the British community was going along the Bund to call on his Consul, when he saw, standing outside the gate of the Consulate, two Chinese soldiers, one of whom carried a large kerosene tin full of paste and the other a bundle of pink and green posters. The soldiers with deliberation commenced to cover the Consul's gateposts with a colour-scheme, which on inspection invited the public to \"beat down\" all sorts of fairly innocent parties. This was too much for that particular \"Imperialist”, who seized the can of paste and poured it over the head of one of the soldiers. That put him temporarily hors-de-combat, but the other soldier grasping the paste-brush daubed the \"Imperialist's\" face with a particularly adhesive mixture. The situation had in it all the beginnings of a riot. Chinese coolies and others passing-by ran up, when fortunately the hasty, if innocent, cause of the commotion remembered that he carried a whistle for just such an occasion. He looked towards the destroyer, anchored some two hundred yards away, and blew three shrill blasts. There was no obvious reaction on board the warship, but the street cleared like magic. The member of the community, no longer looking so respectable, thus had an additional subject to discuss when he went in to see his Consul.\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211782,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 197,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "172\n\nstationed in Shanghai during the 1860s were nearly always open air ones. But sometimes a theatrical company co-operated with one of the bands, like the Amateur Burlesque Company on June 29, 1864. Otherwise, performances took place on the Bund, or Embankment, along the river, which was the favourite promenade of the foreigners as well as the most prestigious section of the Settlement. Records have come down to us of concerts by the French 101st regiment in March 1861 (“By permission of Colonel Pouget [who was the commanding officer of the regiment JH] we are authorised to state that the band of the 101st regiment will perform every Sunday and Thursday (weather permitting) before the headquarters of General De Montauban at Messrs Rémi, Schmidt & Co. [this was in the French Concession JH] between the hours of 3 and 4”*. Further concerts by the Rhenish Band and the band of the 67th regiment in June and July 1864 provided entertainment which “the residents evidently appreciated (...) large numbers (...) congregating during the performances”.67\n\nProfessional musicians\n\nFrom time to time professional musical artists visited Shanghai, and, as with the travelling dramatic companies, 1864 and 1865 were a golden age for the public. In the first decades of the twentieth century Shanghai was honoured with recitals by, to name just a few, Feodor Chaliapine, John MacCormack, Fritz Kreisler and Amelita Galli-Curci, but during the fifties and sixties it was only the lesser gods that came to the city. In fact, hardly any one of the artists in this period can be traced in contemporary reference works. This does not mean, of course, that they could not have been capable musicians able to provide enjoyment during an evening. That such was not always the case, though, has already been shown by the criticism drawn by the performance of Prof. Shonbrun, which led the Herald to state that \"in this remote place we have so few opportunities of hearing really good music that we hunger for it and can ill brook disappointment\".68 But then there were Messrs Desvachez and Grossi whose concert in February 1865 had \"called for favourable comment at the hands of our music critic\".69\n\nYet, bearing in mind the conditions of travel in the 19th century, it is amazing enough that European musicians were at all willing to undertake an Asian tour with only very uncertain financial prospects.\n\n\"The first public concert (properly so called) that has ever been given",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211805,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 220,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "195\n\nhis alarm allayed amidst the warmest applause from the audience for his clever and successful \"sell\". In addition the editor wrote that this Prologue afforded H. E. more valuable hints how to treat the Rebellion than all the suggestions that have been submitted to him since his arrival. Apparently Bonham was \"so much delighted that we are not without hopes a report on the performances may form the subject of his first despatch from Shanghae”. So much for modesty. As regards the performances themselves, the writer had it in confidence from a tall whiskered male who occupied a front seat disguised in a dress coat, that although Hong Kong theatre is now more conveniently lit up in the Victoria Theatre in acting Shanghae would not suffer by comparison\". \"That treaty port chauvinism was not lacking even at that early stage was made clear when the visitor insisted that our Head Actor has been brought from Hong Kong”. Despite his earlier lukewarm praise he must have made some sour remarks too, for the editor wrote that \"except as to the heroine, his critical skill was evidently at fault in discriminating the excellences of the other performers in Betsey Baker; and all he could be got to say regarding Apartments was something about Mr. and Mrs. Keeley having many worse imitators” (Robert Keeley, 1793-1869; and Mrs. Keeley (Mary Ann Coward), 1806-1899: famous British actors). (NCH 26.3.1853).\n\n5.5.1853 (Thur)\n\nG.A.A. BECKETT: \"Siamese Twins\" (1834)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nR. BUTLER: \"The Irish Tutor\" (1822)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music by the band of the Susquehanna\n\nTh: Imperial Theatre (B)\n\nN: Final performance of the season\n\nR: The close of the season by the amateurs who called themselves the \"Lily Troupe\" for a \"bumper house\"; with some “admirable music by the Band of Susquehanna\" — a steamer belonging to the U.S. Japan Squadron. (NCH 7.5.1853).\n\n8.3.1854 (Wedn)\n\nJ.M. MADDOX: “A Fast Train! High Pressure!! Express!!!\" (1853)\n\nT: Farce\n\nW.B. BERNARD: “A Practical Man\" (1849)\n\nT: Farce\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nP: Music\n\nTh: Tac Ming Theatre (C)\n\nR: At the start of the evening a, for part of the audience at least, unexpected treat was in store: “On the rising of the curtain a ludicrous incident quite upset our friend BUSKIN. He was set down to enact \"Colonel Jack Delaware\" (in A Fast Train — JH) but a storm met him as soon as he appeared on the stage and he was fairly hissed off when a stranger leapt over the footlights and announced his intention of supporting the character. The curtain dropped and after a short delay the volunteer Yankee came forward, dressed in the most extravagant fashion and took up the part with great spirit\". Was the leading actor-manager really taken by surprise? This could hardly be, and it must be assumed that it was, like the \"rebellion\" before, a set up. At any rate the \"interloping Yankee was enrolled in Buskin's company. The musical department was sustained by \"Messrs Thalberg and Koenig with their usual talent and success\". Both these noms de théâtre were after well known musicians: Sigismund Thalberg (1812-1871), a Swiss pianist and composer; and Friedrich Koenig, a German violinist. (NCH 11.3.1854).",
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    {
        "id": 211807,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 222,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "197\n\nfrom Shanghai on the 20th. Despite that, the \"soirée\" was \"kept up to a late hour with great spirit\". The programme consisted of tunes by Dabney, de Costa and Tripp: one of them was called \"Japanese make yourselves ready\" (NCH 26.5.1855).\n\n23.1.1856 (Wedn)\n\nE. MAYHEW: \"Make your Wills” (1836)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nW. BROUGH: \"No 1 Round the Corner\" (1854)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Whitebait at Greenwich\" (1853)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music\n\nTh: D\n\nN: Once more politics crept into the theatre since, due to the Anglo-French campaigns in the Crimean War, \"the proscenium was very tastefully emblazoned with the arms and ciphers of the Allies”. The drop scene now represented the \"Lake of Geneva with the far famed Castle of Chillon” (far famed because of Lord Byron's poem \"The Prisoner of Chillon\"). For a change the Herald allowed itself some criticism of the amateurs, but about the costumes only: \"We are perfectly aware of the great difficulties which beset the wardrobe department of the Theatre here, but still we think that two or three alterations might be made with advantage. It must be remembered that the assumption of a part on the stage requires the submergence of the individual into his assumed character. Proteus must not be more unlike his last shape than the actor must be unlike his mere self and the difficulty of effecting this is enormously increased by an appearance in every-day costume. In melodramatic pieces some decided change is absolutely necessary because success depends on the power of exciting the sympathies of the audience for the various situations of the actors and it is quite impossible that the desponding accents of one young gentleman or the grasping villainy of another (both of whom we know to be very good fellows and far from desponding or hypocritical characters) in the garb of 1856 can excite these sympathies. In Farce it is less important because the effect depends upon a successful appeal to our sense of the ludicrous and this may be done by situations which are quite within the range of every-day life. (...) It also struck us that a little more attention to the chronology of dress would be attended with increased effect; there were two or three anachronisms: for instance the mob cap of Mrs. Foreright (a most admirable 'make-up' by the way) hardly accorded with the modern elegance of Clara; or the venerable beard of the implacable Mr. Ireton with the modern costume of his disinherited son. It is astonishing how greatly unity in these matters adds to the effect of such performances and in spite of the difficulties of such performances and in spite of the difficulties of securing dresses we think a consultation between the Manager and the performers might produce a harmony which would be attended with the best effect”. The music too was thought to be \"ineffective\", but for the remainder it was, as usual, amusing, with Whitebait at Greenwich as the hit of the evening. The character of Buzzard — by no means a graceful one — was played with great effect and we heartily congratulate Mr. SLOWCOME upon the power he displayed\". In Make your Wills the reviewer could not \"forbear mentioning the excellent impersonation of Joseph Bragg by Mr CLAY\" (NCH 26.1.1856).\n\n21.2.1856 (Thur)\n\n—\n\nJ.S. COYNE: \"The Infanticidal Farce\" (1846)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nMrs. C.G.F. GORE: \"A Good Night's Rest\" (1839)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Slasher and Crasher\" (1848)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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        "id": 211809,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 224,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "199\n\n-- it may, however, improve on further acquaintance but we had no other opportunity of judging during the evening\". The \"Turkophonini” could be heard in a solo with variations and it was deemed \"by far the most perfect and pleasing instrument of the two`. The Shanghai Redowa Waise (Redowa: a Bohemian dance) which had been \"composed expressly for this Concert and dedicated to the Ladies of Shanghai — as the programme informed us\", also performed on the Turkophonini was not thought of \"very highly”, but it convinced the reporter that \"the instrument is well adopted for that class of music\". Obviously not everyone in the audience was of the same view, for the editor wrote in the Herald of September 27: \"The critique of our reporter has been much discussed in fashionable circles and the correctness of his judgement as to the perfection of these new instruments questioned. Knowing his high attainments as a musician, we defer to his opinion. Matters of taste do not admit of dispute. De gustibus non est disputandum. We may all enjoy our own and as a second glass of wine enables us to pronounce better judgement as to its quality, so will this second performance (on September 29) by familiarizing us with the instruments enable us better to decide upon their excellence\". In Hong Kong the China Mail could not speak \"in very warm terms of praise at least as regards their suitability for solo performances\" (CM 21.8.1856). On the other hand it admitted that \"by men of cultivated taste M. Ali's talents are fully appreciated and it will be long ere those who have had the pleasure of listening to his performances will forget the sweet but powerful tones of the Turkophone or the duleet melody of the Grand Clarionet and Turkophonini\" (CM 16.10.1856). Ali Ben Sou Alle was assisted by local amateurs who played a number of pieces including two Rossini overtures on the piano; and \"very creditably\" sung Mendelssohn's \"The Fairest Flower\".\n\nThe evening was attended by a \"numerous audience, comprising the beauty and fashion of our Settlement'' (NCH 20.8.1856).\n\n29.9.1856 (Mon)\n\nA second concert by Ali Ben Sou Alle.\n\nNo review was published in the Herald, only an announcement (NCH 27.9.1856).\n\n18.2.1857 (Wedn)\n\nD. BOUCICAULT & C. MATHEWS: \"Used Up\" (1846)\n\nT: Comedietta (2 acts)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: “Box and Cox\" (1847)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Prologue\n\nTh: N.N. (C)\n\n―\n\nR: The season opened both under the new management of \"Peter PROTEUS\" (again: a stage name, Proteus being an old Greek who could assume different shapes, as some actors are able to; also a character from Shakespeare's \"Two Gentlemen of Verona') and with a new theatrical reviewer in the Herald: \"The Man on the Bund\" (for the current season only). And although some months later he was heavily criticized because of some strictures he made about the choice of plays, in general his articles in a highly personal style were a mere continuation of the \"nothing but praise\" attitude that so prevailed. Thus Used Up was \"rendered with unquestionable ability by Mr. Peter Proteus, the manager\" who himself played Sir Charles Coldstream; and Mr. CLAY gave the part of the forlorn, but blunt and honest blacksmith Ironbrace with much skill and effect\". Making her debut Mrs. NESBIT impersonated Lady Clutterbuck: \"One would not have thought that so much deceit could lurk under so smooth and charming a face\". She brought to this part \"not only much cleverness and knowledge of the feminine heart but a very imposing person and decided good looks; and one could not help thinking the baronet might have stumbled upon a less pretty face in his",
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    {
        "id": 211813,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 228,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "203\n\n21.1.1858 (Thur)\n\nEntertainment by Mr. George Henri.\n\nR: As there appeared no review of Mr. George HENRI's miracles on December 29 there is some doubt as to whether they were indeed performed on that date: perhaps they were postponed to January 21. Then the Herald showed itself “so astonished that had he asked us what we wished him to do next we should have requested him to produce Yeh before our eyes\". This alluded to Yeh Ming-ch'en, the Chinese Imperial Commissioner for Foreign Affairs who had played a major role in the second Anglo-Chinese war. He had been captured on January 5 1858 and taken to Calcutta by the British. (NCH 23.1.1858).\n\n9.2.1858 (Tue)\n\nT.J. DIBDIN: \"The Birthday” (1799)\n\nT: Comedy (3 acts)\n\nC. DANCE: \"The Dustman's Belle\" (1846)\n\nT: Comedy (2 acts)\n\nJ. KENNEY: \"Raising the Wind\" (1803)\n\nT: Farce (2 acts)\n\nC: Officers of H.M.S. Pique\n\nTh: On board ship\n\nR: The description of the circumstances under which the Herald's reporter was drawn to the \"Pique\" (a British frigate with crew of 350) is too vivid for the reader to forgo: Tuesday last was a depressing day for a melancholic tempered man, and even we, not constitutionally sad, felt its influence. The morning dawned through an atmosphere in which rain and mist were struggling to see which should do its worst to make everything look disagreeable. As the day moved on, the rain gained the ascendancy and pelted down most pitilessly; overhead the sky looked dull and murky; underfoot the soil of Shanghai, mingling lovingly with the weeping clouds, produced a mixture as tenacious as the grasp of a miser, and dirty as the soul of a time-serving parasite. The mail, with the usual fatality which crowds one mishap upon another, though overdue, had not arrived. To take the gun was simply to commit a felo de se in a sea of mud; and to hum a snatch of a tune was as great an exertion as to dance an Irish jig in fetters, or laugh at the present Sir R. Peel's facetiousness.* In this desolate mood we were plunged, when suddenly a bright recollection flashed upon us. We rose hastily from our chair and consulted a paper which had been lying neglected in a corner: it was the Pique's playbill. The sight of the 'Birthday', the 'Dustman's Belle' and 'Raising the Wind' acted like a charm upon us, and a few minutes afterwards we had crossed the Bund, escaped the insidious dangers of those man-traps of jetties which the Municipal Council are daily suffering to grow more and more like that bridge with many pitfalls invented in the vision of Mirza (this is a reference to \"The Vision of Mirza\" by Joseph Addison, first published in \"The Spectator\" in 1711 and reprinted in 1856 – JH); and committed the safety of our person to a China-boatman and his magnified eggshell. The rain pelted, but we laughed at it; the gusts blew spitefully, but we clutched the tighter and defied them; the darkness did its best to mislead us, but the bright glow from a sailor's pipe guided us with more trustworthiness and safety than a beacon light under certain auspices could have done, and we reached the Pique in safety. Here we found all light, bustle and tiptoe expectation. The main deck had been cleared of its grim everyday tenants - the cold frowning implements of old Mars and their room occupied by the flimsy, but joy-inspiring fripperies of Thespis. We passed along row after row of happy, eager faces and took our seat in front, amongst the guests whom the ship's company of the\n\n* Sir Robert Peel (1822-1895), diplomat and politician; popular in social life and gifted with \"rare powers of irony, but also \"absence of dignity\" and a \"want of moral fiber in his volatile character\" (Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 44, p. 223-224).",
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    {
        "id": 211817,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 232,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "207\n\nplays; the wood scene we thought very effective and true to nature\". This is one of the few times that at least some slight attention is paid to the staging of a piece. (NCH 8.5.1858).\n\n28.9.1858 (Tue)\n\nR.B. SHERIDAN: \"The Rivals” (1775)\n\nT: Comedy (prologue, 5 acts, epilogue), and two other, unnamed, light pieces\n\nC: Officers of H.M.S. Retribution\n\nTh: On board ship\n\nR: This must have been a long night for in addition to Sheridan's The Rivals (a full-length five-act comedy in which Mrs. Malaprop was played by \"Mrs. Taylor\") there were two other light pieces of which the titles have not been recorded. Small wonder then that \"our reporter did not wait to see as the hour was late and he had to rise early to see the comet\" — which had first been observed on September 15. (NCH 2.10.1858)\n\n2.10.1858 (Sat) and\n\n6.10.1858 (Wedn)\n\nConcerts by Mr. Martin Simonsen, violin, and some local amateurs.\n\nProgramme:\n\nCharles Auguste DE BERIOT (1802-1870): Seventh air with variations, Martin SIMONSEN: \"Sounds from Home\", Heinrich Wilhelm ERNST (1814-1865): **Andante” (= Elegie?), N. PAGANINI: \"Carnival of Venice\", Some German songs.\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (C)\n\nR: That the scarce recitals by professional musicians did not draw the same public attention as the amateur actors has already been pointed out in the Survey. On October 2 the attendance was not large, but for the sixth \"a considerable improvement\" was observed and it was hoped there would be a full house on the 12th so that the artist would not be left **with cause to regret his visit to this remote place”. The critic, \"'T.\", gave himself an air of the specialist when he wrote that \"though we do not find any attempt at the dignity and breadth of style which are the characteristics of the greatest performers of the age, we are glad to recognise an execution at once brilliant and lively and in some respects really astonishing\"; and he regarded Mr. SIMONSEN as \"a worthy member of that particular school of which De Bériot was one of the brightest ornaments (De Bériot was a famous violinist who had been forced by illness to end his career in 1852). It must be assumed that the writer had heard other musicians in Europe — where else? — with whom he could draw a comparison. These were the days without radio, gramophone or compact disc! He was apparently a lover of more serious music, for he added wrily: \"We presume it is necessary occasionally to introduce pieces of a light and striking character, but for our own part we deprecate the production of such solos as 'Life on the ocean' **. As to those who assisted Mr. SIMONSEN \"T.\" found it **creditable to this small Settlement that it can produce so able and numerous a body of amateurs who evidently study music for its own sake. We venture to ask them to persevere — it is a science which will amply reward its followers, which will repay a thousandfold its earnest students\". (NCH 9.10.1858). In well-to-do circles in Britain a musical education was considered a mark of good breeding and probably a number of residents had acquired their instrumental skill in youth. Others could profit from the piano lessons that were advertised in December 1858: they were given \"at moderate charges\" and persons interested should apply to \"D.D. at Mr. W.H. Moore's, Hongkew\". Why all would-be artists in Shanghai were so mysterious about their true names remains an enigma. The initials D.D. do not suit any of the residents in the *Shanghai Almanac for 1858'. W.H. Moore is listed in it as a pilot.\n\nT",
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    {
        "id": 211822,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 237,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "212\n\n26.12.1861 (Thur)\n\nConcert by Signor Robbio, violin, and some local amateurs, Programme:\n\n4\n\nL. VAN BEETHOVEN; Trio for strings in E-flat opus 3, V. BELLINI: “Norma”, the aria 'Casta Diva' arranged for violin, C.A. DE BERIOT: Tremolo\", C. GOUNOD: **Meditation upon J.S. Bach's first prelude\", i.e., the famous Ave Maria, C.M. von WEBER: \"Der Freischütz”, cavatine (presumably \"Und ob die Wolke sie verhülle”, act III), arranged for cello and piano. Sir Henry BISHOP: \"Home sweet home\" (from the opera \"Clari, the maid of Milan'), Sr ROBBIO: \"Grande Valse Diabolique“, In addition: some quartet and solo singing by amateurs.\n\nTh: N.N.\n\nR: Today the second concert by the violinist Signor ROBBIO came off \"for a very large audience\". In November he had made his debut in Shanghai but because of a gap of three November issues in the file of the Herald I have been using no details can be given. Once more, however, the paper seems to have been discontented with the selection of the pieces. Not so tonight, with the exception of one composition by Sr Robbio himself, **a work of the Paganini school” of which the critic was evidently not a lover. About the interpretations by the violinist, though, there was but praise; e.g. \"he greatly charmed his audience by the power and feeling with which he executed the beautiful air from Norma, 'Casta Diva'\". So all was enjoyable, the more so as \"for the moribund piano used at the last concert a fine 'Broadwood' was substituted, which displayed to great advantage the admirable playing of the gentleman to whom St Robbio was so much indebted for his accompaniment\". One letter writer went even so far as to exclaim that such delights in Shanghai are indeed 'like angels' visits few and far between' \"' (NCH 28.12.1861).\n\nFebruary and March 1861\n\nPerformances by \"Lewis' Australian Hippodrome” Loc: Commercial House in Hongkew\n\n-\n\n―\n\nוי\n\nN: During the months of February and March \"Lewis' Equestrian Australian Troupe\" gave a large number of performances, of which the first one was announced for February 15 and the last for March 17. The public was entertained with horses and artists, among whom Mr. and Mrs. COUSINS, Mr. BARLOW, Senior RAPHAEL, Jessi GARDONI, **Austin Shanghai**, and “Little Ella\". For all, benefits were held in March. It was not the first time that the troupe had operated on the China Coast. In December 1859 they had visited Hong Kong (CM 15.12.1859, 22.12.1859).\n\n13.2.1863 (Fri)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Our Wife, or the Rose of Amiens\" (1856)\n\nT: Comic drama (1 act)\n\nH\n\nA. MAYHEW & H. SUTHERLAND EDWARDS: The Goose with the Golden Eggs T: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs (Local and British officers)\n\n13.2.1863 (Fri)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Our Wife, or the Rose of Amiens\" (1856)\n\nT: Comic drama (1 act)\n\nA. MAYHEW & H. SUTHERLAND EDWARDS: \"The Goose with the Golden Eggs' T: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs (Local and British officers)\n\nF: Music by the band of the 67th regiment\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (G)\n\nN: First performance of the season\n\nR: Casts:",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    {
