[ { "id": 204315, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n79\n\nBut this does not explain satisfactorily the record in the Mahavaipulya Mahasamnipata-sutra (李大集遺設堂訴言),21 in Catur-maharaja (四大天王), which maintains that each maharaja has ninety-one sons, but gives no names. And this does not explain the case (in the Janavasabha suttanta22 in chüan 5 of the Dirghagama) of the other god who, because of his accumulated merits would be re-born after his death as a son of Vaisravana in the Caturmaharajakayika (四大天王部). In the Buddha Preaching Jên-hsien Ching (作請人軟訣),* (AB jên-hsien being the Chinese translation for rsi jina) concerning the future of King Bimbisara (望界藤王), it is alleged that he would be re-born as the son of Vaisravana,\n\nPerhaps such confusion would explain why the author of the Fêng-shên, though knowing a good many of the Tantric legends, and adopting (in Ch.99 of the novel)23 the Chinese names for the four heavenly kings as \"Protectors of the Tripitaka and the Country, and Regulators of Wind and Rain\", abandoned the use of the name of Tu Chien and, in order to make his name conform to those of his younger brothers, invented Chin-cha (\"金吳), as the name of the eldest son of Li Ching. Chin-cha, though his origin does not appear in any reliable records, may, I suspect, come from the Tantric dharanis. Also, I have found in Act 1 of the anonymous play, Yüeh-ming Ho-shang Tu Liu-ts'ui (月明和尚堂留利清)24 of the Yuan dynasty, the following words chanted by a priest:\n\nAn! Ch'ih ling Chin-cha, Chin-cha, Sêng Chin-cha, Wo chin wei ju chieh Chin-cha, Chung pu wei ju chieh Chin-cha, An!\n(Listen! I am speaking of Chin-cha. Chin-cha, monk Chin-cha, I come to release you from Chin-cha, not to tie you up with Chin-cha. Listen! 哈！我今為你解金吳, 终不為你縋金吳。哈！)\n\nSince the author of the Fêng-shên was interested in both Buddhism and Taoism and is proved to have known many plays and other works of popular literature, he might have made use of materials such as those quoted above, in his creation of his characters.\n\n3. A LUMP OF FLESH WAS BORN\n\nThe story of No-cha's mother giving birth to him, in Ch.12 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i is as follows:\n\nLi Ching's wife, née Yin, had been pregnant for three years and six months, so he became very much vexed at it.\n\nThe wife dreamed one night at three strokes of the watch\n\n21 No. 397, translated by Dharmaraksa.\n\n22 Tseng-chang, Kuang-mu, To-wên, Ch'ih-kuo, see No. 665, Suvana-prathasa Sutta Sutra (Chin-kuang-ming Tsui-shêng-wang Ching 金光明最膤王訣), 11 & 12.\n\n*9*", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "EXCAVATIONS AT MAN KOK TSUI\n\n105\n\nrunning east to west watered by a small spring-fed stream, and is protected by rocky promontories and steep hillsides. The beaches are raised beaches. That is: behind the present-day beaches there are raised sandy terraces marking an old sea level. This geological feature is common on the western side of the Colony and is typical of the beaches where Neolithic remains have been found. At Man Kok Tsui the numerous surface finds of impressed pottery sherds and stone artifacts were widely dispersed over the two raised terraces, the central valley and the surrounding hill slopes. In August 1958 the Team planned and carried out a series of excavations with the aid of a grant of money from the Government of Hong Kong. The technical details of the Team's work have been reported in a paper by Professor S. G. Davis and Miss Mary Tregear.\n\nThe central valley and some of the lower hill slopes at Man Kok Tsui were then under cultivation and therefore finds in these areas had to be regarded as surface finds, giving us no useful information apart from the quantity and the quality of their workmanship. When trial trenches were dug some of the uncultivated hilltops revealed evidence of earlier cultivation, although there was no official record of habitation at Man Kok Tsui before 1927. Again, such disturbance meant that finds from these trenches were to be considered as surface finds. A more hopeful spot was found after careful survey—a series of low hillslopes rising fairly steeply from the sea to the north of the stream mouth. The present villagers had been cutting into the hills to expand their vegetable fields and discovered several whole pots and some fine unbroken stone rings. It was here that the five main trenches were planned and dug. No traces of earlier cultivation or disturbance were noted and the majority of the finds were uncovered at a depth of between 2 and 3 feet. But there was no stratification observable in any of the trench sections, no animal or human remains were found and no definite plan or arrangement of pots or stone artifacts emerged from the excavations.\n\nTHE FINDS:\n\nThere were three categories of artifact uncovered at Man Kok Tsui: bronze, stone and pottery.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "EXCAVATIONS AT MAN KOK TSUI\n\n107\n\nThe impressed designs on the pottery were geometric and appeared to have been stamped onto the pot with a die or paddle as over-printing was often noted. The patterns on the soft pots differed from those on the hard pots being, on the whole simpler and cruder. A 'string' pattern, running vertically up the sides of the pot and overprinting in criss-cross on the base was the commonest on the soft pottery, and 'zig-zag chevron' and basket-like designs also occurred. On the hard pottery the commonest pattern was a 'net' design of differing fineness, which sometimes covered the whole pot or was used in conjunction with one of the more elaborate hard pot designs: and 'lozenge', 'circle', and 'double-f' motifs; or with horizontal parallel lines, and the pricked stitch pattern described by Fr. Finn.\n\n4\n\nMany of the hard pots had, either on the base or the lip, a distinctive incised mark of dots or parallel lines—perhaps a potter's or owner's mark. None of these marks were alike.\n\nOne spindle whorl made of stone and two made of pottery were found in the central valley at Man Kok Tsui, also many roughly fashioned rings of stone and pottery which may have been used as weights for fishing nets.\n\nCONCLUSIONS:\n\n44\n\nAlthough it is known that the sea level was higher and that primary forest covered the Colony in prehistoric times, it seems reasonable to suppose that the factors making an area desirable for settlement (for example: a reliable source of fresh water, shelter from the worst prevailing weather, good landing beaches for small boats, etc.) would still apply in historic times and up to the present day. This limits the possibility of undisturbed and \"diggable\" sites in Hong Kong, as many existing villages may be built on top of older settlements. We were lucky enough to find at Man Kok Tsui remains of a Neolithic culture, over-laid with very few traces of later habitation and to have a record of the cultivation and settlement of the valley in recent years. In spite of this little information was gained about where or how the people lived, except what could be gleaned from their tools and pottery—the fine workmanship in stone, the few pieces of bronze, the fish-hook, the presumptive net weights and spindle whorls. The heavy rains and high humidity of this area, and the acid nature of the soil may account for the complete absence of traces of animal and human bones, clothing and dwellings.\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204908, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERY\n\n11\n\nfound. The explanation for this is that this part of South China has been rising relative to sea level. This positive rise is connected with isostasy and eustatic movements of the oceans that cause cycles of submergence and emergence. Assuming a rise of one foot every hundred years then, Hong Kong in the last 2,500 years has risen 25 feet,\n\nDr. Heanley and his friend Mr. Walter Schofield, a government administrator, gathered a large and varied collection of celts from Kowloon, Cheung Chau and Lantau Island. Examination of this collection by experts soon established that they were not just freaks of nature but definite human artifacts. Since Heanley's first notification, other workers have found them in practically every part of the Colony, and contrary to his belief that they were principally found on granite hills, they have been found often in abundance on every other rock outcrop represented in the area — especially volcanic rock. It may be that because of the extreme susceptibility of granite to erosion, which causes 'badland country' with thin or no vegetation cover, the celts can be seen more easily,\n\nIncluding the places mentioned by Dr. Heanley, celts can still be found in the fields, on raised beaches or on low hills at Tai Wan, Hung Shing Ye, Yung Shu Wan, Aberdeen, Tai Po, Castle Peak, San Hui, So Kun Wat, Tsun Wan, Shatin, Shataukok, Man Kok Tsui, Ha Tsuen, Sheung Shui, Shek Pik, Sai Kung, Lai Chi Chung, Sok Ku Wan, Fanling and Kau Sai Chau.\n\nMuch is owed to Dr. Heanley, Mr. Schofield and Professor J. L. Shellshear, who was head of the Anatomy Department in the University of Hong Kong, for their conscientious and patient work in combing the Colony for other archaeological remains and sites after the celts had been identified. I have been told by our Vice-President, Sir Lindsay Ride, who knew all three intimately and often accompanied them on their field trips, that they were superbly energetic and covered tremendous distances in a day at great speed. Only fit and enthusiastic walkers could hope to last a whole day with them. They located several prehistoric sites, the most notable being So Kun Wat, Shek Pik and those at the northwest end of Lamma Island.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204911, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "S. G. DAVIS\n\nthe work he very quickly graduated to a well-informed archaeologist capable of making shrewd observations and comparisons.\n\nAltogether, Father Maglioni mapped and recorded twenty-one principal sites and nine others where odd fragments of pottery were picked up. And here it is important to note that all the remains were collected from the surface and that no excavations were ever carried out. It would therefore seem reasonable to assume (on the basis of our experience in Hong Kong, especially at Lamma, Shek Pik, Man Kok Tsui and Fanling) that re-examination of the Hoifung sites with spot digs could be most revealing and fruitful. Perhaps this may be possible one day,\n\nFather Maglioni in his report (16) on the Hoifung District underlined and confirmed many of the conclusions reached by Dr. Heanley and Father Finn: principally that all the sites were either on raised beaches or low granite hills and that the absence of building remains pointed to their having been built of clay and wood (probably as at Tai O today on piles) and therefore easily and quickly disintegrated by weathering and typhoon attrition. He also concluded that all sites are neolithic with a strong reservation that the use of the term \"neolithic\" might be misleading. This was because he recognized distinctly different cultures present. In order to identify them he used the capital letters of the largest villages near the sites; SOW, SOS, PAT, KEB and SAK. Dr. Heanley in a letter (11) to Father Maglioni also was emphatic that the term \"neolithic\" should not be used for Asia. He felt that polished stones were almost certainly in common use in Hong Kong until iron became cheap and abundant.\n\nOn the basis of European usage of the terms \"palaeolithic\" and \"neolithic\" it seems that there is no solid evidence of a pure palaeolithic culture being present. But many palaeolithic artifacts have been found both in Hong Kong and Hoifung and presumably were used by the later neolithic peoples.\n\nFather Maglioni noted that villages were usually located on the western hill slopes below the summit. This village siting is paralleled in Hong Kong and was done to provide shelter from the strong northeast monsoon winds. He also reported that \"Double-F\" pottery was not much in evidence in Hoifung. He concluded that this type of pottery had been imported from Hong Kong by sea.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204952, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE\n\n53\n\nThe fact that these four traditional categories have names which often bear no relationship to the actual tone contours in a modern dialect should in no way detract from their great usefulness as standard labels. The desire to put descriptive names on each group for each dialect may have some pedagogical justification but results in unnecessary profusion of terminology when used in cross-dialect study.\n\nThe consonants of KS are:\n\nLabials\n\nDentals\n\nPalatals\n\nVelars\n\nUnaspirated stopsAspirated stops\npph\ntth\ncch\nkkh\n\nNasalsmnngs\nSpirantsfsh\nLaterall\n\nThe phonetic values for these consonants in all linguistic environments are similar to those of SC with the exception of /k/ before /u/ where the pronunciation is that of a well-rounded laryngeal stop [q\"], and /-at/ which is commonly [-a'] in rapid speech.\n\nExamples of the consonants are:\n\n/pa3/ ‘a handle'\n\n/tol/ 'many'; /pet4/ 'north'\n\n/cit5/ 'to meet'\n\n/kai4/ 'expensive'; /luk2/ 'deer'\n\n/pha4/ 'to fear'\n\n/thui3/ 'thigh'\n\n/chiu2/ 'tide'\n\n/khei2/ 'flag'\n\n/mun2/ 'door'\n\n/lin6/ 'to think of'\n\n/lung2/ 'farmer'\n\n/fen1/ 'a division'\n\n/sau1/ 'to repair'\n\n/hui1/ 'to open'\n\n/lui5/ 'long time'\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "120\n\nOLD BRITISH KOWLOON\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nOn 19 January 1861 a ceremony took place at Tsim Sha Tsui, a village on the Chinese mainland directly opposite the British Colony of Hong Kong. On that day a mandarin of the provincial government at Canton handed over a paperful of soil in token of the cession of the Kowloon peninsula to Great Britain. In this way a tiny fraction of Chinese territory passed under British rule.\n\nIt is not the object of this article to give a comprehensive account of the development of Old British Kowloon as the area became known after 1898 when another treaty transferred the adjoining area of Chinese territory to England; for this could not be done within the confines of a short article. Rather, it is my intention to give a short description of the peninsula and then to turn to a more detailed examination of some of its villages, with special reference to the origins of the settlers, their way of life, and their local institutions.\n\nWhat was the Kowloon peninsula like in 1861 when it passed under British rule? A contemporary description reads:\n\n44\n\nThe land may be briefly described as being about 2,366 yards in length and 966 in breadth: its surface being extremely rugged from the presence of numerous small hills divided by ravines and patches of marshes and rice fields; rocky and precipitous on its southern and eastern shores and gradual shelving off on its western one to a fine sandy beach.\n\nA good idea of the unpromising terrain may be had from a drawing by Lieut. Collinson made from the Kowloon foothills behind Kowloon City about fifteen years earlier (see the illustration to this article).\n\nA specialised account of the newly acquired territory was sent home to the British Government. This was the report of the Anglo-Chinese Land Commission of April 1862. Due to the\n\nThe author is an administrative officer in the Hong Kong Government service.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205170, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "OLD BRITISH KOWLOON\n\n121\n\nunreliable information concerning land tenure in the ceded area received from the Chinese district authorities the British commissioners requested them to issue a proclamation calling on the proprietors and renters of land to surrender their title deeds for examination. This was done, and in the commissioners' words \"deeds of all kinds poured in\". On comparing these with the lists already furnished by the Chinese district magistrate little or no agreement existed. Moreover the commissioners considered that there was every reason to believe that the whole of the deeds were not in; particularly those of mortgage. An attempt to enquire into boundaries made it clear that the greater part of the inhabitants were squatters of longer or shorter periods who were consequently unwilling to give much information respecting their holdings. The largest group of deeds handed in for inspection pertained to these squatters, and the commissioners described them as:\n\nan extraordinary collection of sub-leases, mortgages, and unstamped documents, ... called white deeds. So numerous, complicated and unintelligible were these, and many of them so new in appearance, that the Commissioners concluded most of them had been manufactured for the occasion\".\n\nThere were many cross-claims of all kinds and after the most careful investigation they could make the commissioners came to the opinion that the actual rights of owners, lessees, mortgagees or cultivators could only be ascertained as the land was required for use, portion by portion.\n\nTen villages were named in the report. The houses in six of them were listed and valued. This was not considered necessary in the case of the other four which were situated in the inland portion of the peninsula and were not of immediate concern to government.\n\nThe population of Kowloon, then calculated at 5105 persons, was thus composed of diverse elements. This was recognised in the proclamation made by the Hong Kong Government on 24 March 1860 on first taking possession of Tsim Sha Tsui. It reads:\n\nBe it known to you that all the old inhabitants of this site, who are indeed orderly people, will be allowed to live there for the present and follow their various occupations as heretofore, but no new comers will be\n\n**\n\n+\n\n·", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205187, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "OLD BRITISH KOWLOON\n\n137\n\n50 The Hong Kong Blue Books for 1904 onwards list Basel Mission out-stations at Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island and at To Kwa Wan, Sham Shui Po and Kowloon Tong in Kowloon. It is not certain when the Sham Shui Po station was opened as The China Mission Hand Book p. 279 lists two out-stations from Hong Kong but does not give their names. The earlier Blue Books are not much help.\n\n51 Hung Hom, Tai Kok Tsui and Mong Kok Tsui had their docks and in Sessional Papers 1899, p. 482 Tai Kok Tsui is described as \"an industrial area\".\n\n52 This study was hampered by the fact that no early land records appear to have survived for the group of villages described in this article. The only information I have been able to obtain, besides evidence from maps, relates to squatter licenses. A list for 1896, which appears in Sessional Papers 1897, p. 203, includes Ho Man Tin (37), Tai Shik Kwu (1) and Mong Kok (57).\n\nL\n\n+\n\nAddenda\n\nI ought not to leave this subject without mentioning the bad feeling between Hakkas and Cantonese in British Hong Kong which was the legacy of the disturbed times during the Taiping rebellion. Mayers, Dennys and King, the authors of The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (London and Hong Kong, 1867) state that fights between Hakka and Punti were common in British Hong Kong and that many Hakka labourers had come to Hong Kong with vivid memories of ill-treatment in their native place. It seems that these fights were not confined to immigrant labourers with scores to settle. Eitel records that for several days in August 1862 \"the peninsula of Kowloon presented the novel aspect of an animated battle field, as the Punti inhabitants of the neighbouring villages were engaged in a bloody warfare with the Hakka settlers at Tsim Sha Tsui\". A previous engagement, presumably between the same people, occurred in the same place in August 1859 when hostilities lasted two days though \"little damage was done beyond a few knife wounds\". We are told that \"The Hakkas remained masters of the situation\" (Dennys etc. p. 84). At that time, according to this source, the Puntis \"have an intense antipathy to the Hakkas\" (p. 19). It is interesting that this is reflected in the fact that the Canton Coolie Corps which assisted our army in the Second Chinese War 1857-60 was recruited in Hong Kong entirely from among Hakkas. See W. Stanton The Triad Society, Hong Kong, Kelly & Walsh 1900, p. 26.\n\nFurther to the early descriptions of Yau Ma Ti given in the text I have since come across another in Sessional Papers 1888, p. 103, in which it is stated that \"the boatmen and fishermen who have hitherto constituted the residents of Yau Ma Ti are gradually becoming outnumbered by town people and artizans (sic) from Hong Kong who are attracted to Yau Ma Ti by the lower rents charged them for house accommodation\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205399, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "154\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n1626 the Manchus were stopped in their tracks at Ning-yüan by the foreign artillery. But this setback was not to last very long. They saw the usefulness of these weapons and set about casting some themselves. These proved effective in the conquest of the northern frontier (1643-44) and in the years to follow as their armies plunged on down across both the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers to Kwangtung and Kweichow.\n\nColumbia University\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nNOTES\n\n1 In this I have consulted Mr. C. N. Tay of the American Museum of Numismatics, New York City.\n\n2 The inscription on the cannon is given below. This cannon was found lying on open ground in the Tsiu Keng sub-district in the northern part of the New Territories. It was reported by Mr. R. E. dos Remedios, Senior Land Assistant in the District Office, Taipo in August 1966. The cannon was completely exposed and must have been in this condition for a long time. It is not clear how it came to be there.\n\n* This cannon, which was mentioned in passing in the note on the Tung Chung Fort, at p. 148 of Vol. 4 of the Journal (1964), was dredged from the sea in 1956, either from Kowloon Bay in the course of work on the extension to Hong Kong airport or from Fat Tong Mun (otherwise called Joss House Bay) in the approaches to Hong Kong Harbour—sources differ. It is now mounted with a plaque in Chinese and English outside the Central Government Offices (East Wing), Hong Kong. It was heavier than the one recently discovered; 300 catties as compared with 300 catties. The Chinese inscription, which is much the same, is also given below.\n\n4 An insight into the happenings of these troubled times is preserved in the family record of the Tsui (徐) clan formerly of Shek Pik on Lantau island, to which their ancestor had removed in the 16th Century. The family came from Mong Ngau Tun (望牛墩) in Tung Kwun district (東莞) where they had settled in the Sung dynasty from Kiangsi province. There was fighting in Tung Kwun against the Manchus after their success in the North. The record which gives no precise date for this occurrence, though it must have been within a few years of the change of dynasty in 1644 — reads\n\n—\n\nSau Yeung-kap, a civil officer, and Li Shing-tung, a general, instigated an uprising against the new dynasty in Tung Kwun. As the revolt gathered momentum, oxen and horses were killed for food, and rice and corn became as expensive as pearls. For miles, one could see nothing animate; the fields were covered with dead bodies. In some places, human flesh was eaten by the starving people, and piles of human bones filled the ruined houses.\n\nA detachment of the Manchu army was sent to besiege the district city, then occupied by the rebels. In the conflict that ensued, human beings were massacred as though they were ants, and law-abiding people and bad characters alike were destroyed.\n\nFortunately, our clansmen, then living at Mong Ngau Tun, escaped this calamity. However, many of our former neighbours and fellow-natives in Ming Ka Lane lost their lives and [as the record says in another place] all the dispensations of the previous dynasty were regarded as scrap paper.\n\n(I am grateful to Mr. Gilbert Louie for this translation. Ed) Readers will note that Li Shing-tung (Li Ch'eng-tung) is mentioned in Prof. LO Hsiang-lin's Additional Note where he is described as Governor of Kwangtung.