        "id": 211842,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 257,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "232\n\nnot heard before and of which the best that can be said is that they are decidedly original. They seemed an imitation of the noise of braying of donkeys, but still they elicited great applause from the gallery [which was generally not regarded as very complimentary JH] perhaps from a certain feeling of sympathy. An amateur played Weber's \"Aufforderung zum Tanz\" with a \"perfect feeling\". To conclude the evening Mme SIMONSEN sung the \"Valse de concert\" (composer unmentioned) in which \"she displayed her powers more than in any other piece she has sung\" (SCR 22.5.1865).\n\n24.5.1865 (Wedn)\n\nH. MAYHEW: \"The Wandering Minstrel“ (1834)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.P. PLANCHE: \"The Knights of the Round Table” (1854)\n\nT: Drama (5 acts)\n\nC: Amateurs of the Shanghai Mounted Rangers\n\nF: Music by the Band of the 67th Regiment; prologue read by Capt. Markham\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\n―\n\nR: In lieu of the old time favourites, Messrs Brushwood, Pickwick, Newcome and Mrs. Nesbit had come new faces. Most foreigners had not yet made Shanghai their permanent place of residence, so turnover in the theatre too was rather high. Tonight could be admired Mr. SMALLWEED who, in the Knights of the Round Table, as \"the blameless king shewed a keen appreciation of his part and while he delivered the burlesque passages with much humour, proved by the taste with which he pronounced the prophetic eulogium on the Queen of England that he need not necessarily confine himself to broad burlesque in order to gain well-merited applause\"; Mr. Edmund (also a member of the Amateur Burlesque Company) won golden opinions as Launcelot, whereas Mr. PEEKT as Merlin \"displayed much cleverness in personating feeble old men\". In The Wandering Minstrel \"Mr. R.T. Larff, better known to the theatrical world as Mr. Wynnge (did this mean that he had two stage names? JH) sustained the reputation he has already gained as a low comedian and makes us the less deplore the absence of the well known and inimitable Brushwood” (last recorded performance 10.5.1860). Of course the female roles were taken by men, which led, as it always does, to some ridiculous scenes: \"The company possesses great strength in the important particular of lady performers. The only drawback which, however, is immaterial in burlesque, lies in the great height and muscular development of the fair ones\". Yet Miss Mary MIDDLESEX \"bore away the palm for natural feminine get-up\" and \"nothing could excel the dash which Kate COVENTRY threw into the part of the vivandière\", (NCH 27.5.1865). That not all patrons were equally pleased became evident from the Shanghai Commercial Record (5.6.1865) when it wrote: \"an allusion which was considered too personal led to a corresponding in our columns\" (i.e. the \"Shanghai Recorder\" which to the great regret of all historians treating the history of foreign Shanghai can no longer be found). At the end of the evening a number of toasts were proposed, among others to \"Alabaster, to whose exertions much of the success of the company was due\". This was a reference to Chaloner Alabaster (1831-1890), the British vice-consul who was also active in the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. In conclusion the Herald reported that \"the arrangements were excellent and notwithstanding the warmth of the evening and the crowded state of the theatre, the air within the walls did not become oppressively hot. Punkahs were slung over the front seats and during the temporary pauses kept up a current of air\",\n\n27.5.1865 (Sat)\n\nPerformance by Mr. Benjamin Seare. Programme unknown (reading, etc)\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nR: Both the Herald and the Record agreed that Mr. SEARE \"is possessed of great talent\"",
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        "id": 211978,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 393,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "368\n\nSung, Hok-p'ang et. al. (1984), pp. 1-9.\n\n1973 \"Legends and stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in', JHKBRAS xiii, 1973, pp. 28-40.\n\n1974 \"Legends and stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in\", JHKBRAS xiv, 1974, pp. 160-185.\n\nTaga, Akigoro Tanaka, Issei\n\n1982 Chugoku Sofu no Kenkyu, vol. 2, Tokyo.\n\n1985 \n\nTsui, Bartholomew\n\nWatson, Rubie S.\n\nWolf, Arthur P. (ed.)\n\nA Chiu 亞潮(?) baai 拜 baai-san\n\nBaak Mou-Seung Ú Baak-Ging\n\nBaishe Zhuan\n\nLineage and Theatre in China. Interdependence of Festival Organization, ritual, and theatre in the lineage society of South China, Tokyo.\n\n1989 Village Festivals in China: Backgrounds of Local Theatres. Tokyo\n\nforthcoming\n\n\"Daojiao Yili ya Jishen Kiju zhijian de Guanxi”,\n\nforthcoming\n\n\"Taoist Ritual Books of the New Territories\".\n\n1985 Inequality Among Brothers: Class and Kinship in South China, Cambridge University Press.\n\n1974 Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford.\n\nGLOSSARY\n\nchiu-gaan chiu-dou * Chiu-Yip #\n\nchu 柱\n\nChuk Yuen 竹園\n\nChung E\n\nChung Yeung 重陽\n\nChung-Saan\n\nU\n\nBak Bin 北便\n\nBak Dai 北帝\n\nbei 陂\n\nbong 榜\n\nBou-Dak Chi #AM\n\nbui\n\ncha-gwo 茶果\n\nChan Gau 陳九\n\nChan 陳\n\nchau-san\n\n+\n\nChenghua 成化\n\ncheun-ding\n\nT\n\ncheun-fu 巡撫 Cheung-Cheun Yun cheung-saam Chi-Naam Ching Ming U Ching-Lok\n\nChung-Yut Я\n\nchyun 村\n\nDaai-Si Wong ✰±\n\nDaai-Wong E\n\ndaai-yan ★A daai-yau daam\n\ndaam-jung da-jai 打仔 da-jiu 打醮 dan 躉 Dang 鄧\n\nDang Chung 鄧璁 Dao 道 da-saat\n\nDei-Jong Wong E",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 404,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "379\n\nThe Morning Post, Jan 1, 1901\n\nCover Page of La Politique de Pe'kin BM7 Jun, 1914, with\n\nSir Robert Hart on it\n\n1 booklet \"Topside Galan\" illustrated by Bessie L'E. Pirkis, in water\n\ncolour (MS)\n\n10 Chillon College Magazine, Vol II: XI XII (2 copies); Vol III: I,\n\nII, IV, VI, VII, VIII: VOL IV, 1\n\nSchool reports, 1937\n\nBundles of theatre programmes and theatre tickets\n\nMinutes of the Seventh Annual Meeting of the Board of Managers of the\n\nPeking University, January 16, 1906 (University Press)\n\nMisc. clippings, newspapers and magazines\n\nLoose papers, some with Robert's childish scribbling for Granny Some calling cards\n\n3 menus\n\nHong Kong and Shanghai Bank to Lady Hart, 29 Oct 1906\n\n5 photographs in an envelope addressed to E Prince (?) Hart Esq. 1 poem (MS)\n\nInvitations\n\nPostcards to Hart (Moore to Hart, 3 Aug 1909), Lady Hart (5), Bruce\n\n(1), Robert (6)\n\nBOX 5\n\nBundle of misc. letters to Robert\n\nBundle of misc. letters to Mr. & Mrs. Bruce Hart Bundle of misc. letters to Carrie and others\n\nMisc. clippings, scribbling, empty envelopes, etc. Robert Bredon to Lady Hart, 7 Sept 1911 27 May 1912 Bundle of papers for learning meaning and pronunciation of Chinese\n\ncharacters (MS)\n\n1 printed address accompanying the Testimonial to Sir Robert Hart GCMG. with Sir Robert Hart's Reply (Peking, 22 Aug 1890)\n\n1 printed letter, E.B. Drew to Alex. Jamieson, 28 August 1890 Letters to Lady Hart from various persons and institutions mainly\n\nregarding her finances\n\n1 typed letter to Editor of The Times, \"The China Crisis”, from H.\n\nCrouch Batchelor\n\n5 letters to Hart\n\nLetters from Hart",
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 445,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "420\n\nappreciated, especially in China itself.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nFrank Ching, Ancestors, 900 Years in the Life of a Chinese Family. London, Harrap, 1988, pp. 528.\n\nFrank Ching is a journalist. He has the journalist's eye for the dramatic and unusual. He knows a good story when he sees one, and how to put it across. These gifts have served him well in his first book, an account of his own family over nearly a millennium.\n\nThe book comprises a series of studies of eminent persons of the Ching lineage from whom he is directly descended. In such studies, motivated by the desire to get at one's roots, there is always the danger that we shall get hagiography rather than history, but there are few signs of this. The author has set himself high standards. Starting, as he tells us in the prologue, from scratch in as complex and difficult a field as Chinese historiography, it is remarkable that he has achieved such a tour de force. The book is of great and absorbing human interest, perhaps heightened for readers by the fact that there is a direct connection with a living person. It has been assiduously researched, in person and using the best authorities, and is well organized and beautifully written.\n\nOnce one has read the prologue, and absorbed the author's background and motivation, derived from having been an exile (in Hong Kong) from his native place at intervals during the early part of his life, it does not really matter whether one reads the book from start to finish or (as I did) takes up those chapters that appeal most. All are of equal interest. If I have to make a selection, I liked the account of his father (1888-1959), a bitter-sweet and, it seemed to me, quintessentially Chinese individual who lived in trying times; a brilliant man who perhaps deserved to have had a more favourable arena for his talents, certainly after he left Shanghai to rejoin his family in Hong Kong in 1949. There were so many years of enforced idleness in both places. Personal accounts like this tell us more than the historical record, and illuminate the times more effectively.\n\nI liked the author's notes to the chapters: over 40 pages between pp. 471-511. They are not only a guarantee that he has done a good job: they also help interested readers to look into books and sources of which",
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    {
        "id": 212123,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "42\n\ndisasters. the second is for those who died because of plague. The final reason is to thank the benevolent governors Wang Lai-ren and Zhou You-de of the beginning of the Qing dynasty. In my opinion, all these reasons can be integrated into the first one.\n\n(d) Chan Wing-hoi \"The Tangs of Kam Tin and their Jiu festival\", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 29 (1989) 302-375, a rich and detailed account of the lineage, its temples and villages, and the festival which draws them together.\n\nDr. Faure gradually switched his interest to the Pearl River Delta while Prof. Tanaka, as I was told, is now looking at Sichuan province. Talk on publishing a book on Hong Kong Jiao festivals has been going on for years by members of the \"Research Circle of the Regional Society of Southern China''. In 1990, the editorial board of the society set up a schedule to compile a book focusing on the Jiao festival. It is expected that papers on various aspects will be completed by the end of April 1991. (Correspondence from the society dated 28.12.1990)\n\nSchipper, Kristofer M., \"The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies\" in Wolf, Arthur P. (ed.) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974), 324,\n\nFor example, according to Chan Wing-hoi, villagers of Shek O celebrated their 16th Jiao in 1986 (Chan, 78). The Dengs in Kam Tin claimed to have celebrated their Jiao since 1684 (Tanaka, 918).\n\nSee for instance Basel Mission Archives, doct. Al-6, No. 51 (1869), and doct. Al-7, No. 51 (1870) and Der Evangelische Heidenbote, July 1867, in which a missionary describes how he was forced to go to the Magistrate to get his support before he could avoid having to pay his share of the Jiao expenses. All these cases are from Hsin An County. The Sha Tin poem will, it is hoped, shortly be published by Dr. P.H. Hase.\n\nThese two series are part of the 15 series of historical documents collected by Dr. D. Faure and others in the New Territories. Copies of the collections are kept in the libraries of CUHK, Hong Kong University, Sha Tin Regional Council Library, and Institute of Oriental Culture, Tokyo University.\n\n31\n\nTanaka Chugoku no Sozoku to Engeki [Lineage and Theatre in China] (Tokyo Univ. Press 1985), 608. Jiao festivals celebrated by the powerful communities in Hong Kong like Kam Tin, Ha Tsuen, Lung Yeuk Tau etc., were all performed by the Zhengyi Taoist group, led first by the late Master Lin Pei and now by Master Chan Kau. Another Zhengyi Taoist group is led by Master Chan Wah. However, many Taoist priests work for both groups. There are also other Taoist groups who performed for the Jiao festivals, like a Cantonese group which performed for Ho Chung and a Heklo group for Cheung Chau. In 1983, four out of five Jiao festivals were performed by monastery Taoists. It is not clear whether it was because of tradition or out of economic reasons. A comparison of the two Taoist groups has yet to be made.\n\n14 Choi Chi-cheung **Sho matsuri no jinmei risuto ni mirareru shinzoku ban'i” [Kinship as seen in the name lists of Jiao festival] Bunka Jinnú Gaku 5 (1988): 131, table L. 35 **Shinshi men\" [Section of Believers] in Fanling Wenxian (Historical Literature of Fanling) vol. 8. This brief account records details of the arrangement of the Jiao area, including the contents of couplets, names of deities invited, location and direction of matshed stages, and the sacrifices prepared etc.. See n. 32 for the depositories of Fanling Wenxian.\n\n36 See (1972) Lin Chuan [Lam Tsuen] Xiang Taiping Qingjiao huiyi jilubu in Dapu [Tai Po] Wenzian [Historical Literature of Tai Po] vol. 1. (see n. 32 for depositories)\n\n37 Tanaka Issei's three books, all published by the Tokyo Univ. Press are: Chugoku Saishi Engeki Kenkyu [Ritual Theatres in China] (1981), Chugoku no Sozoku to Engeki [Lineage and Theatre in China) (1985), and Chugoku Kyoson Saishi Kenkyu: Chihogeki",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
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    {
        "id": 212140,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 82,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "59\n\nall had their scriptures'; but no other faith could now be confused with the Christians' 'brilliant teaching'. Also, though this may be a mere coincidence rather than a tactful regard for continuity, they chose a new term which sounded in Chinese very similar to the term previously in use. They chose an intriguing variant of a common Chinese character in order to catch the eye. The man who invented the term 'brilliant teaching' had a rare gift for public relations, and a high degree of sensitivity to Chinese culture.\n\nEnough evidence exists to suggest that the term 'brilliant teaching' was invented and actively promoted, both in the capital Ch'ang-an and elsewhere in China, by Adam, the composer of the Sian tablet inscription. In the following sections it will be argued that Adam invented the term 'brilliant teaching' not long before 781, that he launched the term publicly in the Sian tablet inscription, that he strove to have the term applied consistently in all the dioceses of China of which he was archbishop, and that he ordered old manuscripts to be recopied and 'doctored' so that they reflected the new terminology.\n\nAdam, Nestorian Metropolitan of China in 781\n\n6\n\nVery little is known for certain about Adam, the Nestorian metropolitan of China in the 780s. The name Adam seems to have been very rare in the Nestorian Church, and it is possible that Adam's parents were not Nestorians. All we can confidently conclude from the Sian tablet inscription is his rank. The inscription begins with the Chinese sentence 'Written by Ching-ching, a monk of the Syrian monastery', which is followed by a corresponding sentence in Syriac: Adam qasisa ur apisqupa u papasha de Tzinisthan, “Adam, priest, bishop, and archbishop of China'. We know from the Book of Governors, a ninth-century history of the Nestorian monastery of Beth Abhe in Kurdistan, that the monk David was sent out to China as metropolitan around 800. He may well have been Adam's immediate successor.\n\nFortunately, we can go a little further in building up a picture of the author of the Sian tablet inscription. Adam is also mentioned in a contemporary Chinese work as the recipient of a stinging rebuke from the emperor Te-tsung (779-805) for an inelegant translation of a Buddhist scripture which he had undertaken in collaboration with a Buddhist monk. The story is told in a biography which records the journey of the monk Prajna from northern India to Ch'ang-an in 782.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
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    {
        "id": 212153,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 95,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "72\n\nin the Christian quarter of Baghdad, when Ch'ang-an and its glories were only a distant memory, and the Nestorian church in China proper was virtually extinct.\n\nIts tone is one of elegiac regret for an illustrious past, when the leaders of the Nestorian church had enjoyed access to the emperors of China; when Fang Hsüan-ling and Wei-cheng, two of the most powerful men in T'ai-tsung's court, had welcomed the first Nestorian missionary to China, and when the emperor Te-tsung had summoned a Nestorian archbishop to the imperial palace to translate the Christian scriptures into Chinese. The term 'brilliant teaching' does not appear either in the text of the Book of Praise or in the explanatory note, although there is a single reference in the note to our religion of Ta-ch'in'. The text of the Book of Praise lists, as we have seen, a number of books brought by Reuben to China in 635, including the Book of the Secret of Peace and Joy, the Book of the Origin of Origins, the Hymn in Adoration of the Holy Trinity, and the Hymn in Adoration of the Transfiguration of Our Lord. The manuscripts of the last three documents which have survived contain the term 'Syrian Brilliant Teaching' in their titles, but the phrase is omitted from the titles as given in the Book of Praise. Also, the term ching-feng (pure wind) is no longer used for Holy Spirit: instead we find a transliteration of the Syriac Ruha de Kudsha. The man who wrote the Book of Praise did so on a manuscript which contained a text of the Hymn in Adoration of the Holy Trinity with 'Syrian Brilliant Teaching' prominently displayed in the hymn's title. He nevertheless felt able to ignore this example of 'correct' usage in the Book of Praise.\n\nThere are a number of stylistic similarities between the Book of Praise and the Book of the Secret of Peace and Joy, which suggest that our manuscript of the latter, although deriving from a seventh century Syriac original translated into Chinese by Adam, was copied in the tenth century. Firstly, its title is exactly as given in the text of the Book of Praise, and does not contain the expression 'Syrian brilliant teaching', found in the other late eighth-century manuscripts. Secondly, as in the Book of Praise, a transliteration of the Syriac Ruha de Kudsha is used instead of the term ching feng to denote the Holy Spirit. Thirdly, both texts use an obscure transliteration of the Sogdian word for 'rock' in the proper name 'Simon Peter' (Chang-wan Chang-jia, 'Simon the Rock'), instead of adopting a straightforward Chinese equivalent. Fourthly, both texts use one only of the two",
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    {
        "id": 212289,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 231,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "208\n\nprovide the insight into the mysteries of life. This kind of Chinese person Legge could admire, for he was one ready for the truths of the Incarnation. Once again, even in his final years, James Legge was discovering spiritual and intellectual resources within China's own traditions to support his own positions and concerns.\n\nNOTES\n\nAn earlier draft of this paper was presented at the Hong Kong City Hall on October 20, 1989, in the lecture series supported by the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society and the Hong Kong Urban Council. Research done was generously underwritten by the United Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia.\n\nIn the second Oxford edition of 1893-1895, the original eight volumes were reduced to five large volumes. They included the revised Four Books in two volumes along with the unrevised 1865-1872 editions of the Book of Documents, the Book of Odes, and the Spring and Autumn Annals. The 1985 printing is a copy of the 1960 Hong Kong edition, including a biographical essay by Lindsay Ride.\n\nI have recorded eleven independent copies of this edition of the Four Books as well as six other printings of the Analects (the name given to the Lunyu by Legge). This was sometimes done by simply copying the translation and making the Chinese text available without any of the extensive footnotes; at other times it was presented along with other translations (into Japanese and European languages). At least one was a late nineteenth-century pirated edition.\n\nOnly four letters remain of an apparently large correspondence between Legge and Julien. [On a letter dated May 12, 1866, in a hand which is neither Legge's nor Julien's, there is the phrase \"Received many letters from Stanislas Julien”. (original's emphasis)] These are kept in the Bodleian Library. Other letters by Legge can be found in the Library of L'Académie de France, but all are written by Legge late in his Oxford career, long after Julien had died. Those which remain are full of Julien's very precise and lengthy criticisms of Legge's translations, especially of the Book of Documents, which was first published in 1865. The background of the arrangements for Legge's chair at Oxford is briefly discussed in T. H. Barrett's Singular Listlessness: A Short History of Chinese Books and British Scholars (London: Wellsweep, 1989), pp. 75-76. Further discussion of this background and a general overview of Legge's life can be found in my article, \"The 'Failures' of James Legge's Fruitful Life for China“. Ching Feng (BR) 31:4 (December 1983), pp. 246-271.\n\nAn article written soon after Legge began his career at Oxford is \"Principles of Composition in Chinese, as deduced from the Written Characters\", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, NS 2 (April 1879), pp. 238-277. Later publications I have located are as follows: \"Prof. Legge to the Editor of the Journal\", contra Mr Giles on the Zuo Zhuan, (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, North China Branch 20-21 (1886-1887), pp. 237-238; \"The Late Appearance of Romances and Novels in the Literature of China; with the History of the Great Archer, Yang Yu-chi\", The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (October, 1893), pp. 799-822; Book Review on Society in China by Robert K. Douglas, in ibid, (October 1894), pp. 851-865. Three articles near the end of his life appeared as a series: \"The Li Sao Poem and its Author: I. The Author\", \"The Li Sao Poem and its Author: II. The Poem\", and \"The Li Sao Poem and its Author: III. Chinese Text and Translation”. in ibid. (January 1895), pp. 77-92; (July 1895), pp. 571-599; and (October 1895), pp. 839-864.",
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    {
        "id": 212290,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 232,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "209\n\n7\n\nThe texts translated by Legge were given the special subtitle, The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879-1891). They included six volumes (numbers 3, 16, 27-28, 39-40) in The Sacred Books Of The East Series under the general editing of F. Max Müller: Part I. The Shu King (the Book of Documents), The Religious Portion of the Shih King (The Book of Odes), and the Hsiao King (the Classic of Filial Piety) (XW) (1879); Part II. The Yi King (the Book of Changes) (58) (1882); Part III. The Li Ki (the Book of Rites), (禮記) I-X (1885); Part IV. The Li Ki, XI-XLVI (1885); Part V. The Tao Teh King (道德經) and the Writings of Kwang-Tze (莊子) (the Taoist Classics by Laozi and Zhuangzi), I-XVII (1891); Part VI. The Writings of Kwang-Tze, XVIII-XXXII, and the Thai-Shang Tractate of Actions and Their Retributions, (太上感應篇) with Appendices, I-VIII (1891). One of Legge's more important addresses in this field was to the Oriental Congress which met in Lyons and Florence during September, 1878. It was entitled, \"On the Present State of Chinese Studies and What is Wanted to Complete the Analysis of the Chinese Written Characters\" (September 16, 1878). Legge was Chairman of the Congress.\n\nAfter his Inaugural Address at Oxford, Legge quickly sought to attract students and any interested public by presenting very practical discussions of Chinese language. On November 7, 1876, he presented \"The Nature and History of the Chinese Written Character\". In 1878 another public lecture dealt with \"Principles of Composition in Chinese, or Grammar without Inflections\". By January, 1877, he was able to attract enough students to begin a course entitled \"Elements of Chinese and the Confucian Analects\". By the school year of 1881-1882, Legge was presenting classes on The Four Books, Laozi's (Zhuangzi) Daode Jing (道德經), and Chinese Poetry. See Oxford University Gazette, 1876-1877, pp. 64, 191; 1878-1879, p. 93; 1881-1883, pp. 200-201. The text he used for the grammar course in his early years at Oxford was Stanislas Julien's Syntaxe Nouvelle de la Langue Chinoise (ibid, 1877-1878, p. 193).\n\n* Besides the major Taoist volumes in The Sacred Books of the East, Legge also presented independent public addresses on Laozi and Zhuangzi (莊子) at Oxford's Taylorian Institute. The high regard Legge had for Zhuangzi can be seen in the typescript of the address, still available in the Bodleian. See Oxford University Gazette, 1889-1890, p. 92.\n\nLegge's response to Buddhism was very much influenced by the polemical attitudes of the Tang dynasty scholar, Han Yu, and other criticisms of Buddhism he read in Chinese tractates written by notable missionary scholars. He employed Han Yu's memorial against Buddhism as part of class readings beginning in 1883, added other texts to this in the late eighties and early nineties, and spoke publicly on \"The Purgatories of Buddhism and Taoism!\" in 1893. See Oxford University Gazette, 1882-1883, p. 558; 1884-1885, p. 339; 1892-1893, pp. 226, 491. His most important text and article relating to Buddhism are A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms, Being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of His Travels in India and Ceylon (AD 389-414) In Search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1886), and “A Fair and Dispassionate Discussion of the Three Doctrines Accepted in China', by Liu Mi, A Buddhist Scholar”, (London; n.d., presented to the Orientalist Congress 188?, pp. 563-580). The original source of publication for the article is not clear.\n\n† Besides the Buddhist texts mentioned above in §9, Legge also published Christianity In China: Nestorianism, Roman Catholicism, Protestantism. On the flyleaf is the following title: Christianity in China; A Rendering of the Nestorian Tablet at Si-an-fu to Commemorate Christianity. London: Trübner & Co, 1888.\n\nCf Lindsay Ride's \"Biographical Note\", in The Chinese Classics with a Translation, Critical and Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, and Copious Indexes (Taipei: Southern Materials Center, Inc, 1985), p. 22. At the age of 26 he had been awarded a Doctorate of Divinity by New York University (1842).",