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206123, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "196\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nBut in a local and a directly utilitarian point of view, the author is encouraged to believe that his work should not be placed as a candle under a bushel. This wealthy and most important Colony stands in the midst of the Sun-on District, and it seems to betoken a feeling in rear of the age, that the topography of the immediate neighbourhood should be a matter of perfect indifference. To the naturalist, the traveller, the sportsman, and the Missionary, the information should be acceptable, to say nothing of its political value. Besides, for police purposes in dealing with the all prevailing evil of piracy, when the subtlety of the Mandarin is considered, the author cannot doubt the value of his work to the British authorities.\n\nHe therefore calls attention to his Map, and solicits the favor of subscriptions to enable him to publish it.\n\nREVD. S. VOLONTIERI, Mission, Apost.\n\nHongkong, 10 May, 1866.\n\nA CASUALTY OF THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION\n\nBefore the New Territories were leased to Britain in 1898 the villagers on the British side of what became the new border area at the market village of Sha Tau Kok were accustomed to worship in the Man Mo temple (X) there. After 1898 this temple was located on the Chinese side of the Border, but this apparently made little difference to the religious practice of local people thereafter, even after the Communist take-over in 1949.\n\nOne of the images in the temple was that of Tin Hau (A), the Queen of Heaven who is a popular goddess among boat people and villagers near the seashore in the Hong Kong area. The people of three Hakka villages on the British side of Sha Tau Kok, namely Tan Shui Hang, Tong To and Sha Tsui which in 1961 had a total population of around 1,000 persons, were particularly accustomed to visiting the Man Mo temple to worship Tin Hau. When the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution developed in China in 1966 Red Guards singled out temples for particular attention, and it seems that iconoclastic activities also", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206124, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n197\n\ntook place locally, in the areas just across the Sino-British border at Sha Tau Kok. The villagers of these three places became alarmed for the fate of their cherished Tin Hau image and brought it into British territory for safety. They also brought back two incense burners (†) dated in the 2nd and 3rd years of Kuang Hsü (1876-78) that had been donated by local shops and fishermen in one case and by Lin Ma Hang (A) natives then in Australia (J).\n\nThe leaders of the three villages then combined to form the Sha Tau Kok Three Villages Tin Hau Temple Building Committee (沙頭角三鄉籌建天后廟委員會) and obtained a temporary building permit from the Tai Po District Office to erect a temple for the image. The temple is situated at map reference KV 140962 at the west end of Kong Ha Village in the Frontier Closed Area. It is under the management of a special trust, the Sam Wo Tong (*) constituting one manager each from Tong To, Tan Shui Hang and Sha Tsui villages.\n\nPhotographs of this new temple and of the Tin Hau image which inspired such devotion can be seen at Plates 30 and 31.\n\nPlace names used in this note can be found in A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories. (H.K. Govt. Printer, n.d. but 1960) pp. 216-218.\n\nHong Kong, 1970.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nPILE HOUSES AT TAI O, LANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG,\n\n7TH JANUARY 1937\n\nEditor's Note\n\nThe following details of some of the interesting pile houses or matsheds on stilts that survive in considerable numbers in Tai O Creek to the present day are taken from one of Mr. Walter Schofield's notebooks, under the date given in the heading. Mr. Schofield (1888-1968) served in the Hong Kong Cadet (Administrative) Service between 1911-1938 in various posts, including those of District Officer South, Chief Assistant Secretary for Chinese Affairs and First Police Magistrate. He was also a well-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206410, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n+ + +\n\n201\n\nSha Wan villages about also remembers them. When I asked these ladies whether the charcoal burners were village people or outsiders, their reply was typical, and to the effect 'they weren't from our villages and probably not from adjacent ones either, but we didn't go near them to ask.'\n\nI have seen the Lantau and Lamma pits only, all linked with charcoal burning by the local people. The kilns, or rather the pits that remain, vary in size. Most are circular and fairly small, about 7 to 8 feet in diameter and a few feet deep at the present time. One of the Lamma pits, near Mau Tat, styled as ‘a big kiln' by the old village person mentioned above, is larger, being 15 feet across. Its earth walls are smooth and impregnated with tell-tale carbon. All these pits are cut into low banks or into the ground.\n\nPerhaps the last kilns to be operated in the Hong Kong area are some near the Shek O Road. According to Hok Tsui and Lan Nai Wan villagers living nearby, these were opened and operated by the Japanese during the war-time occupation of the Colony between 1941-45. They recall passing them and seeing them in operation when on their way to market in Shau Kei Wan, though giving them a wide berth for fear of trouble. Shau Kei Wan people say that the kilns were used to provide fuel for the electric plant at North Point, to which the charcoal was transported on little wooden trucks hauled by local men and women workers engaged by the Japanese.\n\nThese pits differ from the others in that they are domed, being cut into a high bank. They are apparently very similar, though newer, to those north of the Kowloon hills described over twenty years ago by G. A. C. Herklots in The Hong Kong Countryside (Hong Kong, S.C.M.P. Ltd. 1947). His description is worth quoting in full, though he was not clear whether or not the pits were used for charcoal burning and he had not sought to ask in the villages of the area.\n\n\"There are some curious dome-shaped holes by the path, one is actually immediately under the path. They are roughly six feet high in the centre and nine feet across. The sides are vertical, the roof domed and the floor space circular. The holes are holes in the ground and their roofs are level with the surface of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "34 \n\nA. J. S. LACK \n\nshall not to be so met), the question of whether additional taxation should be imposed by higher assessed taxes or light dues will have to be considered. \n\nHe went on, \n\nI hardly think the honourable member who represents the Chamber of Commerce can be allowed to have the last word on that subject. He stated the Colony depends entirely on its shipping, I know that is the usual way of putting the case, but is it really the correct way, does not the colony depend as much on its trade as it does on its shipping, would the shipping exist without its trade. I think not, the shipping makes profits and I imagine they are large ones from the Colony and it is not clear why those profits as well as the profits from trade should not be taxed. At any rate that is not a matter I need to settle at the present moment. \n\nTwo months later, in November, 1906 the Director of Public Works laid upon the table in Legislative Council the report of proceedings of a Committee, together with a chart of the harbour on which were shown possible sites for harbours of refuge and the various locations which the Committee had recommended and the probable cost of the construction of the harbour of refuge at any one of them. These included the possible shelters at, \n\nMong Kok Tsui - a detached breakwater extending from near Tai Kok Tsui to opposite the southern end of Yaumatei enclosing an area of 166 acres at a cost of $600,000. Cheung Sha Wan -- a detached breakwater extending from near Lai Chi Kok to near Shamshuipo enclosing an area of 168 acres, again at a cost of $600,000. \n\nStonecutters—a detached curved breakwater off the east end of \n\nthe island extending from near the northeast point to near the southeast point and enclosing area of 107 acres at a probable cost of $765,000. \n\nKellet Bank -- a breakwater extending northwards from Green Island, curving round and then extending southward to about opposite its point of commencement and enclosing an area of 136 acres, the total cost of $1.1 million. Kennedy Town—a curved breakwater projecting from Belchers Point enclosing alternatively an area of 32 or 75 acres according to the lengths to which it was to be extended. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206937, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "2\n\nday, five short papers were read on fish, fauna and flora of the sea-shore; insects; land vertebrates, and birds, and the talks were illustrated by an exhibition of both stuffed and live specimens. The field trips, held on the Sunday, were to Tai Tam Bay which supports fauna communities, some of them unique to Hong Kong Island, on its extensive sand and mud flats; and to the Mai Po Marshes, a wetland habitat dominated by deep ponds producing ducks, mullet and carp, and having a marginal zone of dwarf mangrove. This provides a unique eco-system of considerable scientific interest. Professor Lofts is currently engaged in editing the materials presented by his team for one of our symposia publications. The materials from our previous symposium, held the preceding year, should be ready for publication shortly.\n\nOur first local visit of the year was to the Sikh and Hindu temples in Happy Valley. This took place in April. Of the 10,000 Indians in Hong Kong, some 2,000 are Sikhs and the majority of the remainder, Hindus. The Hong Kong Khalsa Diwan, “Sacred Assembly”, as both the Sikh temple and its congregation are called, was founded in 1935 and the Hindu temple some time later. Led by Mr. Ian Watson of the Department of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, a group of members first attended a Sikh service (Sikhism is a revisionist movement within Hinduism, founded at the close of the seventeenth century) and then visited the Hindu temple and its library.\n\nOur second excursion was to Cape D'Aguilar, named after Major General G. C. D'Aguilar, first general officer commanding the Hong Kong Garrison in the 1840s. A group of members visited Hok Tsui village, founded in the eighteenth century, and providing the older name for the Cape D'Aguilar area. They looked at old houses and the village's granite watch-tower, together with its temple to the god Pak T'ai, probably of the nineteenth century.\n\nIn January, members visited the Lo Pan temple—Lo Pan is the god of carpenters and building constructors. The temple is situated in Kennedy Town, in an interesting old corner of Western District, still largely in its pre-war condition, and first built about 1884. The fourth and last local visit was to Tai Miu, Joss House Bay, one of the most historical sites of Hong Kong and well-known in Chinese historical and geographical works. The Tai Miu, or \"Great Temple\" is dedicated to T'in Hau, “Empress of Heaven”, a very popular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n33\n\nbetween Hong Kong and Thailand was at its height during two periods of several years following the two World Wars. Teochiu import/export firms trading with Thailand established a commercial association in 1946 (Hung, 1961:4). In the 1920s there were at least 21 Teochiu firms involved in trade with Singapore, and in 1930 these firms established a commercial association which by 1951 had 41 member firms (Hung, 1961:2). Teochiu trade between Hong Kong and Vietnam began in the last years of the Ch'ing Dynasty and became substantial in 1914, apparently as a result of World War I. This trading gradually increased until the involvement of the U.S. in the war of liberation at which time the importation of goods into Vietnam from China ceased. This drastically curtailed the importing activities of Teochiu firms in Hong Kong exporting Chinese commodities to Vietnam (Hung, 1961:7).\n\nAfter the opening of Swatow as a treaty port in 1858, Teochiu firms in Hong Kong became active in importing Teochiu products from there and then re-exporting them to Southeast Asia, primarily for Teochiu consumption. In 1946 there were at least 20 firms involved in such trading and by 1948 about 100. Many of these were evidently forced out of business or into other areas of business after 1949, although there were still about 20 firms still involved in Swatow/Southeast Asian trading during the 1950s. These firms were evidently forced to operate with a very low profit margin (Hung, 1961:8).\n\nImmediately prior to World War II there were perhaps 20,000 Teochiu in Hong Kong, many living in Western District. During the 1930s, however, some Teochiu began to move over to the Tsim Sha Tsui district of Kowloon, particularly Haiphong, Hankow and Canton Roads (Lee, 1969:55). Many of these people were employed as coolies in the Kowloon Godown, which still today employs predominantly Teochiu laborers. Most, however, were forced to move out of the area after World War II with the commercial and tourist development of Tsim Sha Tsui.\n\nAnother area of Teochiu concentration prior to World War II was in the hills around Kowloon Walled City where Teochiu squatters raised pigs and poultry (Lee, 1969:56). This early concentration was undoubtedly a factor in the later heavy concentration of Teochiu in Kowloon City in the 1950s and 1960s. By 1961, according to the government census, there were 257,319 Teochiu in Hong Kong and by 1971 the figure", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "50\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nTABLE I\n\nTeochiu Population by Census District (N.T. & Marine in Census Area) —\n\n1971 Census\n\n \n Census district/area\n No. of persons\n \n \n Central\n 1,352\n \n \n Sheung Wan\n 5,844\n \n \n West\n 27,557\n \n \n Mid-levels & Pokfulam\n 2,634\n \n \n Peak\n 115\n \n \n Wanchai\n 4,966\n \n \n Tai Hang\n 5,309\n \n \n North Point\n 8,359\n \n \n Shau Kei Wan\n 13,641\n \n \n Aberdeen\n 13,141\n \n \n South\n 1,352\n \n \n HONG KONG ISLAND\n 84,270\n \n \n Tsim Sha Tsui\n 6,744\n \n \n Yau Ma Tei\n 6,575\n \n \n Mong Kok\n 4,731\n \n \n Hung Hom\n 13,132\n \n \n Ho Man Tin\n 4,129\n \n \n KOWLOON\n 35,311\n \n \n Cheung Sha Wan\n 12,048\n \n \n Shek Kip Mei\n 21,827\n \n \n Kowloon Tong\n 1,170\n \n \n Kai Tak\n 100,935\n \n \n Ngau Tau Kok\n 46,507\n \n \n Lei Yue Mun\n 34,889\n \n \n NEW KOWLOON\n 217,376\n \n \n TSUEN WAN\n 27,496\n \n \n YUEN LONG\n 13,365\n \n \n TAI PO\n 6,552\n \n \n ISLANDS\n 4,575\n \n \n SAI KUNG\n 835\n \n \n MARINE\n 1,674\n \n \n COLONY TOTAL\n 391,454", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "128\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nlater to Lilong, where he served under Brother Bellon in the boy's school. Because of his relation to the Rebel King, it was difficult on the mainland so he came to Hongkong until 1878, when he emigrated with those of Shaukiwan.\n\n14\n\nA search of the records of British Guiana might provide details of his later career.\n\nLechler's Day Book under date 12 January, 1871, mentions a visit from Tsau-phoi, a member of the Fung family of Tsim Sha Tsui, and on 18 February, 1871, he notes that Fung A-lin from Tsim Sha Tsui returned to the Girl's School at Sai Ying Poon. It is probable that Fung Tsau-phoi and Fung A-lin were the son and daughter of \"a former Rebel King\", who is referred to in the records of the Girl's Boarding School of the Basel Mission at Sai Ying Poon. A report dated 10 July, 1866, lists as a student Lyu Tsya, aged eighteen years, \"betrothed to a son of a former Rebel King, who long has put away the crown, baptized by the Berlin Missionary Hanspach in her home.\" Also listed is Fung A-lin, the small sister of the young man. She had been enrolled in 1865, aged seven years. Her mother was a widow and a Christian.\n\nKeeping in mind that the Hakka version of the surname Hung was written Fung, and that the entries in Lechler's Day Book were written in a very illegible script, it may be that Fung Tsau-phoi is the same as Hung Tsun Fooi mentioned in T’ai-p’ing t'ien-kuo shih-shih jih-chih Appendix, p.24, as present in Hong Kong after the fall of the Taiping government.\n\nTwo relatives of Feng Yün-shan, a twenty-one year old nephew A-sou and his fourteen-year old cousin, accompanied the Rev. Issachar J. Roberts to Shanghai in 1853, in an attempt to reach Nanking. A-sou was baptized by Roberts at Shanghai. The Baptist Missionary Rev. Matthew T. Yates became acquainted with the two boys, but in his book The Tai Ping Rebellion, he mistakenly states that they were brothers of Feng Yün-shan.\n\nFung A-sou found it impossible to reach Nanking, so he came down to Hong Kong. From here he went up to Canton where he became a teacher to an American missionary. But he became ill, and returned to Hong Kong where he died on the 21 August, 1855.\n\nThese accounts of some of the events in the lives of friends and relatives of Taiping leaders and their association with the missionary", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207926, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 314, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nVol. No. Village (and Gazetteer reference)\n\n299\n\nSurname\n\n41. Tong To (p. 217)\n\nYau 余\n\n42. Shek Pik (p. 73)\n\nTsui 徐\n\n43. Tap Mun Sheung Wai (p. 244)\n\nLai 黎\n\n44. Ha Yau Tin (p. 167)\n\nTsui 徐\n\n45. Sham Chung (p. 192)\n\nLei 李\n\n46. Sham Chung (p. 192)\n\nLei 李\n\n47. Chung Mei (p. 193)\n\nLei 李\n\n48.\n\n49. Kei Ling Ha San Wai (p.183) 企嶺下新村\n\nHo 何\n\n50. Kei Ling Ha San Wai (p.183) 企嶺下新\n\nHo 何\n\n51. Pak Sha O Ha Yeung (p.189) 白沙澳下洋\n\n52. Lo Uk Tsuen (p. 171) 羅屋村\n\nChuk Hang (p. 170)\n\nYung 翁\n\nLo 羅\n\nTang 鄧\n\n53. Shek Po Tsuen (p. 163) 石壆村 (2 vols.)\n\nLam 林\n\n54.\n\n55.\n\n56.\n\n57. Kan Tay Tsuen (p. 212) 簡堤村\n\nSo Lo Pun (p. 219) 莽魯半\n\nMong Tseng Wai (p. 165) 輞井圍\n\nLo Shue Ling (p. 215) 羅樹嶺\n\nWong 黃\n\nTang 鄧\n\nTo 陶\n\nLau 劉\n\n58. (Tai Po Tau (p. 174)) ✯\n\nTang 鄧\n\n(Tai Po Shui Wai (p. 174)) ***@\n\n[Not a genealogy: listing of ritual forms etc.]\n\n59. Kau Tam Tso (p. 194)\n\nLei 李\n\n60. Heung Sai (not in New Territories)\n\nCheung 張\n\n61. Lung Kwu Tan (p. 160)\n\nHo 何\n\nLau 劉\n\n62. San Tin (p. 203)\n\nMan 文\n\n63. Lau Clan Association Handbook\n\nLau 劉\n\n(Hong Kong Branch) 香港劉氏宗親會特刊\n\n64. Sam A (p. 221)\n\nTsang 曾\n\n(4 vols.)\n\n65. Che Ha (p. 183)\n\nLei 李\n\n66. She Shan (p. 200)\n\nChan 陳\n\n67. Kat O (p. 221)\n\nLau 劉\n\n68. Yung Shue Au (p. 219)\n\nWan 溫\n\n69. Hang Ha Po (p. 200)\n\nLam 林", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208076, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "UNDER ALTARS\n\n99\n\nStatistics\n\nApproximately one seventh of all temples in Hong Kong (that is 35 out of some 260) and almost half in Macau (12 out of 25) have Under Altars.\n\nIn Macau, all the Under Altars are in temples in the town itself, or in the main town of each island, and all are within three hundred yards of the present seacoast. All Under Altar temples in Hong Kong are within a stone's throw of the original seacoast, and apart from the temples on the two islands of Peng Chau and Cheung Chau and the one at Shatin, all are within a radius of four miles from Tsim Sha Tsui. All these temples were built or rebuilt during the nineteenth century.\n\nNo Under Altars are to be found in monasteries or nunneries, nor have any been found in Hoklo and Ch'ao Chow community temples. 24 of the Under Altars are in the 117 fisherfolk temples along the coasts of Hong Kong and Macau, and all of these are in what are now built-up areas.\n\nThe other six sevenths, folk religion temples and Buddhist monasteries without Under Altars, include all temples in remoter areas, a picture which suggests that in pre-British Hong Kong, temples did not have such altars. It has been disappointing that no informant has been found who can recall whether Under Altars existed in Canton and the provincial towns and rural areas in Kwangtung province and, if they did, the extent of their spread prior to 1949. There is a strong but undependable connexion between Under Altars & the Boat People.\n\nThere is however an inexplicable factor. In both Hong Kong and Macau, within a stone's throw from temples with Under Altars, are temples without Under Altars which are similar in all other aspects to those with them. They are also of approximately the same vintage. There seems to be no obvious reason for the limited pattern of location of Under Altars. All appear to have been incorporated during the building or rebuilding of the temple between 1840-1880, and the only common factor is that temples with Under Altars are in areas which were, at that time, centres of thriving communities whose main populations were Cantonese, Hakka and Boat People.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "POLITICIZATION OF CHINESE CRAFT ORGANIZATION\n\n95\n\ngoing into a small red numbered membership book, which the worker keeps in his possession at all times, and which has a space for stamping receipt of dues, as well as a list of union regulations. A numbered badge is also given out to new members, on which is embossed a yellow star on a red background, with the carpenter's hammer, the carver's carving tool, and the painter's brush crossed beneath and tied with a ribbon, and the union's name around the lower perimeter of the badge.\n\nThe union keeps scrupulous records of every action and transaction that occurs within its purview. Every member who has given money, bought a ticket, received a magazine, or whatever, is given a chit to receipt his every transaction, all of which are dutifully recorded in the account books.\n\nIn August-September, 1973 a membership drive began and a chart posted on the bulletin board showed in bar graphs the increases in membership for the various districts in which art carved furniture factories are located: Cheung Sha Wan, San Po Kong, Kwun Tong, Chun Shek Shan (Diamond Hill), Tsim Sha Tsui and New Territories/Tsuen Wan, with Kwun Tong well in the lead. Kwun Tong is the site of the largest carving factories in Hong Kong where it could be argued the concentration of capital, and the alienation of the worker from his tools and from his product have progressed furthest. According to the union vice-chairman, about 200 additional members were recruited in the recent drive bringing current membership up to somewhere around 800 workers.\n\nI had occasion to witness the actual recruitment of a new member in progress at Heng Lung Co. where I worked. There was quite an enthusiastic union member working there, one who had been back to visit his native village in Kwangtung province in the San Wei district several times and came back with glowing reports about the progress of his home village under socialism. He even had several arguments with other workers in the factory concerning how accurate his observations and glowing reports were. This fellow began working on a younger worker in the factory proselytising. The younger worker had previously explained to me that he had no use for the union or anything political at all. In the course of their work the older worker talked to the younger one about the benefits of union membership and ultimately invited the younger worker to a weekly meeting. While I have no idea what the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208502, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "210\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nfort in 1923. However, it is now ruined. The whole area is covered with shrub and mangrove.\n\nBefore the Ming Dynasty, there was no military post on the island. It was not until the late Ming Period that a guard-station or shuen, which was administered by the commander of the Nam Tau Walled City, was set up.2 Before then, the area had only patrol-boats, probably stationed at Tun Mun.3\n\nDuring the early Ch'ing Period, because of the increased strength of the pirates along the coast, more forts and guard-stations were set up. The Fat Tong Mun Fort on the Tung Lung Island was erected during the K'ang Hsi period (1662-1727)3, and a garrison of 25 soldiers under one pa-tsung or sergeant Tai Pang Battalion✯ was stationed there.6\n\nThe fort remained a strong outpost along the east coast of Hong Kong for nearly a hundred years. Then, in the 15th year of the Ch'ia Ching rule (1810), the fort was evacuated and finally abandoned.7 A new fort was built at the place of the present Hong Kong Marine Police Headquarters at Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon.\n\nThe fort remains in ruins till now.\n\nHong Kong, 1979.\n\nSIU KWOK-KIN\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See note 4 of Mr. JAO Tsung-i's Kowloon in Historical Records of the Sung Dynasty九龍與宋季史料, 饒宗頤著\n\n2 Chapter 8 of the San On Yuen Chi, K'ang Hsi edition, records, \"In the 19th year of the Man Lik Period of the Ming Dynasty, guard-stations were established at Fat Tong Mun, Tor Ling Ngor Kung O, Kowloon, Tun Mun, Kap Shui Mun, Tung Sai Chung, Ngor Kung Tau, Chak Wan, Lo Man Shan and Long Pak.\" In the same chapter, it is also recorded, \"Six guard-stations were set up during the Ming Dynasty. They were Fat Tung Mun, Lung Shun Wan, Lok Kat, Tai O, Long To Wan, and Long Pak. These guard-stations were administered by the commander at the Nam Tau Walled City.\" Thus, we know that the Fat Tong Mun Guard Station was established in the 19th year of the Man Lik period of the Ming Dynasty; but the fort must have been built at a later time.\n\n3 Chapter 5 of the Cheong Wu Chung Tuk Kwun Mun Chi records, \"Patrol boats from Nam Tau were stationed at Tun Mun. Some sailed through Fat Tong Mun to the region as far east as Tai Pang.\" The book was completed in the 32nd year of the Chia", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208819, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 276, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "ORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nMORGAN, Ms. V. Elaine, The Library, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nMORITZ, Mr. Frederick A., 4B, Sea and Sky Court, 92 Stanley Main Street, Stanley, HONG KONG.\n\nMORTON, Mr. R. J. McK., Legal Aid Department, 19/F Sincere Building, 173 Des Voeux Road C., HONG KONG.\n\nMOYLE, Mr. G. C., 64 Mile Taipo Road, NEW TERRITORIES.\n\nMULLOY, Mr. G. N., Flat C, 1 Homestead Road, The Peak, HONG KONG.\n\nNEWBIGGING, Mr. D. K., 35 Mount Kellett Road, The Peak, HONG KONG\n\nNG, Dr. Margaret N., Arts Mansion 5/F, Flat C, 43 Wongneichong Road, Happy Valley, HONG KONG\n\nNG, Miss Tonia, H.K. Tourist Association, Connaught Centre, 35/F, HONG KONG.\n\nNGUYET, Mrs. Tuyet, c/o Arts of Asia, 1309 Kowloon Centre, 29-43 Ashley Road, KOWLOON.\n\nO'HARA, Mr. Randolph, c/o The City Hall Library, Edinburgh Place, HONG KONG.\n\nOJEDA, Mr. J. de, Spanish Consul General, 1403 Melbourne Plaza, 33 Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG.\n\nONG, Dr. Guan Bee, Dept. of Surgery, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nORR, Mr. I. C., Room 506 Central Govt. Offices, Main Wing, Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG.\n\nOUTCH, Mr. W. T., c/o Essex Asia Ltd., 118 Austin Road, Tsim Sha Tsui, KOWLOON.\n\nOXLEY, Mr. C. W. B., District Office, Sai Kung, Sai Po Kong Govt. Offices, 792 Prince Edward Road, KOWLOON.\n\nPALMER, Mrs. R. M., 2 Old Peak Road, 2/F Front, HONG KONG.\n\nPARR, Mr. M. J., c/o Wardley Ltd, G.P.O. Box 8983, HONG KONG.\n\nPARRINGTON, Miss June, Arts Faculty Office, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nPARRY, Mr. Roger H., c/o The Marine Department, 102 Connaught Road C., HONG KONG.\n\nPAUL, Mrs. Anne Carse, 9 Jade House, 47C Stubbs Road, HONG KONG.\n\nPEACOCK, Mr. I. R., 5A Manhattan Tower, 63 Repulse Bay Road, HONG KONG.\n\nPERESYPKIN, Mr. Oleg P., P.O. Box 1382, HONG KONG.\n\nPICKARD, Mrs. Jane, Flat A6, 14 Shouson Hill Road, HONG KONG.\n\n249", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "202\n\nTo\n\nand\n\nsites were also rendered ineffective by the emperor's golden pen. My knowledge, the elders knew of four sites. One of them was on Tiu Chung Chau at Kau Sai in Saikung. The fungshui of this site was ‘a golden bell hanging on a silk thread'. Every year at the Double-ninth festival, nine buffaloes came to worship at the grave; there was also the sound of a bell being struck. A second site was at Yuen Chau Chai at Kei Leng Ha Village. The fungshui name was 'the general comes down from his horse to drink three cups of wine'. In the middle of the sea, there is Wu Chau (with the adjacent island of Sam Pui Tsau) that resembles a pig, three cups of wine and two cups of tea. Another site was at To Tau Tsui at Wu Kai Sha, which is opposite Nga Chau (usually nowadays called A Chau) in the Tai Po Hoi. The fungshui name was crows going into the ocean. Legend has it that in the old days a mud embankment connected Wu Kai Sha to Nga Chau which sank into the sea after the emperor put down the dragon. The embankment has not been seen again. One more site was on Ap Chau opposite Kat O. The fungshui name was 'precious duck going through the lotus'. The legend is that Ap Chau used to be able to swim between Sam Mun Kan and Mirs Bay. Later, it was blocked by a duck pole, that is, the place currently known as Hak Ngam Kok. After that, when paddy ripened in the Yim Tin Village area near Sha Tau Kok, there was no rice grain on the stalk, because it was all eaten by the duck. After the emperor put down the dragon with his golden pen, the head of the duck... and then there was grain again.\n\nI know about the fungshui of only these four grave sites.\n\nhe cut off\n\nPassage 2\n\nRecorded by Ho Kei Fook\n\n\"An extraordinary person saw that Huang Hsiao-yang [rebel in the Canton area in the early fifteenth century] had features fitting to make him emperor and gave him a bamboo shoot to plant at home. When the 'bamboo grew to the height of his brows', he was supposed to be able to make an arrow out of it which he could use to kill the emperor with and thereby take over the throne. Huang planted the bamboo shoot as he had been instructed and a bamboo stem grew", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "204\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nhsü 12 (1886). In the Kau Sai Hung Shing Temple, the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 15 (1889), and the altar Kuang-hsü 20 (1894); and in the Hang Hau T'in Hau Temple (besides the 1840 bell), the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 1 (1875), a tablet Kuang-hsü 2 (1876), an altar is of the same year, a wooden board of Kuang-hsü 4 (1878), a shrine of Kuang-hsü 10 (1884), a pair of stone lions of Kuang-hsü 13 (1887), and a pair of incense burners of Kuang-hsü 20 (1894). The bell and the incense burner at the Tin Ha Wan T'in Hau Temple are both undated, but Mr. Ip Ch'un, who lived nearby, told us that the temple was already in disrepair over fifty years ago. Historical inscriptions found in Sai Kung and elsewhere in Hong Kong and the New Territories have been transcribed as a special project and may be found in David Faure, Alice Ng, and Bernard Luk, \"A collection of historical inscriptions in Hong Kong\". The report is available in the Institute of Chinese Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, and will, it is hoped, be published shortly.\n\n7\n\nMr. Hoh Taai of Ko Tong, aged over 60, knew of the whereabouts of a charcoal burner, but never saw it in operation (Int. 10.6.81). Lime kilns were reported in Wong Yi Chau, Wong Keng Tei, Tai Mong Tsai Tso Wo Hang, Tai Wan, Kiu Tsui, Sha Ha, Pak Sha Wan, Che Keng Tuk, Ta Ho Tun, Tai Tan, and Yau Yu Wan (Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Tang Kei Faat 25.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Wong Ping Lin 29.6.81, Madam Liu 20.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81, Mrs. Hoh née Lei 28.6.81, Mr. Chung 23.7.81, and Madam Lam Yau Ch'un 19.8.81.) The Liu family at Kiu Tsui built the ancestral hall that can be seen today on the main road into Sai Kung Market. For an impression of the long history of lime making in Sai Kung, it should be noted that Madam Lo Koon Mooi was 85 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 87 in 1981, and it was their fathers who were engaged in the lime business. Mr. Yau continued working the kilns until his early 40's. Brick kilns were reported in Chek Keng and Pak Tam Chung (Ints. Mr. Chiu Sz 7.5.81 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81). The lime industry, of course, also provided income for fishermen who collected coral for the kilns. See \"Return of the approximate number of fishermen employed in taking coral and shell from the sea adjoining the New Territory\", in Hong Kong Legislative Council, Sessional Papers, 1901, p. 685.\n\n\"The best indication of the growing importance of the trade in pigs is a set of account books that belonged to Mr. Yung Sz Ch'iu of Pak Sha O, a photocopy of which is held by the Oral History Project. See also ints. Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 and Mr. Hoh King 5.6.81.\n\n• There are many instances of seamen recruited by recruitment firms (haang shuen koon); see, eg. Mr. Chiu Sz (Int. 7.5.81). Remittance from abroad was sent back to the village through import-export houses (kam shan tsong), see Mr. Yau T'aai Hong (Int. 11.8.81).\n\n10 Mr. Cheung T'o's grandfather was a cook on Hong Kong Island, and his father was employed on the Kowloon-Canton Railway. Mr. Cheung, of Ho Chung, was c. 70 in 1981 (Int. 15.6.81). Mr. Tsang Yau of Tai Mong Tsai (age unknown, but who married before World War II) worked in a shop started by his father in Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island (Int. 23.6.81).\n\n11 Ints. Mr. Cheng Chung Ting 21.5.81, Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81, Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81; Bernard Williams, \"Visit to Ho Chung and Sheung Yeung villages in the Sai Kung area”, in Marjorie Topley, ed. Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, Hong Kong, 1965, pp. 46-47, and \"The Chan family of Tseung Kwan O\", JHKBRAS 7 (1967), pp. 158-160.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "213\n\nName (and village) Dates interviewed\n\nMr. Chan P'aang Hing (Ho Chung) 29.5.81\n\nName (and village) Mr. Lok Foh Kau (Pak Kong) Dates interviewed 20.6.81\n\nMr. Cheung T'o (Ho Chung) 29.5.81, 15.6.81\n\nMrs. Lei, née So (Nam Shan) 20.6.81\n\nMr. Chung (Kau Sai) 3.6.81\n\nMr. Hoh Shang (Nam Shan) 20.6.81, 24.6.81\n\nMr. So T'in Loi (Kau Sai) 3.6.81\n\nMr. Lok Kau Kei (Pak Kong) 20.6.81, 26.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Chi Hei (Sha Tsui) 5.6.81 21.7.81\n\nMr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81\n\nMr. Lam Kaap Shau (Tai Po Tsai) (Tai Long) 8.6.81\n\nMr. Wong (Shan Liu) 20.6.81\n\nMr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81\n\nMrs. Lau, (Leung Shuen Wan) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Lok Tsau On\n\nMr. Tse Koon K'au (Pak Kong) (Tan Ka Wan) 9.6.81\n\nMrs. Tse (Pak Kong) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Tse Wing (Sha Kok Mei) 9.6.81, 20.6.81\n\nMrs. Kong Lei San Kiu (Lung Mei) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Hoh Taai (Ko Tong) 10.6.81, 21.6.81, 22.6.81\n\nMr. Lo Koon Mooi (Long Mei) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81\n\nMrs. Wan, née Lau (Sai Kung Market) (Nam Shan) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Ue (Mang Kung Uk) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Kong Hei (Lung Mei) 21.6.81\n\nMrs. Ue (Mang Kung Uk) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Wong (Tam Wat) 22.6.81\n\nMr. Shing Ip On (Mang Kung Uk) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Sung Kw'an (Tit Kim Hang) 22.6.81\n\nMrs. Lau (Ha Yeung, near Seung Sz Wan) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Sung (Tit Kim Hang) 22.6.81\n\nMr. Lau Hing Lung (Pan Long Wan) 16.6.81\n\nMr. Uen Chan Wan (Ta Ho Tun) 22.6.81\n\nMr. Lau (Pan Long Wan) 16.6.81\n\nMr. Sham Kin K'eung (Hung Fa Tsun) 23.6.81, 1.7.81\n\nMr. Leung Yung Hei (Hang Hau) 16.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Yiu T'ing (Pak Kong) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Kau (Pak Kong) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Kan (Wo Liu) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Wong Ts'ing (Nam Shan) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Hui Lam (Cheung Sheung) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Faat (Kak Hang Tun) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Wong (Ko Tong) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Chan Shau (Pak Tam Au) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Cheng Yung (Uk Tau) 23.6.81\n\nMr. To (Ko Tong) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Lau Lui Faat (Pak Kong Au) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Wong Shek (Ha Yeung, near Ko Tong) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Tang (Wong Mo Ying) 23.6.81", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209623, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "258\n\nThe first British District Officer of the region had the following remarks:17\n\nEducation of any kind has always appealed powerfully to Chinese, and they are probably more ready than any other people to defer to the voice of learning. In every village appeal is made to the lettered man to settle points of dispute, and he receives the place of honour in all local gatherings. It must be admitted that this respect was formerly due not only to his intrinsic merits and his superior knowledge, but to the advantages that he possessed in being able to write and thus to draw up petitions in proper form and present the case of litigants to the courts. With the coming of British rule these advantages have largely disappeared except that it is still usual for a litigant or other petitioner to submit his petition in due form.\n\nThe completion of the railway from Lo Wu to Hung Hom in 1910 and its extension to Tsim Sha Tsui in 1916 brought Sheung Shui into direct connection with urban Hong Kong and Kowloon. Extension of the Tai Po Road into a ring road also connected the village with many of the main population centres in the New Territories and Kowloon. The 1921 census shows a small decrease of the population in the village from 1440 to 1400, but in the whole New Territories, there was an increase from 80,622 to 83,163.18 The village economy was still predominantly agrarian. Yet opportunities for taking other employment must have increased. The decrease in population must have been due to the numbers of people leaving the village for the cities, as oral recollections of the period do not include any memories of any decrease in the size of the clan overall. The increased contact with the outside world and new employment opportunities must have exercised considerable influence on the local popular literacy.\n\nAnother stimulant was to come from the educational policy of the Hong Kong government. The early laissez-faire policy began to give way to some degree of concern,\n\nAfter a survey\n\nmade by Sung Hok Pang of the conditions of rural schools in 1913, the government decided to give a subsidy varying from $5 to $10 per month each to fifty selected schools in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210012, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 270, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "248\n\nagents of incense merchants and conveyed by land to Tsim Sha Tau (now Tsim Sha Tsui) whence it was transported by junks to Shek Pai Wan (now Aberdeen) and thence to mainland China, southeast Asia and places as far away as Arabia. Hence Shek Pai Wan was known as \"Incense Harbour\" or \"Heong Kong” the harbour of Incense or \"Heung\" produce, and the whole island eventually came to be known as \"Hong Kong”. \n\nThe cultivation and trade in \"Kuan-heung\" reached the height of its prosperity during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644 A.D.). However, during the reign of Emperor K'ang Hsi (R) of the Ch'ing Dynasty (1662-1722 A.D.), the Manchus, as a preventive measure against counter attacks from Taiwan, where Cheng Shing-kung (*), a faithful vassal of the Ming Dynasty still held sway, adopted a \"scorched earth strategy\" by destroying everything within 50 Li (Chinese miles) of the coast, including incense trees, before the inhabitants were evacuated inland. Thus the industry suffered a stunning blow, and then, as the coastal areas were subsequently infested by pirates, its doom was finally sealed. \n\nThe \"Incense Tree\" (**, £*) is a medium-sized evergreen tree with a small compact crown. Leaves are oval in shape, about 6 cm long and 3 cm wide, with a pointed tip, and shiny on both surfaces. Flowers are small, scented yellowish-green, borne in clusters on the ends of the branch, and open in May. The fruit is a woody capsule, shaped like a compressed egg about 3 cm long, densely covered with short grey hairs and can be seen dangling from the branch tips when ripe. It is a rather slow-growing, insignificant tree whose presence in the open countryside is often masked by more vigorous plants. \n\nThe statement that it was introduced from North Vietnam must be questioned. Aquilaria sinensis is in fact a species indigenous throughout this region, and it may be found growing wild in many different places and at different altitudes in Hong Kong. The misunderstanding may have been caused by the reference to another incense-producing tree (Aquilaria agallocha) which was commonly grown in the western part of Kwangtung, and in Hainan Island, North Vietnam and Thailand. \n\nPage 270\n\nPage 271", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210164, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "114 \n\nJAMES HAYES \n\nlation hard at work getting in the second crop of paddy. The principal part of the labourers was the women, owing probably to the fact of the men being generally engaged in fishing. The paddy rice grows to a height of about two feet six inches. The fields are little patches of about fifty paces, on account of the unevenness of the ground. The rice is thrashed out of doors: first, in a tub with a screen, by a man, who takes a bunch in his two hands to strike the ears against the edge of the tub and then gives the rice again to be thrashed on a floor made hard with chunam, the Chinese asphalt. Ploughing is here done with a very primitive plough and a wonderfully small bullock, as the ground is soft and does not contain a single pebble, ... After being harrowed, it may receive a crop of sweet potatoes, or ground nuts. The women work with children on their backs. No one appears too young to take a part in the work. In the next fields are sugar-canes. \n\n9.29 \n\nThus long before 1841, the villagers of Hong Kong, and the shopkeepers and local boat people too, had settled into the routine of a settled life. Tied to their fields and houses, and to their businesses and daily occupations, they had established institutions of the kind that is usual in Chinese communities, including the shrines and temples that were the object of periodic and special rites through the calendar year. They were therefore to be numbered among those who, in another place and time, twenty years on at Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon, were described as \"the old inhabitants of this site, who are indeed orderly people” in contrast to newcomers who were suspected of being \"thieves and outlaws”.3 \n\n30 \n\nTheir good behaviour struck a series of visitors from outside. The famous botanist Robert Fortune, writing of his experiences on the Hong Kong area in the 1840s commented: \n\n\"In all my wanderings on the island, and also on the mainland hereabouts, I found the inhabitants harmless and civil. I have visited their glens and their mountains, their villages and small towns, and from all the intercourse I have had with them I am bound to give them this character. \n\nAnother observer, the military surgeon Keith Stewart McKenzie, \n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210171, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "121\n\nBritish ignorance of their position under Chinese law and practice, and incoming Chinese settlers' disregard of it. In 1858, their land at Tsim Sha Tsui, on account of its proximity to Hong Kong and its fine position on the harbour, was being occupied for all manner of business by persons who gave no thought to paying rent to the Tangs. They caused a public notice to be prepared, which found its way in translation into the English language paper the Friend of China on 24th July 1858. This was two years before this part of Kowloon was first leased, then ceded, to Britain in the course of the year 1860. The printed version was as follows:\n\n\"Tung Wing-Fook-Tong [sic] of the Sun On district, was formerly sole proprietor of the Island of Hong Kong, and of the hills and coast of the North Side of the Harbour under the general name of Tsin Shat-Choy\n\nLately Tung Wing-Fook-Tong petitioned the Magistrate of Sun-On to examine Tung's claim to Tsin Shat-Choy and the Magistrate issued a proclamation declaring that Tung Wing-Fook-Tong is the real owner of the Property.\n\n51\n\nThe editor of the newspaper was not sympathetic, being downright sceptical of the Tung (Tang) claims to Hong Kong:\n\n\"As to his having been a Lord of this Isle, as well as of Tsim-shat-choy,\" he wrote, \"in a word, we do not believe a word of it\".\n\nIndeed, he went further, dismissing the unfortunate Tangs as being 'mythical as the Hong Kong agents for Holloway's pills' 52\n\nYet the fact remains that the Chinese records corroborate the Tang family's claims to Hong Kong and much else, and their exchanges with the various Chinese authorities at the district, prefectural and provincial level in the 1840s reveal some essential characteristics both as to their own situation as owners of Hong Kong and as to the mind and operation of the imperial bureaucracy. The Tangs were essentially absentee owners, entitled through the registered ownership to be regarded as the true owners of the sub-soil and eligible to exact a rent charge from tenants on it.\"3 The officials with whom they dealt in the course of pressing their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210241, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "191\n\ncalculating basal metabolic rate:\n\nWhere M\n\nResults\n\nwww\n\nlog M = log 74.3 + 0.744 log W±0.074\n\nheat production in kcal day−1\n\nW = body weight in kg.\n\na) Environmental Conditions and Primary Productivity\n\nValues for environmental parameters and primary productivity (phytoplankton and simple periphyton), measured in terms of chlorophyll, are given in Table 1. Although minimum air temperature reached 5.5° in January 1979, the lowest recorded water temperature was 14.6°. In April 1978 the salinity of the water was about 50% of that of sea water (30%), but fell to a low level during the wet season. The highest values were recorded during the last four months, due probably to a combination of low rainfall and the entry of comparatively large amounts of sea water. The pH approximated to that of seawater (8.0-8.3) for much of the period but became slightly acidic in late July, August and September. Dissolved oxygen in the surface water was high throughout the experimental period and should always have been sufficient for all but the most demanding animals. Moreover, at the comparatively low salinity, the nitrate content might well have been quite high (Fogg, 1980).\n\nIn comparison with the water of Hau Hoi Wan as measured off Tsim Bei Tsui by Vrijmoed (1975), pH and dissolved oxygen were slightly higher in the kei wai, but salinity was about the same level and showed a similar seasonal fluctuation.\n\nThe most obvious element of primary production was the red alga Ceramium sp., of which 14,000-17,500 kg. (mean: 15,750 kg.) is harvested per annum. Growth is particularly prolific between the first and fifth lunar months and it is certain that some part of the total production of Ceramium would be consumed by herbivores.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210322, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 293, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "272\n\nP.H. HASE, J.W. HAYES AND K.C. IU\n\nNgam village is situated and that tea growing there had come to the attention of the Botanical Department soon after the lease of the New Territories in 1898. It is, however, of interest to note that contemporary villagers in the areas of these terraces state that their ancestors, as far as they know, had no interest in these terraces, and no-one claims any ownership of them today.