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        "id": 212498,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 52,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "32\n\n29\n\nThe term 'comprador' in Chinese history is quite argumentative. In late Qing times it referred to a commercial broker, an agent and employee of a foreign firm. With the rise of Chinese nationalism in the Republican period, the meaning was gradually expanded beyond its original sense to include politics in a negative meaning or collaboration with foreigners of serving interest of imperialists. In Chinese Marxist scholarship, comprador has taken on a political meaning. See Jung-fang Tsai (1981), The Predicament of the Comprador Ideologists, pp. 191-7. However, economic historians such as Wang Jingyu, realizing the role of Chinese merchants in the economic development of the nineteenth century, said they included compradors who had large investment in modern enterprises, been active in huashang fugu huodong as well as buying capital in from foreign aggressive enterprises. See Wang (1965), Shijiu shiji waiguo qinhua qiye zhong de huashang fugu yundong (The Activities of Chinese Merchants to Buy Capital-Shares from the Foreign Aggressive Enterprises in China During the Late Nineteenth Century) and (1983b) Shiji xifang ziben zhuyi dui Zhongguo de jingji qinlue (The Economic Invasion of Western Capitalism on China in Nineteenth Century), pp. 483-526.\n\n10 Xu Run, Qing Xu Yuzhi xiansheng Run zixu nianpu, pp. 4-5.\n\n31\n\nAs Xu himself stated, the estimate value of this amount after discount should be 3,219,470 taels. See ibid, p. 68.\n\n17 Other investments, though the amounts are uncertain, can also be ascertained from his autobiography. They are: a pier company at Guangdong, a grocery at Shanghai; also silk cloth shop, tea shop, partnership in Huya'an Insurance Co., Huaxing Insurance Co., Difeng Co., Shanghai Land Investment Co., Ltd., Shanghai Tramway Co., Xunhuan Newspaper in Hong Kong, a water works, and Tongyi cultivation company in Guangdong. See Qing Xu Yuzhi xiansheng Run zixu nianpu, preface.\n\n33\n\nSee Liu Kwang-ching (1962), Anglo-American Steamship Rivalry in China, 1862-1874, p. 155.\n\n14\n\nSee Hao (1970a), p. 100. As Xia Dongyuan found that in the Zheng's zhushu (will) written in 1914, Zheng regarded 4,088 taels the interest from share-stocks as one of his main sources of income. See Xia (1985b), p. 268.\n\n35 See Zheng Guanying, Zhi Li Zhaomin Fangbo lun zhuang Lundun Hongyuan Gongsi (Letter addressed to Li Zhaomin in discussing the founding of Hongyuan Company in London), in Xia Dongyuan (1988a), pp. 507-3; Wu Chang-chuan (1974), pp. 86-8.\n\n36 As Wang Shui has concluded from various sources, during 1840 to 1894 Chinese compradors had accumulated a total income of about half a billion taels, see Wang (1983), Qingdai maiban shouru de guji jiqi shiyong fangshi (An Assessment of Compradors' Income and Its Spending Ways in Qing Dynasty), pp. 298-307.\n\n37 See Thomas G. Rawski (1970), Chinese Dominance of Treaty Port Commerce and its Implications, 1860-1875, pp. 451-73.",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 54,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "34\n\nChan Kin Tong 陳健堂 Cheang Hoong WA Chen Xuyuan 陳照元 Ding Richang TRS Guo Piao 郭標\n\nHo Kai 何啟\n\nHo Tung 何東\n\nHuang Huan'nan #\n\nJian Dongfu 簡東甫\n\nGlossary\n\nWu Jianzhang f Xu Rongcun 徐榮村 Xu Run 徐潤 Xu Yuting 徐鈺亭 Yuan Shikai 袁世凱 Zheng Guanying\n\nZheng Tingjiang\n\nBaoyuanxiang 寶源祥\n\nZuo Zongtang E\n\nLaw Pak Sheung\n\nA\n\nBendi 本地\n\nLaw Sai Nam 劉世南\n\nLee Chak 李澤\n\nguandu-shangban\n\nLeung Xiu 梁喬 Li Hing 李慶\n\nLi Hongzhang 李鴻章 Lo Hok Pang #09 Ng A Cheong AS\n\nO Kee Cheung 柯其祥 Sheng Xuanhuai 盛宣懷 Soong Xe 宋琪\n\nSung Chin Tseung\n\nTong Mow Chee #\n\nTong Ying Shu (Xing Sing)\n\n唐廷樞(景星)\n\nWei Kwong #*\n\nWei Yuk 韋玉\n\nDanjia 晉家 #\n\nGuang Yang Xing 廣陽興\n\nGuang Zhao Gongsuo 廣肇公所 Heshengxiang #\n\nhuashang fugu huodong HÆ!\n\nKejia 客家\n\nlianhao 聯號\n\nO Chin Sin Tong\n\nQing Xu Yuzhi Xiansheng Run\n\nZixu Nianpu\n\n清徐雨之先生潤自序年譜\n\nSanyi 三邑\n\nShiyi 四邑\n\ntongxiang hui 同鄉會\n\nZongban 總辦\n\nWong Kong 黄亞廣\n\nReferences\n\nCheng, T C. 1969 Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils\n\nin Hong Kong In Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 9: 1-30\n\nChoi, Chi-cheung 1991 Cong difangzhi kan Xiangshan xian difang shili de zhuanbian (The influence of migration in Xiangshan county as viewed from local gazetteers) In Zhongguo Shehui Jingjishi Yanjiu 1991/1: 60-8\n\n1993. Competition among Brothers: the Kun Tye Lung Company and its Associate Companies, Unpublished paper presented at the Workshop on Chinese Business Houses in Southeast Asia since 1870 School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London",
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    {
        "id": 212505,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 59,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "39\n\nthe Kuan Lineage in K'ai-p'ing County. Ann Arbor, Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan.\n\nWright, Arnold 1908 Twentieth Century Impressions of Hongkong, Shanghai, and other Treaty Ports of China their history, people commerce, industries, and resources London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Company. Ltd\n\nWu, Chang-chuan 1974 Cheng Kuan-ying A Case Study of Merchant Participation in the Chinese Self-strengthening Movement (1878-1884) PhD thesis Columbia University\n\nXia, Dongyuan. 1982 Zheng Guanying ji (Collected materials of Zheng Guanying) Volume I Shanghai, Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe\n\n1985a Wanqing yangwu yundong yanjiu (A study of self-strengthening movement of late Qing China) Chengdu, Sichuan Renmin chubanshe\n\n1985b. Zheng Guanying zhuan (A biography of Zheng Guanying) Revised edition Shanghai, Huadong Shifan Daxue Chubanshe\n\n1988a, Zheng Guanying ji (Collected materials of Zheng Guanying) Volume II Shanghai, Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe\n\n1988b. Sheng Xuanhuai zhuan (A biography of Sheng Xuanhuai) Chengdu, Sichuan Renmin Chubanshe\n\nXu, Dingxin 1991 Shanghai zongshanghui-shi 1902-1929 (A history of Shanghai Chamber of Commerce). Shanghai, Shanghai Shehui Kexueyuan Chubanshe\n\nYamagami, Kan'ichi 1938 Sekko zaibatsu-ron so no kihonteki kōsatsu (A discussion of Zhejiang financial magnates its basic observation) Tokyo. Nihon Hyōronsha\n\nYu, Qixing 1970 Wu Tingfang yu Xiangkang zhi guanxi (The relations of Wu Tingfang with Hong Kong). In Shou Luo Xianglin Jiaoshou Lunwenji Hong Kong, Wanyou Tushu Gongsi 255-78.\n\nZhang, Wenqin, 1984. Cong fengnan guanshang dao maiban shangren Qingdai Guangdong hangshang Wu Yihe jiazu de pouxi (From feudal official merchant to comprador An analysis of the family of howqua of the Guangdong hong merchants in the Qing). In Jindaishi Yanjiu 1984/3 167-97. 1984/4 231-53\n\n1989 Cong fengjian guanshang dao maiban guanliao Wu Jianzhang shilun (From feudal official merchant to compradorial bureaucrat An analysis and discussion on Wu Jianzhang). In Jindaishi Yanjiu 1989/5 31-54\n\nZhejiangji zibenjia de xingqi (The rise of Zhejiang clique of entrepreneurs) Edited by Zhongguo Renmin Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi Zhejiang-sheng Weiyuanhui Wenshi Ziliao Yanjiu Weiyuanhui Hangzhou, Zhejiang Renmin Chubanshe, 1986.\n\nZou, Yiren 1980 Jiu Shanghai renkou bianqian de yanjiu (A study of evolution of the population of old Shanghai) Shanghai, Renmin Chubanshe",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    {
        "id": 212528,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 82,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "62\n\nYun nan tong zhi gao\n雲南通志稿\n\n選平樂府重建聖廟碑記\nXuan Ping lo fu chong jian sheng miao bei ji\n\nTa xin shuo 塔性說\n\nSan jia shi bu yi 三家詩補遺\n\nWen xuan lou shu cang shu ji\n文選樓書藏書記\n\nBa zhuan yin guan ke zhu ji 八轉吟館刻記\n\nBu bi tu shi 布幣圖識\n\nA4\n\nRuan shi Chi gu zhai Han tong yin te\n阮氏積古齋漢銅印得\n\nWen xuan lou cang bei\n文選樓藏碑\n\nRuan wen da gong zhi shi hou jia shu\n阮文達公致仕後家書\n\nHan shi jing can zi 漢石經藏碑\n\nLang huan xian guan shi\n\nRuan wen da gong zhi shi hou jia shu\n阮文達公致仕後家書\n\nLun yu lun ren lun 論語論仁論\n\nMeng zi lun ren lun\n\nNOTES\n\nArthur F Wright, \"Values, Roles, and Personalities” in Confucian Personalities, edited by Arthur F Wright and Denis Twitchett (Stanford 1962), 11\n\nIbid., 4\n\nSee Appendix 1 chronology of Ruan Yuan's government appointments and Appendix 2. Ruan Yuan's major works and compilations\n\n4\n\nLyn Struve, \"The Hsu Brothers and Semi-official Patronage of Scholars in the K'ang-hsi Period\", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42-231-266 (1982). R Kent Guy, The Emperor's Four Treasuries. Scholars and the State in the Late Ch'ien-lung Era, Harvard, 1987 Guy has inscribed \"We await Ruan Yuan\" on the front piece of my copy of his work\n\nStruve, 231\n\nThe three Xu Brothers were Xu Qian xue (1631-1694), Xue Bing yi (1633-1711), and Xu Yuan wen (1634-1691) Other officials who were patrons of scholars included Ye Fang ai (1629-1682), Song De yi (1622-1687), and Yu Guo zhu (d ca 1688), Struve, 232-239\n\n7 Guy, 52 Guy had neglected to include the group Ruan Yuan had organized at the Gu Jing Jing she in Hangzhou earlier. A number of scholars from this group had followed Ruan throughout his official life from the late 1790s to the late 1830s for over 40 years I have opted to keep the Wade-Giles transliteration of the Guy original\n\n8 Wang Jun-yi, “Kang Qian sheng shi yu Qian Jia xue pai — jian lun Qian Jia xue pai di liu pai ji chi ping jia\" 清代乾嘉學派的流派及其評價 Qing shu yen jiu 4 342-366 (Beijing, 1986). Unless otherwise indicated, all translations into English in this paper are made by me\n\n9 Qian Mu, Zhong guo jin san bai nian xue shu shi [A history of Chinese learning during the past 300 years], (Taipei edition, 1976), 478",
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    {
        "id": 212560,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 114,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "94\n\nperfected in the United States, Stevenson adopts an approach which gives great emphasis to the expression of the inner, emotional state of the characters, an alternative to the approach Chinese dancers were familiar with. In the summer of 1979, he trained two Chinese student dancers at the Houston Ballet Academy. At the end of the summer, the students returned to China with a pas-de-deux Stevenson choreographed for them. In China, the performance of that piece caused a stir among the audiences and a revision of the approach Chinese dancers took towards their profession. In the succeeding years, Chinese artists choreographed some pieces, such as the Spirit of the Yellow River, which also suggests Stevenson's influence on dance in China.6\n\nObviously, the contributions American Cultural presence made to cultural pluralism are twofold: direct presentations gave a different feature to the cultural life of the Chinese people while they introduce new ideas. The latter, therefore, is of more significance as it is more persistent and penetrating. As for exchanges in arts education and exchanges of specialists, the consequences were also twofold: the influx of new ideas and the improvement in China's artistic activities.\n\nIn this context, the work of David Gilbert can be taken as an example of how American specialists helped Chinese artists in the improvement of artistic quality. David Gilbert, music director and conductor of the Greenwich Philharmonia in the United States, began to serve as principal guest conductor of the Central Philharmonic Orchestra (CPO, affiliated to the CPS) in June 1980. At the conclusion of his first term, he reflected: \"The players (of the CPO) are fine professional musicians but they have no repertory and no experience.” “The orchestra itself had never done Beethoven's Eighth Symphony, and when I scheduled the overture to 'Die Meistersinger' I discovered it was their first Wagner of any kind.\"37 Nonetheless, in mid-1981, he was able to tour with the CPO to Mudan Jiang, Harbin, and Changchun for two weeks with a repertoire made up largely of pieces learnt by the orchestra from him, and since then the orchestra had presented one concert every two weeks, rehearsing six days a week.\n\nIn evaluating the consequences of Sino-American arts exchanges in the 15 years since 1972, and particularly in the eight years since 1979, one important aspect to discuss is whether these exchanges have affected domestic socio-political development of China. It is important, and even vital, to the further development of China's arts exchanges with the",
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    {
        "id": 212611,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 165,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "145 sentries were mounting guard on it. With this information brought back the number and weight of the charges could be calculated; the charges would then be made up and fastened to wooden forms made to the requisite patterns; the correct lengths of detonating fuse would be cut, the primers, lashings, etc., prepared, and the other details of the raid worked out, such as covering parties, carrying party, pass word, rendezvous and so on. Then at the appointed time, usually of course at night, the raid would be made on the target. If all went well your trained demolition party, consisting of the right number of men for the job, working as a team, each responsible for a part, could lash on all the charges, connect up the primers and detonating fuse, and retire in very quick time, while the leader stayed behind to light the safety fuse as soon as the party was clear. The raiding party would then move as rapidly as possible to safety, dropping a scout or two to watch the result of the explosion from a distance, and to bring back the report of success or otherwise. As such raids might often be made under fire, the importance of accurate work and speed needs no emphasizing. One mistake in wrongly estimating the measurements, calculating the charges, fixing them, and connecting the fuses, results inevitably in failure. It is particularly unfortunate if, in the dark, what with rain, perhaps, and a general state of flurry, one of the men slips and lets a charge drop into the river; because a failure will put the enemy on his guard, and what can be attempted once is seldom successfully attacked a second time.\n\nTo discourage enemy repair gangs, a special team would usually be detailed to lay booby-traps round the job, and other men would prepare booby-traps along the line of retreat to prevent the enemy following up too rapidly All this is ticklish and dangerous work where the mistake of one man may imperil all; so it is important that a strong esprit-de-corps animate the raiding party to ensure that all have confidence in each other. In other words a very high standard of training was called for.\n\nBooby-trapping has its fascination too. The object is to leave a modicum of explosive, encased in metal - that provides the splinters to do the damage in some place, through which the enemy is likely to pass, but concealed in such a way that he can not see it, and set with a spring which he will unwittingly set off. You can put booby-traps anywhere. In the ground they are called mines, and standard containers are supplied for the purpose. But the ordinary booby-trap that you put behind a door, or under a floor board, or in a suit case full of clothes,\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166",
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    {
        "id": 212649,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 203,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "184\n\nand the Aurora University, the former French university, unknown to the members of the staff at the Department of Botany, where I have the pleasure and the good fortune to work. This excited their curiosity, they had never heard of a French Museum in Shanghai. That led Mr. Liu Zhong Ling, the organizer of this conference to invite me to give a talk on the History of the Heude Museum.\n\nThe following is a poor result of memory work and information plucked from a few available sources. Charles de Vol's book, Ferns and Fern Allies of East Central China, published by the Heude Museum in 1945 has been of great assistance in writing this paper.\n\nThe Zi-Ka-Wei (Xu Jia Hui) Museum\n\nThis Museum was situated at the S. W. of Shanghai, just on the border of the Old French Concession. It was established in 1868 by Pierre Heude SJ., the year of his arrival in China.\n\nP. Heude made extensive collections in the Kiangsu, Anhwei and Chekiang Provinces. Between 1868 and 1880, he organized 13 expeditions. Though he collected plant specimens, he was essentially a zoologist, interested in molluscs, reptiles, fishes, birds and mammals. From 1892 to 1902, he extended his field work to the Philippines, Indonesia (Java), French Indo-China (now, Vietnam), Siam (Thailand), Polynesia, Japan and other neighbouring countries.\n\nI remember possessing a large volume on Conchology of Freshwater Molluscs. The pages were filled with series of scientifically and artistically drawn specimens well marshalled all through the book, with full descriptions and notes. A page advertising his works I discovered at the back of volume VI book I of the Zikawei publications shows the astonishing achievement of that remarkable man. On two pages, some of his works are listed:\n\n5 tomes or large volumes each comprising 4 books, that is 20 books. A total of 1,100 pages, large format (in 4to) with 270 plates, some in colour (brush-painted). The content very impressive. (see below)\n\nRiver Conchology of the Kiangsu Province and Central China\n\nStudy on the Trionyx",
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    {
        "id": 212652,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 206,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "187\n\nremember from hearsay, Dr. H. Belval had come to Shanghai and worked as Head of the Chemistry Department at the University of Aurora where he researched plant sugars. He was replaced at the Dept. of Chemistry by one of my colleagues, Dr. Georges Durr, a Marist.\n\nDr. Belval was also a keen botanist and as such he was Director of the Musee Heude. He was responsible for the transfer of the Museum to its new premises and was its Director from 1929 to 1931. During this time, he prepared the publication of Courtois' Collection Petite Flore des environs de Changhai et de Nanking (Little Flora of the Shanghai and Nanking areas). It has never been published.\n\nBelval was succeeded by Octave Piel S.J., an entomologist with an interest in Chinese Archaeology and Art.\n\nNow I come to my own connection with the Heude Museum, its activities and its staff.\n\nBr. Paul August F.M.S.\n\nWhen I arrived in Shanghai from Beijing in September 1935, I had the good fortune of being appointed at St. Joan of Arc's College, a bilingual school of English and French media. There, I met Paul August. This humble man was Assistant Headmaster and Bursar of this school, full-time teacher of English, Mathematics, French and Latin. In spite of that heavy assignment, he took time to accumulate an enormous amount of scientific data and personal observations: notes on plants and insects collected by himself, study on chemicals, geology, petrology, weather observations, etc. His notes fill six large books written in a perfect handwriting. He had provided the Heude Museum with thousands of specimens of insects and hundreds of plants carefully packed and fully annotated.\n\nSo, for 10 years, this was one of the men I was going to live with. We soon found common interests and I owe to him, not only the development of my scientific studies in Natural History but also the scientific discipline of mind and action which transcends that of an amateur.\n\nFor 10 years, we used to take long walks in the countryside that was Hungjiao, Lunghua, Jiangwan etc. in the 40s and 50s and come back with plants, insects and other specimens collected there. Then, at home,",
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    {
        "id": 212771,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 80,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "65\n\n1900 ca 1900\n\n1901 December\n\n1904\n\n1905 Jan/Jun\n\n1907\n\nca 1910/1911\n\n1914 November\n\nca 1914/1915\n\n1914-1919\n\n11 Dec 1919\n\nClaims to have volunteered for service in Peking [Boxer troubles]\n\nMesny visited Nan-chang in Kiangsi where he met Hsiung Shih-fu, a young reformer\n\nInterviewed Viceroy Liu K'un-yı în Nanking.\n\nPublished Mesny's Chinese and English Almannac\n\nPublication of his final volume of his Chinese Miscellany\n\nMost Excellent High Priest in the Keystone Royal Arch Chapter, in Shanghai\n\nHis wife, Han, obtained a legal separation in Shanghai\n\nMesny moved to Hankow\n\nClaims to have passed a medical and then offered his services to the Crown [World War 1]\n\nEmployed by Messrs. Reiss and Co. in Hankow\n\nDied in rue de Paris in Hankow\n\nAppendix C\n\nThe Chinese Imperial Forces\n\nMesny's Involvment in the Suppression of the Miao Revolt\n\nThe First Campaign by Imperial Troops\n\nin Kueichou Province\n\n1868-1871\n\nand\n\nOrder of Battle of the Szechuan Force\n\nChinese Imperial Forces, with the aid of a number of foreigners and foreign arms, had by 1864 succeeded in suppressing the Taiping rebellion against the dynasty. They then turned to liquidating the other rebellions seething in various parts of China which included the Nien movement in northern China, the Moslem minority revolt in Yunnan province, another major Moslem uprising in the North-west, and finally the Miao aboriginal tribes which had revolted in Kueichou province.\n\nThe Miao, or Miao-tzu as Mesny refers to them, rose against the Ch'ing dynasty Manchu rulers of China in 1854 after discontent reached boiling point due not only to Chinese settlers colonising the best lands in the low lying areas of the province of Kueichou, but also to the exploitation of the Miao by Chinese officials and merchants. According to Mesny the passionate and untamed Miao gradually took back almost the whole province apart from the capital, Kuei-yang Fu, and the city",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
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    {
        "id": 212976,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 44,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "FIGURE 3B, Presentation Of Face After Others React To the Basic Factors of Face\n\nDASHLARI\n\n[\n\nJ\n\nΔ\n\nNELLA I\n\nLINEAGE\n\nNPI IWEP TIMACJE\n\n·\n\nREACCIONS\n\n(MIKRO DE\n\nNET TAI L DIMAG\n\n4\n\nDADSTRATEGY\n\nEINNI\n\n(MASS MEDHAR\n\nNOLIACI\n\nCURESENTIMOVEIS\n\nTIMAC 2\n\nL\n\n23\n\nFace strategies could take place before others react to the basic factors of face as shown in Figure 3A. They could also be carried out after a group of \"others\" have reacted to the basic face as in Figure 3B. But no matter whether these presentations are done before or after a group of “others” react to basic face, they are meant to be seen and reacted to, and in addition, this process could go on and on.\n\nThus far, there are three terms to depict the action concerning face. They are face behaviour, facework and face strategies. They belong to three different levels. To put them in the simile of a cube, face behaviour represents the entire cube. Inside, there may be many small cubes, some of them being called facework. Within these small cubes, there are components called face strategies. These components are of different colours, giving special characteristics to the cubes. Likewise, face strategies of different nature serve to carry out certain facework. In turn, facework is the set of value-laden cubes within the universal set of face behaviour.\n\nBesides, regarding the distribution of face strategies in terms of face behaviour, the strategies seem to crowd into the category of \"saving face\". This demonstrates that facework and its strategies are not always manifest. It is due to the fact that strategies in the interest of face may not be carried out in all times and at a magnitude that can be witnessed easily.\n\nFrom the above studies and in fact, as Goffman has pointed out, actions in the interest of face will be carried out most in crisis situations: where face is at stake, where there is a chance to alter the dimensions of (social...",
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    {
        "id": 213191,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 13,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "now no longer on the second floor of the Murray Road Car Park and last month some of the more important records were placed in a special room in the Central Government Offices West Wing and these are accessible to members of the public. The other records have been placed in Tuen Mun in, I believe, reasonable surroundings. However, more importantly it has been reported that the Government has agreed to build a special purpose building for Public Records in Kwun Tong. This is very good news even though the building is unlikely to be completed for another two or three years. I should again like to thank all those who helped in this campaign. One of the incidental results of the move of the Public Records is that the Society's stock of journals which were there (rather surreptitiously I may add) is now temporarily (I hope) stored in the library of The Chinese University of Hong Kong. And in this connection I hope you will have a good look and buy some of these back journals at the back of the room,\n\nPublications, visits, lectures and other educational activities are the ingredients of the Society and what makes it move. However none of these can work well unless there is a satisfactory administration to back it up. The Society has been fortunate in the people who help in this direction. We have our Treasurer, Mr. Robert Nield, who helps us (even orders us!) to keep on the right financial track; he will tell us later that the Society's finances are in reasonable shape and we will not need to raise our subscriptions in January 1996, but may well need to do so in January 1997. Our Secretary, Mr. David Sheil keeps us in order at our Committee meetings and even from his Lamma outpost. Our Assistant Secretaries - you will note I have said Secretaries rather than Secretary, because we have had two in the last year. Mrs. Sharon Bruce who served in this capacity for eight years did a splendid job - her sympathetic listening and quiet efficiency served the Society extraordinarily well. Unfortunately she left in December and her position has been taken over by Mr. Martin Barnett. We welcome him; he promises to professionalise us, but not, I hasten to add, too much. He has already put our membership records on computer thereby giving us more information on the profile of our members than we ever had in the past.\n\nLastly, I think it would be useful to give some thought for the future. The Society by nature caters very much for the local amateur and professional academic interested in local affairs covering a wide range of interests, from political and social history, anthropological matters, archaeology, architecture, geography, and many other matters which stimulate the mind. This is how it should be. However, we cannot be\n\nXI1",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213214,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 36,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "Colonel Mosby had been sent to Hong Kong by the United States State Department to investigate and eradicate reputed abuses that had arisen in the affairs of the Consulate. His report to Washington was published as a pamphlet. The report claimed that Mr Smith had been instrumental in the perpetration of great frauds on the United States Government. The court found Consul Mosby guilty of slander. Before sentence, Mosby spoke in his own defence. \"It has been proved that when I came here Peter Smith was what was known as 'the shipping master' at the American Consulate. He had a desk and a clerk, and he had a monopoly of the shipping business. He was a powerful man at that time, so far as American shipmasters and sailors were concerned” (CM 10, 11 Jan. 1881). Upon losing the lucrative business of shipping master for the American Consulate, Peter Smith applied for a spirit licence for a house on Queen's Road West which he wished to name the City of Hamburg. The Superintendent of Police questioned whether a boarding house keeper should also operate a tavern. However, the licence was granted, but only for a year and with the caution that if there were any complaints regarding its conduct, the spirit licence would not be renewed (CM 4 Jan. 1881). Smith did not live long to enjoy his accumulated wealth. He died in December 1882, aged forty-seven.\n\nOther taverns which would have attracted the German sailor on shore were the City of Hamburg 1861 to 1976, Bremen Tavern 1866, City of Bremen 1866 to 1867 - when the name was changed to Scandinavian Tavern, the Prussian Eagle 1870, and the Hamburg Tavern 1861 to 1878. Several of the proprietors of these establishments followed a pattern set by Peter Smith in marrying women from Macao families. William Gardner, who was born at Strassburgh in 1834, married, in 1863, Cecilia Libina de Jesus Correa. Her sister Melena Rita Correa married William von den Busche in 1864. Both Gardner and von den Busche were associated with the Hamburg Tavern. John Juster took over the Hamburg Tavern from William Gardner in 1871. He had been born in Hanover in 1834 and married in Hong Kong, in 1875, Maria Antonia Botelho, a native of Macao. Louis Kuchmann held the licence for the Land We Live In for twenty years. In 1886 the licence was transferred to Tevel Silbermann, probably a German Jew. Kuchmann had one daughter, possibly by a Chinese wife. She married in 1885 Carl Holm, captain of a German schooner.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213229,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 51,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "30 \n\nMrs. T.C. Meyrick of Fareham, Hants, England. He was educated at University College School, London, from where he went to Brasenose College, Oxford in 1900. He arrived in China in 1907 to join Arnhold, Karberg and Co. He was a keen supporter of racing with his brother Harry Arnhold. They ran a stable in Shanghai for many years under the nom-de-guerre of \"Winsome and Hasty\". He was the last Chairman of the Shanghai Race Club before the change of régime in China. At one time he was a member of the Shanghai Municipal Council and Vice Chairman of the British Chamber of Commerce, Shanghai. He came to Hong Kong in 1949 and the head office was then transferred here. He had been interned at the Haiphong Road Internment Camp in Shanghai. He supported the British Orchestra and the Hong Kong Concert Orchestra. He was born in London in 1881.\n\nSince 1888 a member of the firm of Arnhold, Karberg and Co. had been on the Board of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank though, of course, after 1914 German firms were not represented. The firm also represented German financial interests in the negotiation of foreign loans to China. Its \"Teutonic thoroughness\" is shown by the number of offices the firm had in China in 1908 — Hong Kong, Shanghai, Canton, Hankow, Tientsin, Tsingtau, Wuhu, Kiukiang, Newchwang, Chungking, Mukden, Peking, Tsinanfu, Kirin etc. It had buying offices in London, New York and Berlin. Dr. Frank King in his history of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation designates the firm as an \"Anglo-German\" company. Like other large China-based German firms it found it advantageous to establish strong links with Britain. It was about the only German firm able to continue its trade after 1914, principally because the two Shanghai partners were born in England.\n\nBourjau, Hubener and Co.\n\nAdolph Bourjau and Carl Albert Hubener were authorised to sign for L.E. Lebert and Company at Canton in 1858 but by the next year they were in business in Hong Kong under their own name (FC 18 Mar. 1858, 31 May 1859). They are mentioned as emigrant agents in 1866 (DP 1 Nov. 1866). Mr. Bourjau continued as a senior partner until his death on 14 February 1873 (DP 5 Apr. 1873).\n\nArthur Booth was a partner in 1862/3 and Oscar Booth from 1866 to 1869. Ernest Behre was the managing partner at Shanghai in the 1860s.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213230,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 52,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "31\n\nHermann Emil Hubener was admitted a partner in 1868. In 1861 Behre, Emil Hubener and A Booth were assistants in the firm. Frederick Clause, another assistant, subsequently became a partner but left the firm in 1871 (DP 2 Jan 1872). Gustav Adolph Wieler and his brother Oscar were assistants in 1866. Gustav became a partner in 1873. After the closure of Bouijau, Huberer and Co, the two brothers formed the firm of Wieler and Co. It subsequently merged with Sander and Co to become Sander, Wieler and Co.\n\nMeyer and Co = Sander, Wieler and Co\n\nMeyer, Schaeffer and Co. was established at Hong Kong in April 1851. The partners were Julius Meyer, F.A. Schaeffer and William Fiedler (FC 24 April 1851). In the notice the name is given as F.A Schaeffer. In the notice of Fiedler's retirement it appears as H.T.A. Schaeffer; in other documents it is Hermann Schaeffer. Mr Fiedler retired from the firm four months later (FC 25 July 1851). They were charterers of ships for the Chinese emigration to California during the 1850s. The firm also had business connections with the Chilean port city of Valparaíso, which suggests they were also active in shipping coolie labour to South America (FC 1 July 1852). Their office in Queen's Road Central was burnt out in December 1858 (FC 8 Dec 1858). The partnership between Schaeffer and Meyer had been dissolved in April 1855 and only Hermann Schaeffer was in charge of the business at the time of the fire (FC 18 Apr. 1855). Hermann's brother Walter, an unmarried twenty-year-old, died of consumption at Macao in July 1857 (FC 1 July 1857). After the fire H. Schaeffer and Co. found temporary quarters on Gough Street and then moved to Hollywood Road. They were agents for the Compagnies d'Assurance Maritimes de Paris and Marseilles (FC 6 Oct, 1860). The firm shut down in 1863.\n\nFritz Sander, who had been an assistant in Schaeffer and Co., entered into partnership with Thomas Henry Elmenhorst in 1862 (CM 26 June 1862). The partnership was dissolved in January 1865 (GG 21 Jan. 1865). They executed a deed of assignment to Charles Henry Maurice Bosman and Adolph Meyer in December 1866 (GG 22 Dec. 1866). Bosman was interested in the shipment of Chinese labour overseas. The connection implies that the firm of Elmenhorst and Sander was connected with the same trade, as had been the firm of Meyer, Schaeffer and Co. with whom Sander had had a link in the past.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213309,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 131,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "1=1\n\nExtel, Ernest I, Feng-Shui, Graham Brash, 1984 (Just published 1882)\n\nFan Wei, 'Village Feng Shui Principles', Chinese Landscapes: the Village as a Place, ed. Ronald G. Knapp, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 1992, pp. 35-45\n\nFeuchtwang, Stephen, An Anthropological Analysis of Chinese Geomancy, Vantage, Southern Materials Centre Inc., Taipei, 1974\n\nFong, Gordon, An Introduction to Chinese Geomancy, privately published, Australia, 1980\n\nFreedman, Maurice, 'Chinese Geomancy: Some Observations in Hong Kong', The Study of Chinese Society: Essays by Maurice Freedman, Stanford University Press, 1979\n\n— 'A Report on Social Research in the New Territories at Hong Kong, 1963', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 16, 1976\n\nGroot, J.J. de, The Religion of the Chinese, Macmillan, 1912\n\nGroves, Derham, Feng Shui and Western Building Ceremonies, Graham Brash, Singapore, 1991\n\n2\n\nGwee, Peter Kim Woon, Fengshui: The Geomancy and Economy of Singapore, 1991\n\nHase, Patrick H., and Lee Man-yip, 'Sheung Wo Hang Village, Hong Kong: a Village Shaped by Feng Shui', Chinese Landscapes: the Village as a Place, ed. Ronald G. Knapp, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 1992, pp. 79-94\n\nHayes, James, 'A Ceremony to Propitiate the Gods at Tong Fuk, Lantau, 1958', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 5, 1965\n\n— 'Geomancy and the Village', Some Traditional Chinese Ideas and Conceptions in Hong Kong Social Life Today, week-end symposium, October 1966, Brochure of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society\n\n— 'Local Reaction to the Disturbances of \"Fung Shui\" on Tsing Yi Island, Hong Kong, September 1977-March 1978', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 19, 1979",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213386,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 208,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "196\n\nCambridge History of China, edited by Denis Twitchett et al, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978+\n\nCampbell, Charles S. Special Business Interests and the Open Door Policy, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1951\n\nCarlson, Evans Fordyce. Twin Stars of China, the Behind the Scenes Story of China's Valiant Struggle for Existence by a US Marine Who Lived and Moved with the People, New York: Dodd, Mead, 1940\n\nCarr, Henry. Riding the Tiger: An American Newspaper Man in the Orient, Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1934\n\nChang, Sul-jeung. The Jews in Kaifeng. Reflections on Sino-Judaic History, Monographs of the Jewish Historical Society of Hong Kong, vol. II, Hong Kong: Jewish Chronicle, 1986.\n\nChardin, Pacifique Marie. Les Missions Franciscaines en Chine, Paris: Auguste Picard, 1915\n\nCh'en, Yuan. Western and Central Asians in China Under the Mongols, translated from the Chinese and annotated by Ch'en Hsing-hai and L. Carrington Goodrich, Los Angeles: Monumenta Serica, 1966\n\nChester, Ruth (Professor of Chemistry and Associate Dean of Ginling College), 'Women in Wartime China', broadcast May 1941 from Chengtu, in United China Relief Series Inc.\n\nChesterton, Ada Elizabeth (Jones). Young China and New Japan, Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1933\n\nChina in the Sixteenth Century, the Journal of Matthew Ricci 1583-1610 translated by Louis J. Gallagher, SJ, New York: Random House, 1953\n\nChina Miscellany, pamphlets and reprints, Shanghai and Hong Kong, 1864-1948\n\nChinese Repository, Macao and Canton, 1832-1851\n\nChinese Travellers, the. Containing a Geographical, Commercial and Political History of China, etc. collected from Du Halde, Le Comte, and other modern travellers, second edition, London: printed for E. and C. Dilly, 1772\n\nChitty, J.R. Things Seen in China, London: Seeley, Service, 1912\n\nChristmas, Margaret C.S. Adventurous Pursuits: Americans and the China Trade 1784-1844, Washington, DC: National Gallery, 1984\n\nClark, Robert Sterling and Arthur de C. Sowerby. Through Shen-Kan: The Account of the Clark Expedition in Northern China, London: T.F. Unwin, 1912",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213398,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 220,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "208\n\nMichie, Alexander, The Englishman in China During the Victorian Era, As Illustrated in the Career of Sir Rutherford Alcock, Edinburgh, 1900 (Taipei Reprint Ch'eng-wen Publishing)\n\nMoges, Marquis de, Recollections of Baron Gros's Embassy to China and Japan in 1857-58, London: R Griffin, 1860\n\nMorrison, G E, An Australian in China, London: Horace Cox, 1895 (Hong Kong Reprint Oxford University Press)\n\nMorse, Edward Sylvester, Glimpses of China and Chinese Homes, Boston: Little Brown, 1902\n\nMorse, H B, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, London: Oxford University Press, 1925 (Taipei Reprint Ch'eng-wen Publishing)\n\n—, The International Relations of the Chinese Empire, 1910 (Taipei reprint: Ch'eng-wen Publishing, 1978)\n\nMossman, Samuel (editor of North China Herald), General Gordon's Private Diary of His Exploits in China Amplified, London: Sampson et al., 1885\n\nMote, Frederick Wade, China in the Age of Columbus, in Art in the Age of Exploration edited by Jay A Levenson, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991, 337-350\n\nMoule, A C, Christians in China Before 1550, London and New York, 1930\n\n+\n\nMoule, Arthur Evans, City, Hill and Plain, Stories of Missionary Work in Mid-China 1861-1916, Guilford: printed privately, 1917\n\nMullins, James of St Columban's Missionary Society, Cheerful China, 1925\n\nMurphey, Rhoads, Shanghai, Key to Modern China, Cambridge (Mass): Harvard University Press, 1953\n\nThe Outsiders: the Western Experience in India and China, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1976\n\nMyrdal, Jan, Report from a Chinese Village, London: Heinemann, 1965\n\nNagel's Encyclopedia-Guide to China, Geneva: Nagel, Third Edition, 1973\n\nNeedham, Joseph, Chinese Astronomy and the Jesuit Mission: An Encounter of Cultures, London: The China Society, 1958\n\n-, Science and Civilization in China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960+\n\nNeil, Desmond, Elegant Flowers, First Steps in China, London: J Murray, 1956\n\n4",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213403,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 225,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "213\n\nThomson, David Patrick, Eric Liddell, The Making of An Athelete and the Training of a Missionary, 1971\n\nThomson, James Claude Jr. While China Faced West: American Reformers in Nationalist China 1928-1937, Cambridge (Mass). Harvard University Press, 1969\n\nThompson, Wardlaw R, Griffith John: the Story of Fifty Years in China, London 1908\n\nThurston, Miss Lawrence and Ruth M Chester, Gining College, New York: United Board for Christian Colleges in China, 1955\n\nTietjens, Eunice, Profiles From China, Sketches in Verse of People and Things Seen in the Interior, Chicago: Ralf Fletcher Seymour, 1917\n\nTimkovski, Egor Fedorovich, Travels of the Russian Mission Through Mongolia to China, and Residence in Pekin, in the Years 1820-1821, London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown and Green, 1827\n\nTipton, Laurence, Chinese Escapade, London: Macmillan, 1949\n\nTobar, Jerome S.I., Inscriptions pavées de K'ang-feng, Shanghai: Mission Catholique, 1912\n\nTodd, Oliver Julian, The China That I Knew, Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1973\n\nTopping, Seymour, Journey Between Two Chinas, New York: Harper & Row, 1972\n\nTrawick, Emma Penton, China and Japan, Louisville, Kentucky: Morton, 1902\n\nTregear, Thomas Reloy, A Geography of China, London: University of London Press, 1965\n\nTuchman, Barbara, Notes from China, New York: Collier Books, 1972\n\nTurner, John Arthur, Kwang Tung, or Five Years in South China, London: Partridge, 1894 (Hong Kong Reprint: Oxford University Press)\n\nVarg, Paul A, Missionaries, Chinese, and Diplomats, the American Protestant Missionary Movement in China, 1890-1952, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958\n\nWales, Nym (b.1897), My China Years, a Memoir by Helen Foster Snow, New York: Morrow, 1984\n\nWallace, L. Edhiel, Hua Nan College: the Women's College of South China, New York: United Board for Christian Colleges in China, 1956\n\nWalmsley, Lewis C, West China Union University, New York: United Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia, 1974\n\nWatson, Andrew, Living in China, New York: Littlefield, 1977\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213476,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 72,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "39\n\nCivil Code (see also Committee Report 2953. pp. 193 and 251)\n\nIn the matter of the state of YOUNG SING, YOUNG LING SHI & 2 OTHERS vs YOUNG HONG NING (unreported) the original record was destroyed during the Japanese occupation but a contemporary newspaper report is to be found in the South China Morning Post of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th July 1940.\n\n12. I am indebted to the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for giving me permission to peruse their files on the subject (particularly SCA3/251/51 and SCA2/351/54).\n\nPR File SCA2/351/54\n\nWilson's Notes\n\nWilson's Notes, 61; Van der Valk, op. cit. p. 76 where this custom is described under the title of \"T'ung-yang-hsi\".\n\nMorris, Hong Kong and Malaya, E.T.M.S.O. 1937, p. 14, for the custom generally see Burkhardt, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 173.\n\nHvide Committee Report Appendix IV, p. 120 and Chap. I, para. 13 but in Ping Shan Land Case No. 24 of 1954, JANG LAP TEUNG vs TO SHU KAN (unreported) the Assistant Land Officer (Mr. B.D. Wilson), in the absence of proof that perpetual leases could be made under Chinese custom relied upon the English Rule against Perpetuities. (This case was the subject of Civil Appeal No. 24 of 1954 TO SHU KAN vs. JANG LI YAU TSO (unreported) but Reynolds, J. held that he had no jurisdiction to hear and determine the appeal).\n\n19 (1949) HKLR 58.\n\n1 Wilson's Notes; Gompertz, op. cit. para. 16 and compare Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, Shanghai 1921, pp. 30-31.\n\nTM Committee Report, 1953, Chap. V, para. 400 at p. 54.\n\n* Now Cap. 30, and see Committee Report, 1953, Chap. II, para. 17 at p. 9.\n\nDe Wilson's Notes.\n\nCommittee Report, 1953, Appendix IV, p. 120 and Chap. II, para. 13, after Williams, Ag. C.J. in Civil Appeal No. 16 of 1947, CHEUNG SAU TIM vs CHEUNG YUI LAM, (1948) 32 HKLR 1, at p. 6.\n\nThis statement is from Wilson's Notes.\n\nT'ung-yang-hsi = a wife married when both parties were previously unmarried.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213549,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 145,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "114\n\nof it are hard to come by One of the best-known sources in English, whose descriptions I shall speak of later, is Charles G. Leland. In his book, \"Pidgin-English Sing-song\" published in 1876, Leland polishes off his introduction to the language with the words:\n\n\"There are, in all, not more than thirty altogether foreign or strange words in ordinary use, and a number of these are familiar to all persons of the least general information. What remains can present no difficulty to anyone who can understand negro minstrelsy or baby talk\"\n\nTo the modern person who has not lived in the Pacific Islands or Papua New Guinea, Pidgin English brings to mind partly apochryphal stories of Duke-of-Edinburgh worship and terms like \"mixmaster-bilong-Jesus\" (a helicopter) and \"big-man-box-you-bash-him-teeth-he-cry\" (a grand piano).\n\nWe have set the background to the article. Before we go further, let's just remind ourselves what China Coast Pidgin English spoken in the later part of the last century really did sound like. Listen carefully for the baby talk.\n\n\"O-lo dim Hongkong sai hab dou-mat-ji man tok-gi Ying-li-sı a-la sim mai. Je-sı naau no hap gat; a-la daat man go dai. Je-si naau mai ding-ki you no gen hi-ya wan pr-si Chee-na man tok-gi long daat o-lo dim man sim, fa-san.\n\n++\n\nHistorical background\n\nMacau was occupied by the Portuguese in 1557. They had previously been trading with south China for many years from a place called, in Portuguese, Lampacau\n\nDr Graciete Batalha, who has carried out extensive research on the Portuguese dialect of Macao (Glossario do Dialecto Macaense, Instituto Cultural de Macau. 1988 from original articles published from 1971-1977), has formed the opinion that during this early period of the development of the Macau \"patoa”, the formative influence was not so much the way that Chinese people learned to speak Portuguese, but the manner in which the Macau Portuguese formed the habit of speaking to the Chinese in the Portuguese language.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213564,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 160,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "說\n\n番人亦有\n\n如此之分\n\n番如稔失\n\n印則\n\n但更俱\n\n有三等之介\n\nBitt m\n\nFE\n\nE***S\n\n129\n\nFig. 5. Tong explains the pidgin form of comparison of adjectives\n\nThat is as far as we want to go in discussing the structure of Pidgin.\n\nAs a last topic, however, we want to say something about the etymology of Pidgin. Over the years, a lot of effort has gone into tracing the history of certain Pidgin words, especially where the words have entered standard English. The mass of fresh material in Tong's book lets us throw a little new light, although we have to admit that, as with most attempts at etymology, a lot of guesswork is involved.\n\nTong cites very many words derived from English, in which all syllables are represented quite fully, given the limitations of the language. To say, then, that the word \"pidgin\" itself originated just because that was the nearest that Chinese could get to pronouncing \"business\" is hard to accept. The same people who could say “di-fa-loen-si\" could presumably have said “bi-si-nei-st\", had they been so inclined.\n\nOur examination of the vocabulary in Tong brings us to believe that at the earliest stage there was a core of words derived not directly from English but from a variety of Portuguese, Malay, and English. These were then added to with a gradually more extensive vocabulary.\n\nWe consider that the following should be included in the early layer:\n\nbi-jin, kam-sha, de-lam, se-lam, but-lam, si-bui-lum, gi-lam, go-lam, ma-si-gi, gou-dang, ka-gou, tik-gı, get-ji, dim, gat-ji, dim, waan-sam, jaau-jaau, chin-chin, jo-si, hu-man, mai, ma-sa, ma-jin, mat-sa, jap-jap, gu-lei, mun-ni, bai, sa-bi",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213607,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 203,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "175\n\nthere are rainwater catchments discharging into underground water storage tanks.\n\nOuter defences consist of a dannert or barbed wire topped chain link fence, slit trenches, barbed wire entanglements, and at some locations concrete bunkers sunk into the hillside. Dense thickets and tangled undergrowth form a natural defence outside the perimeter. A later Police Commissioner, Charles Sutcliffe, who came to Hong Kong from Tanganyika, had the idea of improving the natural defences by planting the Mauritius or Cape Thorn. His idea was to cultivate the thorn all along the border fences and around the observation posts as a general security measure. The plan was not successful as the plant did not grow very well and in most areas never really developed as expected.\n\nThe man who gave his name to the new observation posts and whose idea it was to build them, was Duncan William MacIntosh, C.M.G., O.B.E., who assumed command of the Hongkong Police Force on Nov. 22, 1946. At the age of sixteen he joined the Royal Irish Constabulary in 1920 and served with that force until 1922 when he joined the Airdrie Burgh Police. In 1929 he was appointed an Inspector of Police in the Straits Settlements and was interned in Singapore during the occupation. After the war he became Acting Commissioner of Singapore Police, from where he was posted as Commissioner to Hong Kong in 1946.\n\nCommissioner Macintosh was responsible for reorganising the Hong Kong Police Force after the liberation, and to him goes the credit for laying the foundations on which so much of the present efficiency of the force depends. One of his most important tasks was to improve the low morale among the men under his charge. He set about this by beginning a long battle to upgrade police pay, conditions of service, and above all living accommodation. He also concentrated on improving professional standards, and reorganised the Police Training School. He succeeded in his efforts in boosting morale, improving recruitment, and established an esprit-de-corps essential to the running of an efficient police force.\n\nAfter leaving Hong Kong in 1953 on retirement, Mr. MacIntosh accepted appointment as Adviser to the Iraqi Police and spent some time in Baghdad. He died at his home in Surrey, England on September",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213657,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 10,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "Anthony Siu Kwok Kin - Distribution of Temples on Hong Kong Island as Recorded in 1981 ... 241\n\nRonald Bishop Smith - The Sepulchral Urn of Martim Afonso de Melo in Santarém. 247\n\nDan Waters - Past Presidents of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch. 251\n\nDan Waters - Logo of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch 252\n\nBOOK REVIEW 253\n\nix",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213795,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 147,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "118\n\n*In Jiang Yinghang, Xinan Bianjiang Minzu Lancong, prefaced 1948, reprinted Taiwan Xinwenfeng Chuban Gongsi 1978. pp 224-228\n\n*Jacques Lemoine, Yao Ceremonial Paintings. Bangkok White Lotus Co Ltd, 1982, pp 24-27\n\n7 See for example Lemoine, op cit, for references to the god as a patriarch of the Yao religion in their documents\n\n*There is evidence suggesting that in the Hakka case the attainment of the fang title does not rely on his sons subsequently being initiated to a high level, as in some Yao cases mentioned in Zhongguo Xinan Yu Dongnanya de Kunjia Minzu. In at least one Hakka case, that of a Xu which we should mention later, the man had a fang styled ordination name but no descendants\n\nリ\n\n*Shi Lian-zhu, She Zu, Beijing Minzu Chubanshe, 1988, pp 113-115\n\n*Meng Hui-ying, Hetai Shenhua (*Living Myths - A Study in the Myths of Chinese Ethnic Minorities*), Tianjin Nankai Daxue Chubanshe, 1990, pp 116-2. See Also ibid p. 222 for a description of the ceremony, which included the learning of 'magic'\n\n\"See, for example, Shezu hanshi, Fujian Fujian Renmin Chubanshe, 1980, p 104. The same characters are found in some Hakka genealogies as a character put before a numeric character to form a name of the fang format. Studies on the She, for example articles in Shi Lianzhu ed. Shezu Yanjiu Lunwenji, Minzu Chubanshe 1987, has shown that the She was in close contact with the Hakka in earlier times. Most of them speak a version of Hakka, apparently as their only language. The She called themselves shan ha, 'guests of the mountain', reminiscent of the name the Hakka used for themselves (Hakka or \"guest\" families'). There are some interesting features of the Hakka language that have not yet attracted the attention of students of language. Although the Hakka of the New Territories of Hong Kong called their Cantonese neighbors va (Hakka pronunciation of she) derogatorily, they do use va for person in certain contexts, e.g. gido sa (\"how many people\"). Sometimes hat, is used instead (gido ha), as is in another expression long ha ('two people'). I suspect that this ha is the same as the ba in shan ha by which the She called themselves. In fact, the Hakka pronunciation of She as Sa could have been a shortened form of san ha. Some books written in the Hakka dialect, however, write sa in such context as chat (\"fellows')\n\n\"See Zhonghua Minzu Fengsu Cudian, Jiangxi Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 1988, p 288-9 under their Luo, op cit, p 230\n\nont\n\nFor example the one in the Savings of Bai Yuchan in the Daoist Canon, vol. 1016\n\nIs Included in Luo, op cit, pp 97-98\n\nIn In Luo op cit p 161\n\n17 In his arguments he does bring our attention to an interesting point fang as a title of some",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213917,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 269,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "247\n\nTHE SEPULCHRAL URN\n\nOF MARTIM AFONSO DE MELO IN SANTARÉM\n\nBY RONALD BISHOP SMITH\n\nIt must be considered an amazing fact in these times, certainly it amazes me, that the city of Santarém which possesses the gravestone of Pedro Alvares Cabral, the discoverer of Brazil, which has long been an object of almost unending homage, also possesses the sepulchral urn of Martim Afonso de Melo, one of the discoverers of China, and no one in Santarém, or elsewhere, has sought to elucidate the curious fact.