\n\nTea was also being cultivated in some localities in San On County in the 1850s. Writing on the county in 1858, Revd. R. Krone stated \"Tea is also cultivated in several places and is generally called \"Shan-cha” (mountain tea). It has a rather strong astringent taste, but is much liked by the natives, and particularly by those who are of advanced age, who consider that it promotes digestion and cools the system. Many drink only this indigenous tea\" 16\n\nTo summarize, it is possible that tea cultivation was at one time flourishing in the region. If the terraces I have mentioned were truly tea terraces, it must have been a commercial venture on a large scale. However, since no memory of commercial tea cultivation remains in village tradition, at least in those places where I have made enquiry, final proof is unlikely to be available. On the other hand, the cultivation of tea for local consumption appears to have been practised in many villages in the 19th century and after, and perhaps earlier. The Mau Tso Ngam experience is simply one of many, though it is one of the few in which the practice is still carried out.\n\nFinally, may I enter a plea for research on another aspect of village activity, the collection and preparation of medical herbs? Coincidentally, my information also comes mainly from Mau Tso Ngam. When interviewing an old village lady born there in 1884, but married to Hok Tsui village at Cape D'Aguilar on Hong Kong island, I was told about the tea bushes but did not follow it up and, instead, heard more about medicinal herbs. Her information was that her family and those of the main clan in the village, the Chengs, collected and prepared herbs on the hillside for sale in Kowloon City market. They did this all year round when they were not busy in the fields. The herbs had to be washed, dried and chopped or sliced. They were taken for sale four or five times a year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210348, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 319, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "298\n\nWONG TAK YAN\n\nSlaking\n\nThe shell powder from the kiln is heaped up into a pile and water is mixed with it. Smoke appears and the shell powder is converted to lime.\n\nSieving\n\nA further day after the addition of water, the by now already slaked lime is sieved with a copper mesh sieve. The lumps of waste residue after sieving are thrown into the sea to reclaim it.\n\nBagging\n\nThe finished lime is bagged in hemp or grass-cloth sacks of about 100 cattys weight, and is then shipped on small boats to the buyers.\n\nMy family involvement in lime making\n\nThe San Shing Lei (新盛利) lime kiln factory operated by the Wong (黃) family has enjoyed a relatively lengthy history and occupied a distinguished place in the local lime kiln industry. Five generations of the family were involved in it, for more than one hundred years. The Wong family came originally from Chung Shan (中山) county, and our ancestor first came to Hong Kong shortly after Hong Kong was established, to operate a lime kiln in the Western part of the city (西區). Later, at various times, the kiln moved. This was because, as the area became prosperous and developed, so the kiln had to move away to quiet and undeveloped areas near the sea to carry on business. Lime burning is an offensive trade because of the large quantity of lime dust emitted, and also because of the heavy pall of smoke blown about in the first hour after the kiln is lit, while the dry grass is burning. In fact, during lime-burning, local residents and passers-by would all run away to try to avoid this smoke. However, the kiln is not dangerous to health — in fact, kiln workers all enjoy excellent health. The Wong family factory moved to several places: from Western District to Tsimshatsui (near the present railway station area), then to Tai Kok Tsui (near Fuk Wing Street), then to Shamshuipo.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210474, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "62\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nvisited the village only at long intervals. Travelling to and fro they usually hitched a lift to Sai Kung from one of the fishermen, and then went by bus. Their wives, on the other hand, hardly ever left the village, except perhaps to see an opera performance at one of the neighbouring festivals listed above. The 'headman' and his brother normally followed a slightly different pattern. Their shop, a new departure opened shortly before the time of my arrival, required the permanent presence of one of them. The 'headman' had his fingers in a number of enterprises on the mainland, but returned frequently to Kau Sai to deal in pigs (his own and others') and to keep an eye on the illicit still which was his main source of income. He owned a small transport junk. (The other, and larger, shop was owned by an ex-fisherman, at that time permanently resident on shore but sharing fully in the fishermen's ritual and recreational movements). Hakka men being seldom present were not often included in fishermen's sociable gatherings; their social life was elsewhere. The ‘headman', and more especially his shopkeeper brother who was popular, who were present, were exceptions.\n\nAn overview of the various patterns of movement yields two obvious inferences which are as significant as they are self-evident. First, although mobile the fishermen were far from footloose. Not only did many of them (particularly the purse-seiners) return constantly to one particular base, namely Kau Sai, but their movements away from there also took place within a definitely circumscribed area. This comprised, in effect, the waters of Port Shelter and Rocky Harbour as far as Basalt Island, Bluff Island and the Ninepins, with an outlying channel to Shaukiwan or Hong Kong island (from which it was only a 10¢ or 20¢ tram or bus ride to all the bright lights of the city). Only occasionally and for limited purposes did Kau Sai-based boats go beyond the boundaries of this area. It included two market towns, Sai Kung and Shaukiwan, and a number of fishing villages the main ones being at Yim Tin Tsai, Lung Shuen Wan, Kiu Tsui, Pak Sha Wan, Pu To Au).\n\nWith the obvious difference that it contained more than one market and was within fairly easy reach of a great international centre of commerce and industry, this area was closely similar to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210715, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "49\n\n1916, he was responsible for road works in New Kowloon and the New Territories, extending the network of metalled roads in the Territory. By this time he was on a salary of £630 per year with a conveyance of £360 per year (presumably to cover the costs of running a car).\n\nJackman married Dorothy Smith in the Peak Chapel on 26 August 1910. Dorothy Smith had come to Hong Kong around the beginning of the century with her brother, Crowther Smith, who had a legal practice in Queen's Road Central together with F. X. d'Almada e Castro. Also in Hong Kong at the time was Dorothy Smith's uncle, Horace Percy Smith, a well-known accountant and eminent Freemason. Immediately after the wedding, the couple went off for their honeymoon in Macao with a very rowdy send-off at the Macao Ferry Pier. So many firecrackers with red confetti were set off at the pier that one paper reported that the couple were mistaken by passers-by for the Governor of Macao, and many people joined the crowd to see what was going on. After their honeymoon, Jackman and his wife lived in Des Voeux Villas on the Peak. They had no children.\n\nH. T. Jackman was the father of urban planning in Kowloon and New Kowloon. In the early part of the century, development in the territory of Hong Kong had mainly been restricted to the island, while Kowloon had provided bases for the Army as well as major wharfage areas. The construction of the Kowloon Canton Railway greatly increased the development value of Kowloon and the population there started to grow rapidly. The land necessary for the Railway station, shunting yards and workshops was reclaimed from the sea to the east of the Tsim Sha Tsui peninsula (the hongs having taken up much of the available land to build godowns in anticipation of the opening of the railway). Writing in 1908, H. A. Cartwright, felt that “it requires no great prophetic instinct to predict that in time, the whole of Hung Hom Bay will be reclaimed.”\n\nFrom 1919, Jackman was closely involved in Kowloon town planning. Many of the old villages in the area succumbed to development clearance: Kau Lung Tsai and Kowloon Tong villages gave way to town house developments which are still there today.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210757, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "91\n\nlanterns affixed on the posts shone on Shek O and Tai Long Wan people.\n\nThe priests and ritual representatives visited the faan-gon posts and made offerings three times a day in a procession called haang-chiu (audience procession). When I followed one of those processions in Shek O, however, I discovered that not all four of the faan-gon posts were erected at the corners of the settlement. The first faan-gon post in Shek O visited by the haang-chiu procession was between the school playground and the quarters of the cleansing unit of the Urban Services Department. One of the local members of the procession volunteered the information that the post was set up there because three years ago a fatal accident took place at the spot. Two young boys who lived in the quarters of the cleansing unit were playing there when a stone pillar fell down suddenly and killed both of them.\n\nV. The local gods\n\nThe Tin Hau was represented by her wooden image at the centre of the altar. Behind the image was a piece of red paper on which the titles of ten local deities were written. With the exception of the Sea Goddess (shui sin) of the small temple at one edge of Shek O Beach, they were Baak-gung and Daai-wong earth gods of Tai Long Wan, Shek O, and Seung Wai. One of them, styled jang-paang daai-wong (earth god of the stakenets), was a reminder of the former fishing activities of the local residents. Many others had probably existed for the protection of villagers in fishing and farming. The change in land use is evident in the reply given by Mr. Wong, the local leader, when asked where the god's place was. He said, \"Below the number 10 alley of the Westerners' residences of Tai Long Wan,\" linking the god with the change that had taken place in the locality. He gave the same description for the location of another god, the Earth god of the Banyan Tree Place. For the Seung Wai daai-wong, he explained that it was below no. 1 alley, which had become a residential area for Westerners. It used to be the villagers' settlement which was removed to Shek O for the construction of the golf club. There were also three gods whose names were not known to Mr. Wong. He believed that those were from Hok Tsui, the village which joined in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "94\n\nassociated with the organization after interviewing the surviving founders in the 1960's, and there is no reason to question its veracity. Where, then, did the old lady's account come from?\n\nFirst, it should be noted that few people who visit the temple are even aware of the name of the private organization which has managed the temple for the past 60 years (Chin, et al., 1977:29). Fewer still will have read the temple's history, written in Chinese in glossy brochures which are provided mainly to the members, government officials, and other dignitaries on ceremonial occasions. Hence, it is not surprising that details of the founding of the temple are not widely known even among devotees of the god. How then do worshippers account for the temple's origins?\n\nIn this particular case, the informant appears to have adopted a miracle story which is not uncommon in the Hong Kong area: the recovery from the sea of a god's statue. The statue of Pak Tai in the temple of Cheung Chau island, near Hong Kong, for instance, was allegedly found by fishermen floating in the sea off Guangdong, and became the object of worship (Savidge, 1977:82), displacing other statues of the god. Another instance has been related by adherents of the Kuan-yin temple near Tai Ping Shan Street on Hong Kong Island, in which the statue of the goddess displayed in the temple was “carved from a block of wood floating in the sea and, according to the local story, giving off mysterious golden rays” (Topley and Hayes, 1966:126). The main icon in the Tin Hau temple at Shek Tong Tsui on Hong Kong Island was also said to have been recovered from the sea (Hayes, 1966:89). This kind of story is superficially similar to the “drifted deities” worshipped by fishermen in the Noto Peninsula area of Japan (Ogura, 1980). Many worshippers in Hong Kong will have heard this kind of story about a god's statue being recovered from the sea. When many years have passed, it is difficult for some people to remember which god's statue was found in the water. One's favourite god may then become the subject of the story.\n\nAnother case we have discovered suggests that the process of transfer can occur quite rapidly. In 1966, in a paper on temples on Hong Kong Island, Topley related the account given her by a Cantonese lady of the life of the Taoist hermit worshipped in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211596, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "23 March\n\nDr. Elizabeth Sinn\n\n\"Management of the Chinese in 19th Century Hong Kong and the Role of the Tung Wah Hospital”\n\nThe following Visits were made:\n\n29 April\n\n6 May\n\n24 June\n\n1 July\n\nAnita Wilson and Dr. James Hayes\n\nVisit to the Pottery Kiln at Tuen Mun, Ha Tsuen Tang Ancestral Hall and Old Market, Ling Wan Monastery (with vegetarian lunch), Lai Family Study Hall and Mansion at Sheung Tsuen, Hakka Mansion at Sham Ka Wai, and Yuen Long Old Market\n\nDr. James Hayes and Ted Brown Visit to Kowloon Walled City, Again! Phillip Bruce\n\nVisit to Old Marine Police Headquarters at Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon\n\nPhillip Bruce\n\nRepeat of the Visit of 24 June\n\n14 September Dr. Patrick Hase and Lee Man-yip\n\nVisit to Wo Hang for the Hot Air Balloon release at Mid Autumn Festival\n\n25 November Dr. James Hayes\n\n9 December\n\nVisit to places of interest on Hong Kong Island, including Waterfall Bay, the Aberdeen Country Park Management Centre, Chung Hom Kok, Shek O Village and Lei Yu Mun Barracks and Leisure Centre Rosemary Lee and Richard Gee\n\nRepeat of the N.T. Visit of 29 April\n\n13-14 January Anita Wilson, Dr. Dan Waters, Rev. Carl Smith and\n\nDr. Joseph Ting\n\n22 January\n\n18 February\n\nWeek End Visit to Macao\n\nPhillip Bruce\n\nVisit to some interesting Naval and Military Graves in the Colonial Cemetery\n\nPhillip Bruce and Dr. Anthony Siu\n\nVisit to the Tung Chung Area, the site of Hong Kong's Future Replacement Airport\n\nThis varied and interesting programme has again been due to the Activities Committee, which has worked hard under Dr. Elizabeth Sinn's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211706, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "96\n\nThere are four reasons why this area developed incense wood cultivation. Firstly, the area is extensively underlain by igneous rocks, the disintegration of which forms sands and silts: an ideal soil type for the growth of the incense tree. Secondly, the long history of cultivation of incense trees in Tung-kuan had enabled the cultivators to accumulate the necessary experience in the technique of incense tree cultivation. Moreover, the fact that most of the cultivators inherited their business from their fathers suggests that they were highly skilled in the cultivation of incense trees, and the tapering and cutting of incense wood.2 In addition to these physical and historical factors, the market for incense products was large. There was a high demand from the inland areas of Kuang-tung, Chiang-hsi and Che-chiang which consumed large quantities of incense wood annually. The Hong Kong area, being geographically accessible, collected incense wood logs in Tsim Sha Tsui (then called Tsim Sha T'ou or Hsiang Pu T'ou) from where it was shipped by small boats to Shek Pai Wan (near Aberdeen) and then reshipped by Chinese sea-going junks to Canton. From this place, incense wood was transported northward overland to Chiang-su and Che-chiang. Thus the cultivation of the incense trees also stimulated the development of the small local ports.\n\nIt has been suggested that the cultivation of and trade in incense trees gave rise to the name of Hong Kong (literally meaning \"Incense Harbour\", #), \n\n香港\n\nLittle Hongkong, or Heung-kong-wai, is said to have been so-called on account of the quantity of Pak-mu-heung-shu then growing there, the wood of these white-wood fragrant trees is called “Nga-heung” (i.e. fragrant wood white as a tooth), is odoriferous when burnt, and although now the woodcutters have left but few trees there and at Wong-nei-chung, yet formerly it grew abundantly there. In the time of the Han Dynasty, this wood, it is said, was highly valued, and formed an article of tribute.\n\n5\n\n>>4\n\nIt seems that before the mid-seventeenth century, the incense industry, though one of the three major industries of Hong Kong, was not engaged in the manufacture of joss sticks. For example, Fêng K'ê-pin of the Ming Dynasty has 22 prescriptions for the use of incense powder, but none refers to the manufacture of joss sticks.*", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "13\n\n153\n\nPP.\n\n12 The inscription recording the rebuilding is at Faure, Luk and Ng, op. cit. Vol. I, 128-129, but it is unreadable through weathering, except for the heading and date.\n\n(4). Loe An-lim (羅安廉) (42), Qianren Wenxian (千人文献), ÑÍAL. [Collected Writings of Men of Past Ages], unpublished manuscript collection, Vol. 2, ff. 75a. (Copy in library of Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Kowloon Central Library, Hong Kong). Lee An-lim was a villager of Sheung Wo Hang.\n\n(3) Lee An-lim, Qianren Wenxian, op. cit. ff 73-78.\n\n+\n\nAs honour board recording the donors to the 1920 repair has recently been found. It lists the donors by village. Every village in Ta Kwu Ling donated (except Ping Che, Chuk Yuen, Nga Yiu Ha, very probably included with their lineage brethren in Tong Fong, Law Fong, Ping Yeung), as did the villages close to the road both in the Sha Tau Kok area (Shan Tsui, Yim Tso Ha, Yim Tin, Wo Hang, Nam Chung, Luk Keng, Wu Shek Kok and Sha Tau Kok Market) and in the Sham Tsun area (Sham Tsun Market, Lo Wu, and Wong Pui Ling). Shek Wu Hui from further away also donated. See Win Wen Wei Pao (SCHEW) of 17 September, 1991.\n\nU¿÷\n\n16 Detail from the tablets commemorating the departed leaders of the monastery, and from information given by the recently deceased resident nun. The tablet of Kuk Shan Kit reads: 羅浮山寶積古寺監裤正宗第上三代主持上谷下山潔老和尚莲座. The tablet Kuk Shan Kit placed to commemorate his deceased predecessors names the \"ordained monks\" HIBA · MAZA\n\n+\n\nJ\n\n# and Ki£*, all of whom were dead by the date of erection\n\n+\n\n1\n\nof the tablet, and ✯, at that date still alive, as well as predecessors as rulers of this monastery\" ALLKILMINER and \"those monks who founded this monastery\", A WILDFORIKA BAIMM-\n\nL\n\n17 See P.H. Hase, “Notes on Rice Farming in Shatin', in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 21, 1981, pp. 196-206; D. Faure, The Rural Economy of Pre-Liberation China: Trade Increase and Peasant Livelihood in Jiangsu and Guangdong, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1989, pp. 46-57 and 212; and Hong Kong Annual Report: Report by District Commissioner, New Territories for Year Ending 31st March, 1950, Noronha and Co., Hong Kong, 1950, p. 5.\n\nTH The Ho clan of Tsung Yuen Ha descends from Ho Chan, the Earl of Tung Kuan in the early Ming, and the Ho family history (CBMGKR — a manuscript volume in the University of Cambridge Library) suggests this area was in Ho Chan's hands before the end of the Ming. It was certainly in Ho family control before 1393 when Ho Chan's family were proscribed. The Tang family has occupied the Lung Yeuk Tau villages, Loi Tung and Tai Tong Wu since the fourteenth century at the latest. A Tang clan also occupies Au Ha (PUF Aoxia) and Wang Kong Ha (Huanggangxia). I have not been able to discover if these two villagers are genealogically connected with the Loi Tung and Lung Yeuk Tau clan, although this is unlikely. The Man family has occupied Ping Che for **18 generations\", according to village elders, i.e. probably from the fourteenth century. The same family occupies Tong Fong, Heung Yuen Wai, and Lin Tong, Liantang), and a branch of it was resident at Man Uk Pin (**Man Family Houses\") before the present residents, the Chung (鍾) clan moved there in the early eighteenth century. The To clan has been resident at Chau Tin village for **500 years\". Local villagers consider that the Lei family has been resident at Lei Uk for as long as the To and Man clans have been at Chau Tin and Ping Che. All these clans are Punti, although sections of the Man clan at Tong Fong, and those at Heung Yuen Wai and Lin Tong, now speak Hakka. Shan Kai Wat (Lam surname, 林), Fung Wong Wu (Yip surname, 葉), and Law Fong (Law surname, 羅), are all included in the list of villages in existence in 1661 included in the 1688 Hsin An County Gazetteer, along with Au Ha, Tsung Yuen Ha, Ping Che (Ping Yuen 平遠), and perhaps Ping Yeung (坪洋) (Gazetteer, Ch. 3, f 12-13). Other Punti clans in the Ta Kwu Ling area (Wong, 黃, Chan, 陳, and Law, 羅, at Kan Tau Wai, and Hau, 侯)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211978, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 393, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "368\n\nSung, Hok-p'ang et. al. (1984), pp. 1-9.\n\n1973 \"Legends and stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in', JHKBRAS xiii, 1973, pp. 28-40.\n\n1974 \"Legends and stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in\", JHKBRAS xiv, 1974, pp. 160-185.\n\nTaga, Akigoro Tanaka, Issei\n\n1982 Chugoku Sofu no Kenkyu, vol. 2, Tokyo.\n\n1985 \n\nTsui, Bartholomew\n\nWatson, Rubie S.\n\nWolf, Arthur P. (ed.)\n\nA Chiu 亞潮(?) baai 拜 baai-san\n\nBaak Mou-Seung Ú Baak-Ging\n\nBaishe Zhuan\n\nLineage and Theatre in China. Interdependence of Festival Organization, ritual, and theatre in the lineage society of South China, Tokyo.\n\n1989 Village Festivals in China: Backgrounds of Local Theatres. Tokyo\n\nforthcoming\n\n\"Daojiao Yili ya Jishen Kiju zhijian de Guanxi”,\n\nforthcoming\n\n\"Taoist Ritual Books of the New Territories\".\n\n1985 Inequality Among Brothers: Class and Kinship in South China, Cambridge University Press.\n\n1974 Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford.\n\nGLOSSARY\n\nchiu-gaan chiu-dou * Chiu-Yip #\n\nchu 柱\n\nChuk Yuen 竹園\n\nChung E\n\nChung Yeung 重陽\n\nChung-Saan\n\nU\n\nBak Bin 北便\n\nBak Dai 北帝\n\nbei 陂\n\nbong 榜\n\nBou-Dak Chi #AM\n\nbui\n\ncha-gwo 茶果\n\nChan Gau 陳九\n\nChan 陳\n\nchau-san\n\n+\n\nChenghua 成化\n\ncheun-ding\n\nT\n\ncheun-fu 巡撫 Cheung-Cheun Yun cheung-saam Chi-Naam Ching Ming U Ching-Lok\n\nChung-Yut Я\n\nchyun 村\n\nDaai-Si Wong ✰±\n\nDaai-Wong E\n\ndaai-yan ★A daai-yau daam\n\ndaam-jung da-jai 打仔 da-jiu 打醮 dan 躉 Dang 鄧\n\nDang Chung 鄧璁 Dao 道 da-saat\n\nDei-Jong Wong E", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211993, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 408, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "383\n\nRecently, a poem on the Revolution composed by a village lady from Sha Tau Kok has come to my attention. It was probably composed in 1911, at about the time that news of the Revolution first came to that area. I was told that the occasion of the composition was the marriage of a girl from Sha Tau Kok Market to a villager of Shan Tsui, a village just outside the market. Her elder brother was a supporter of radical ideas, and was living away from Sha Tau Kok. He returned for his sister's wedding, and when he did, his relatives were shocked to see that he had cut his queue - the first man in the area to do so. His sister composed the poem while she was in the sedan chair being carried to her new home. When she sang it, it was an instant success. It was remembered for some years. My informant, who came from Tong To village near Shan Tsui, learnt it about 1925 (she was born in 1907), and was still able to recite it.