\n\nOn March 26th 1992 I attempted to locate this urn in what today is the suppressed church of the suppressed convent of São Francisco of Santarém and to read the inscription on it. Several times over the course of the years I attempted to enter the church but always found it closed. This time I found it open and walked in. I found the urn but in a much damaged condition and was able to read what remains of the inscription on it, which, however, is only about one half extant. The urn is embedded in the west wall of the capela of Santa Ana and the inscription can be easily read at eye level.\n\nCertainly I have not found anything new. Martim Afonso de Melo's urn was rediscovered during works in the church of São Francisco in the 1950s (unknown to me on March 26th 1992) after its whereabouts was unknown for many years, being hid for much time by a horse's trough (manjedoura) of the garrison of the Portuguese army formerly installed in the suppressed convent. What is new is the proof that I present that this sepulchral urn (already violated before the French invasions) is that of Martim Afonso de Melo, sometimes called Martim Afonso de Melo Coutinho, one of the discoverers of China. The proof which follows is brief, but to the point, and I believe sufficient.\n\nFernão Lopes de Castanheda, Historia do Descobrimento & Conquista da India pelos Portugueses (Livro V Capitulo Lxix, 1553 ed.) and João de Barros, Da Asia (Decade III Livro VII Capitulo I, 1563 ed.) state that Martim Afonso de Melo sailed from Portugal to",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213919,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 271,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "249\n\nINSCRIPTION NUMBER 2\n\nTHE INSCRIPTION OF MARTIM AFONSO DE MELO ON HIS SEPULCHRAL URN ACCORDING TO MY READING\n\nAq jaz ; martım ; a° .\n\nJorge de melo : e..\n\n4\n\ncoutinha es..\n\nna hary....\n\nПа\n\nOBSERVATIONS AND CRITERION\n\nInscription Number 2 is written in Gothic letters in four lines in the original. The right side of each line is broken away (It appears to me by chiselling.) I cannot determine the right margin. It is roughly determined by Piedade e Vasconcelos' reading in Inscription Number 1. In the original, what remains of each line makes it a little longer than that which follows it. Thus, line one is a little longer than line two, line two than line three, line three than line four. I do not open up the abbreviations. The meaning can be seen in Inscription Number 1. A doubt in reading is noted in Italic. In line four, the upper part of several letters, not read by me, still remain.\n\nNOTES\n\nI knew of its existence from Ignacio da Piedade e Vasconcelos, Historia de Santarém Edificada. Parte II, Lisbon, 1740, p. 202. He describes it as \"hum caraò de pedra\" found in the chapel of Santa Ana of the church of the convent of São Francisco of Santarém.\n\nLater, I discovered that the convent of São Francisco was formally opened to the public on March 28th, 1992 (see, to this respect, the Santarém newspapers O Ribatejo N° 335 [2 de Abril de 1992], p. 17 and Correio do Ribatejo. N° 5,266 [3 de Abril de 1992], pp. 1 and 28) and from this day ahead, at certain hours, Tuesdays to Sundays, less holidays, anyone can visit it.\n\nPublished by Ignacio da Piedade e Vasconcelos, op. cit. p. 202 when the inscription was complete.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213920,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 272,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "250\n\n+ Cf Zelenino Sarmento «A Igreja de S. Francisco» in Conero do Ribatejo, N° 3 531 (20) de Dezembro de 1958). This article, in spite of being noted by Joaquim Verissimo Sertao in Santarém Historia e Arte, 2 a edição, Santarem, 1959, p 146 and cited in the bibliographical guides Santa ém Subsídios para uma Biblio-grafía Santarém, 1971 and Santarém Achegas para uma Biblio-grafia [the title on the cover of this work reads: Novas Achegas para a Bibliografia de Santa ém] Santarém, 1979, has been lost sight of (However it has been republished in a collectanea of his publications and writings by the Câmara Municipal de Santarém in 1993 with the title Histona e Monumentos de San-ta ém, at pas 55-62) The urn was known to Gerard Pradalié and is cited in his thesis Saint-François de Santarém (Université de Toulouse-Le Murail, 1972, at p 68), of which a copy can be seen in the Biblioteca Municipal de Santarém, and which has been translated to Portuguese and published by the Câmara Municipal de Santarém in 1992 with the title O Convento de São Francisco de Santarém In this publication (and in the thesis) he shows no knowledge that Martim Afonso de Melo had anything to do with China (he is mentioned at p. 94 of the publication and p. 68 of the thesis) Vítor Serrao, who wrote the Preface to the translation, shows no knowledge of the urn in his Santarém, Lisbon, 1990 and asserts (at p. 34 of the cited work) that Martim Afonso de Melo was figura grada do Santo Offc to without proof\n\n* We need only cite two nobiliários in the Biblioteca Municipal de Santarem: that of Diogo Gomes de Figueiredo, Tomo 9, pas 445-447 (call number 2/6/36) and that of Jorge Saler de Mendonça (e outros), Tomo 15, folios 1191 and v (call number 35/3/15) Various nobiliários found in other libraries might be cited D Branca Coutinho is buried in the same capela of Santa Ana and a copy of her sepulchial inscription, in which she is noted as wife of Jorge de Melo, can be found in Ignacio da Piedade e Vasconcelos, op. cit, p 202 She is Martin Afonso de Melo's mother\n\n* Ch my Martim Afonso de Mello Captam-Major of the Portuguese fleet which suited to China in [522 being the Portuguese text of two unpublished letters of the National Archives of Portugal. Bethesda, Maryland. 1972 and Joao Paulo Olivena e Costa's «Do Sonho Manuelino ao Realismo Joanino Novos Documentos sobre as relações luso-chinesas na terceira decade do Século XVI», Studia, N° 50. Lisbon, 1991, pas 121-155 He would have been virtually viceroy of China, independent of the governor of India, it all had gone according to plan\n\n7. It is curious to observe in Piedade e Vasconcelos' version of the inscription D. Maria Henriques is said to be the nora (daughter-in-law) of Martim Afonso de Melo In the nobiliários that I have seen she is said to be his wife This is certainly the case The Chancelaria of D Joao III (Doações, Livro 14, folio 19V), proves that she was indeed the wife of Matum Afonso de Melo In the original inscription in the part where the word mulher (wife), or some form or abbreviation thereof should appear it is unfortunately broken away",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214101,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 169,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "138\n\nlikely each walled, using courtyards to form internal spaces for living and congregating and no formal external spaces for public gatherings. The latter structures were erected by Portuguese engineers, naval officers and church officials according to the general principles of building of their culture and time. The city was immediately divided into two - a fortified western city and housing for the Chinese outside the walls.\n\nIn the course of these first three centuries of occupation, we see a growing formalisation of the city. The earliest map we can find of the city is one published in 1796 by Sir George Staunton in his report on the Macartney embassy to China (Hong Kong Museum of Art 1996). Redrawn for clarity here as Figure 1, the original is annotated to identify six forts, three parishes, two colleges, four convents, four chapels and sixteen locations of note, including two Chinese temples. There are obvious mistakes in the overall shoreline when compared to more modern surveys but the form of the city can be seen. The inner and primary harbour is on the northwest shore which is more protected. The outer harbour on the southeast, the Praia Grande, is lined with buildings,\n\nFigure 1: 1796 including the governor's house, the houses of leading traders and significant ecclesiastical institutions. At the southern tip is a hill on which forts and churches stand, with temples as its base. The urban pattern is one that urban theorists in Europe such as Camillo Sitte would be familiar with and perhaps use as an exemplar. Organic growth between the Praia Grande and the harbour has led to narrow winding streets that open into wider intersections.\n\nPlazas are formed adjacent to the significant churches. A large market square is found in the middle of the city. The fabric of the city is woven from filaments of narrow lanes and nodes where people gather. Although we have no earlier maps of the city, the same pattern can be seen in the 1598 engraving of Macao (Amacao) by Theodore de Bry (Hong Kong Museum of Art 1996) with the Praia, the harbour, squares and churches.\n\nLooking at the 1898 map (Figure 2, from Hurley 1898), we see the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214150,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 8,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT ........................................................................................................................ xii\n\nFRIENDS OF THE RAS (UK) REPORT.................... xxvi\n\nAUDITOR'S REPORT ........................................................................................................................ xxviii\n\nHON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT ............................................................................................................. xxxv\n\nARTICLES\n\nDan Waters - Laughter Across the Great Wall: A Comparison of Chinese and Western Humour ........ 1\n\nKeith Stevens - Images of Sinicised Vedic Deities on Chinese Altars ................................................ 51\n\nRichard J. Garrett - Weapons of the China Wars ............................................................................... 107\n\nKeith Stevens - Naturalist, Author, Artist, Explorer and Editor, and Almost Forgotten President: Arthur de Carle Sowerby, 1885 - 1954, President of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1935 - 1940 ............ 121\n\nKeith Stevens and Jennifer Welch - Xu, the Taoist Perfected Lord Xu Zhenjun, the Protective Deity of Jiangsi Province........... 137\n\nGillian Bickley - Plum Puddings and Sharp Boys, \"One Touch of Nature Makes the Whole World Kin\": An Analysis of the China Coverage in the Illustrated London News, 5 January to 23 September, 1861 ........ 147\n\nKeith Stevens - The Deification of Heroes Following the Struggle by the Vassal State of Chou to Overthrow the Shang Dynasty...... 173\n\nKeith Stevens - Temples Arise from the Ashes of Revolution ........................................................... 187\n\nvii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214189,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 47,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "10\n\ncannot, usually, stand the smell of cheese, be able to understand the complex English? But you can argue, too, how can the British, who cannot enjoy a succulent chicken's foot for breakfast, understand the Chinese? The latter believe you need to 'eat the part to nourish the part' (DE). By eating chicken's feet, for example, you can walk faster.\n\n4\n\nOf course there are people like Lucy Sheen, a Chinese who was brought up in Britain, who played Portia in Julius Caesar at Bristol Old Vic (Rosser, 1990;8). But she still had to overcome racial stereotyping. She recounts how, to use her own words, ... the Dickhead of a critic said, about her acting, 'It doesn't matter if one can speak the language. If one's not White forget it.' Lucy also recalls how she was taken home to meet her new Chinese boyfriend's parents. They were really chuffed that at last their son had met a nice, real Chinese girl. All went well until she opened her mouth!\n\nOf course, even within Britain itself there are traditional regional differences. There are ‘cockneyisms' with rhyming slang; where 'apples and pears' means 'stairs' and 'tit for tat' stands for 'hat.' This contrasts with the humour of those who believe they belong to the 'posh' set, although the latter is not usually racist and a person is readily accepted if they have personality. You also have the realistic, often macabre humour of the Scots and the Irish, the down-to-earth humour of the English North Countryman, and the japes, recounted time and again, in the slow drawl of rural folk.\n\nUnless you have lived in a country for some considerable time many jokes may be obscure to a foreigner, even if he or she is fluent in the language. A knowledge of local affairs is often important. A man who was once asked why he did not weep at a sermon when everyone else was shedding tears replied: 'I don't belong to this parish' (Bergson, 1956;64). Similarly, the author recalls seeing a show in New York when he failed to appreciate many of the jokes. American humour often centres around family conflict (like American soap operas), bar-room buddy banter, practical jokes, bragging and tall stories although the French claim that practical jokes and tall stories are important aspects of their humour as well (Zeldin, 1983:74). In turn the Danish sense of humour, which is often sarcastic, can shock the average Frenchman. Similarly, Dutch humour can be abrasive, cynical and, on occasions, teasing and aggressive.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214304,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 162,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "126\n\nSian and Lanchou where once more they remained for a while. Here people were more hostile. The area already barren was also suffering from a drought. Clark decided to move south towards the Tibetan border where the situation was more favourable; however, before they could do so the Indian surveyor of the party had set up his instruments on a local peak known to the local population as the seat of the deities controlling the wind and rain. The locals saw him carrying out mysterious incantations on the top of their holy mountain and believing that he was the cause of the drought they beat him to death. This was the end of the expedition, which promptly returned to Peking.\n\nClark took the large collection of mammals, birds, reptiles, insects and botanical specimens back to the US National Museum in Washington and in 1912 a book embodying the results of the expedition was published by T. Fisher Unwin in London under the joint authorship of Clark and Sowerby entitled Through Shen-Kan. This was the start of Sowerby's fame as a scientist and explorer and for the next twenty or so years he continued his collecting expeditions, financed by Clark, with the specimens being sent to the US National Museum.\n\nOnce more we have no idea what he did between the end of the Clark expedition in 1909 and the end of 1911, apart from getting himself married. In late 1911, one year after the revolution which brought the Republic into being, he took part in what came to be known as the Shensi Relief Expedition. The expedition's task was to rescue and lead to safety as many foreign missionaries as possible. Setting out in December 1911 they trekked to Sian where the whole area was in a state of political upheaval following the overthrow of the dynasty. Bandit hordes were rampaging and had taken over much of the countryside. After a number of hair-raising experiences they were successful, returning to safety and Peking in early 1912. He was twenty-seven at the time.\n\nHe described this in some detail in an appendix to P H Kent's The Passing of the Manchus, published in London in 1912 by Edward Arnold. The appendix, written in the third person was pseudonymous, though a note at the bottom of the page reveals that originally it had been written by Mr A de C Sowerby for the Peking and Tientsin Times.\n\nHe returned to Tientsin where his family had been taken to safety from Taiyuan and from which he planned to set out into the peaceful areas of Manchuria to explore and continue his collecting of specimens. He made four separate expeditions into Manchuria and parts of",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214312,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 170,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "134\n\nhave therefore added it here for the record.\n\nThe Sowerbys were an old family of Saxon stock that can be traced back to the time of Edward the Confessor, and possibly earlier to the first kings of Kent in the fifth century AD.\n\nArthur de Carle Sowerby was the great grandson of James Sowerby, who died in 1822, the botanist who wrote English Botany and was one of the founder members of the Geological Society. His son in turn continued his work and helped organise the Royal Botanic Society and Gardens in Regent's Park.\n\nOn his mother's side Arthur was descended from Pierre Séguier, the Chancellor of France in the reign of Louis XIII; he was also the great grandson of Anthony Stuart, the miniature and portrait painter of the early Victorian period. Arthur's uncle was part-founder and first Keeper of the National Gallery of Portraits in Trafalgar Square.\n\nAt the end of his schooling he began his training to be an artist but soon left it for that of a scientist, working for his BSc. at Bristol. He returned to China having dropped out of College and after his arrival back in China he was appointed in 1906 in the double capacity of lecturer and curator on the staff of the Anglo-Chinese College in Tientsin.\n\nHe served in France during World War 1 as Technical Officer in the Chinese Labour Corps, and on his return to China made his headquarters in Shanghai where he remained until the end of the Second World War.\n\nHe developed an interest in Chinese Art and was impressed by the accuracy of ancient Chinese craftsmen in modelling pottery animals for the tomb, an accuracy that enabled him as a naturalist to identify the breeds of various domestic animals in use in ancient China. He wrote a series of articles for the China Journal on Birds in Chinese Art; the Owl in Chinese Art; The Flora in Chinese Art; Rocks, Mountains and Water in Chinese Art; Animals in Chinese Art; as well as Animals in the Myths, Legends and Fairy Tales of China. His interest in craftsmanship also led him to write a series of articles on Chinese arts and crafts, including four papers on the Chinese ivory industry.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214314,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 172,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "136\n\nI am grateful to the Reverend Carl Smith for the following information:\n\nAn announcement from a China mail of 1925. Married, at Shanghai, yesterday, Miss Clarice Sara Moise, to Mr. Arthur de Carle Sowerby, publisher of the China Journal of Arts and Science. Will of wife, Clarice Clara Sowerby, probated in Hong Kong in 1948, written in Shanghai 1933, in favour of her husband Arthur de Carle Sowerby of Shanghai, and son, Arthur Mesny de Carle Sowerby. Sister, Nina Ethel Moise. Will of Sowerby himself: Arthur etc., probated in Hong Kong, 1955, Arthur de Carle Sowerby, scientist, at present residing at Fairfax Hotel (?), 2100 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, Washington DC. Wife, Alice Muriel Sowerby. If predeceased, sister-in-law, Nina Ethel Moise, 6485 San Marco Circle, Hollywood, to receive half; and son, Arthur Mesny de Carle Sowerby, to get the other half. Will written 7th November, 1949. A death record of Arthur de Carle Sowerby, 16th August 1954.\n\nCarl Smith also commented that it was known that Sowerby had children (sic) by a Chinese woman. It would appear that most expatriates in Shanghai were unaware of Sowerby's first marriage in Tientsin to William Mesny's niece, Mary Anne, and that the reference to the 'children by a Chinese woman,' remembering that Mary Anne's mother had been Chinese, suggests that Sowerby's first marriage had been quietly 'forgotten.'\n\ni The bandits were referred to as the Ko-lao Hui, the Elder Brother Society, an old powerful secret society, membership to which was strictly forbidden by the Ch'ing government and punishable by death. Their gangs robbed and killed far and wide as well as causing trouble with their inter-gang feuding.\n\nii The British Residents' Association was formed in 1931 to enable long-term residents to have a say in the running of the Concession. At about the same time, in order to support the authorities in the Concession following the recent troubles and crises, a body known as the Shanghai Fascisti was organised, and led for a while by Sowerby. The Fascists at this time were regarded by many as an honourable force against encroaching communism.\n\niii John Mesny died in 1884 in Hankow leaving a widow and eight children, all under the age of sixteen.\n\niv Davidson-Houston, JV: Armed Pilgrimage : Robert Hale Ltd : London: 1949\n\nv Journal of Oriental Studies Vol. II. No. 1. January 1955 [University of Hong Kong]",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214463,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 321,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "288\n\n[illustration XX].\n\nThe cab driver from Shanghai who took us to Sungkiang had never heard of Ward and we therefore stopped the first old man we saw and asked whether he had ever heard of the American and if so, where had the temple been? Yes, he had heard of an American but knew no more. He recommended that we visited the local government Historical Department. On arrival we disturbed an elderly lady who was taking her mid-day siesta sprawled across her small upright desk. She shot to her feet and ushered us into the office of the Director/Curator who having heard what we were seeking called for a conference. We sat around a large table for a matter of minutes whilst the Director described the problem, - to find the temple dedicated to ‘Hua-de' - as Ward was described phonetically; whereupon he then announced that he knew where it used to be and that we should repair there straight away. He took the elderly lady on his moped and led our cab through the back streets and finally down a narrow tortuous lane until we came to a pair of large iron gates which we entered and found ourselves facing a modern church. We were led first into the offices nearby where it was explained that the priest was out but the young woman on his staff would show us their church. It proved to be a Roman Catholic church built in 1982 containing the statuary and altars one would expect. The decorated ceiling was pointed out as a speciality; meanwhile, a Dutch lady and her husband who were accompanying me were examining the electric fan covers, all beautifully embroidered with grinning cats! A typical Chinese touch. It was explained that the high altar stood over the grave of Ward and that the foundations of the four walls were the original foundations of Ward's temple, long destroyed even before the Cultural Revolution. So, we thought, that was that. But no, the young woman had a request to make. Would we as foreigners please visit their landlord who was causing them some trouble with his high rents, and try to persuade him to be more lenient. It then transpired that the landlord was the abbot of the local Buddhist monastery, which squares the circle. The grave of Ward, a Protestant, revered as a Chinese Confucian hero, with a temple in his honour, now lies under the altar of a Roman Catholic church, whilst the land itself is the property of the local Buddhist monastery in a Communist state.\n\nThe altar table in the temple raised by Chinese mandarins, bore his tablet, ritual candle sticks and incense pot, and was flanked by scrolls",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214470,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 328,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "296\n\nOld Calabar. Niger Coast Protectorate. Sir Ralph concurred with Mr Read's division of the cannon. By letter of 8 September 1899 Mr Read informed Sir Ralph that three of the cannon had gone to the Tower. The Department of Medieval and Later Antiquities possesses an acknowledgement from the ordnance office of the Tower of London to the Director and Principal Librarian of the British Museum, dated 17 July 1899, that three guns from Benin City had been received.\n\nNOTES\n\n(1) Upon which cf. Robert D. Smith's \"A 16th century Portuguese bronze breech-loading swivel gun,\" Militaria. Revista de Cultura Militar N.o 7, Madrid, 1995, pp.197-205 and my \"A 16th century Portuguese swivel gun in the British Museum,\" Lisbon, 1995, where I identified what the writing on this piece means.\n\n(2) Upon these cf. Howard L. Blackmore, The Armouries of the Tower of London. I. Ordnance, London, 1976, pp. 154, 170 and 171 (entries Nos 204, 238 and 239)\n\n(3) cf. page 154; No.204 of Howard L. Blackmore's catalogue (XIX.114 in the Royal Armouries). Mr. Blackmore states that it is an iron gun 3 feet 3 inches long. He portrays it in the catalogue and believes it was made in China in the 18th or early 19th century. He notes: \"An inscription in Chinese characters engraved by the trunnions refers to the weight of the gun and probably gives the names of the officials who supervised its manufacture; it is, however, too worn for accurate translation.” Often judgements of what can be read in old inscriptions are too hastily made. I do not know if that would be the case here. How this piece arrived in Benin City, and when, is presently anybody's guess.\n\n(4) A verb in the past tense, some four letters of which I cannot read, appears to be written here.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214495,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 353,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "322\n\nbeing thrust upon us we confirm to Your Majesty, with the truthfulness due when speaking to our King and lord, that whatever has been stated we do not know or understand what we have done or said for the public prosecutor to be able to present this petition but rather, as we have mentioned above, everyone is trying to discredit us and in order to do so, they seek any legal or illegal methods they can. A copy of the petition which was presented on the part of the Bishop in order to request this evidence, is enclosed with this letter, and the secretary did not wish to provide it, simply responding with another petition to request that it should be sent for due authorisation and a copy was sent to the public prosecutor, and in this status the affair has remained until now. However our only intention is that Your Majesty should know what is happening, and that it can be seen clearly how the petitions which have been sent to were authorised.