\n\nThe poem is of interest, not only because it is an almost unique expression of the views of indigenous New Territories residents to the Revolution, (and even more because it was composed by a village lady - a group whose political views are always particularly difficult to discover), but because it discloses a more enthusiastic view of the Revolution than the general silence of our records would lead one to expect. It should, however, be noted that the then District Officer, New Territories, remarked on the speedy, unanimous and easy acceptance of the Revolution by the New Territories villagers. They had, he felt, \"long been ready to join the party of progress, within a few weeks scarcely a queue was to be seen throughout the Territory\".3\n\nBecause of the poem's general interest, a copy is attached, with a translation. The poem was composed in Hakka, in lines of seven characters divided into a group of four and a group of three, in rhymed couplets.\n\nMy Brother's Queue\n\nMy elder brother is enthusiastic, and my younger brother, too.\n\nThe Revolution has succeeded and my elder brother has cut his queue.\n\nWhen you buy a new copper cooking-pot, it is best to put food in it.\n\nThe Manchus have starved to death, their intestines shriveled to nothing.\n\nWhen you buy a new copper cooking-pot, it is best to get one with handles.\n\nThe Manchus have starved to death, their guts shriveled to nothing.\n\nDo not fear the Manchus will use their sharp knives.\n\nWith just a single bomb-blast the hair of all their heads has gone.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 420, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "395\n\n\"Tai Hai Shan, which lies in the sea of Tung Kwun, consists of thirty-six chui. People depend on fishing and salt panning\". However, Chapter 1 of Tai Ming Yi Tung Ming Shing Chi, which was published in the Ming Dynasty, records, Tai Hai Shan, which lies in the sea to the south of Tung Kwun, is surrounded by thirty-six chui. Its territory has a circumference of about three hundred li. From these, we know that, in olden days, Tai Hai Shan was a name representing thirty-six chui. A \"chui\" is a word which may mean 'island' or 'native village'. Also, we know that it was a large territory with a circumference of about three hundred li. However, today, we treat Tai Yu Shan as only one large island.\n\nThe island was dwelt in by primitive settlers from very early days. Previously, archaeological finds of stone and bronze tools at Man Kok Tsui on the east coast and at Shek Pik on the south are plentiful. These give significance to primitive native dwellings on the island.\n\nAt the end of the East Tsin 東晉, Sun Yun 孫恩 and Lo Tsun 盧循 revolted in the lower course of the Yangtze-kiang and in Fukien Province. In 408, Lau Yu of the East Tsin suppressed the revolt successfully. Lo Tsun's followers scattered and lived on Tai Yu Shan afterwards. They were known as Lo Yu 盧餘.\n\nIn the Sung Dynasty, Tai Yu Shan was famous for salt panning. During the North Sung, the salt panning on the island was under the administration of the Hai Nam Ch'eung (Chaak). About 1160, the island and its surroundings were under the control of the aborigines with Chu Yau as their leader. Later, when Chu Yau and his men surrendered, the robust men and youths were dragooned to serve in the Sung navy, the old and the infirm were spared. In 1197, Sung officials captured salt smugglers on Tai Yu Shan. The natives under Man Tang rose in open revolt. The governor of Kwangchow Fu sent troops to the island. The revolt was quickly suppressed and all the houses in the villages were razed to the ground. Afterwards, a permanent garrison of three hundred strong was stationed there to control future uprisings. During the Yuan Dynasty, hundreds of people from other lands came to the island and set up their homes there. They lived on farming and fishing.\n\nDuring the Ming Dynasty, the coastal area of Kwangtung Province\n\nPage 420\n\nPage 421", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 422, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "397\n\nthe Yuen Ka Walled Village\n\nE, Mui Wo, Shek Pik, Tong Fuk\n\n塘福,Shek Mun Kap 石門甲,Shui Hau 水口, Shek Lau Hang 石榴坑, Ngau Au 牛凹, Sha Lo Wan, Shek Tau Po石頭莆,Yi O 二澳 and Yau Ku Long. Also, Hakka villages were found at Tai Ho, Pak Mong, Wang Long and Ling Pei Walled Village at Tung Chung.\" The population on the island increased, and they depended on fishing and farming.\n\nNowadays, Mui Wo, Pui O, Shui Hau, Tai O and Tung Chung have developed into towns; Shek Pik Village has been removed, and a reservoir built on that site. However, many villages founded in the Ching Dynasty still remain with little development.\n\nNOTES\n\nANTHONY SIU KWOK-KIN\n\n1\n\nThe inscription of the 42nd year of Chien Lung (1777) on the stone tablet in the Hau Wong Temple of Tung Chung bears the name \"Tai Hai Shan\".\n\n1 See Chapter 19 of Kwong Yu Kei, Ming edition.\n\n1\n\n1 See Chapter 2 of Yuet Man Chuen See Kei Leuk, 1684 edition.\n\nSee Chapter 7 of Lin Tien-wai and the writer's Essays on the History of Hong Kong Prior to British Colonisation, Commercial Press, 1984. It is now known as Lantau Island, and in some newly published maps of Hong Kong, it is also known as Tai Ho Island.\n\n+\n\nSee S. G. Davis and May Tregear's Man Kok Tsui, Archaeological Site 30, Lantau Island, Hong Kong, Hong Kong Univ. Press 1961; and “An Archaeological Site at Shek Pik”, Journal Monograph I, Hong Kong Archaeological Society 1975.\n\n7 See Chapter 29 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi\n\n8 See Chapter 1 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi, 1464 edition.\n\n非 See Tsang Yat Man's \"Hai Nam Chaak, an old Salt Pan on Lantau Island\" 大嶼山鹽田學, No. 284, Cosmorama Pictorial, Hong Kong.\n\n9 As Note 8.\n\nSee Tsang Yat Man's \"A Textual Research on the Ins and Outs of the Rebellion of the Natives of Tai Hsi Shan – Now Tai Yu Shan of Hong Kong - in the third year of Ching Yuan of Emperor Ning Tsung of South Sung Dynasty\" 南宋寧宗慶元三年, Chu Hai Journal No. 11, October, 1980.\n\n12 See Chapter 67 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1558 edition.\n\n13 See Tai Hai Shan 大箂山 in Ng Loi 吳榮's Nam Hoi Ku Chik Kei 南海古鏞記, Chapter 61-1 of Su Fu, Shun Chih edition.\n\n14\n\nSee Chapter 12 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1697 edition.\n\n+\n\n15\n\nAs Note 4.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212360, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 302, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "TABLE 1: VILLAGE WARS IN THE HONG KONG AREA\n\n279\n\n \n Antagonist\n Lo Wu\n Antagonist\n Tsoi Uk Wai\n \n \n Date\n Source\n Comment\n \n \n \n 18.36\n Above\n Over control of landing place\n \n \n \n Lo Wu\n Wong Pui Ling\n 1856-75\n Ahove\n \n \n Ta Kwu Ling\n Wong Pui Ling\n TRGON\n Hase 1989\n \n \n Sheung Shui\n Wong Pui Ling\n VERSOS\n Baker 1967 1979\n \n \n Sheung Shui\n Ho Sheung Heng\n long-term\n Baker 1966\n \n \n \n \n Over control of landing place\n \n \n \n \n \n Over control of river-crossings. 23 dead on TKL side alone. Hero shrine.\n \n \n \n \n \n Over control of irrigation systems\n \n \n \n San Tin\n Ping Kong\n 1851\n \n \n \n Kam Tsin\n Baker 1966 1968\n \n \n \n \n San Tin\n Ping Shan\n 1851\n Baker 1968\n \n \n Hero Shrine\n \n \n \n \n \n Shup Pat Heung\n San Tim\n Ping Shan\n 1851\n \n \n Watson 1982\n \n Over control of ferries\n \n \n \n Ha Tsuen\n \n \n Baker 1968\n \n \n Sha Tseng\n Pok Tau Kong\n 185.3\n Krone (above)\n \n \n Po Kat\n neighbours\n 1853-\n Above\n \n \n Sheung Shun\n Fanling\n long-term\n \n \n \n Ping Kong\n Fanling\n \n Baker 1966\n \n \n \n \n Over control of market\n \n \n \n \n \n Earthwall on border\n \n \n \n Ho Sheung Heung\n Long Yeak Tho\n Fanling\n long-term Oral\n \n \n Par Fleung\n ?Kam Tia\n Tinid 19\n \n \n \n Hero Shrine\n \n \n \n \n \n Sheung Tsuen\n Wang Tei Shan\n 2nud (19\n Oral\n \n \n Lam Tsuen\n \n \n \n \n \n Hero Shrine\n \n \n \n \n \n Tsuen Wan\n Shing Mun\n \n \n \n \n Tsim Sha Tsui\n neighbours\n \n \n \n \n Tai Wai\n Cheung Sha Wan\n \n \n \n \n Keng tam\n \n 1862-4\n \n \n \n \n \n 1862\n mid-late c19\n \n \n Haves 1983\n \n Hero Shrines\n \n \n \n Hayes 1983\n \n \n \n \n \n Paure 1986\n \n Hero Shrine\n \n \n \n Kak Tin\n Shek Pik\n \n \n \n \n Sha Lo Wan\n \n נִי\n \n \n \n Hayes 1983\n \n \n \n \n \n Pui O San Tsuen\n Pui O La Wai\n 1930\n Hayes 1983\n \n \n Kam Tin\n Ping Shan\n \n Chan 1989\n \n \n Heroes worshipped\n \n \n \n \n \n Pat Heung\n Kam Tiu\n Ping Shan\n long-term\n \n \n mid c19\n \n Chan 1989\n \n \n\n#\n\n[Baker 1966 = \"The Five Great Clans of the New Territories\", H.D.R. Baker, Journal. Vol. 6, 1966, pp. 25-49; Baker 1968 = H.D.R. Baker, Sheung Shui: A Chinese Lineage Village, London, 1968; Baker 1979 H.D.R. Baker, Chinese Family and Kinship, London 1979; Faure 1986 = D. Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong, 1986; Hayes 1983 = J.W Hayes. The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies anet Themes, Hong Kong. 1983; Watson 1982 = Rubic S. Watson \"The Creation of a Chinese Lineage: The Teng of Ha Tsuen, 1669-1751\", Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 16(1). 1982 pp 69-108; Chan 1989 = \"The Tangs of Kam Tin and their Jio Festival\", Chan Wing-hoi, Journal, Vol 29, 1989. pp. 302-376.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "169\n\nfamily in the present generation and after:\n\nOur ancestors first came to live in Tsuen Wan about 235 years ago [1740]. Two brothers came from Chik Sek Market of Shi Kwan Tong sub-district (heung) of Hoi-fung County to Lai Chi Kok in Kowloon. Later, one brother moved to Sha Tsui (Yeung Uk Village), Tsuen Wan. Our founding ancestor was first buried on Tsing Yi Island, but because the authorities wished to develop that part of the island into a dockyard his remains were reburied in a formal grave at Fa Shan, Tsuen Wan. His wife was, and still is, buried at Hau Tei of Chai Wan Kok, Tsuen Wan. It has been found that both these ancestral graves have ever brought good fortune to our clansmen.”\n\nThis letter was sent in response to my enquiry about the settlement of the lineage in Tsuen Wan. I had not realized it would be a catalogue of information on founding ancestors and their graves, ending in the statement that the graves were responsible for the flourishing condition of the lineage today!\n\nAlarm and Indignation at Official Notices\n\nSometimes, there were more direct examples of the kind, originating in the posting of official notices on site. When old graves on Tai Mo Shan were being inspected and registered by our land staff in 1980, notices were posted which were guaranteed to upset their owners. One of the many affected parties, the Tang clan of Wang Toi Shan Village in the Pat Heung, sent in a very strongly worded letter to the Office:\n\nWe refer to your notice posted at the ancestral graves of our Tang clan at Sze Fong Shan, Tai Mo Shan summit, stating that the burials were in violation of public health regulations. Descendants of the clan called an urgent meeting at which it was resolved to make strong objections. The Tang clan are indigenous villagers of Wang Toi Shan in the Pat Heung, and have a history [of settlement there] which is older than the Hong Kong Government. The ancestral graves in question date back to more than a century ago, and were repaired in the 31st year of Kuang-hsu [1905], as shown by the tomb inscriptions. The prosperity of our clan is attributed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212920, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "214\n\nBANDITS IN THE SIU LEK YUEN YEUK\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nThe operation and functioning of the New Territories Yeuk (Village Mutual Defence Alliance) is a particularly fascinating subject, since the Yeuk seem to have been the dominant political feature of the eastern New Territories area in the nineteenth century. For this reason, I felt it might be of interest to provide a translation here of a note received from the village headman of Tsap Wai Kon village, Mr Tsim Fo-sang (?) on an incident in the Siu Lek Yuen area, probably from the mid or late nineteenth century, as he remembers being told it by the elders of his village in his youth. The note illustrates a number of interesting points about the Yeuk. The incident is likely to be factual, since the heroes of the incident were Tsap Wai Kon men, and so the incident is likely to have been frequently spoken about there.\n\nAt that time there were bandits in the area. Most of these bandits came from Kiangsi. They came in bands of ten or twenty or more. Some were extremely skilled in martial arts, but, in addition to their strength, they had weapons and weighted chains (?). Wherever they went they caused great sorrow to the residents. They forced the residents to give them food or money, and so forth. Of these bandit incursions, the worst was at Siu Lek Yuen.\n\nThe Siu Lek Yuen Yeuk was formed by uniting together many villages, such as Tsap Wai Kon, Kin Tsui, Ngau Pei Sha, Siu Lek Yuen, Nam Shan, Shek Kwu Lung, Tai Lam Liu, Wong Nai Tau, Fa Sam Hang, Tai Che, Kwun Yam Shan, Mau Tso Ngam, Fu Yung Pit, Lo Shue Tin, and other villages.\n\nSince they had to oppose the vexations and attacks of the bandits, the villagers of the Yeuk agreed to meet once a year in a meeting called the 'Everyone Together' meeting (?). This arrangement was instituted solely because of the bandits. At the meeting everyone brought food piled up on wooden dishes. The dishes from every village were taken to a matshed, where everyone sat", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212943, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "Lectures:\n\n1993\n\n16 April\n\n14 May\n\n11 June\n\n9 July\n\n15 October\n\n30 October\n\n19 November\n\n26 November\n\n9 December\n\n1994\n\n21 January\n\n18 February\n\n11 March\n\n21 March\n\nChinese Opera Di S.Y Chan\n\nGrowing Up in China Mr Denis Bray\n\nNew Territories Poetry and Song Di Patrick Hase\n\nThe Li Family of Hong Kong Mr Frank Ching\n\nChinese Festivals in Hong Kong. Dr Patrick Hase based on video taken by Mr. Peter Lee\n\nMult-culturalism and Asia Asian Arts Society of Australia Dr. James Hayes\n\nEmigration from Hong Kong Dr. Elizabeth Sinn\n\nLaw as a Foreign Language Professor Derek Roebuck\n\nTriad Societies in Hong Kong Mr. Ip Pau-fuk\n\nWilliam Mesney. Mr Keith Stevens\n\nChinese Clothing An Illustrated Guide Mis Valery Garrett\n\nEternal Serenity Meaning of Architecture of the Chinese Buddhist Monastery Di Puay-peng Ho\n\nAncient Chinese Gold Dr Simon Kwan\n\nCrossing the Taklamakan Desert Mr Charles Blackmore\n\nVisits:\n\n1993\n\n3 April\n\n2 May\n\n22 May\n\n5 June/September\n\n25 June\n\n3 July\n\n30 September\n\nExhibition of paintings by Nancy Woo - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University\n\nJewish Cemetery\n\nMer Yung Tang Collection of Paintings by Chan Dai Chien Chinese University Art Gallery\n\nMarine Police Headquarters in Tsim Sha Tsui (two visits)\n\nJapanese Tea Ceremony - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University\n\nPicnic and outing to Yuen Tun Village Civil Aid Services Camp, Tar Lam Chung\n\nWo Hang Village to see making and letting off of paper balloons (Moon Festival)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212944, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "6 November\n\n20 November\n\n18 December\n\n20 December\n\n1994\n\n18 January\n\n22 January\n\n19 March\n\nSwire Marine Laboratory, Cape D'Aguilar\n\nDiscovering Trim Sha Tsui- Historical Quiz\n\n-\n\nBattle of Hong Kong Walk - Wong Nei Chung to Tai Tam with visit to Sai Wan Commonwealth War Cemetery\n\nExhibition of Sand Mandala - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University\n\nThree Historic Buildings of Central (Helena May, Government House, Christian Science Church)\n\nExhibition of Archeological Discoveries of Ancient Yue Tribes in Southern China - Museum of History\n\nUniversity of Science and Technology and Tin Hau Temple, Joss House Bay\n\nVisits Outside Hong Kong\n\n1994\n\nDecember\n\nGuangzhou\n\nI expect many of you can think of several highlights, but for me the most significant and colourful event was the trip to Guangzhou and our trip on leaky sampans from one side of the Pearl River to the other, to look at Danes Island and the Military Academy at Whampoa; the whole trip was a memorable occasion and we have to thank Dr. Joseph Ting and our friends in Guangzhou for organising it so superbly. But none of these events could take place without some organisation behind them, and for this we have to thank the Programme Committee and particularly Mr. Peter Leeds, the Chairman. Peter used to be, I believe, in Transport; in fact, he gave a lecture to the Society about two years ago on the history of transport in Hong Kong. Clearly, anyone who has organised transport in Hong Kong has some very gifted organisational skills, and the Society has been very fortunate over the last three years to have him at the hub of the wheel, so to speak, of the Programme Committee. It is therefore with great regret that I have to report that due to his anticipated long period of absence from Hong Kong next year, he feels he will not be able to carry on his present role. Fortunately, however, I am pleased to report that Mrs. Rosemary Lee has agreed to take on the role, and I have promised her that she will obtain all the support the Council and I hope other members can give her.\n\nXI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "150\n\nIt is scarcely surprising, therefore, that the Hakka villages of this area combined into a number of village self-defence and support alliance groups in the eighteenth century, and under the leadership of the wealthier villages, formed a district association in the early nineteenth, the Shap Yeuk (+) or \"Alliance of Ten\" (so called from the ten or eleven village alliance groups of which it was formed). The Shap Yeuk's prime aim was local self-government. They sought, therefore, to remove from the area the political dominance of the older Punti clans from the west, which had been a feature of the area in the earlier period: this was successfully achieved in the early nineteenth century. The area had previously marketed at Sham Chun, which was a market dominated by the old Punti clans. The population of the Mirs Bay area, which had been very low in the early eighteenth century, had risen sharply, and, by the early nineteenth century, had reached the point where it could support a market of its own. The Shap Yeuk accordingly founded a market, probably in the period 1825-1835, at Sha Tau Kok, partly on reclaimed land. The successful foundation of this market was a clear public statement of the success of the Shap Yeuk in ridding themselves of the influence of the Punti clans of the Sham Chun area.\n\nIn the genealogy of the Chan clan of Nam Chung village it states that Chan Hip-tsun (B) (1792-1864) of that clan was the leader in the market project: \"The foundation of Tung Wo Market was undertaken at his initiative. He got all the people of various Yeuk together, and secured unanimity.\"\n\nImmediately west of the new town, various wealthy local villagers also joined forces to reclaim a 21 acre island of salt-pans, connected with the new town by tidal fords passable at low water. This reclamation may have been undertaken a little after the foundation of the market. Salt production remained an important part of the town's economy until the 1920s. 10\n\nIn the early nineteenth century there were three temples in the area near the new town. One was the Tin Hau Temple at Am King (Anjing, ), which was the community temple of the Luk Heung (Luxiang, A), the area immediately east of the new town. This temple was of early Ch'ing date the latest.\" Only half a mile from the new market was the Kwan Tai Temple at Shan Tsui, the community temple of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "151\n\nSam Heung (三鄉), the area immediately west of the new market. While there is no evidence as to the date of this temple, it is likely to be as old as the Am King temple.2 The third temple was the Tin Hau Temple at Wu Shek Kok some miles west of the new town. Almost certainly, the district ferries left from the deep-water harbour immediately in front of the temple, from at least Ming times to the 1830s. This site is remote, with no houses or residences within a half mile, just the hill behind and the sea in front. The temple would, therefore, have provided essential shelter for people waiting for the ferry, as well as casting the protection of the Goddess over those embarking. There is no surviving dating evidence from this temple, but it is probably old.14\n\nFounding a new market was a risky and expensive business, and it is not surprising that the villagers felt that the deities should be propitiated before work began. The Sam Heung villagers accordingly founded a large new Tin Hau temple at the seafront near the new market site, probably about 1815-1820. They also started a decennial Ta Tsui (打水) at the new temple to placate any spirits who might be offended by the work on the reclamation and the new market.15\n\nAll markets in the area have temples, but the three older temples were too far away to serve the market. The new temple was probably designed to be the main market temple. As part of the foundation of the new town, the Shap Yeuk moved the ferry pier into it from Wu Shek Kok. It is unclear who owned the ferries before the 1840s, but certainly the Shap Yeuk was fully in control of them from that period at the latest. It was clearly felt that the new ferry pier at the new town should, like the old one, be sanctified by the presence of the Goddess: not surprisingly, therefore, the new ferry pier was built on the foreshore immediately in front of the new temple.\n\nThe genealogy of the Wong clan of Shan Tsui village states that Wong Yin-tung (黃賢東) (1779-1867) of that clan managed the temple foundation project: 'Throughout his life he was upright and firm; he took the lead in the first construction of the Tin Hau Temple at Sha Tau Kok.' The Sam Heung villagers ran the temple through a trust, the Sam Wo Tong (三和堂, \"The Hall of Three at Peace\").\n\nA further, small Tin Hau Temple was found by the investors into the saltpan reclamation project, to assist in the protection of this area, which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213126, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "176\n\n'From Fanling also, there runs a narrow gauge line down the other coast at Sha Tau Kok. Sha Tau Kok itself is a fishing town, walled, and of a type, with two loopholed buildings [the gun towers] sticking up out of it. These serve as watch-towers and are common to all Chinese towns. Usually they are the pawnshops or safe deposits. Doubtless they were necessary and useful enough in unsettled times, before modern rifles and artillery were added to China's domestic problems. Narrow dirty streets shorten the foreigner's stay in Sha Tau Kok, and he is content to leave the place to its poi-bellied pigs and contented citizens.' \n\n67\n\nSocial and Economic Life\n\nThere are three tablets which include lists of shops in Sha Tau Kok: the 1894 tablet recording donations to the rebuilding of the temple at Shan Tsui; the 1906 tablet recording donations to the building of a bridge at Bride's Pool, and the 1920 wooden tablet recording donations to the repairs of the monastery at Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz. 68 Of these, the last is the fullest and most significant, listing 39 shops specifically as being from Sha Tau Kok. These lists have been discussed with elders of surrounding villages, and, as a result, some 84 shops or workshops have been recorded as operating in the market before 1925. Some of these 84 are somewhat doubtful. At the same time, the elders say that there were more shops than they can now remember anything of - numbers of very small shops, selling sweets and such like, existed which the elders cannot now remember in any detail. It seems likely that there were about 90-100 shops in operation in the market during this period. In addition to these 90-100 shops, there were 18 functioning saltworks, between 10 and 12 prostitutes, and a number of full-time hawkers working both in the market, and from the market through the surrounding district. Many of the shops employed one or two people as well as family of the owner. The market may have been responsible for providing work for 400-500 people.