\n\nWe are at Your Majesty's disposal here as your chaplains and you know that we live in these lands without personal interests, and therefore Your Majesty will see that we have no reason not to tell the truth in our dealings with Your Royal Majesty whom God protect for many years for the defence of the Church our Holy Mother and protector of those of little power.\n\nFrom Manila,\n\nThe Bishop of the Philippines, Fray J. De Placencia, custodian/ Fray Diego de Bazer.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214908,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 4,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "FROM THE HON. EDITOR\n\nThe publication of the fortieth Volume of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (and my tenth contribution) seems to merit a special mention by your Hon. Editor as, of course, it marks the fortieth anniversary of the rebirth of the Society. You \"saw\" the fortieth anniversary conference (in 2000), now read the book!\n\nAs you know, Council's instructions are for about 200 pages (Don't give 'em too much!) but I've strayed beyond that by about 50 per cent. Perhaps I can be forgiven, given the propitiousness of the occasion.\n\nOnce again, I've striven for variety and, as you will see, the contributors are both old and new. The distinguished Solomon Bard has come out of retirement to pen Tea and Opium, a wholly dispassionate look at a controversial subject. Brian Fawcett's The Chinese Labour Corps in France, 1917-1921 represents an enormous investment in time and I should imagine he knows France quite well now. The redoubtable Keith Stevens has contributed two articles including the long-awaited (for me) The Celestial Ministry of Time, a veritable Tour de force.\n\nReaders of Volume 38 - 66 our Y2K issue will recall the photograph of Tai Sui, the Goddess of Time, on the dust jacket, and so kindly provided by Jennifer Welch. What was not revealed at the time was that Keith Stevens and Jennifer Welch were writing The Celestial Ministry of Time and has lots of photographs of Tai Sui including the magnificent one of Jai Zi which adorns the dust jacket of this issue. I wanted it for Volume 38 but, understandably, Keith and Jennifer held out on me.\n\nOtherwise, the unflagging Dan Waters has almost single-handedly provided the Notes and Queries section but with most interesting contributions from Barbara Park and our man in Bondi Beach, James Hayes. Barbara has given us a perceptive glimpse of The Peak in \"the good old days.\" James keeps editors on their toes (\"Dear Peter, please find attached the fifteenth amendment to my article.\"). Jack Lao's 1954 photograph of the Harbour will bring back memories for many.\n\nI came into contact with Teresa Kowalska in Poland, and her exquisite...\n\nWhen I was researching the piece on A Many Splendoured Thing,\n\niii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215040,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 136,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "Fisher, W M : Dr E J Stuckey and the Chinese Hospital at Noyelles-sur-Mer. A biographical fragment of World War I : unpublished: BA Hons. Thesis at Monash University: 1984\n\nGriffin, NJ: The Use of Chinese Labour by the British Army : PhD thesis, University of Oklahoma : 1973 - held by the Imperial War Museum, London\n\n: Britain's Chinese Labour Corps in World War 1: Military Affairs : vol.XXXX No. 3 [Oct 1976]\n\nJones, A. Philip: Britain's Search for Chinese Co-operation in the First World War : Garland Publishing Inc.: New York and London: 1986\n\nKlein, Daryl\n\nLoisel, M : : La Chine de l'Empire Celeste [Chine des Han] en Terre Française - Picardie: 1995\n\n: With the Chinks: Bodley Head: ca. 1918\n\nLucas, C : The Empire at War\n\nMaxwell, J : The Chinese Labour Corps: A précis of their participation in World War: Unpublished\n\nMellor, Norman: With the Chinese Labour Corps - France 1918\n\nPaton, Alec : Occasional Gunfire, Private War Diary of a Siege Gunner: Bishop-Laggett Publishing: London: 1998\n\nPutkowski, J: British Army Mutineers 1914-1922 : Francis Boutle Publishers: 1998\n\nStevens, Keith : British Chinese Labour Corps Labourers Buried in England Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society: Vol. 29: 1989\n\nSummerskill, M: China on the Western Front: pub by Michael Summerskill",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215271,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 48,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "1 March 2002\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH\n\nLIBRARY\n\nADDITIONS LIST 2001/2002\n\nAdams, Edward Ben, 1934-\n\nPalaces of Seoul: Yi dynasty palaces in Korea's capital city; foreword by Hwang Su-Young. Seoul, Korea: Taewon Pub. Co., c1972.\n\nBelden, Jack, 1910-\n\nChina shakes the world. New York: Harper & brothers, c1949.\n\nBodde, Derk, 1909-\n\nLaw in imperial China: exemplified by 190 Ch'ing dynasty cases (translated from the Hsing-an hui-lan) with historical, social, and juridical commentaries. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, c1967.\n\nBoulger, Demetrius Charles de Kavanagh, 1853-1928\n\nThe life of Sir Halliday Macartney, K.C.M.G., commander of Li Hung Chang's trained force in the Taeping rebellion, founder of the first Chinese arsenals, for thirty years councillor and secretary to the Chinese legation in London. London, New York: J. Lane company, 1908.\n\nCarney, Dora Sanders, 1903-\n\nForeign devils had light eyes: a memoir of Shanghai 1933-1939. Toronto: Dorset Pub., 1980.\n\nCopper, John Franklin\n\nWords across the Taiwan Strait: a critique of Beijing's \"White paper\" on China's reunification. Lanham: University Press of America, c1995.\n\nCroft, Michael\n\nRed carpet to China. London: Longmans, c1958.\n\nCronin, Vincent, 1924-\n\nThe wise man from the West. London: R. Hart-Davis, c1955.\n\nxlv",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215316,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 93,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "41\n\nboth. The She Day sought abundance in terms of rice from chthonic generative forces, while Flower Dawn solicited wealth in terms of human proliferation from the celestial yang forces of the season. Early spring was a ritual season of releasing life by way of offerings, engagements for marriage and games of contest which, taken together, brought new life to both local communities and domestic groups. Together the two festivals sought a general enjoyment of double blessings.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAUMER, GORAN. 1964. The Dragon Boat Festival in the Hunan and Hupeh Plains: A Study in the Ceremonialism of the Transplantation of Rice. Stockholm: Statens etnografiska museum.\n\nAUMER, Goran. 1968. A Structural Approach to Chinese Ancestor Worship. Bijdragen tot de taal-, land-, en volkenkunde 124: 91-98.\n\nAUMER, GORAN. 1979. Ancestors in the Spring: The Qingming Festival in Central China. Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 19: 59-82\n\nAumer, Goran. 1991. Chongyang and the Ceremonial Calendar in Central China. In H.R. Baker and S. Feuchtwang (eds.), An Old State in New Settings: Studies in the Social Anthropology of China in Memory of Maurice Freedman. Oxford: JASO.\n\nAumer, Goran. 2002 (In print). New Year Celebrations in Central China in Late Imperial Times. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press.\n\nAUMER, GORAN and VIRGIL K.Y. Ho. 1999. Cantonese Society in a Time of Change. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press.\n\nBODDE, DERK. 1975. Festivals in Classical China: New Year and other Annual Observations during the Han Dynasty 206 B.C.-A.D. 220. Princeton: Princeton University Press and The Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nBREDON, JULIET & IGOR MITROPHANOW, 1972 (1927). The Moon Year: A Record of Chinese Customs and Festivals. Taipei: Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company.\n\nCHAVANNES, EDOUARD, 1969 (1910). Le dieu du sol dans la Chine antique. Appendice à Le T'ai Chan: Essai de monographie d'un culte chinois. Farnborough: Gregg International Publishers.\n\nCh'u T'ung-tsu, 1972, Han Social Structure. Edited by Jack L. Dull. Seattle & London: University of Washington Press",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215389,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 166,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "115\n\nDAR2032AM\n\nKNMUGA*Y\n\n如耶路撒冷陷落時, Agippa 號野雞 Hastings #ENBAHNB (VOTA\n\nKO 200 989 KARPRAKA\n\nASSANT (GDOM) A\n\n在隨後的歲月裡，繳何職和另一位立豬石鹼瓤鵝\n\nAMAMURAMAH · BMW IMA\n\nof Henry May · A. W Brown · WA\n\nPH M Taylor MMA Tha** M\n\n* - Wong Leung humt? • Young Him- Pongi門，麗金榴，豐義理，確镗芬·西蘭\n\nJ\n\nThe Presentation of The Tribute\n\nApril 28, 1910 was a typical April day, fine but cloudy with a light breeze, temperature 78°F and humidity 80%. Contemporary events included the arrival of Halley's comet, in its 76-year orbit, which was \"plainly discernible to the naked eye at Hong Kong during the early morning”. It\n\npromised to be \"as brilliant and awe-inspiring as it must have been at the times of the fall of Jerusalem, the death of Agrippa and the Battle of Hastings\". Mark Twain died, and a Frenchman won a £10,000 prize from the Daily Mail newspaper for flying in stages between London and Manchester at 200 feet and 33 miles per hour.\n\nThe deputation received at Government House was introduced by Dr Ho Kai with his fellow legislator Mr Wei Yuk. Those present included: the Hon. Sir Henry May (Colonial Secretary), the Hon. Mr. A.W. Brewin (Registrar General). Capt. PH. M. Taylor (aide-de-camp). Messers Lau Chu-pak, Ng Hon-tsz, Ho Fook, Ho Kom-tong, Wong Leung-him, Yeung Him-pong, Wong Kum-luk, S.W. Tso, Sin Tak-fun, Fung Wa-chun, Cheung Si-kai, Li Sui-kam, Lau Yuen-chuen, Leung Fui-chi, Yu To-shan, Chan Sik-lam, Li Yau-chun, Chau Siu-ki, Wo Wan-cho, Wo Tsai-yang, Lo Kun-ting, Siu Yim-Eai, Sam Pak-ming, Li Wing-kwong, Chan Wan-sau, Mok Man-cheung, Tam Hok-po, Leung Kin-en, Chan Kang-yi, Lau Pun-chiu, Chiu Yee-ting, Chan Pak-yee, Wo Tsa-wan, Yiu Ki-yun, Li Po-kwai, Chan Chuk-hing, Tsang Yik-kai, Chan Lok-chun, and Ho Mok-lok.\n\nThe Governor received The Tribute together with an album of red morocco leather, which bore his monogram in silver and contained the address in both Chinese and English.\n\n和一本發行紀念冊，紀\n\nDr Ho Kai CMG, Legislative Council member, (1880-1914); founder of the Alice Memorial Hospital (1886) and co-founder of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese (1887).\n\n何啟爵士，立法局議員（1880-1914年）；雅麗氏醫院的創辦人（1886年）和香港華人西醫書院的共同創辦人（1887年）。",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215410,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 187,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "136\n\nIn imitation of a real altarpiece the Dormition of Mary is followed higher up by an image above a rose window representing the Assumpta, or the Assumption of Mary into heaven, a favourite theme of Iberian retables, often combined with the theme of the Dormition. Above her there is a high relief of the Trinity with a Golgotha group at the summit. These images are quite typical of the iconography of contemporary retables and follow the sometimes-convoluted theological arguments of the Christian art of the period.\n\nAs the intricacies of the Late Gothic style gave way to the Italian Renaissance, the artistic potency of retable-façades persisted under different forms, dimensions and styles, and in different places. It spread to Southern Spain after the Reconquista, where it developed its own Renaissance characteristics. Later, mainly in a Mannerist style, it appeared in Portugal. Finally some of the most amazing examples of the genre sprouted in Spanish colonies in Mexico and Peru in a Baroque and Rococo style, sometimes displaying the artistry, or otherwise, of indigenous craftsmen.\n\nAlthough such structures are not usually found in Portuguese colonies, there are nonetheless unusual developments in the decoration of some Jesuit church façades in Portuguese India, which can give insights to later developments in their Macao church. The study of these Indian examples is also useful in another respect. Instead of studying the Macao church in isolation, as is usually done, a comparison with these and a selected number of buildings in India can help us obtain a more coherent chronological and stylistic perspective for the façade of Madre de Deus.\n\nTo trace back some of these developments in Jesuit architecture the city of Goa, today known as Velha Goa, is an obvious starting point because of its importance within the Portuguese empire in Asia. In fact, soon after Afonso de Albuquerque captured it from Yusuf Adil Khan in 1510, it came to be considered by the Portuguese as the capital of the whole Portuguese Empire in the East. It eventually became not only the seat of the vice-royalty, but equally of a huge Bishopric, which encompassed the entire region from the Cape of Good Hope to China. In the seventeenth century it counted some seventy religious establishments, including thirty-one churches.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215415,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 192,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "-reinfo\n\n141\n\nbrackets, enclose a window. Typical Late Renaissance ornaments and geometric designs of various kinds, such as spheres on pedestals, top the entablature and pediment.\n\nJesuit Churches in India\n\nPerhaps the most ingenious exploitation of the motif in India was by the Jesuit Fathers, whose building schemes form such an important part of the history of art of Colonial Iberian architecture in Asia and the Americas. It can be seen not only on the façade of the now vanished collegiate church of São Paulo in Velha Goa, but also in the Church of their College of São Paulo in Baçaim.\n\nThe Arch of Triumph decoration of their Baçaim church is of great interest for my main argument because at least one art historian has noticed its structural similarities to that of retables. David M. Kowal's recent article implies that not only the façade of the Baçaim collegiate church, but also that of Velha Goa should be so considered and he describes them as \"retable-like.\" Not all art historians would classify any of the church fronts in Portuguese India as retable-façades, including those of the Jesuits, although it is difficult to dismiss D. Kowal's claim for these two churches.13\n\nThe name of the church at Baçaim, built between 1561-1579, is actually Nome de Jesus (Name of Jesus). Its large Arch of Triumph indeed resembles those appearing in a number of Renaissance retable-façades in Southern Spain, such as that of the church of St. Elizabeth, in Seville.\n\nAs far as the Arch of Triumph motif itself is concerned, the most important sixteenth-century example in India may be seen in the Church of São Paulo in Velha Goa. Moreover, one could take 1560, the year when building of the new college and church of São Paulo were initiated, as signalling a more ambitious phase in the Society of Jesus' architectural projects in India.\n\nWhen it was completed in 1572 São Paulo was not only the first major church built by the Jesuits in India, it was also one of the most masterful Portuguese churches in Asia, attesting to the importance that the Jesuit fathers attached to it.15 Its association with St. Francis Xavier",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215418,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 195,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "144\n\nof Triumph theme itself has been incorporated here into a more sumptuous design and at first glance is not immediately apparent.\n\nAlthough it is not possible to discuss it in detail, one should at least take note of the articulation of the façade. Its luxuriously applied decoration is executed in a soft local stone and stands out from the brick wall, once coated in white plaster. It starts with Corinthian columns on three bays of the ground floor that connect to Doric and Corinthian pilasters in the two storeys above and a fanciful Mannerist Composite order with decorative shafts in the attic. But the overall design is highly compartmentalized by means of large buttresses framing the corners and central bay in the shape of classical brick pilasters rising on all storeys.\n\nHowever, in spite of similarities, one can see a marked difference to the churches the Jesuits has built previously. Quite novel are the Mannerist carvings now embellishing practically the whole design of the façade of the Bom Jesus. The rendition of the symbol of the Society of Jesus in the attic, inside an oculus framed by a Mannerist cartouche upheld by eight angels, as well as other unusual details, is typical of the Mannerist style (Fig.10).\n\nStarted in 1601 the Collegiate Church of the Society in Diu is the second most important example of a new development in Jesuit churches in India. Its proper name is Espírito Santo, or Church of the Holy Spirit. The design of the front elevation basically reproduces that of the Bom Jesús, except that it has been greatly unified by the abolition of the third storey and the compartments created by the buttresses in that building (Figs. 11,12).\n\nIn ornamental extravagance its carved white stucco decoration outdoes the Bom Jesús and it has been argued that this is partly due to the influence of Indian architecture.\n\nBoth the influence of retables claimed by D. Kowal for the Jesuit portals showing arches of triumph in Velha Goa and Baçaim, as well as the decorative complexity of the fronts of the Bom Jesus and Espiritu Santo are new developments. They point the way towards the even more novel departures seen in the façade of the Church of Madre de Deus in Macao.\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215429,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 206,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "155\n\nimpressions and variations of this image circulated at the time in Europe; 26 the Jesuit fathers had actually been instrumental in introducing similar prints to the East. Apart from prints, Charles Boxer, amongst others, has remarked how the Portuguese had carried retablos with them to Japan.27 It therefore seems equally plausible that related altarpieces might have been present in the minds of the artists of the façade.\n\nBesides the mentioned attributes, the unknown programmer of the decoration also incorporated themes from St John's Book of Revelation 12.1 and 12.3 (John 12.2 was by now conveniently glossed over in artistic representations of the theme), as well as from other sources.\n\nSuch a sophisticated and theological knowledge of Marian themes reveals the mind of a programmer ingenious enough to merit a few words. Although the identity of its author is unknown, Carlo Spinola, the architect of Madre de Deus and the artist Giovanni Nicolao, director of the art school in Japan, come immediately to mind. But I think one should also consider Dom Diogo Correa Valente as another possible candidate for authorship, mainly on account of the contents of his library in the College of St. Paul.28\n\nThe Jesuit Diogo Valente was the learned but controversial Bishop of Japan resident at the College of São Paulo from 1619 to 1624, years when the façade was probably being redesigned and its construction begun. In 1624 Dom Diogo had to leave for Goa in a hurry under the shadow of the violent quarrels that agitated Macao because members of his own order had apparently partisanly elected him as Bishop of the city. But he returned again as Bishop in 1630 and so remained until his death three years later. When he was buried in the chancel of the church of Madre de Deus the decoration of the frontispiece must have been in progress. However, this is a question that can only be settled by future research.\n\nSymbolic Meaning\n\nThe interpretation of symbols relating to Mary (and the other images) is a fascinating but complex subject that cannot be discussed in detail here. However, it is worth considering some of those adorning the façade to get a sense of their poetic and mystical quality.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215433,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 210,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "159\n\nExtremo Oriente. Vol. 1. Tomo 1. Em Tomo de Macau, (A.H. de Oliveira Marques editor). Fundação Oriente. 1998, p.489. More recently also M. Nishiyama, \"The Church of St. Paul in Macao under the Transformation of Portuguese Architecture in their Colonies\"; a paper presented in the Modern Asian Architecture Network conferences held in Macao, 22-26 July, 2001.\n\nTo the best of my knowledge only two other papers on the Church of St. Paul's agree that its façade is a retable-façade. See G. Couceiro, \"The Church of the College of Madre de Deus\", and F.A. Baptista Pereira. \"A Conjectural Reconstruction of the Church of the College of Mater Dei', as well as C. Guillén-Nuñez's commentaries to both papers; all in Religion and Culture: An International Symposium Commemorating the IVth Centenary of the University College of St. Paul, Macao, 28 Nov.-1 Dec. 1994, Cultural Institute of Macao, and Ricci Institute. Uni. of S. Francisco, Macao, 1999, pp. 177-248. G. Couceiro's paper was adapted from his PhD thesis. \"L'Eglise de Notre-Dame de l'Assomption (ou de St. Paul) à Macao et L'Art de la Compagnie de Jesus en Chine: Art et Adaptation\". Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (en Sorbonne), IV Sect. Sciences Historiques et Philologiques. It has been recently published as A Igreja de S. Paulo de Macau. Lisbon, 1997. Baptista Pereira's paper was published in As Ruinas de S. Paulo. Um Monumento para o Futuro / St. Paul's Ruins. A Monument Towards the Future, (bilingual exh. catalogue), Setúbal, 1994, pp. 63-85. Although both these papers missed or ignored a number of important arguments by previous researchers on the subject, including the original dedication of the church, the iconography of the decoration and my identification of the façade as a retable-façade, they have informative sections on the ground plan of the church and other points. Videira Pires first pointed out that the original dedication of the church was to the Assumption. Vid. B. Videira Pires, “Igrejas e Cemiterios Antigos de Macau (1)\", Religião e Patria, Ano XLVIII - No. 14, 15 Abril, 1962, p. 214 and p. 216.\n\nPioneering writings on the façade, its decoration and artists begin with J.F. Marques Pereira, \"Em prol de umas ruinas (A proposito do frontespicio do Collegio de S. Paulo, em Macau)'', in Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo, Archivos e Annaes do Extremo-Oriente Portugues, Lisbon, 1899-1902, Serie I, II, pp. 483-92. This is followed by J.D. Francis's article, \"Macao's San Paolo, A symbolical Ruin”, The Macao Review, Macao, 1930, pp. 3, 14. J.D. Francis first noticed that the iconography of the façade was a didactic sermon in stone. After these studies came those of J.M. Braga, \"A Igreja de S. Paulo”, Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau, April 1932, pp. 246-7. M. Teixeira, A fachada de S. Paulo, Macao, 1940.\n\nMacau e a Sua Diocese, Macao, 1956, III, pp. 178-81, passim.\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215434,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 211,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "160\n\nM. Hugo-Brunt, \"An Architectural Survey of the Jesuit Seminary Church of St. Paul's, Macao\", Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 1, No.2, July 1954, University of Hong Kong, pp.1-21. J.B. Bury, \"A Jesuit Façade in China\", The Architectural Review, VI. CXXIV, No. 743, London, Dec. 1958, pp. 412-3.\n\n\"Macao's St. Paul”, in Actas do III Colóquio Internacional de Estudos Luso-Brasileiros, II, Lisbon, 1960, pp. 30-6. A version of the latter, first delivered in 1957, is found in J.B. Bury, \"A Igreja de São Paulo”, Arquitectura e Arte no Brasil Colonial, São Paulo, 1991, pp. 154-61. With few exceptions Chinese gazetteers of the Ming and Ching Dynasties seem to have ignored the façade altogether.\n\n3 Guillen-Núñez, Cesar, \"Some observations on the architecture of the Jesuits in the Orient\", in St. Paul's Ruins. A Monument towards the Future, (bilingual Portuguese-English exh. catalogue, directed by F.A. Baptista Pereira), Lisbon-Macau, September-December, 1994, pp.49-53. Unfortunately, in this catalogue part of the original English text is corrupted by numerous typographical errors. There is however an excellent Portuguese translation, although a few lines of the original have been misinterpreted.\n\n+ For the dimensions of St. Paul's façade vid. Hugo-Brunt, op. cit., p. 9. plates 2-10, and plate 13.\n\n5 The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608-1667, Hakluyt Soc., London, 1919, III, Part I, pp. 162-3.\n\n6\n\nReynaldo dos Santos, Historia da Arte em Portugal, III, pp. 34-6. R.C. Smith, The Art of Portugal, p. 86.\n\nThe literature on Spanish and Portuguese retable-façades is extensive but often only found piecemeal in more general works on Spanish and Portuguese architecture. Two pioneering researchers were B. Bevan, History of Spanish Architecture, London, 1938, p. 135; and G. Kubler, in Kubler and Soria, Art and Architecture in Spain and Portugal and their American Dominions, 1500-1800, Penguin Books, 1959, p. 1. It should be noted that in the latter San Gregorio's façade is wrongly described as that of the chapel, rather than the College of San Gregorio.\n\nThe following is a selected sample of other important writing on these structures. A. Rodriguez G. de Ceballos, La Iglesia y el Convento de San Esteban de Salamanca, Salamanca, 1987. F.Checa, Pintura y Escultura del Renacimiento",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215437,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 214,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "163\n\n- Mario T. Chico. \"Algumas observações acerca da arquitectura da Companhia de Jesus no distrito de Goa: igrejas, fachada, planta e espaço interior\", Garcia de Orta. Lisboa, número especial 1956, pp.257-72.\n\nSee Professor Giorgio Bonsanti's elucidating article dealing mainly with St. Francis Xavier's mausoleum in the Bom Jesus, published in Velha Goa, exhibition catalogue of A. Martinelli's photos. Fundação Oriente, Macao. September 15, 2000. (Unnumbered). However, vid. D.Kowal, op. cit., p. 488, who states the Jesuit Domingo Fernandes, aided by J. Simão were architects of Bom Jesus.\n\nAlso Documenta Indica,\n\n**For Charles Borromeo's Instructions, see E.C. Voelker, “Charles Borromeo's Instructiones Fabricae et Supellectilis Ecclesiasticae, 1577. A Translation with Commentary and Analysis\". Ph.D. dissertation, Syracuse University, 1977.\n\n\"L.E. McCall. \"Early Jesuit Art in the Far East\". Artibus Asiae, XI. Ancona, 1948. pp. 62-9. Y. Okamoto, The Namban Art of Japan, (translation by R.K. Jones of Namban Bijutsu. Tokyo, 1965), Weatherhill/Heibonsha, New York-Tokyo, 1972, pp. 99-103. See also more recently, Gauvin Bailey. \"The Art of the Jesuit Missions in Japan in the Age of St. Francis Xavier and Alessandro Valignano”. lecture in the 450th Anniversary of St. Francis Xavier's Arrival in Japan. International Symposium '98, Sophia University 1998, pp.7-22.\n\n\"Guillen-Nuñez, C., \"Retablo and Imafronte: A Study of the Influence of the Retable on the Church-façade in Mexico and Peru\", (unpublished M.A. dissertation), University of Penn., 1973.