\n\nOf the shops remembered by the elders, five were general household stores. Two rattan dealers made and dealt in sieves and baskets. A silversmith provided for the finger-rings, ear-rings, and bracelets so important in Hakka culture. Eight were general groceries, some of which were, in addition, grain wholesalers, pig slaughterers, or winemakers. There were nine fishmongers - five were fish wholesalers only, while four had a retail business as well. Other food dealers included three bakers,\n\n* See Appendix 2", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213129, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "179\n\nIt seems that the shops were not very long-lived; most must have existed only for the period of the founder's life. Where shops were succeeded to by a son on his father's death, it seems to have been common for the shop name to be changed. The coming of the new frontier seems to have led to a particularly thorough shake-out of shops. Of the 42 shops mentioned in the 1894 Shan Tsui tablet, only eight appear among the 19 mentioned on the 1906 Bride's Pool tablet, and only seven among the 39 on the 1920 tablet, including five of the eight which are mentioned on the 1906 tablet. Furthermore, the elders do not remember any shops with names corresponding to the majority of the donating shops in 1894 (only about 13 of the 42 shops donating in 1894 were remembered - about 31% - and two or three of these are doubtful): clearly many of these premises had gone out of business before the 1920s. At the same time, 10 of the 19 shops on the 1906 Bride's Pool tablet also appear on the 1920 Cheung Sha Kwu Tze tablet. Five of the 1906 donors appear on neither the 1894 tablet nor the 1920 tablet. This all suggests that more than half of the shops changed name between 1894 and 1906, but less than half between 1906 and 1920. It would seem that, on average, perhaps a quarter or a third of the shops changed names each decade.\n\nAll the elders contacted were land-people, and they knew little of the economic and social lifestyles of the boat-people. It seems that, while to the foreign visitor of 1925 mentioned above Sha Tau Kok was \"a fishing town\", Sha Tau Kok, while it had the essential structure of a wholesale fish market and a boatyard, was less dominated by the need to service the fishing fleet than towns such as Sai Kung, to say nothing of places like Cheung Chau or Tai O. The Sha Tau Kok area fishermen fished mostly within Mirs Bay - they did not, it would appear, normally join the fleets of better-located ports in exploiting the deep sea Wong Fa fisheries. Sha Tau Kok was a fishing port, but it was more of a land market than a sea market.\n\nAll the markets in the area required hawkers and coolies as well as shops, and Sha Tau Kok was no exception - indeed, given the importance of its carrying trade with Sham Chun, Sha Tau Kok may well have been more dependent on coolies than elsewhere. The hawkers were of two types: those who traded as a part-time occupation, and those who made their living by it. The villagers of the surrounding villages regularly supplemented their income by casual hawking in the town. Each village seems to have specialised in what it sold. Women from the villages near", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213134, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "184\n\npreoccupied with the fuel trade to have any spare time to enter the carrying trade.\n\nEspecially in the 1930s, one of the biggest coolie trades was smuggling, although it was of significance earlier as well. Villagers smuggled their own purchases back over the frontier (the bridge carrying the footpath over the border river near the Sha Tsui temple was a commonly used route, as it was not continuously guarded by the Customs), but bulk smuggling (mostly of sugar, kerosene, tobacco, and also opium) was organised by the shops in the market, especially the tobacco dealers. These treated their trade as any other carrying trade, with village women being hired ad hoc to carry loads to customers across the frontier, or across the lines to Sha Yue Chung. Most village women active in the coolie trade took part in this smuggling business.\n\nThe society of the market at Sha Tau Kok was entirely dominated by the local Hakka of the surrounding villages. The Tanka - the boat people - were, as always, regarded as somewhat second-class, even though their presence was essential to the economic success of the town. The perceived inferiority of the boat-people may well be the reason that few of them lived in the market at Sha Tau Kok: they preferred to live at Kat O, a few miles off-shore, outside the Shap Yeuk area.\n\nEven more regarded as second-class, however, were the Hoklo saltworkers. These groups of workers, living for the term of their contract away from their families in their miserable huts on the saltpans, had no status at all. Of the total population of the town, perhaps as many as one fifth were saltworkers (assuming five workers per salt-works). The Hakka villagers owned the salt-works, but left them entirely to the contract overseer and his hired staff, so long as the rent was paid. No-one remembers the names of any of these salt-workers, nor can anyone remember any marriages between local Hakka or Tanka girls and these Hoklo labourers. The villagers kept away from them, and their only contact was the exchange of fuel or vegetables for salt at Yim Liu Ha. The salt-workers were important to the economy of the town, but they were treated as being the very bottom of the social scale.\n\nAt the other end of the social scale were the teachers at the Tung Wo School. The Shap Yeuk elders had wanted to ensure that the district had at least one first quality school, and had consequently built the school to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213139, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "189\n\nAPPENDIX 2\n\nShops in Sha Tau Kok Market. 1925\n\n=\n\n(WTS = Wang Tau Shek), UP = Upper Street, LS = Lower Street, OS = Old Street, SLH = Sha Lan Heung (= Fish Laans) TYK = Tai Yuen Kok, SH = Sam Heung LH = Luk Heung, WH = Wo Hang, YT = Yim Tin, YSQ = Yung Shue O, FH = Fung Hang, TT = Tong To, ST = Shan Tsui, HL = Hoklo, KLH = Kwun Lo Ha, LK = Luk Keng, JMK = Jat Muk Kiu, LL = Lai Long, AH = Au Ha, SNT = San Tsuen, NC = Nun Chung, SC = Sham Chun, STK = Sha Tau Kok A = in 1894 Shan Tsui Tablet, B = Cheung Shan Kwu Liu Tablet, C = in Oral Evidence, D = in 1906 Budd's Pool Tablet * = The largest shops)\n\n= in 1920\n\n \n No.\n Name of Shop\n Address of Shop\n Name of Owner\n Village of Owner\n Source\n Comments\n \n \n \n General Stores\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 1\n \n WTS\n \n \n \n Sold saws, bowls, plates, pottery, ropes, nails etc\n \n \n 4\n LA\n ABC\n \n JAWN\n MHL\n WTS\n \n \n \n C\n C\n YSO\n BCD\n \n Donated Bell to Wu Shek Kok Temple, 1922\n \n \n \n PL\n \n \n \n \n Pottery Basel missionaries, 1853\n \n \n \n (A)BCD\n \n Occupied lower floor\n of gun lower\n Probably donated to\n 1898 Tai Po\n \n \n \n YSO\n TH\n BC\n BC\n \n Kwong Fuk Bridge sold gram, pig slaughterer, winemaker etc\n \n \n \n Pawnshop\n fli\n THI\n PS\n H\n YT\n \n \n 7\n Growery\n \n \n X*\n W\n WTS\n \n \n WTS\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 12\n \n I\n WTS\n China\n BCD\n sugar dealer, etc\n \n \n \n WTS\n +\n WH\n BC\n \n r\n \n \n 1\n WTS\n $1.\n TTC)\n ABCD\n IS\n ST\n \n \n BC\n \n IS\n 7\n WH\n AC\n pig slaughterer, winemaker etc\n \n \n 1HI\n WTS\n ΥΠ\n BC\n [4*\n \n \n \n \n \n Other Goods\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 15\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 16\n \n FEE\n #\n WTS\n China\n BC\n \n \n THI\n IS\n THE\n C\n \n \n \n \n \n 20\n AC\n \n \n \n \n winemaker. grocer. etc Basel missionaries, 1853\n \n \n \n winemaker\n \n \n \n \n baker, probably connected with ↑ FI\n \n \n 21\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 22\n ze aza夤èsa a\n \n 4\n WH\n C\n dogmeal\n \n \n WTS\n SIK\n BCD\n \n \n \n baker\n \n \n \n Lishmongers\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 20 FHC\n WTS\n THE\n BC\n \n \n \n \n \n \n WTS\n BC\n \n \n \n \n \n \n ƒ\n SLET\n SI\n BC\n \n \n \n \n \n נו\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 23*\n SLET\n YT\n BC\n \n \n main donor, 1894\n \n \n \n واع\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 24\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 26*\n Aumal\n 01\n 临\n WTS\n China\n вс\n \n \n THI\n SETI\n LA\n BC\n \n \n \n \n \n SLEE\n SIK\n ABCD\n \n \n \n \n \n \n SLET!\n BC\n \n IS\n IT\n C\n \n \n \n =\n WIL\n C", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213151, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "1850-1911, op cit\n\n71 See P H Hase, \"Sha Tau Kok in 1853”, op cit\n\n72 The largest shops were\n\nKwan Tau (144) the household goods shop (Nai Wai, Niwei, in Luk Heung)\n\n2 Wang Hap (Z) the household goods shop (Yung Shue Au)\n\n3 Kwong Yue (M) the grocery (Fung Hang)\n\n4 Yuen Tai (54) the grocery (Tong To)\n\n5 Sam Lung ( ) the grocery (Wo Hang)\n\n6 Yan Hong (10) the grocery (Yim Tin)\n\n7\n\n8 Cheung Ding (FL) the fishmonger (Kwun Lo Ha, Guanlouxia, in Luk Heung)\n\nWa Shong (4) the fishmonger (\"Sha Tau Kok\" probably Sha Lan Ha)\n\n9\n\n10 Tak Ding (120) the tobacconist (Luk Keng)\n\n11 Tsui Cheung (4307) the silversmith (Tsai Muk Kiu)\n\n12 I San Cheung (1) the tailor and cloth dealer (Yim Tin)\n\n13 San Lung (954) the tailor and cloth dealer - the largest shop in the market - (Au Tau, Aotou, in Luk Heung)\n\n14 Tung Yue ( ) the carpenter (Sau Hang, Xuokeng, in Luk Heung)\n\n15 Jung Hing ([]) the carpenter (Sha Tseng Tau, Shajingtou, Luk Heung)\n\n16 Cheung Sze (12) the boatbuilder (Sha Tau Kok Sha Lan Ha)\n\n17 Sze Fong Ting (P44) the gambling house (Wo Hang)\n\n18 Nung Sang Tong (WE7) the doctor (Yim Tin)\n\n19 Wo Hing Tong (ABU) the pawnshop (Yim Tin)\n\nThus, of the largest shops, five were owned by Luk Heung people, four by Yim Tin Yeuk people, two by Wo Hang Yeuk people, two by Sha Tau Kok (Sha Lan Ha) people, two by people from the Thi Tin Yeuk (the area south-west of Sha Tau Kok across the sea, around Luk Keng and Nam Chung), and one each by people from the Hing Chun Yeuk (around Lai Chi Wo), Kuk Po Yeuk, and Sam Heung. Thus, in 1925, not only were the largest shops all operated by people from the Shap Yeuk area, but ownership of these larger shops was spread around most of the Yeuk areas of the Shap Yeuk.\n\nThe Basel missionaries make it clear that the shops in the market in 1853 were also all owned by people from the surrounding villages see P H Hase, “Sha Tau Kok in 1853\", op cit\n\n71 See J W. Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, 1850-1911, op cit for the places of origin of shop-keepers at Tai O and Cheung Chau, and J W Hayes, The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, op cit for those at Kowloon city. D Faure, loc cit gives details on those at Tsuen Wan and Sai Kung. The fisher ports in the Islands (Tai O, Cheung Chau), and, to some degree Sai Kung on the mainland, had the largest percentage of non-indigenous shopowners, but Sha Tau Kok had fewer \"outsider\" shopowners even than Tsuen Wan.\n\n74. A contact from Tsat Muk Kiu village, for instance, said that she would go to the market with her wood, sell it, buy what she needed in the market, and return home, passing on her way home the women from Wang Shan Keuk still carrying their wood.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213167, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "217\n\nREPORT ON VISITS TO\n\nTHE SWIRE INSTITUTE OF MARINE SCIENCE AND CAPE D'AGUILAR, 1993 AND 1994\n\nGEOFFREY ROPER\n\nOn Saturdays, 6 November, 1993 and 5 November, 1994 parties from the Branch visited the Swire Institute of Marine Science at Cape D'Aguilar, Hong Kong Island and also toured areas of historic interest on the Cape\n\nOn the first visit, the Institute was still known as the Swire Marine Laboratory but by the second visit had become an Institute - a mark of the progress it had achieved in the study of marine science in Hong Kong. Progress was also demonstrated by the expansion of facilities seen on the second visit and by the imminence of marine protected area status for the adjacent sea shore ecological research area, Lobster Bay. Professor Brian Morton, Director of the Institute, and a very welcoming host, addressed the Society on both visits. He spoke in particular on the recent history of marine biology in Hong Kong, the work of the Institute, support from the Swire Group, problems caused by increasing sea pollution, and a wide range of items of local natural science interest, including the bird life.\n\nOn both visits the parties visited the nearby Cape D'Aguilar Lighthouse, first put into service in 1875, and viewed the remnants of the Cape D'Aguilar Gun Battery.\n\nAn area of especial historical interest visited on both occasions was Hok Tsui (Crane's Bill) Village, with its mid-to-late 19th Century granite watchtower and Pak Tai Temple. For the second visit we were fortunate enough to be accompanied by Dr. James Hayes, Past President of the Branch, who spoke about the pattern of pre-1841 (i.e. pre-British) settlements in Hong Kong, of which Hok Tsui was one of the few remaining examples on Hong Kong Island remaining close to its original form and still settled, at least in part, by descendants of the original settlers.\n\nAccording to clan records, quoted by Dr. Hayes, the first ancestor of the Chu family arrived in Hong Kong in 1762 and opened a stone quarry in Shek Tong Tsui, Western District. He prospered and started a farming village at Hok Tsui before dying there in 1781 A highlight of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213245, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "46\n\nHe was then described “as perhaps the oldest foreign resident of the colony” (Daily Advertiser 23 Apr. 1872). Shortly before his retirement John Henry Smith and Frederich Rapp were admitted as partners in the firm,\n\nJohn Henry (or Johan Heinrich as it is given in one record) Smith remained a partner until his death at Genoa, Italy in June 1890. He was on his way back to Germany after a visit to Hong Kong with his wife (DP 21 June 1890). His will, which had been written in Macao in 1873, states that he was formerly of Cappelen, Germany. In his will he left all business of ship chandler and auctioneer and commission agent at Macao in trust for his wife Lizzie Smith of New York\" (PRO Probate File No. 29 of 1891 [4/8201]). By the time of his death some seventeen years after writing his will he had disposed of his interests in Macao. They were taken over by A. Muller in January 1875 (Macau Boletim 2 January 1875)\n\nChristian Friedrich Rapp (or as he was usually known Fritz Rapp) was admitted a partner in the firm of Blackhead and Co. in 1871 and his interest ceased some six years later (DP 2 Oct. 1877). He then went into business on his own as auctioneer and commission agent with an office on Zetland Street (DP 16 October 1877). Mr. Rapp died in Hong Kong on Christmas Day 1895. His tombstone in the Old Residents' Section of the Colonial Cemetery at Happy Valley states he was born at Stade on 30 January 1841. In his will he appoints his wife Mei Ho (May) as guardian of his children: Kwai Tsun otherwise Gustave, King Tsun otherwise Hermann, Sham Tsun otherwise Fritz, Shui San married to Mr. Li, Shui Yee and Shui Sun. In a codicil written on 1 December 1894 he states his daughter Shui Sun is now called Johanna Rapp and that one of the executors he had named, Hemrich Hoppius, was ill and likely to die. In his place he appointed Heinrich Gartels (PRO Probate File No. 7 of 1895 [4/1008]).\n\nBlackhead and Co. in 1886 were agents for the Kerscheldt Ice Depot. The ice was manufactured at the Saki Distillery on the Shaukiwan Road (DP 1 April 1886). In the same year they announced plans to build a wharf adjoining their coal godowns, then in course of erection, at what became known as Blackhead's Point in Tsim Sha Tsui (DP 3 April 1886). The account of the firm's Jubilee published in the Daily Press 31 March 1905 stated the company was the largest of the coal merchants in Hong Kong. The coal godowns and wharf later passed into the hands of Butterfield and Swire and were known as Holt's Wharf. The site is now", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213263, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "65\n\nan extra $4 million because of an extension of time granted to a contractor when residents complained the district's fung shui was being disturbed. During the 1980s, amounts paid out annually by the Government varied between $500,000 and $950,000. From 1989 to 1991, ex-gratia payouts of nearly $2 million were made. The dilemma is always that if the Administration pays out on unproven claims, it will be accused of wasting taxpayers' money, and, if it does not pay, others will say the Government does not respect Chinese culture,\n\nBut as one retired Scottish civil servant explained, there are two kinds of fung shui. There is the one that villagers will accept money for to have it overridden. But nothing will compensate for actually severing the main \"dragon's vein\".\n\n'Money cannot buy good fung shui,' Tang clansmen told the Government when they turned down an offer of $1.7 million for agreeing to a 200-year-old ancestral grave being removed at Nim Wan, in the Deep Bay area, so that a landfill project could proceed. The Clan did, however, say that it would consider allowing the grave to be moved for a fung shui 'swap' scheme, and if Government demolished a police station at Ping Shan. They claim the station has for years 'crushed' good fung shui. In retaliation, the Tang Clan closed an ancient study hall and an ancestral hall along the Ping Shan Heritage Trail. At the time of writing, the dispute had still not been settled.\n\nThe Hong Kong Government has also tacitly accepted certain aspects of Chinese folk religion. Some Government offices have had Earth God shrines (82) erected outside them. An example was Murray House (near where the new Bank of China now stands), which was demolished in 1982. It had a reputation among Rating and Valuation Department staff, who worked there, of being haunted. Other Government offices which have had shrines outside them include the office of the project manager at Empire House, while it was being built in 1991, in Tsim Sha Tsui East. Also, various government project managers' offices in the New Territories have had small shrines erected outside them. Who actually paid to have these shrines set up is not clear. Again, on countless occasions, the ceremonial carving of a suckling pig, on an appropriate day, has appeared to civil servants to be well worth the expense in that it allayed concerns of staff and, afterwards, members worked better.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213498, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "62\n\npicture of the situation was given by L. Yu. He stated:\n\n“At the time they built their fortress with the backs against the hills and the fronts facing the sea. The two fortifications acted as two watchtowers. It made the Ching army difficult to attack or even try to get near to the island. On the slopes above Sai Ying Pun, at the midlevels, there was a fort and it helped to reinforce the defence.\" (Lai, 1948, P.13)\n\nSecondly, it is because Sai Ying Pun was situated at the foothill of the highest peak of the island. The peak (i.e. Victoria Peak 1917 ft. which was called O Tau Shan or Ngan Tau Shan at that period) formed the look-out of the pirates in those days. They wanted to keep an eye on the harbour which was a very important water route in that part of the South China coast. Whenever a vessel appeared, the watchmen would signal the pirates who were stationed at the foothills at Sai Ying Pun. The pirate fleet would then sail off to plunder and loot the vessels.\n\nThirdly, the pirates chose the place because Sai Ying Pun possesses some peculiar physical characteristics. Before the waterfront was reclaimed in the late nineteenth century, Sai Ying Pun was the only area in the northwestern sector of the Island, which controlled the western inlet to the harbour, with a fairly long coastal slope. The slopes were made up of colluvial fan. In other words, the soil in the area was derived from the decomposition of granite or other primitive rock. It was not, however, formed of detritus of rock washed down from above, but solid rock altered in situ. In the area west of Sai Ying Pun, Shek Tong Tsui, the granites outcropped nearly to the sea front. It was possibly the reason why as early as 1771 the Hakka people came to the area and quarried the granite and carried them to Shek Pai Wan. Therefore we can see that Sai Ying Pun was the only area in the northwestern sector that was suitable to set up a fortification. I think this is also the reason why the British commanders chose the same area to set up a barrack in 1841.\n\nSo Sai Ying Pun during the early years of Chiaching period was probably occupied by scores of pirates. They guarded themselves against the attack of the Ching armies and waited patiently for the signals that came from the peak and were always ready to sail off to plunder any trading vessels that happened to sail past the Hong Kong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "147\n\nincense or joss sticks. According to Lo (1959, quoted in Iu, 1983), these trees were introduced into Guangdong Province from Vietnam in the Tang dynasty (619-907 AD) and were planted in large numbers in the New Territories during the Sung dynasty (960-1279 AD). In the late Ming period, the county of Tung-kuan was renowned throughout China for the quality of its incense. Until 1572, Tung-kuan county included the area subsequently forming the county of Hsin-an (including the present day New Territories) (Chan, 1989). In the Kuang-tung hsin-yu (Ch’u, 1974), it is noted that many people in Tung-kuan made their fortune from Kuan-heung (meaning incense from Tung-kuan) which was so popular that the annual sales values amounted to tens of thousands of taels. Incense trees were very suitable for the decomposed granite soils of the area and were particularly grown in the area of Shatin and the lower part of Lam Tsuen valley, whose name means \"forest village\", and around Tung Chung and Sha Lo Wan on Lantau. Interestingly, Schofield (1983) referring to the fine fung shui wood at Sha Lo Wan adds “In a suitable light, ancient log slides can be seen running straight down the steepest hills on this stretch of coast\", although whether these have anything to do with the incense trade may never be known.\n\nThe successful cultivation of the incense tree depended on three conditions, the suitability of the soil, adoption of proper methods of cultivation and the mastering of tapping and cutting methods for the collection of resin, which had a medicinal use. The general name of the varieties of incense produced in Tung Kwun, Po On districts, which included Hong Kong and the New Territories in those times, was \"Kuan-heung\" (Iu, 1983).\n\nThe logs were collected at Tsim Sha Tsui from where it was shipped by small boats to Shek Pai Wan near present day Aberdeen on Hong Kong Island, where it was re-shipped onto Chinese seagoing junks to Canton, SE Asia and as far away as Arabia.\n\nIt has been suggested that the cultivation of and trade in incense trees gave rise to the name of Hong Kong (meaning incense harbour). \"Little Hong Kong, or Heung-kong-wai, is said to have been so-called on account of the quantity of Pak-miu-heung-shu then growing there, the wood of these white-wood fragrant trees is called \"Nga-heung\" (i.e. fragrant wood white as a tooth), is odoriferous when burnt, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213748, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "71\n\nvillages and depopulated districts”, and by 1906 they were remarking on villages “with no adult males left at all.” As noted above, the district officer in 1912 also identified heavy temporary emigration of young adult males as a notable feature of the New Territories. Up to the 1870s, the emigration noted by the missionaries was of indentured coolies, leaving by ones and twos following inducements offered by more or less dubious emigration agents, and the missionaries castigated it as a \"slave trade.