\n\n\"H. Rodriguez-Camilloni. \"The Retablo-Façade as Transparency: A Study of the Frontispiece of San Francisco, Lima\", in Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Esteticas, 62, Mexico, 1991, pp. 111-22.\n\nSylvie Deswarte, \"Francisco de Hollanda et les Etudes Vitruviennes en Italie”, in A Introdução da Arte da Renascenca na Península Iberica, Coimbra, 1981, pp. 254-80.\n\n* Hugo-Brunt, op. cit., p. 11.\n\nKubler and Soria, op. cit., p. 24.\n\nSee Hugo-Brunt, op. cit., p.13, note 24.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215714,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 13,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "1861) is both a tour de force and riveting, to boot. Ch'ëa was the keeper of a temple at Poklo. He was visited in 1856 by two colporteurs from Hong Kong who left him with a bible. On reading it, he was almost immediately converted to Christianity and was later baptised in Hong Kong becoming, essentially, a disciple of James Legge. He returned to Poklo where he pursued his faith with great, if not excessive, zeal, becoming an object of suspicion and hatred in many quarters. In October 1861 he was seized by a local vigilante squad, tortured, ordered to renounce his faith - which he refused to do - and was ultimately beheaded.\n\nStephen Selby's interesting account of archery in China from the pre-Shang period to the end of the 19th century mirrors the excellent address that he recently gave to the Society.\n\nThe indefatigable Keith Stevens takes us on a voyage of discovery into the history of Zhenjiang. As always the illustrations are wonderful.\n\nAnd Dan Waters reminisces about Hong Kong in the post-War years.\n\nThere are a total of 18 NOTES AND QUERIES on a wide variety of subjects. Paul Bolding gives us some insights into the life of the intrepid Belgium aviator, Louis de San - who he ultimately met in 1988 with some interesting photographs. There is an amusing 1905 Christmas card from Arnold Graham - that great benefactor of the HKBRAS Library - and an account of the Library by our Hon. Librarian, Julia Chan. Peter Hansell discusses the famous clock maker Douglas Lapraik. Paul Harrison writes penetratingly on the highly unusual subject of restoring artefacts for display in Hong Kong's museums. Bob Horsnell continues his highly interesting pieces on old military installations. David Mahoney provides further insights into the Chinese Labour Corps in France during World War I. Martin Merz adds another follow up to Solomon's Bard's TEA AND OPIUM advising that Chinese and Indian teas are, essentially, the same (we live and learn!). Robert Nield's beautiful photographs of Bhutan which I messed up in Volume 41 are now reproduced in all their glory. I'll leave you to read The wrestling princes by Keith Stevens (a little suspense will do no harm). Peter Stuckey and Chris Bailey take us to St. John's (Shangchuan) Island to the southwest of Hong Kong where St. Francis Xavier died in 1552 (not, as I originally thought when skimming through the article,\n\niv",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215724,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 23,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nGliding: How Louis de San beat the Asian duration and altitude records in Chungking, China, in 1940, from the Belgian journal Aviation, Volume 2, Number 14, March 1946, translation by Paul Bolding\n\n345\n\nPaul Bolding - More on Louis de San\n\n357\n\nArnold Graham's Shanghai Christmas card, 1905\n\nJulia Chan - The Library of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society\n\n361\n\n373\n\nJames Hayes - Afterthoughts on South China Village Culture, Oxford University Press, 2001\n\n385\n\n393\n\nbecame Kalekie drzewo\n\nPeter Hansell - The colourful Douglas Lapraik (1818-1869)\n\nPaul Harrison - Introducing the Conservation Section of the Hong Kong Government\n\nPeter Halliday - Adventures in publishing: How The Crippled Tree\n\n377\n\n381\n\n...\n\nRobert Horsnell - A note on the Japanese gun emplacement at Tathong Point, Tung Lung Chau.........\n\n399\n\nDavid Mahoney - More on THE CHINESE LABOUR CORPS IN FRANCE, 1917-1921: A new discovery\n\n....\n\n405\n\nDavid Mahoney - Yet more on THE CHINESE LABOUR CORPS IN FRANCE, 1917-1921 ....\n\n411\n\nMartin Merz - Yet more on TEA AND OPIUM\n\n413\n\nFebruary 2002...\n\nRobert Nield - Photographs from the HKBRAS' visit to Bhutan,\n\nKeith Stevens - The wrestling princes\n\n417\n\n431\n\nxiv",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215783,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 82,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "15\n\n25 Ibid, Chap 5\n\n26 Ibid, pp 755 - 6; Hansard, 3rd series, vol cxlix, p 989\n\n27 Turnbull, supra p 350\n\n28 Act XVII of 1855, cf. Pridmore, Memoirs of Raffles Museum; Hansard, 3rd series, vol cxlix, pg 988\n\n29 Tan DE, A Portrait of Malaysia and Singapore p 70\n\n**Tumbull, supra, p 207**\n\n31 Tan DE, supra, p 70\n\nBuckley, supra, p 760; Hansard, 3rd series, vol. cxlix, p 990\n\n+\n\n* for example, when an act was passed in 1862 to regulate coinage in India, special provision was made by the Legislative Council for the Straits Settlements, and between 1862 and 1867, copper cents for the first time bore the name 'Straits Settlements' (Turnbull, supra, p 208; Hansard, 3rd series, vol. cxlix, p 990)\n\n34 Ibid. p 760\n\n35 1867 Act to Provide for the Government of the Straits Settlements, para 4\n\n36 Turnbull, supra, p 209\n\n37\n\nBuckley, supra, p 756\n\n38 Mills, supra, p 241\n\n39 Turnbull, supra, p 247\n\n40\n\n41\n\nMills, supra, p 243\n\nCameron J, Our Tropical Possessions in Malayan India pp 251 - 2\n\n42 of Treaty of Tientsin Art. LIII; Prussian Treaty Art. XXXIII; Danish Treaty Art.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215784,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 83,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "16\n\nXIX, Belgian Treaty Art. XLIV; Spanish Treaty Art. XVI; Italian Treaty Art. XIX, quoted from Fox, British Admirals and Chinese Pirates 1832-1869\n\n4 Turnbull, supra, p 255\n\n4 Buckley, An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore pg 756; The Straits Times and Singapore Journal of Commerce, 13 Oct 1857\n\n\"Emerson Rupert, Malaysia - A Study in Direct and Indirect Rule, Chap 2. p 91\n\n46 Hall DGE, A History of South East Asia, p 511\n\n47 Ibid, p 511\n\n* Mills LA, British Malaya 1824 – 1867\n\n49 Act 24th George III Cap 25;\n\n174\n\nNB: This act was retained until 1858, when England assumed full control of India. However, the policy of non-intervention in the Malay States still continued until 1874.\n\n50 Philips, The East India Company 1784 - 1834, Chap 2, p 32\n\nsi Purcell, Malaya, Outline of a Colony, Chap 6 p 70; Jones, Public Administration in Malaya, Chap I p 8\n\n52 Mills, supra, p 174\n\nTan DE, A Portrait of Malaysia and Singapore, Chap 9 p 119\n\n54 However, it should be made clear that in the pre-1874 era, the nature of intervention was limited. Though there were cases of British intervention in the Malay States, their actions were “inactive” or passive. The governors were often reminded of the official non-intervention policy, and this policy remained unchanged until 1874, when a new law (the Pangkor Engagement) was observed.\n\nCases of non-intervention\n\nThe EIC's non-intervention policy started from the earliest years of British rule",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215785,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 84,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "in the Straits, for example in negotiation for the settlement of Penang Island in 1786 where the Supreme Government remained steadfast in refusing to promise military aid to the Sultan of Kedah. Thus, in a Siamese invasion in 1821, the Penang Government did not offer military aid to the Sultan, but only political asylum and mediation. Indeed the whole history of Anglo-Siamese relations in the Malay Peninsular shows evidence that the non-intervention policy was adhered to as much as possible, (cf. Mills, supra, Chap 8 (Anglo-Siamese relations)) For the obvious political and economic reasons the British did not want to antagonise the Siamese (cf. Tarling, Anglo-Dutch Rivalry in the Malay World, 1760-1824) by interfering in the affairs of the Malay States (such as Kedah, Kelantan and Trengganu) which were within the Siamese sphere of influence.\n\nSevere censures were passed upon Captain Low for his treaty with Perak in 1826; and the treaty between James Low and Perak and Selangor in 1826, received strong criticism from the Supreme Government and resulted in Low's being suspended from his duties. (Tan DE, Supra, p 119) The Indian Government only relented when Governor Fullerton managed to convince it of the necessity of protecting British interests, a clear instance of the Indian Government's unwillingness to intervene in any of the Malay States. This was further proven when appeals of Perak and Trengannu for defensive purposes were likewise rejected. In the Naning War of 1831-2, Governor Ibbetson was told that the extension of territory was not desired. (Ibid. p 119)\n\nAn even more striking instance occurred in 1833, when the boundary between the Malacca Territory and the tiny state of Johol was debated over. Between the two lay a debatable piece of land which had formerly been claimed by both states, containing rich mines of tin and gold. Governor Ibbetson regarded the frontier delimitation as an excellent opportunity for showing that accessions of territory and encroachments upon their rights is the furthest from our views and intentions' (Mills, supra, p 177), thus resigning any claims that the British might have to it, and even included it within the area of Johol.\n\nThrough the above examples, I would say that the British were pursuing a policy of non-intervention in the Malay States between 1824-73. They upheld this policy whenever possible, though in some cases intervention was unavoidable. And it is significant that sometimes even in instances where British merchants' interests were threatened (for example in Negri Sembilan), the policy of non-intervention was still observed.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215789,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 88,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "21\n\n* infra para. on Chinese secret societies and Indian convicts, for a more balanced understanding of the population behaviour at that time\n\n54 Indian Charter Act of 1833\n\n❝ the Charters of Justice, 1807, 1826, and 1855; Regina v Willians Esq., cf. Maxwell PB, 'The Law of England in Penang, Malacca and Singapore', JA, ns iii (1859) p 26 - 55\n\ncf. Thio Eunice, \"The Singapore Chinese Protectorate and Events and Conditions Leading to Its Establishment, 1823 - 1877' Journal of the South Seas Society xvi (1960); Tan DE, supra, Chap 6\n\n\"Hansard, 3rd series, vol cxlix, p 995\n\n*Thio, supra, p 47 - examples include gang robberies, collection of \"protection\" money from shopkeepers, or contributions in the nature of blackmail; Chiefs of secret societies were also known to hold their own Courts of Justice to settle disputes between members, even for serious crimes eg sometimes mutilated trunks of victims were found in the jungle or elsewhere, usually with the right or left hand chopped up into a certain number of parts and left hanging together by the skin\n\n*Thio, supra, p 51, 52 ; Buckley, supra, p 757 - in the petition, the European merchants had made suggestions to the Indian government on how to improve the situation but the EIC responded with indifference and 'sometimes without even the slightest acknowledgment of their having been made'\n\nThio, supra, p 52\n\n71 Thio, supra, p 53\n\n7\n\n74\n\nThio, supra, p 34\n\nThio, supra, p 77; Tan D E, supra, Chap 6 p 72, 73\n\n(for example, the Currency Act 1855)\n\n(for example, 1837 admiralty jurisdiction, 1848 insolvency jurisdiction, 1855 Charter of Justice etc.)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215900,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 199,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "indicated the establishment for the battery observation post (BOP), battery plotting room (BPR), and Eastern Fire Command. A total of 88 officers and soldiers were proposed.\n\n30 December 1936 The 12 Heavy Battery dismantled the 9.2-inch gun at Gough Battery (The two 9.2-inch guns at Pottinger were left for the moment).\n\n23 October 1937\n\n1939/1940\n\nJoint Overseas and Home Defence Committee considered re-fortification or de-militarisation of Hong Kong, assuming that it took 90 days for the fleet to relieve Hong Kong. Bokhara Battery constructed.\n\n1940\n\nThe guns at Pottinger Battery removed.\n\nA Japanese military map shows the details of defence deployment at Devil's Peak. It states that for the Devil's Peak defence works, \"underground passages have been altered and barbed wire added.\"\n\n12 December 1941 During the early hours, the 5/7 Rajputs and 1 Mountain Battery took up positions at Devil's Peak. The six 3.7-inch howitzers of the 1st Mtn Bty fired 400 rounds at the advancing Japanese, who were at Black Hill.\n\nThe 5th Anti Aircraft Regiment also moved to Devil's Peak with 6 Lewis Guns\n\nAt 1800 hours, the garrison received orders to withdraw to Hong Kong Island. The evacuation took place the next morning.\n\nRollo, 1992, p.119\n\n2\n\nRollo, 1992, p.113\n\nRollo, 1992, p.120, p.201\n\nEmpson, 1992, p.146 (Plate 2-12)\n\nThe arcs of fire of Devil's Peak's batteries can be found in Rollo, 1992, at p.123\n\nRollo, 1992, p.130, p.171, 173\n\nPRO 16947\n\nPRO 17849\n\n15 December 1941\n\n13 December 1941 Coast defence batteries on Hong Kong Island shelled Devil's Peak, now in Japanese hands.\n\nPak Sha Wan Battery hit by Japanese light artillery fire from Devil's Peak.\n\nRollo, 1992, p.131\n\n18 December 1941\n\nPak Sha Wan Battery fired at Devil's Peak Village.\n\n1944\n\nA USAAF aerial photograph shows Hong Kong Island and Kowloon, including the Devil's\n\nRollo, 1992, p.133\n\nRollo, 1992, p.135\n\n132",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215989,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 288,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "222\n\nwhich reveal the diversities in missionary styles and traditions, review research materials available in volumes such as the following: Gerald H. Anderson, Robert T. Coote, Norman A. Homer, and James M. Phillips, eds., Mission Legacies: Biographical Studies of Leaders of the Modern Missionary Movement (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1994; see the articles on \"Mission\" and individual missionaries in Nigel M. de S. Cameron, David F. Wright, David C. Lachman, Donald E. Meek, eds., Dictionary of Scottish Church History and Theology (Edinburgh: T&T Clark Ltd., 1993); A Scott Moreau, Harold Netland, Charles Van Engen, eds., Evangelical Dictionary of World Missions (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 2000); and relevant articles in Scott W. Sunquist, David Wu Chu Sing, John Chew Hiang Chea, eds., A Dictionary of Asian Christianity (Grand Rapids, Michigan and Cambridge, U.K.: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 2001). For a recent article which places Legge into a broader context of missiological studies, consult Lauren Pfister, \"The Mengzian Matrix for Accommodationist Missionary Apologetics”, Monumenta Serica 50 (2002), pp. 1-25.\n\n5. See examples of this oversight in articles of the Chinese Repository (1831-1850), which was edited for most of its existence by the American missionary, Elijah Bridgman (Bei Zhiwen, 1801-1861), and the longer running Evangelical Magazine And Missionary Chronicle (below simply EMMC) edited from the 1820s to the 1850s by Legge's father-in-law, John Morison (c. 1795-1859). Special efforts in recent years have sought to correct this irregular normality in missionary literature and missionary studies, including more recently published works by Irene Eber on Bishop Joseph Schereschewesky, Michael Lazich on Elijah Bridgman, Jost Zetzsche on Chinese Bible translation and translators, and Lauren Pfister on James Legge's missionary career, as well as more general historical studies on Chinese Christians in English works by Carl T. Smith, Jessie Lutz, and Daniel Bays, as well as extensive Chinese studies in Hong Kong written by Lee Kam-keung, Timothy Wong Man-kong, Leung Ka-lun, and Ying Fuk-tsang. A new generation of younger scholars in mainland China are also writing new accounts of the early Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary histories, but while the Catholic studies often refer to the Chinese Christians involved, the Protestant studies are still largely hampered by lack of research into the Chinese converts, missionaries, and pastors during these earlier periods.\n\n6. The early History of Anglo-Chinese College has been the subject of a monograph by Brian Harrison, Waiting for China: The Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca, 1818-1843, and early Nineteenth Century Missions (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1981), and special biographical details about a number of students are found in Carl Smith's two major works, Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong; Oxford University Press, 1985) and A Sense of History: Studies in the Social and Urban History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Publishing Co., 1995). In these works Smith briefly describes among others the three Chinese students who joined Legge in an interview with Queen Victoria and Prince Albert in February 1848: Lee Kim Leen, Song Hoot Kiam, and Ng Mun Sow. See Chinese Christians, pp.82, 148-149 and A Sense of History, pp. 339ff. This event was memorialized in a painting of 1848 that later became part of a commemorative",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215999,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 298,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "232\n\nthe former found in CWM/South China/Personal/Legge/Box 5). There is no written record of Ho's sermons, but one could search certain passages of his commentaries to the Gospels of Matthew and Mark for suggestions.\n\n62. Both the cults of Guanyin and Guandi (or Guangōng) have been very popular in different periods of Chinese history, the former originally a Buddhist bodhisatva and the latter originally a military general made famous in the early Weijin period novel, Three Kingdoms, and later honoured as a warrior spirit. Devotion toward them both is still a regular feature of traditional Chinese practices. For initial information, see articles and cross references on Guanyin [Kuan-yin] and Guandi [Kuan-ti] in Jonathan Z. Smith, ed., The HarperCollins Dictionary of Religion (San Francisco: HarperCollins Pub., 1995), p. 647, and a fuller article involving the origins and reverence shown to Guanyin in Raoul Birnbaum, \"Avaloketsvara,\" Mircea Eliade, ed. The Encyclopaedia of Religion (Chicago: MacMillan Pub. Co., 1987), Vol. 2, pp. 11-14. See broader discussions about the influence of the cult of Guanyin in the past and present in John E. C. Blofeld, Bodhisatva of Compassion: The Mystical Tradition of Kuan Yin (Boston: Shambhal, 1988), Wen Guangxi, Guānshìyīn pusà běnjī yinyuán (The Causes of the Various Expedient Manifestations of the Bodhisattva Guānyin) (Hong Kong: Library of the Tripitaka Temple, 1986), Tay C. Y. (M. Zhèng Sēngyǐ), Guānyīn: Bàngè yǎzhōu de xìnyǎng (Guanyin: A Faith [Expressed throughout] Half of Asia) (Taipei: Hui Chu Pub., 1993). Recent studies on Guandi include Hong Shuling, Guangōng mínjiān zàoxíng zhī yánjiù: yǐ Guāngōng chuánshuō wèi zhōngxīn de kǎochá (Studies of the Models Of Guāngōng Found among the People: Investigations taking the Traditional Stories about Guāngōng as the Central Focus) (Taipei: Taiwan National University Pub. Co., 1995).\n\n63. \"Sabbath culture\" is a technical term I developed in Striving for \"The Whole Duty of Man\" in order to describe the Chinese Christian form of life which had been adopted and transformed from Scottish Dissenter precedents. It involved resting from all normal work on the Christian Sabbath, devoting oneself to church worship in Christian community for part of the day, and doing works of charity and witness at other times, whether with family, church friends, or by oneself.\n\n64. In his \"Reminiscences\" Legge tells how Ch'ea at first found the German missionaries being treated meanly by a group of local people, and so he rushed up to the crowd, yelling at them not to disturb them but to listen, because \"they are servants of the Most High God\". See Reminiscences, p. 15.\n\n65. See EMMC/MM 24 (February 1860), pp. 39-40.\n\n66. Days before Ch'ea's murder the two men were together again in a boat, and Legge noted how Ch'ea made it his personal goal to speak to each of the crew members about spiritual matters. His evangelistic approach was thorough and consistent, positively impressing Legge especially during the time when his own reappearance in Poklo was taken as a self-conscious risk (as will be described below). The very same zeal, however, was evaluated in very different terms by Ch'ea's enemies, See Legge, Ch'ea Kin Kwáng, typed manuscript, p. 6.\n\n67. When in the presence of the mandarin Wang, Legge and Chalmers spoke Cantonese, and this was assumably translated into either Mandarin or guanhua by Ch'ea (a more literary form of the Mandarin used among the Chinese gentry)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216060,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 359,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "293\n\nwas a young man of twenty just starting his lifelong career in China. In his Miscellanies he described how on his arrival at Hankou commanding the sailing lorcha, Hailong Wang [the Dragon King], he was paid off by the owners, the Mc Twins, who offered him a job as superintendent builder of a large hong [company office/warehouse] they intended erecting on the Bund. He accepted - as the Hailong Wang was laid up. However, as he actually wished to return to Shanghai to marry a local maiden, Zhu Wenjing, he took leave and in one statement he claimed that he sailed aboard the Huguang, a new beam-engine paddlewheel river steamer on her maiden voyage.\" In another he explained that he had left Hankou at the end of 1862 in charge of a cargo boat which was captured by the Taipings. This occurred when, having called at Zhenjiang on 1st or 3rd of November 1862 [his accounts vary], he was on his way to Shanghai in charge of a cargo boat, and was captured, with his crew, by the Taiping rebels, midstream, at Fu Shan Zhen. Mesny's colourful description of his time with the Taipings began with him being brought in chains before a senior Taiping who ordered him to ketou [kowtow]. Mesny wrote that he refused and that he only bowed to God. ‘So do we', cried the Taiping, and promptly ordered Mesny's release. Mesny continued his tale describing how the Senior Taiping had dined Mesny and offered him his daughter in marriage and the command of a Taiping vessel with the rank of vice-admiral. In another version elsewhere in his Miscellanies Mesny claimed to have been wounded twice during the capture and was at first badly treated by his captors. But once the Taiping discovered that he could play Chinese tunes on his four-octave flutina, their behaviour entirely altered. On a more credible note he was required to write to his employers in Shanghai demanding 100,000 Spanish Carolus dollars ransom.\n\nMesny was puzzled at the time why various senior Taiping officials should have vied to hold him their captive. It later transpired that at first these officials had not appreciated the power and capabilities of the foreign-led Chinese force [meaning the Ever-Victorious Army] sent against them; and when they did the Taiping officials' first act was to obtain and hold foreigners to prevent the violent wrath of the foreign-led force being brought down on them. One of the foreigners Mesny saw momentarily, also in Taiping hands, was Frank Phillip de la Cour, another Jerseyman, who had been taken whilst shipping arms.\n\nHaving managed to send a secret message to Shanghai that he was",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216107,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 406,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "340\n\nand the 1967 Riots. The former were sparked by a five-cent increase on the lower deck of the Star Ferry. Nevertheless, the root cause was largely the community's displeasure with social conditions, shortage of schools, housing, and the like. It was reported that in 1966 in the district of Tsz Wan Shan, in Kowloon, with a population then of 70,000, there was not a single telephone. The Kai Fong Association requested that at least a few public phones be installed. Soldiers marched down Nathan Road with fixed bayonets during the 1966 Riots. The protracted 1967 riots were a spill-over from the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China. Firecrackers were banned from then on. The military kept in the background during the 1967 Riots because of fear that China might react. The riots badly affected community stability and, in 1968, office space in Chung King Mansions, in Tsim Sha Tsui, was advertised at 60 cents a square foot.\n\nThe 1966 and 1967 riots were really a watershed. From then on, the government started to listen to the populace more. Social conditions improved, and Hong Kong started a process of de-colonisation. In 1972, government servants were instructed to use the word 'territory' rather than 'colony', other than in a historical context. The Colonial Cemetery became the Hong Kong Cemetery, and so on. A Hong Kong identity and a larger middle class began to form.\n\nIt is interesting to recall that the sparks which ignited the 1956, the 1966, and the 1967 riots all occurred in Kowloon. Hong Kong Island has generally been a more peaceful place. That was why, when I came to the colony in the mid-1950s and there was talk of building a cross-harbour tunnel or a bridge, some Hong Kong Island residents expressed fear, if this happened, of being 'swamped' by 'hordes' from Kowloon.\n\nCorruption\n\nCorruption had long been a serious concern in Hong Kong, and, as the Territory became richer, the problem became more serious. When a colleague of mine said there was a price for everything, our old boss soon shut him up. That was part of the trouble. Most Europeans did not appreciate the magnitude of the problem. I recall a Chinese girl telling me, in 1955, that her grandfather had been caught by a policeman smoking opium. The old man gave the copper $20, and the whole matter was conveniently forgotten about. Squeeze affected the Chinese",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216112,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 411,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "345\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nFROM THE BELGIAN JOURNAL AVIATION, VOLUME 2, NUMBER 14, MARCH 1946\n\n©TRANSLATION BY PAUL BOLDING\n\nGliding: How Louis de San beat the Asian duration and altitude records in Chungking, China, in 1940\n\nIn 1939, Louis de San set off for China to serve as a diplomat. A keen glider pilot, he was eager to taste the eastern thermal currents. When he set off in a Chinese glider, towed by a military plane, it was to be for a flight of more than four hours and set an Asian record. After the attack on Pearl Harbor, he managed to flee Hong Kong as the bombs fell, and to reach South Africa. There he joined the RAF and passed his examinations as an aeroplane pilot. Lieutenant de San then went to Congo, where he was based until the end of hostilities and undertook various missions and operations in Oxford and SV4 planes. This is his account of how he set the record in China:\n\nIt was 1940. For a year I had been in Chungking, wartime capital of the Chinese government. There was bombing day and night, crushing heat of more than 40 degrees, tension, loneliness... There were few distractions: one was being a spectator in the virtually hopeless struggle of the Chinese people, at war for two years. I travelled the country and spent hours watching the clouds, birds, weather conditions; I rapidly concluded that the good thermals had to be as numerous as fish in the Yangtse.\n\nI knew every corner of the area around Chungking. The town was a kind of peninsula, surrounded by two mighty rivers, the Yangtse and the Kialing. Thousands of dark roofs, large areas flattened by Japanese bombing, the immediate contrast of great expanses of water, and over it all leaden skies, more oppressive than the strongest sun in Coquilhatville1 or Lake Leopold II in Congo.\n\nWhere great gliding birds untiringly traced their spirals higher, there had to be powerful thermal currents. Above the town, above the white sandbanks emerging from the river, one saw from morning to",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216115,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 414,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "348\n\nregularly to eat a good curry),\n\nI see my embassy, tiny, great water reservoirs, the beginning of the magnificent Yangtse gorges, innumerable rice fields looking like contour lines, on a relief map. A splendid landscape in miniature, the kind the Chinese love for their gardens.\n\nI amuse myself by flying back and forth across the town. I go into crazy spirals opposite an American gunboat and climb in seconds, or so it seems, to 2,000 feet. There I decide to stop and wander about. I am worried about the Japanese who no doubt would come and bomb us and could well send a reconnaissance aircraft, which could easily come and shoot me down ... I am flying in Chinese military colours so I would be in the wrong.\n\nTowards 4:00 pm, I feel very tired. I have eaten my lunch, great nervous tension, since I have not flown for more than a year. Moreover, the seat is hard and the parachute is stifling me. I put out the braking flaps in order to descend and I realise that I have to dive at 90 degrees to lose height, so strong are the thermals in mid-river. I amuse myself for five or six minutes in doing turns right above the British Embassy and over the airfield, where I see thousands of Chinese. Finally, I put down at the end of the island in order not to land on the cranes. A perfect landing in 42 degrees of heat after a flight of four hours, 44 minutes.\n\nThe Asian duration and altitude records were broken at the first attempt. It was the first demonstration flight in China. That evening, the capital's newspapers gave the following news, in Chinese and English:\n\n\"New glider record registrated here, - Chungkin, April 25 (Central News). By remaining in the air for 4 hours and 44 minutes, M Louis de San, Belgian glider-flyer and honorary director of the Sino-French-Belgian Swiss Cultural Association, set a new endurance record for Asia to day. Flying a glider of the Aeronautical Affairs Commission, de San took off at 11:25 this morning. He gained an altitude of 5,700 feet.\"\n\nM",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216117,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 416,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "350 \n\n1. Louis de San addresses a conference on gliding in China in April 1940.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216118,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 417,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "2. Louis de San (left) before his record-breaking flight in Chungking. A note, apparently in his hand, on the reverse, dates this as 24 May 1940, suggesting the reference to April in the text may be wrong.\n\n351",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216119,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 418,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "3. Crowds gather around Louis de San's plane after his flight \n\n352",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216120,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 419,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "4. Louis de San stands above the Yangtse Gorge near Chungking in 1940\n\n353",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
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    {
        "id": 216121,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 420,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "235\n\n5. Louis de San in Grunau, Silesia, in 1938, where he learned to fly a glider\n\n354\n\nPage 420\n\nPage 421",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216123,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 422,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "356\n\n7. Louis de San photographed in Syria in 1988 by Paul Bolding",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216124,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 423,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "357\n\nMORE ON LOUIS DE SAN\n\nPAUL BOLDING\n\nYoung and keen for adventure, Louis de San was 29 in 1939 when he found himself in Chungking as a Belgian diplomat at the court of the nationalist Chinese government as the Japanese seized more and more of the country.\n\nThrough a family connection I met Louis de San in Syria in 1988 where he had retired and where he later died. I have recently acquired a fascinating letter he wrote to a friend from Chungking and some family photographs. In addition, his own recollection of how he set an Asian gliding altitude and duration record in Chungking in 1940 has been published.\n\nThe letter describes how he arrived in Hong Kong en route for his new post. 'I knew absolutely nothing about China. It took me three days to find out what was happening, buy supplies (bed linen, underwear, radio, wines and spirits etc) daily lunches and dinners, packing and repacking my stuff, making a thousand demarches, in short an absolute killer of a regime.'\n\nHe took the 900-tonne steamer Canton for Haiphong, a three-day journey. Hanoi he found ‘a small French provincial town replanted in Asia; the Japanese will find it easy to swallow it when it takes their fancy.' He caught a train to Kunming and waited there for a plane to Chungking. After five days, French fliers got him a place on a flight on a Douglas.\n\n'A lunar landscape with nowhere to land in case of accident; these poor planes are flying 10 or 12 hours a day!' he wrote of the trip.\n\nHe was immediately put to work by colleagues and the next day was at the French embassy when air raid sirens sounded.\n\n'In a few seconds, everyone was underground in the shelters with admirable discipline; then the wait with a note of anxiety and mystery... one did not know if one would still be alive minutes later... that lasted half an hour.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216125,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 424,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "358\n\n'Finally a heavy rumbling, very high, and we saw a number of Japanese planes, enough to reduce everything to dust as usual in V formation... then over the first houses of the suburbs they reform into a single line and take their time dropping their bombs.\n\n'A terrible to-do. Chinese anti-aircraft crews firing tracer shells, I shooting out of conviction, even though the enemy was at 3,000 metres... instead of filing into the shelter I remained with two reporters from Havas on a high point to be able to see everything.\n\n\"We counted 27 Japanese; the characteristic whine of misdirected fire makes us head for the shelter... we see more Japanese pass above us but without dropping anything .... four Chinese planes engage them in combat but without much enthusiasm. One doesn't find much of the heroism here that we have in bucketfuls in similar circumstances. The Chinese is a terrible individualist and doesn't give a damn for the fatherland.\n\n+\n\nEmerging later, Louis, a Belgian colleague and the French chargé d'affaires, the two journalists and a Chinese, found part of the city ablaze.\n\n'Fire was effectively burning in the area of the barracks of the seamen from a French gunboat; we had to go and see if we could help them,' wrote Louis de San to his friend.\n\nThey walked towards the river, taking two hours through the rambling suburbs of Chungking. He describes the Yangtse as three or four times as wide as the Scheldt at Antwerp, itself a mighty river. “We managed to borrow a sampan from a European ... we embarked two or three km upstream from where we wanted to cross to because of the strength of the current.\"\n\n'When we got to the middle of the river, a great Chinese steamer emerged from the darkness without lights, 20 metres away and steaming upstream. We rowers, instead of giving it our best shot, start to throw ourselves into the water. The big ship hits us with full force and extraordinary violence. I dived to avoid the collision but still got a terrible bang on the head.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216127,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 426,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "360 \n\ndate was April 25, 1940, but his contemporary annotation of photographs puts the date as May 24.\n\nConditions were perfect and there was no sign of the Japanese fighters which he feared could attack his plane - painted in Chinese military colours. Although at one point he lost altitude badly after dismissing his tow, he soon found the thermals and soared to 5,700 feet and stayed aloft for four hours 44 minutes, an Asian record.\n\nHe writes: 'I see my embassy, tiny, great water reservoirs, the beginning of the magnificent Yangtse gorges, innumerable rice fields looking like contour lines on a relief map. A splendid landscape in miniature, the kind the Chinese love for their gardens.'\n\nHe notes at one point flying over the Tutuila 'where I used to go for a good curry.' This U.S. Yangtse patrol boat with a displacement of 395 tons was marooned at Chungking by the Japanese occupation of areas down-river like Hankow. The USS Tutuila was bombed by the Japanese in July 1941, the first U.S. Navy ship damaged by Axis powers in World War Two. It was decommissioned in January 1942 and handed over to the Chinese in March under Lend-Lease and renamed Mei Yuan. One can imagine that in wartime Chungking, Europeans could be assured of a decent meal aboard a U.S. patrol boat that was more or less a permanent fixture at the quayside.\n\nPictures show Louis beside the machine with an air force pilot who was possibly the one who towed him up, and a few others nearby. Afterwards, massive crowds have gathered around Louis's plane to celebrate the record-breaking flight. He was justifiably proud of his achievement and maintained his interest in aviation, flying between subsequent diplomatic posts in a succession of small private planes.\n\nLouis de San was transferred to Hong Kong in 1941; on the eve of the attack on Pearl Harbor in December, he secured a berth on a freighter which took him and his wife to Ceylon and they passed the war in Africa. Louis de San held various diplomatic posts for Belgium, ending in Damascus in the 1970s. He died in 1995.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216152,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 451,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "385\n\nINTRODUCING THE CONSERVATION SECTION OF THE HONG KONG GOVERNMENT\n\nPAUL HARRISON1\n\nI am sure most members of HKBRAS regularly attend Hong Kong's museums and libraries. They might, however, not be familiar with all the work that goes on behind the scenes to make these institutions effective.\n\nOne group of specialists are the conservators. The author is employed as a conservator and is a life member of the HKBRAS. He is one of a team of thirty-five specialists who work at laboratories at the Museums of Art, Heritage and History, the Film Archive and the Central Library. These are further divided into ten specialist teams, to work on the many varied materials that these institutions collect. There is another similar team at the Public Records Office to conserve the Government's archives.\n\nA question that the author is often asked is 'What did you study to be able to do this?' The answer is that he has a B.Sc. in Archaeological Conservation, and an M.Sc. in Ancient Metal Working Techniques from University College London, and, accordingly, works in the Metals team. The other teams are Archaeology, Ceramics/Stone, Central Library, Film Archive, Historical Documents, Organic Materials, Paper, Photographs and Textiles/Natural History.\n\nThe other, curatorial, members of the section are locally employed chemistry graduates who after serving an apprenticeship at a museum head overseas to study a conservation discipline. Previously they all went to UCL too. Now people have been to Canberra University, Australia; the Canadian Conservation Institute, Rochester, New York, USA for Film Conservation; De Montfort University, Lincoln, England, and Southampton University for textile conservation; and Camberwell, London to study paper conservation. But training is a life-long experience and experienced conservators are sent on short training courses, overseas, to expand the skills base of the section.\n\nAnother question that I sometimes get is 'Can you do carbon-14 dating?'",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216202,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 501,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "435\n\nVISITING ST JOHN'S ISLAND\n\nPETER STUCKEY AND CHRIS BAILEY\n\nIntroduction\n\nSt John's Island is about 160 kms WSW of Hong Kong. It is about the size of Lantau Island and is the largest of the Chuan Shan Islands which form part of Tai Shan County. The adoption of the name St John's Island appears to be through anglicisation of the Chinese name for the island, variously spelt as \"Shang Chuan Island\" on current Chinese maps, or as \"Sancian\". \"Ilhas de San Joao\" or \"St Jean\" Island on older western maps. Our interest in visiting the island was aroused by the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society's visit to Goa in January 2001. There, in the Basilica of Bom Jesus, in Old Goa, we had seen the preserved remains of St Francis Xavier. His corpse is displayed in an elaborate glass-sided, silver ornamented casket that rests high up on a Florentine marble mausoleum. St Francis, we learnt, had died on St John's Island on the night of 2/3 December 1552, aged 46.\n\nIn view of the local interest two visits were made by members of the HK Branch, one travelling “independently\" and the other through an organised China Travel Services guided tour. Here follow their accounts of the visits.\n\nIndependent travel\n\nTwo Branch members, Rocky Dang and myself, Peter Stuckey, went to the Island on 20th and 21st October 2001. We took a Chu Kong Shipping (CKS) ferry from the China Hong Kong ferry terminal in Tsim Sha Tsui, to Xin Hui, leaving at 8:45 a.m. The ferry passes between Macau and Taipa and then follows up the river system past the Yamen Fort to Xin Hui for a fare of HKD 188. At Xin Hui we took a short taxi ride to visit the \"Bird's Paradise.\" Here egrets fly over a huge banyan tree. The tree is reputed to be 500 years old. It extends to cover over a hectare with many trunks formed from the aerial roots descending from the branches of the single organism. Similar trees exist in the Botanical Gardens in Calcutta and in Phimai in NE Thailand.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216204,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 503,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "437\n\nAssociation on 3 December 1999. Behind the church over 100 steps led up to a tall statue of St Francis Xavier. Beside the steps were 14 stone posts bearing Chinese numbering and inscription. The pedestal of the statue bears worn inscriptions in Chinese and Portuguese - ‘Aqui foi sepultado S. Fran.co Xavier da Comp.a de Jesus, Alpo do Oriente. Este Padrao se levantou no anno de 1639.'\n\nThe current caretaker, Mr Lam, took over in 1996 from a Christian caretaker aged 86, who had cared for the church since 1984. We had the pleasure of meeting this delightful old man in the village beside the church. The current caretaker suggested that for further information we could contact the Religious Affairs Dept. of Tai Shan Municipal Government on Tel 075 552 5980.\n\nWe returned to the port for a good seafood lunch. The ferry arrived a little late but took us safely back to Shen Ju in good time for us to hire a taxi to Zhuhai. There we crossed the border to Macau and enjoyed our dinner accompanied by a bottle of good Portuguese wine, and a toast to the memory of St Francis.\n\nA visit assisted by China Travel Service\n\nBy chance, in June 2001, I (Chris Bailey) had read an article in HK Magazine about the Jesuit-run Xavier Retreat House on Cheung Chau - dedicated to the missionary Saint Francis-Xavier. The article quoted the resident priest, Father Kane, as follows: \"Xavier was one of the founding members of the Jesuits, and came to Asia in 1542. He was a tough guy, a trailblazer and died very near to Hong Kong, on an island about 60 miles west of Macau. His letters describe travelling from Japan and trying to get to Guangzhou, and stopping somewhere nearby to get fresh vegetables and water. There is one historian who theorizes that he stopped at the Old Port in Hong Kong. In any case, he must have passed through Hong Kong waters and seen the islands here. So I stand here (in the Xavier Retreat House) and see what he saw over 400 years ago It's very private, on top of a hill and overlooking the sea. It's a very beautiful sight.”\n\nThis information inspired me to speak to Father Kane who said he knew the island well, had been there several times via Macau and that there was a non-active church dedicated to Francis Xavier, built close",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216284,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 43,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "Hong Kong Museum of Coastal Defence\n\nArchery traditions of Asia. [Xianggang]: Xianggang hai fang bo wu guan, c2003.\n\nHong Kong Museum of History\n\nBoundless learning: foreign-educated students of modern China. [Xianggang]: Xianggang li shi bo wu guan, c2003.\n\nHong Kong Museum of History\n\nBrief guide to Hong Kong Museum of History. Xianggang: Shi zheng ju, c1991.\n\nHong Kong Museum of History\n\nNapoleon Bonaparte: emperor & man. Hong Kong: Leisure and Cultural Services Department, 2003.\n\nInternational Conference on Sinology (3rd: 2000 : Taipei, Taiwan) Guo jia, shi chang yu mai luo hua'de zu qun (State, market and ethnic groups contextualize). Taibei Shi: Zhong yang yan jiu yuan li shi yu yan yan jiu suo, Minguo 92 [2003].\n\nInternational Conference on Sinology (3rd: 2000 : Taipei, Taiwan) Xin yang, yi shi yu she hui (Belief, ritual and society). Taibei Shi: Zhong yang yan jiu yuan li shi yu yan yan jiu suo, Minguo 92 [2003].\n\nLitmaath, Joop B.M.\n\nFar East of Amsterdam. Hong Kong: Corporate Communications Ltd., 2003.\n\nMacGillivray, D.\n\nA century of Protestant missions in China (1807-1907) being the Centenary Conference historical volume. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Centre, c1979.\n\nMacau on the threshold of the third millennium: an international symposium, co-organized by the Macau Ricci Institute and the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China, Hong Kong. Macau: Macau Ricci Institute, c[2003].\n\nxliii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216286,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 45,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "Smimoff, George\n\nSafe harbour: commemorative centennial exhibition of Porto Seguro. Macau: Museu de Arte de Macau, 2003,\n\nSwalek, Catherine Crutchfield\n\nPeony Pavilion onstage: four centuries in the career of a Chinese drama. Ann Arbor: Centre for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 2002.\n\nShakir, M.H.\n\nThe Holy Qur'an. Qom I.R. Iran: Foundation of Islamic Cultural Propagation in the World, [n.d.].\n\nTse Liu, Frances\n\nHo Kom-tong: A Man For All Seasons, with contributions by Terese Tse Bartholomew... [et al.]; edited by Frances McDonald. Hong Kong: Compradore House Ltd., c2003.\n\nTung Wan Tsai: a bronze age and Han Period coastal site. [Hong Kong: Antiquities and Monuments Office, c1995].\n\nNEW JOURNALS\n\nThe Siam Society\n\nJournal of the Siam Society\n\nNational History Bulletin\n\nxlv\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216306,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "in 2005. The government has described this as the 'jewel in the crown,' to benefit the economy and tourism in Hong Kong.\n\n• See K. Sinclair, Farewell Sai Kung, welcome fun zone. South China Morning Post, October 24, 1999; A. So, Sai Kung leisure garden' plan. South China Morning Post, December 3, 2000.\n\n\"More information can be found at: www.info.gov.hk/planning/studies/sent/sent_e/final_e.htm\n\n* See D. Faure, Saikung, The Making of the District and its Experience during World War II. Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 22 (1983): 161-216; The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1986).\n\n* See R. Gee, Sha Lo Tung. In P. H. Hase & E. Sinn eds., Beyond the Metropolis: Villages in Hong Kong. (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing Company, 1995), pp. 131-155.\n\nSee C. P. Gurung and M. De Coursey, The Annapurna Conservation Area Project: A Pioneering Example of Sustainable Tourism? In E. Cater & G. Lowman eds., Ecotourism: A Sustainable Option? (Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, 1994), pp. 180.\n\nGurung and De Coursey (1994), pp. 184.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216377,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 136,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "85\n\nGraveson, R. H. and Crane. F. R., A Century of Family Law. 1957.\n\nLondon: Sweet & Maxwell Ltd.\n\nKing, Paul. 1980. In the Chinese Customs Service - A personal record of forty-seven years.\n\nNew York and London: Garland Publishing, Inc.\n\nLittle, Lester K. 1975. Introduction in Fairbank, John K, Bruner, Katherine F, Matheson, Elizabeth M. 1975. eds. The I.G. in Peking - Letters of Robert Hart, Chinese Maritime Customs 1868-1907. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.\n\nMcCusker, John J. 2003. “Comparing the Purchasing Power of Money in the United States (or Colonies) from 1665 to 2002.” Economic History Services, 2003, URL: http://www.eh.net/hmit/ppowerusd/.\n\nSmith, Richard J, Fairbank, John K, Bruner, Katherine F. 1991. eds. Robert Hart and China's Early Modernisation - His Journals, 1863-1866. Cambridge and London: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University.\n\nWang, Hongbin. 2000. He De Jue Shi Zhuan - Da Qing Hai Guan Yang Zong Guan. (The Biography of Sir Robert Hart - The Foreign I.G. of Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs) Beijing: Culture and Arts Press.\n\nWright, Stanley F. 1950. Hart and The Chinese Customs. Belfast: WM. Mullan & Son (Publishers) Ltd.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Transcribed by Deirdre Wildy, 18 September 2003\n\n2 Transcribed by Lan Li and Deirdre Wildy, 15 August 2003\n\n3 It is supposed that Hart had made Declaration 1 as a legal document, as in his letter to Campbell dated 11 August 1905 he added a post script dated 19 August - the same date that Declaration I was written: \"Yours 7th July received: herewith cover with statement for Murray Hutchins.\" (Fairbank, Bruner and Matherson 1975: 25, 1479) Murray, Hutchins & Co. was Hart's private solicitor, in Declaration I he mentioned: \"The children were sent to England and it was arranged that W. Hutchins my lawyer should take charge of them...\" Transcribed by Deirdre Wildy, 18 September 2003\n\n* In Declaration 1 Hart wrote: \"Anna died some seventeen years ago\". In his letter to Campbell on 8 July 1906, he wrote: \"The enclosed from Mr. Anderson, announcing the death of a former ward, Herbert Hart, has just reached me here through the Legation.\" (Fairbank, Bruner and Matheson 1975: 1513) \"Gertrude Bell in her diary on 5 May 1903 recorded that she went to Sir Robert",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216444,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 203,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "153\n\nrecruit Chinese labour for the South African mines had been discussed and taken before the outbreak of the war).\n\nNOTES\n\ni The Russian's naval port at Port Arthur was built beside the small Chinese town of Qingniwa now part of greater Dalian (called Dalny by the Russians). The Chinese town was known to the Russians as either the Chinese town or the Old Town.\n\nii Mukden was Fengtian in Qing times; also Shengjing.\n\nThis consisted of revolutionary agitation, with strikes, riots and mutinies in the army and navy - including the mutiny on the Potemkin in Odessa in June 1905.\n\niv The IG In Peking: Vol. II: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press: 1971: Hart's Letter 1319 of 28 February 1904\n\n* Ernest Brindle: With Russian, Japanese and the Chunchuse - The Experiences of an Englishman during the Russo-Japanese War: John Murray: London: 1905 (A number of observations provided by Brindle have also been quoted within this article)\n\nv Sakuya Takahashi: International Law Applied to the Russo-Japanese War: Stevens and Sons, Ltd: London: 1908 - Chapter IV: Section I\n\nvii Newchwang [(Niuzhuang) is a town some 30 miles inland and connected by the River Liao with its port, formerly Port Newchwang, and known to the Chinese as Yingkou. Newchwang had been a Treaty Port with Western resident businessmen and missionaries since 1861.\n\nviii Some four months after the outbreak of the war foreign newspaper correspondents were complaining that neither the Russians nor the Japanese allowed them to see much of what was going on. Both belligerents claimed that war was too serious an affair to let plans be spoiled by correspondents. Japanese reports were considered more reliable and Russian accounts were not taken seriously.\n\nix [C]hun[c]huse was probably the Russian romanisation for Hong Huzi.\n\nx Shao Yuchun: Minzu Lao Yingxiong - Wang Delin: (Wang Delin, Old Hero): in Tan Yi [ed] Dongbei Kangri Yiyongjun Renwuzhi: Vol 2: 1981\n\nxi Mancall and Jidkoff: Les Honghuzi de la Chine du Nord-Est: 1970\n\nxii War in the East: Virtue and Co.: London: Volume VI\n\nxiii International Law Applied to the Russo-Japanese War: Chapter IV: Section II\n\nxiv Illustration in Japan's Fight for Freedom H.W. Wilson: The Amalgamated Press: London: 1905 - Volumes I and II.\n\nxv * Hart's letter No. 1387 dated 29 October 1905",
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