\" However, after the reforms of the coolie trade in the 1870s, emigration became more respectable, with elders of the villages arranging for the emigration for a few years of groups of youths from the village, through well-trusted contacts with particular shipping lines.\n\nA tablet of 1894 in the main temple of the Sha Tau Kok area (the Kwan Tai Temple at Shan Tsui), lists the donors to the temple rebuilding of that year. The elders decided to seek donations in the first place from residents of the Sha Tau Kok area living away from home. Over a thousand donated and are listed, with their place of residence given. Apart from a substantial group living in Hong Kong, villagers of the area were at that date living in New South Wales, Queensland, and Victoria in Australia, in New Zealand, in Hawaii, British Columbia, California, Peru, Panama, and many other places. Today, in villages of the area such as Shan Tsui or Sheung Wo Hang, elders will state that the best of the older surviving houses in the village were built by people who returned from emigration to marry and raise their families in the village in the period 1910-1930. In a few, portraits of these rich returned emigrants still hang on the walls of the houses they built. Similar tales are told of rich returned emigrants in Sha Tin; the village of San Tin there was founded by a returned emigrant of Au Pui Wan village about 1890-1895. For most of Tsuen Wan district, the 1911 Census does not give enough information to identify villages with abnormal population balances, but there is a further tablet recording donations to a temple rebuilding there, in this case of 1900, which demonstrates that some hundreds of the villagers of that area were abroad then. Those villages which can be shown to have had villagers living away from the village from the Shan Tsui tablet, or which have \"returned emigrant” houses, all have low male-female ratios in 1911. There can be no doubt that the information at Appendix I and Table 31 shows the degree to which, and the area where, early emigration was a significant social factor in the New Territories.\n\n100", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213757, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "Tai Hang Tsz Tong Tsuen \n\nTP \n\n29 \n\n77 \n\n37.7** \n\nTai Hang Chung San Wai \n\nTP \n\n52 \n\n112 \n\n46.4 \n\nTai Hang Fui Sha Wai \n\nTP \n\n47 \n\n117 \n\n40.2* \n\nSha Lo Tung \n\nTP \n\n120 \n\n307 \n\n39.1* \n\nFung Yuen \n\nTP \n\n60 \n\n133 \n\n45.1 \n\nHa Hang \n\nTP \n\n40 \n\n97 \n\n41.2* \n\nShuen Wan Tseng Tau \n\nTP \n\n21 \n\n48 \n\n43.8 \n\nShuen Wan Tung Tsai \n\nTP \n\n14 \n\n43 \n\n32.6** \n\nShuen Wan Po Sam Pai \n\nTP \n\n70 \n\n156 \n\n44.9 \n\nTing Kok \n\nTP \n\n301 \n\n669 \n\n45.0 \n\nShek Tau Pai \n\nTP \n\n25 \n\n56 \n\n44.6 \n\nKo Tong \n\nTP \n\n34 \n\n80 \n\n42.5* \n\nTai Tai \n\nTP \n\n12 \n\n35 \n\n34.3** \n\nPak Sha Au \n\nTP \n\n52 \n\n117 \n\n44.4 \n\nNai Tong Kok \n\nTP \n\n19 \n\n48 \n\n38.8** \n\nKam Chuk Pai \n\nTP \n\n39 \n\n93 \n\n41.9* \n\nYeung Shu Long \n\nI \n\n5 \n\n13 \n\n38.5** \n\nKau Lung \n\nI \n\n2 \n\n6 \n\n33.3** \n\nMau Tat \n\nI \n\n23 \n\n69 \n\n33.3** \n\nUpper Tung Oi \n\nI \n\n18 \n\n44 \n\n40.9* \n\nLo So Shing \n\n \n\n30 \n\n75 \n\n40.0* \n\nLuk Chau \n\n \n\n16 \n\n54 \n\n29.6** \n\nTai Ping \n\nI \n\n49 \n\n113 \n\n43.4 \n\nPak Kok \n\n \n\n15 \n\n52 \n\n28.8** \n\nTai Wan \n\n \n\n52 \n\n113 \n\n39[+] \n\nWang Lung \n\n[?] \n\n17 \n\n50 \n\n34.0** \n\nSan Tsuen \n\nI \n\n61 \n\n133 \n\n46.2 \n\nLuk Tei Tong \n\nI \n\n23 \n\n76 \n\n43.4 \n\nLeung Uk \n\nI \n\n46 \n\n104 \n\n44.2 \n\nKau Pa Kong \n\nSSP \n\n73 \n\n165 \n\n44.2 \n\nPak Shue Long \n\nSSP \n\n61 \n\n151 \n\n40.4* \n\nAberdeen Old Village \n\nHKI \n\n74 \n\n164 \n\n45.1 \n\nAberdeen New Village \n\nHKI \n\n45 \n\n98 \n\n45.9 \n\nHok Tsui Wan \n\nHKI \n\n15 \n\n39 \n\n38.5** \n\nVillages with severe shortage of males (43% or less) * \n\nVillage with extreme shortage of males (39% or less) **", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "82\n\n– Sai Kung Market\n\n \n SK\n 320\n 512\n 62.5*\n \n \n Kon Hang\n SK\n 32\n 56\n 57.1\n \n \n Kau Sai\n SK\n 29\n 39\n 74.4**\n \n \n Tsing Shan\n TM\n 17\n 26\n 65.4**\n \n \n San Hui\n TM\n 72\n 107\n 67.3**\n \n \n Shiu Hang\n TM\n 40\n 68\n 58.8\n \n \n Tsing Shan Po\n TM\n 37\n 43\n 86.04+\n \n \n Sheung Nam Long\n TM\n 112\n 194\n 57.7\n \n \n Ha Nam Long\n TM\n 56\n 97\n 57.7\n \n \n Lung Kwu Tan Quarry\n TM\n 215\n 215\n 100**\n \n \n Tai Shui Hang\n TM\n 27\n 41\n 65.9**\n \n \n Nam Hang San Wai\n TP\n 14\n 21\n 66.7+*\n \n \n Tin Liu\n TP\n 5\n 7\n 71.4**\n \n \n Tai Hang Tai Wo\n TP\n 11\n 17\n 64.7*\n \n \n Long Ha\n TP\n 14\n 18\n 77.8**\n \n \n Tai Wo Shi\n TP\n 377\n 472\n 79.9**\n \n \n Wong Ka Uk\n TP\n 7\n 7\n 100**\n \n \n Pun Chung Heung Chan\n TP\n 2\n 2\n 100**\n \n \n Yuen Tong\n TP\n 26\n 46\n 56.5\n \n \n Fu Yung Shan\n TP\n 24\n 38\n 63.2*\n \n \n Tai Tong\n TP\n 148\n 258\n 57.4\n \n \n Chau Tau\n TP\n 155\n 325\n 56.9\n \n \n Tap Mun\n TP\n 168\n 253\n 66.4*1\n \n \n Pak Shek Wo\n TW\n 11\n 16\n 77.8**\n \n \n Tung Kwu Shek\n TW\n 2\n 3\n 66.8**\n \n \n Nam Fong To\n TW\n 16\n 25\n 66.7**\n \n \n Tso Kung Tam\n TW\n 20\n 20\n 100**\n \n \n Pak Shek Kiu\n TW\n 16\n 25\n 64.0**\n \n \n Ha Mei\n I\n 4\n 4\n 100**\n \n \n Chek Lap Kok\n I\n 55\n 77\n 71.4**\n \n \n Sai Wan\n \n 33\n 49\n 67.3+1\n \n \n Shek Tsai Po\n I\n 71\n 118\n 60.2*\n \n \n San Keung Shan\n \n 37\n 66\n 56.1\n \n \n Fan Pu\n \n l\n 34\n 59\n 57.6\n \n \n Sha Tsui\n \n 62\n 107\n 57.9\n \n \n Pa Mei\n I\n 27\n 46\n 58.7\n \n \n Cheung Chau (Land\n \n 4519\n 7686\n 58.8\n \n \n and Boat Population)\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tai O (Land and Population)\n \n 4318\n 7661\n 56.4\n \n \n Ping Chau\n \n 434\n 642\n 67.6**\n \n \n Ngau Tau Kok\n KT\n 314\n 440\n 71.4*\n \n \n Sai Cho Wan\n KT\n 35\n 58\n 60.3*\n \n \n Cha Kwo Ling\n KT\n 134\n 211\n 63.5+*\n \n \n Pokfulam\n HKI\n 580\n 833\n 69.6**\n \n \n Aberdeen Town\n HKI\n 951\n 1314\n 72.4**\n \n \n Aberdeen Garden\n HKI\n 22\n 28\n 78.6*\n \n \n Aberdeen Brick Works\n HKI\n 64\n 64\n 100**\n \n \n Wong Chuk Hang\n HKI\n 44\n 57\n 77.2**", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213836, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "161\n\nthe community from calamity.\" The temple is nothing more than a small room of about 50 sq ft with simple decoration. On the altar an idol representing the deity is enshrined. At the corner of the room, there is a place for the earth god. As observed, incense is occasionally offered at this unfrequented temple.\n\nEven smaller in size is the wooden Ta-wang Palace at Ma Wan Chung. Hung there is a 1989 canopy with the title \"the Pantheon of The Earth God in Southeast and the Empress of Heaven\" (天后地主大王). The temple thus seems to serve as a Ta-wang shrine for individual worshippers at the village, as well as a temple of the Empress of Heaven for the fishing community in the vicinity. Fishermen, or former fishermen, there all regard themselves as members of the Tung Chung community. They settled ashore at their shacks 40-50 years ago. They also have ancestral graves in the area. Now more than 400 people from 48 households are official residents of the Fishermen's Village. Some of them have even managed to acquire and expand homesteads. Intermarriage between them and settlers at other villages has become acceptable. While fishermen in other regions usually worship the Empress of Heaven as their patron goddess, Tung Chung's fishing population are mainly Houwang worshippers. They have donated money to support opera shows during the deity's birthday festival and formed an association called Sheng-li t’ang which has actively taken part in festivities in celebration of the Houwang's feast day.\n\n40\n\nNotwithstanding the establishment of the Ta-wang Palace, as pointed out by a settler at the fishermen's village, only a few of them have become frequent visitors to this temple. The Houwang, as Tung Chung's principal god occupying a higher position in the pantheon hierarchy than other deities, remains the most popular deity in the locale, and the Houwang Temple has all along drawn the biggest crowd of worshippers from the community.\n\nFacing the Tung Chung Bay, the Houwang Temple is located at Sha Tsui Tau (see the map of Tung Chung). There is an adjacent open space in front of the temple, now used mainly for the holding of the annual festival commemorating the deity's feast day. The earliest dated ritual item inside the temple, a bell cast with the date of the 30th year of the Ch'ien Lung reign, suggests that the temple might have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "171\n\nhad become sailors, and those who had emigrated overseas. Some men also moved away to work in the city or foreign countries during the depression in the 1950s, which hit farmers particularly hard as the price of produce, especially rice, fell. As a result, female villagers gradually came to outnumber their male counterparts during the period from the early 20th century to the 1950s. In the meantime, emigrants from Hai-lu-feng and Ch'ing-yuan in south China flocked to Tung Chung's Sha Tsui Tau and Ma Wan Chung. Some of them became managerial farmers, specializing in vegetable growing and animal husbandry, keeping chicken runs and piggeries, etc., thus changing the area's traditional farming pattern. Later, when Ma Wan Chung rose to be Tung Chung's business centre, after the construction of the pier there, these new immigrants started to diversify their investments, going into the grocery business and becoming shopowners in the vicinity of the pier. The owner of the Shun-ch'ang Store, for example, is a San-shui native.\n\nIn need of financial and human resources, Tung Chung seems to be especially tolerant of “outsiders” who invest in the community and eventually settle in one of the villages. Normal practice requires that a newcomer first makes application for permanent residency to the village head, who will then solicit opinions from the villagers. Should there be no objection, permission signed by the village head is issued. Finally, the new settler will host a banquet to entertain villagers, who come to show their goodwill and welcome the newcomer. Since the 1950s, most of the latecoming settlers in Tung Chung have resided and made a living in Ma Wan Chung. Thus, this area has the highest male-to-female ratio among all villages in the entire district. According to a statistical source, the gender structure of Ma Wan Chung's population as compared to that of Shek Mun Kap, for example, in the early 1960s was as follows:\n\n| Village | Male | Female | Children |\n\n| --- | --- | --- | --- |\n\n| Ma Wan Chung | 27.1% | 27.1% | 45.8% |\n\n| Shek Mun Kap | 11.5% | 42.4% | 46.1% |\n\nLike Shek Mun Kap, other villages also had far fewer male residents than did Ma Wan Chung. In terms of manpower resources, therefore, Ma Wan Chung undoubtedly enjoys favourable conditions for sponsoring the Houwang's Birthday Festival. For these more recent settlers in Tung Chung, supporting the festivities becomes an important", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214048, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "83\n\nShelters\n\nHong Kong has been hit by many severe typhoons causing tremendous damage to shipping, a violent one occurring in 1841 wrecking the cutter Louisa on which Captain Elliot, the British plenipotentiary in China, was travelling to Hong Kong from Macau. In order to protect the smaller-sized shipping, mainly junks and sampans, from excessive danger during storms, major typhoon anchorages protected by heavy rockfill breakwaters were constructed at Causeway Bay in 1883 (c.23ha, now Victoria Park) and another in 1915 at Mong Kok Tsui (Yau Ma Tei - 65ha which has recently been reclaimed). Meanwhile, a 4ha tidal basin and smaller boat basin with slipway were completed around 1905 at the Admiralty dockyard in Victoria (now Central) to afford protection and berthing for naval vessels.\n\nA small basin was constructed in Tsim Sha Tsui in 1885 for the Water Police and, about the same time, another larger one for the Royal Naval torpedo depot. Around the turn of this century, a further anchorage was built adjacent to the old coal briquette works lying near to the end of Austin Road (the Camber Typhoon Shelter).\n\nDocks\n\nSoon after the partial destruction in 1857 of the Couper Dock at Whampoa on the Pearl River as a result of the Arrow incident, the first granite dry dock in this region, the Lamont Dock in the 4½ ha dockyard site at Aberdeen was commissioned and was a complete success from the start; it received its first ship in 1860 and could accommodate a 50-gun steam frigate of 110m length on the blocks. Subsequently the larger and deeper Hope Dock, 125m long, 30m wide at the top and 15m wide at the bottom with an entrance width of 26 metres and 6.7m clearance at neap tides, was constructed adjacent to the Lamont Dock and completed in 1867, in its time being the best in Asia and one of the finest in the world. It could take the largest vessel visiting Hong Kong, even at low water; only one ironclad in the whole of the Royal Navy would be unable to enter without first being lightened by stripping it, for example, of its heavier armament and machinery.\n\nThe smaller 100m-long dry dock at the Hung Hom dockyard in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214052, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "87\n\nof the Island This was completed in 1904, partly with filling material obtained from Chinese territory. The limits in Victoria of these two earlier major reclamations are marked by Des Voeux Road and Connaught Road respectively. During the next 30 years reclamation continued on the Island, the largest schemes being those at Tai Koo for the dockyard (21ha which included 13ha of land site formation, completed 1908), Wan Chai (36ha, completed 1929) and around North Point (nearly complete before the Pacific war), together with a smaller reclamation at Shau Kei Wan.\n\nSoon after the cession of Kowloon under the Convention of Peking in 1860 there was some reclamation adjoining deep water in Tsim Sha Tsui, primarily for wharfs, and at Hung Hom for the dockyard, to be followed by extensive reclamation in Tai Kok Tsui and Yau Ma Tei and, to a lesser extent, at To Kwa Wan, Sham Shui Po and Lai Chi Kok, the latter two both lying just to the north of Boundary Street. Subsequently an important reclamation was formed by the Kowloon-Canton Railway in Tsim Sha Tsui and Hung Hom bays (16ha, completed 1910) primarily for its own use which included three deep sea berths on the extreme south-east tip of the Kowloon peninsula. In the period after 1922 there was considerable reclamation in and near Kowloon just as there was in Wan Chai on the Island. Large areas were reclaimed at Sham Shui Po (26ha, completed 1928), Kai Tak (83ha, completed 1931) and Lai Chi Kok (c35ha), all these areas lying in the New Territories close to the old Kowloon/China boundary with much of the filling being obtained from Kowloon Tong, then being developed as a garden city. Just before the Pacific war, reclamations were also started in three other areas of Kowloon Bay, at Ma Tau Kok, Ngau Tau Kok and Kwun Tong.\n\nRoadworks\n\nConstruction of Queen's Road in Victoria was started in May 1841, only four months after the British landed on the Island, by the Royal Engineers following the alignment of a narrow bridle/tow path high above the beach which extended some 7 kilometres from the water's edge at Kennedy Town on the west to within a short distance of Happy Valley on the east. Another road, from Wong Nei Chong to Shau Kei Wan was built at the same time, a causeway with two bridges being constructed to carry it across what is now known as Causeway Bay.\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "93\n\nRailways\n\nThe first railway to be built was the Peak tramway, a 1.4km-long 1.5m-gauge steam-driven funicular railway rising 370 metres along steep rugged terrain, which was opened in 1888. A contemporary description stated that “A splendid feat of engineering skill has made the Peak accessible to all.” Nevertheless, during the following year, as a result of exceptionally heavy rainfall, the track was breached by a major landslide, a debris flow originating from a fill slope on the Peak. A few years later, in 1904, a conventional electric tram service was implemented along the northern side of the Island between Shau Kei Wan and Kennedy Town. Both of these are still running today. Railway track, with locomotives, trucks, and steam-operated cranes, were widely used around the turn of the century for transporting/handling freight in the dockyards and site construction materials.\n\nIn 1905, the Government took over a part of the concession to build a section of the Kowloon-Canton Railway (KCR), namely that between Kowloon and the Chinese border. The 34km-long railway, which was completed in 1910, involved construction of five tunnels, 48 bridges (the largest span being 30.53 metres on an irregular skew over-bridge at Hung Hom), 66 culverts, workshops, and stations, drainage channels, and a little roadwork, the creation of a 16ha reclamation in Kowloon (in Tsim Sha Tsui and Hung Hom bays), and many cuttings and end-tipped embankments, including those along the exposed seaward sections between Sha Tin and Tai Po. In all, some 2.6M cubic metres of materials were handled in the earthworks. A contemporary technical discussion indicated that slopes of 1:1 were generally adopted in cuttings on which \"turf grew excellently....... Good results were obtained by plastering bad decomposed rock faces with a mixture of lime, sand, and gritty red earth\". Labour guilds kept the rates of wages relatively high (those for the building trades and for dressed granite even approaching those in England) and regulated the quantity of work to be undertaken by the various classes of workmen.\n\nThe 2.2km-long, 5.2m-wide horseshoe-shaped brick-lined Beacon Hill tunnel, which at the time was longer than any in China itself, was ranked as one of the outstanding engineering achievements of its day. To gain access to the south face, it was necessary to build a temporary 3km-long metre-gauge railway from the nearest jetty at Tai Kok Tsui,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214079, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "LAI CHI KOK\n\nCHEUNG SHA WAN\n\nSHAM SHUI PO\n\nTAI KOK TSUI\n\nTÖNE CUTTEaS (likely OCR error for \"Tsing Yi\" or another location, but preserved as is)\n\nISLAND\n\nKENNEDY TOWN\n\nYAU MA TEI\n\nKOWLOON\n\nKOWLOON BAY\n\nTO KWA WAN\n\nKWUN TONG\n\nHUNG HOM BAY\n\nCAI YING PUN (likely \"CAI\" is an OCR error for \"BAI\")\n\nTSIM SHA TSUI\n\nVICTORIA HARBOUR\n\nCAUSEWAY BAY\n\nVICTORIA\n\nWAN CHAI\n\nNORTH POINT\n\nMA YAU TONG\n\nQUARRY BAY\n\nSHAU KEI WAN\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nHarbour Reclamations-1841 to 1941, HK Annual Report 1963 (adapted)\n\nLEI YUE MUN\n\n115\n\nHowever, upon closer inspection and following the instructions:\n\nLAI CHI KOK\n\nCHEUNG SHA WAN\n\nSHAM SHUI PO\n\nTAI KOK TSUI\n\nTONE CUTTEAS (still unsure, but \"TÖNECUTTEas\" is likely an OCR error; however, we preserve it as closely as possible)\n\nISLAND\n\nKENNEDY TOWN\n\nYAU MA TEI\n\nKOWLOON\n\nKOWLOON BAY\n\nTO KWA WAN\n\nKWUN TONG\n\nHUNG HOM BAY\n\nBAI YING PUN\n\nTSIM SHA TSUI\n\nVICTORIA HARBOUR\n\nCAUSEWAY BAY\n\nVICTORIA\n\nWAN CHAI\n\nNORTH POINT\n\nMA YAU TONG\n\nQUARRY BAY\n\nSHAU KEI WAN\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nHarbour Reclamations-1841 to 1941, HK Annual Report 1963 (adapted)\n\nLEI YUE MUN\n\n115\n\nCorrected version in HTML as per the instructions:\nLAI CHI KOK\n\nCHEUNG SHA WAN\n\nSHAM SHUI PO\n\nTAI KOK TSUI\n\nTONE CUTTEAS\n\nISLAND\n\nKENNEDY TOWN\n\nYAU MA TEI\n\nKOWLOON\n\nKOWLOON BAY\n\nTO KWA WAN\n\nKWUN TONG\n\nHUNG HOM BAY\n\nBAI YING PUN\n\nTSIM SHA TSUI\n\nVICTORIA HARBOUR\n\nCAUSEWAY BAY\n\nVICTORIA\n\nWAN CHAI\n\nNORTH POINT\n\nMA YAU TONG\n\nQUARRY BAY\n\nSHAU KEI WAN\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nHarbour Reclamations-1841 to 1941, HK Annual Report 1963 (adapted)\n\nLEI YUE MUN\n\n115\n\nLet's correct and simplify it according to the rules:\nLAI CHI KOK\n\nCHEUNG SHA WAN\n\nSHAM SHUI PO\n\nTAI KOK TSUI\n\nTONE CUTTEAS\n\nISLAND\n\nKENNEDY TOWN\n\nYAU MA TEI\n\nKOWLOON\n\nKOWLOON BAY\n\nTO KWA WAN\n\nKWUN TONG\n\nHUNG HOM BAY\n\nBAI YING PUN\n\nTSIM SHA TSUI\n\nVICTORIA HARBOUR\n\nCAUSEWAY BAY\n\nVICTORIA\n\nWAN CHAI\n\nNORTH POINT\n\nMA YAU TONG\n\nQUARRY BAY\n\nSHAU KEI WAN\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nHarbour Reclamations-1841 to 1941, HK Annual Report 1963 (adapted)\n\nLEI YUE MUN\n\n115\n\nThe final version should be in HTML format as requested:\nLAI CHI KOK\n\nCHEUNG SHA WAN\n\nSHAM SHUI PO\n\nTAI KOK TSUI\n\nTONE CUTTEAS\n\nISLAND\n\nKENNEDY TOWN\n\nYAU MA TEI\n\nKOWLOON\n\nKOWLOON BAY\n\nTO KWA WAN\n\nKWUN TONG\n\nHUNG HOM BAY\n\nBAI YING PUN\n\nTSIM SHA TSUI\n\nVICTORIA HARBOUR\n\nCAUSEWAY BAY\n\nVICTORIA\n\nWAN CHAI\n\nNORTH POINT\n\nMA YAU TONG\n\nQUARRY BAY\n\nSHAU KEI WAN\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nHarbour Reclamations-1841 to 1941, HK Annual Report 1963 (adapted)\n\nLEI YUE MUN\n\n115", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214112, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "149\n\nTHE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY AND HERITAGE EDUCATION\n\nDAN WATERS\n\n(This paper was presented at the International Conference, \"Heritage and Education”, held in Hong Kong on 17 and 18 December, 1997. It formed the concluding event of \"Heritage Year\" which was organised by the Antiquities Advisory Board, the Lord Wilson Heritage Trust and the Antiquities and Monuments Office throughout 1997. It has been very slightly altered from the original version.)\n\n\"The Royal Asiatic Society ... ?”\n\n\"What does it do?”\n\nAlthough the Hong Kong Branch has received a fair amount of good publicity, mainly in the press and on the radio, such questions as the above are not unusual.\n\nTo start to answer them let me quote from the Hong Kong Branch's Constitution:\n\nThe objects of the Society are to encourage an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures, meetings, discussions, visits, and by publishing an annual journal, and to do such other things as may be conducive to the attainment of the objects of the Society.\n\nWith a fluctuating membership of approaching 500 in Hong Kong and around 100 overseas, members' broad interests include local history, social anthropology, natural history, and the cultural and religious developments of Hong Kong, the adjacent parts of South China, and the broader south-east Asian region. Members come from a wide variety of national and cultural backgrounds.\n\nVisits to countless places have been conducted all over urban and rural Hong Kong and have included trips to Ta Tsui (“village purification\") festivals, heritage trails, and to view such spectacles as the release of large, hot-air balloons in the Sha Tau Kok district on the\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214446, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 304, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "YAU\n\nGOAL (AIQUICY)\n\nWORK\n\nwww.\n\nwww.\n\nTORADO DEPOT\n\n1996 M\n\nWHITFIELD\n\n1 S B V A\n\nPOSTA-OFFICEZ\n\nA\n\n/KOWLOON STATION\n\nTSIM SHA TSUI||\n\n271\n\nPRO Ref.: 100(3). Year 184", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214645, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "24\n\neighteenth century. The Fungs () came there much later, at the end of the nineteenth century: they had fled from the Tai Ping rebels to Shek Lung Tsai in Sha Tin, and from there moved to Ngau Chi Wan. Very little is known of the Six Villages Alliance, and it is likely that it was more loosely structured than the League of Seven.\n\nIt will be noted that Tai Hom, of the League of Seven, is completely surrounded by land that formed part of the Six Villages Alliance. Tai Hom, which is a single-surname village of the Chu (*) clan, is the only village of the League of Seven with no genealogical connections with Nga Tsin Wai. That it formed part of the League of Seven, rather than the Po Kong Six Villages Alliance is probably due to the circumstances of Tai Hom's foundation. The Founding Ancestor of the Chus, Chu kui-yuen, was a Hakka from Ng Wah District far to the northeast of Hong Kong22. He was a stone-cutter. He came to Hong Kong in 1762, to look for work in the quarries which were at that date starting up in the eastern part of what is today Victoria Harbour. He prospered, and established a quarry at Shek Tong Tsui in 1771. Later, he found Shek Tong Tsui rather remote, and exposed to pirate attack, and moved to Sha Po near Kowloon City. Later still, he bought quarry-land at the tip of Cape d'Aguilar Peninsula, and founded nearby the village of Hok Tsui. He had eight sons. His eldest son died unmarried, and Hok Tsui is today lived in by the descendants of his second, third and fourth sons. The fifth and sixth sons died unmarried or disappeared later. Chu kui-yuen bought more land, at Tai Hom, for his seventh son, Yan-fung, leaving his youngest son, Cheung-fung,\n\n, the land at Sha Po. After Kui-yuen's death, his widow lived at Tai Hom with her seventh son, who acquired a minor official post at Kowloon City, presumably after the re-establishment of the yamen there in 1841. Yan-fung was born in 1781, and died in 1857. Tai Hom was, therefore, a late settlement. It is unlikely to have been founded earlier than 1800. The land at Tai Hom was not fertile, and was steep and rocky (the Chus ran a quarry there, which supplied poor quality stone used for laying foundations in the Kowloon City area). Until 1992 a few remnants of Tai Hom, including the Chu clan Ancestral Hall, remained, buried within the Diamond Hill Squatter Area. It is likely that Po Kong refused to guarantee the good behaviour of these incoming Hakka (some already settled family was always required to guarantee incomers under the Pao-chia rules), while Nga Tsin Wai was willing, and that it was this which brought Tai Hom into the League of\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214700, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "Live \n\nA Drawing of the Nga Tsin Wai Area From Sha Tin Pass, 1846 \n\nLt W. Collinson \n\n: \n\nMa Tau Kok \n\nThe Po Kong \n\nFeng Shui HIA \n\n\" \n\n(The Village is \n\nout of sight on the \n\nsteward side) \n\nFort of 1811 \n\nKowloon Market \n\nSha Po \n\nThe Sacred Hill!!! (Sung Wong To) \n\nKowloon City \n\n(The Wall were – \n\nbuilt in 1847) \n\nKak Hang Village \n\nFung Shai Trees \n\nNga Tsin Wai \n\nand its Mont \n\nTsim Sha Tsui \n\nMa Tau Wai Village \n\nTa Kwa Leng Village \n\nFung Shui Trees \n\nThe Kwun Yam Temple, \n\nTin Wan Shan \n\nFootpath \n\nto Sha Tin \n\n79", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214701, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "08\n\nMAP 1\n\nThe Kowloon City Area about 1905\n\nTai Wai\n\nChok Yoen\n\nSiu Lek Yuen\n\nTai Po\n\nDiamond Hill\n\nHau Wong\n\nTa Kwa Leng\n\n(Nga Yau Tau)\n\nHau Wong Temple\n\nKowloon City\n\nSai Tau Tsuen\n\nNga Trin Long\n\nKai\n\nKwy Lung\n\nPa Kong\n\nKak Hang\n\nNga Trin Wai\n\nKowloon Market\n\nKan Pui Shek\n\nTung Tau Tsuen\n\nSheung Hok Lo Tsuen\n\nPier\n\nWaste Land\n\nTai Hom Yuen\n\nLing Wai\n\nPing Yi Tsai Tau\n\nSha Tei Yuen\n\nKowloon Bay\n\nCustoms Pier\n\nSai Kung\n\nNgee Chi Wan\n\nPak Uk Tsuen\n\n(Ping Shek)\n\nLei Yue Mun\n\nShau Kei Wan\n\nTau\n\nNgan Kok Hill\n\nSham Shui Po\n\nTsuen Wan\n\nYau Ma Tei\n\nMa Tau Wai\n\nHau Pui Long\n\nYi Wong Tin\n\nTsim Sha Tsui\n\nSacred Hill (Sung Wong Toi)\n\nKilometres\n\nMa Tau Kok\n\nCoastline in 1905\n\nBuildings 1905\n\nFootpaths\n\nEdge of Hill\n\nMarshes\n\nKowloon Market", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214825, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "206\n\n8\n\nbeen affixed. A case of this kind from Chekiang in 1909 was cited in Lin Shao-yang, A Chinese Appeal to Christendom Concerning Christian Missions (London, Watts & Co., 1911), p.236.\n\n* Rev. S. Beal, Buddhism in China (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1884), p.241.\n\n? Holmes Welch, Buddhism under Mao (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1966), p.\n\nFor an updated statement on Buddhism in Hong Kong, see Bartholomew P.M. Tsui, \"Recent Developments in Buddhism in Hong Kong\" at pp.299-311 of Julian F.Pas (ed.) The Turning of the Tide, Religion in China Today (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, in association with Oxford University Press, 1989).\n\n10 During a recent visit with friends to a small religious house in the hills behind Tsuen Wan (the Sai Chuk Lam), the couplets in the hall dedicated to the care of ancestral tablets of former inmates and the departed relatives of its clients gave the following messages to visitors: Place Trust in Kuan Yin's Great Mercy and Kindness (right) and Relieve Those in Hardship and Suffering by Reciting Her Name (left); with (above) another scroll to the effect that the Mercy Boat will Carry All over the Cruel Sea. I am grateful to Mr. Simon C.P. Yeung for discussing this with me on the visit. Hong Kong persons, temples, deities and places in these Notes are given in Cantonese romanisation.\n\nA whole chapter on \"The Moral Tract Literature of China\" is devoted to this subject by Rev. John L. Nevius, China and the Chinese (Philadelphia, Presbyterian Board of Publication, revised edition, 1882), pp.226-236.\n\n12 H.A.Giles, Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1915), p.469. A translation of the work is given at pp.469-487.\n\n13 Besides the Buddhist and Taoist works in their collection (Moral Tenets and Customs in China, Ho-kien-fu, Catholic Mission Press, 1913) Fathers Wieger and Davrout also include some Confucian contributions. One of these was yet another very influential work, the Chu Pai Lu Chia Shun or the \"Familiar Instructions of Chu Pai-lu”, a 17th century Confucian scholar. The \"Instructions\" were particularly favoured by generations of teachers. Enshrined in countless vertical scrolls and horizontal exemplars brushed by distinguished calligraphers, their text, in full or in part, served as suitable texts for pupils to copy. In both\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214860, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 275, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "# ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\n# HONG KONG BRANCH\n\n## 243\n\n## Hong Kong: Forty Years of a Growing City\n\n### Jointly Organised by\n\n### The Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch and The Hong Kong Museum of History, Leisure and Cultural Services Department\n\n### To Commemorate the 40th Anniversary of The Reconstituting of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\n### Saturday 9 December 2000\n\n### Venue: The Hong Kong Museum of History\n\n### 100 Chatham Road South\n\n### Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon\n\n## ORGANIZING COMMITTEE\n\nElizabeth Sinn (Convenor) Patrick Hase\n\nTim Ko\n\nJoseph Ting Rap Waters", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215558, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 335, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "285\n\nOrder 1,000 mm, the fourth Order 500 mm, the fifth Order 375 mm and the sixth Order 300 mm.\n\n10\n\nHowever, the brightness of a light does not depend only on focal distance. Different kinds of burners and fuel also affect its power. At first coal and wood were used as fuel for lighthouses. Starting from the 19th century sperm oil derived from the whale was used but was later completely replaced by colza oil, which was cheaper. Mineral oils were used starting in the mid 19th century. The next kind of fuel was gas. Oil gas was introduced in the 1870s. Because it required huge containers for storage it was quickly replaced by acetylene and dissolved acetylene. This burns to a bright incandescence far beyond that of many other fuels. Another kind of fuel is liquid petroleum (incandescent mineral oil), which was first used at the end of the 19th century. Liquid petroleum was injected into a vaporizer, where the liquid was heated and vaporized. The vapour moves into the burner where it combusts. Normal oil burners are improved about sixfold with this burner. The latest development was electric arc lamps. Once electricity became a common commodity many lighthouses were converted to its use often using gas as a backup fuel. In Hong Kong, coal and paraffin were used in most of the lighthouses at the beginning. Only after 1915 was acetylene gas installed in Hong Kong's lighthouses.\n\nThe lights of lighthouses also have colour, usually red or green in addition to white. White is generally preferred because white lights can be made brighter. Colours are used in some sectors. White lights are used to indicate the most desirable route to port while coloured sectors indicate dangerous waters.\n\nThe distance a lighthouse light is visible depends on its height and the elevation of an observer when light intensity and weather conditions are considered equal. The lighthouse at Cape D'Aguilar has the standard height of 200 feet above mean sea level; therefore its light can be seen 23 nautical miles away by an observer at an elevation of 30 feet.\n\nThe lighthouse at Cape D'Aguilar, situated at the southeast of Hong Kong Island, was also known as Hok Tsui Lighthouse. Its tower was of stone, of conical shape, with a circular and smooth outer surface. This specific structure is typical of lighthouses in order to keep the centre...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 399, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "333\n\nSuyin's autobiographical novel, A Many Splendoured Thing, was partly shot there in the mid-1950s. In real life the boyfriend, a war correspondent killed in Korea, was British. In the film he miraculously became an American.\n\nI frequently walked past the FCC on Saturday nights when riotous parties were in full swing. The old number 41, \"Fairview,\" was the first private residence in the territory to have a lift. This came right up from road level. The house depended on water from a watercourse, on Po Shan Road, for flushing toilets. There is an artist's embellished painting of the old \"Fairview\" in the Hong Kong Museum of Art's collection at Tsim Sha Tsui.\n\nRemaining from the days when it was occupied by a private family, the master bedroom had four bell-pulls. These were connected to the bedrooms of his four concubines. In fact, during his lifetime he was said to have had eight (some say nine) concubines. This was by no means unusual. When a rich Hong Kong man went to the United States in the 1930s, a headline in a newspaper read, 'Here comes the man with 20 wives!'\n\nA Chinese could legally take a concubine up until October 1971, just as up until the 1960s most weddings were customary Chinese marriages. Some concubines taken before October 1971 remain legal secondary wives to this day. There was, of course, a customary ceremony for concubines too and they had their place in the hierarchy of the family. I did know families however where, when the principal wife found out the old man had “another woman,” she was brought in to live with the family. There, the principal wife could keep an eye on her. She was not infrequently made by the first wife to live and eat with the servants. Later, if the first wife died, the concubine, who was usually quite a bit younger, sometimes took her place as a “fill the room” (t' in fong) as a succeeding main wife is known.\n\nAnother important event, in October 1971, was the legislation that came into force making it compulsory for everyone to have at least one day's holiday a week. Up until then, certainly in the 1950s, there would be no problem with crowds on beaches. But no, it was not all work and no play and I swam in the Cross-harbour Race in 1955 and took part in the 42 mile 'Round the Island Walkathon' the following year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216107, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 406, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "340\n\nand the 1967 Riots. The former were sparked by a five-cent increase on the lower deck of the Star Ferry. Nevertheless, the root cause was largely the community's displeasure with social conditions, shortage of schools, housing, and the like. It was reported that in 1966 in the district of Tsz Wan Shan, in Kowloon, with a population then of 70,000, there was not a single telephone. The Kai Fong Association requested that at least a few public phones be installed. Soldiers marched down Nathan Road with fixed bayonets during the 1966 Riots. The protracted 1967 riots were a spill-over from the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China. Firecrackers were banned from then on. The military kept in the background during the 1967 Riots because of fear that China might react. The riots badly affected community stability and, in 1968, office space in Chung King Mansions, in Tsim Sha Tsui, was advertised at 60 cents a square foot.\n\nThe 1966 and 1967 riots were really a watershed. From then on, the government started to listen to the populace more. Social conditions improved, and Hong Kong started a process of de-colonisation. In 1972, government servants were instructed to use the word 'territory' rather than 'colony', other than in a historical context. The Colonial Cemetery became the Hong Kong Cemetery, and so on. A Hong Kong identity and a larger middle class began to form.\n\nIt is interesting to recall that the sparks which ignited the 1956, the 1966, and the 1967 riots all occurred in Kowloon. Hong Kong Island has generally been a more peaceful place. That was why, when I came to the colony in the mid-1950s and there was talk of building a cross-harbour tunnel or a bridge, some Hong Kong Island residents expressed fear, if this happened, of being 'swamped' by 'hordes' from Kowloon.\n\nCorruption\n\nCorruption had long been a serious concern in Hong Kong, and, as the Territory became richer, the problem became more serious. When a colleague of mine said there was a price for everything, our old boss soon shut him up. That was part of the trouble. Most Europeans did not appreciate the magnitude of the problem. I recall a Chinese girl telling me, in 1955, that her grandfather had been caught by a policeman smoking opium. The old man gave the copper $20, and the whole matter was conveniently forgotten about. Squeeze affected the Chinese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 408, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "342\n\nthey would have provided (had they been left) and for the urban lineage they would have represented. Those wonderful old buildings are no longer with us to provide anchors in times of need.\n\nThey were replaced within a few years by high-rise air-conditioned buildings. Many depend upon artificial lighting and ventilation and have windows which do not open. Today, so many live and work in an artificial atmosphere. This major change led long ago to people discarding shorts and open-necked shirts and wearing two-piece suits and more formal and more uncomfortable clothing. The new lifestyle meant the better off were stepping from their air-conditioned homes, carrying brief cases, into their air-conditioned cars and then being conveyed to their air-conditioned offices.\n\nAt the end of World War Two the Chinese Nationalist Government was waiting in the wings just over the border to take over Hong Kong. But the British beat them to it. If the Americans had had their way, and British rule had been terminated in Hong Kong in 1945 and the place had been returned to China, it is possible to speculate what would have happened. In 1949 Hong Kong, like other big cities in China, would have been taken over by the People's Republic Government. This would have meant that, after 30 or so years of communist rule, Hong Kong would have been as backward economically as the rest of China. There would have been no 'Hong Kong miracle'. After 1978 the Territory would not have been able to form a nucleus for the economic development for the rest of China with its 'Open Door Policy.'\n\nPigeons\n\nUp until 1914 every marine launch of Hong Kong's Water Police (as the Marine Police were known then) took a few pigeons on board. These were used to fly messages back to headquarters in Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon. But in spite of the introduction of radio the pigeons were kept on strength. Members of the force contributed to buy them food. The flock of about 50 birds came to be looked upon much like the Barbary Apes at Gibraltar or the Ravens at the Tower of London. It was said when the pigeons departed from Marine Police Headquarters so would the British from Hong Kong.\n\nThe pigeons disappeared during the Japanese occupation but were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216110, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 409, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "343 said to have returned 'mysteriously' in 1945. They were watched carefully during the 1967 riots. When I went back to Marine Police Headquarters a year or so after the 1997 Handover, from Britain to China, the pigeons were no longer there. \"They are flying around Tsim Sha Tsui,' I was informed.\n\nIn many respects the social history of the Territory, together with its myths and legends, has been as exciting as any novel.\n\nHalf a century ago many of us who lived and worked in colonial Hong Kong gave limited thought to the future and the forces of modernity. Even if we had, it is unlikely that we would have envisaged anything like the degree of change that has actually taken place during which the world map has been redrawn.\n\nIf a person is unable to adjust to change then, certainly, Hong Kong is not the place to be. If it is any consolation the pace of change is even more likely to accelerate in the future. In this paper I have looked at the past 50 years with special emphasis on the 1950s and 60s. What will the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region be like in the middle of the 21st century?\n\nBut that has to be another story.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216153, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 452, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "386\n\nNo, I cannot. Carbon-14 dating is a much specialised skill in its own right, performed by instrumental scientists. But conservators need to study it because otherwise we might, by careless treatment of samples, invalidate them, rendering them unfit for testing.\n\nE\n\nThere are three aspects to conservation.\n\nPreventative conservation\n\nFirstly, we can create the right environment for the artefact to slow down its degradation. So that, ideally, the artefact will not need to be treated individually in the laboratory. There are many agents of decay. But the main factors that we are concerned with are light, including ultraviolet radiation, humidity, pollutants, insects and moulds.\n\nHave you wondered why buildings such as the Hong Kong Museum of Art in Tsim Sha Tsui have wonderful urban views but only a small number of windows to enjoy them from? It is because the strength of the sun varies throughout the day and the particular season, and conservators prefer many museum artefacts to be limited in terms of the amount of light that they are exposed to, and certainly not to damaging ultraviolet light. Conservators joke that they would prefer the galleries inside museums to be pitch black; low levels of lighting are usually the result of conservators trying to prolong an artefact's existence.\n\nHumidity is complicated and harder to control, metals need humidity to rust but if we dry the air too much, composite items will crack as they dry up. Keeping an artefact at a low state of humidity in the tropics requires a high degree of maintenance. High humidity causes many artefacts to go mouldy and become more susceptible to insect attack. A rapidly changing humidity is very damaging to wood and ivory artefacts; it can make them crack or in the case of ivory even explode.\n\nThere are many types of pollutant and these can damage different types of artefacts. The pollutant may come from the external\n\nI [Hon. Ed. - A long-lived naturally occurring radioactive carbon isotope of mass 14, used in carbon dating and as a tracer in biochemistry.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216202, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 501, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "435\n\nVISITING ST JOHN'S ISLAND\n\nPETER STUCKEY AND CHRIS BAILEY\n\nIntroduction\n\nSt John's Island is about 160 kms WSW of Hong Kong. It is about the size of Lantau Island and is the largest of the Chuan Shan Islands which form part of Tai Shan County. The adoption of the name St John's Island appears to be through anglicisation of the Chinese name for the island, variously spelt as \"Shang Chuan Island\" on current Chinese maps, or as \"Sancian\". \"Ilhas de San Joao\" or \"St Jean\" Island on older western maps. Our interest in visiting the island was aroused by the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society's visit to Goa in January 2001. There, in the Basilica of Bom Jesus, in Old Goa, we had seen the preserved remains of St Francis Xavier. His corpse is displayed in an elaborate glass-sided, silver ornamented casket that rests high up on a Florentine marble mausoleum. St Francis, we learnt, had died on St John's Island on the night of 2/3 December 1552, aged 46.\n\nIn view of the local interest two visits were made by members of the HK Branch, one travelling “independently\" and the other through an organised China Travel Services guided tour. Here follow their accounts of the visits.\n\nIndependent travel\n\nTwo Branch members, Rocky Dang and myself, Peter Stuckey, went to the Island on 20th and 21st October 2001. We took a Chu Kong Shipping (CKS) ferry from the China Hong Kong ferry terminal in Tsim Sha Tsui, to Xin Hui, leaving at 8:45 a.m. The ferry passes between Macau and Taipa and then follows up the river system past the Yamen Fort to Xin Hui for a fare of HKD 188. At Xin Hui we took a short taxi ride to visit the \"Bird's Paradise.\" Here egrets fly over a huge banyan tree. The tree is reputed to be 500 years old. It extends to cover over a hectare with many trunks formed from the aerial roots descending from the branches of the single organism. Similar trees exist in the Botanical Gardens in Calcutta and in Phimai in NE Thailand.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216221, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 520, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "454\n\nhad eight (some say nine) concubines. In 1928, the house was passed on to his son, Mr. Mok Hing Shung.\n\nUp until the 1950s and 1960s, there were several palatial mansions standing in their own grounds in the Mid-Levels. Some had tennis courts. One splendid example was Marble Hall, at 1 Conduit Road where Chater Hall now stands. Marble Hall was built by Sir Paul Catchick Chater, a wealthy Armenian merchant and philanthropist. It was said in his days: \"What Chater does today Jardine does tomorrow.\" The general design of Marble Hall was similar in many respects to the old mansion at 41 Conduit Road. In addition to the photographs hanging in the entrance lobbies of the five blocks at Realty Gardens today, there is an artist's embellished impression of No. 41 in the Hong Kong Museum of Art at Tsim Sha Tsui.1\n\nFrom 1951 to 1961 the Foreign Correspondents' Club (FCC), a period some members describe as its heyday, was ensconced in the splendid building at No. 41. One could drive to the Club then and either drive up the slope or, alternatively, there was space for about three cars to park at the Conduit Road level. One could then take the lift (the first installed in a private dwelling in Hong Kong) up to the main entrance. There were nine bedrooms on the upper floor and the fireplaces were of Italian marble. The whole house had a wonderful ambience. With a little stretch of the imagination one can almost picture Han Suyin sitting under a cupola on the roof partaking of afternoon tea. The FCC was offered the lovely old building for a mere HK$250,000 in the 1950s, but the political situation was considered too precarious at the time to contemplate purchase.\n\nI first came to live in Conduit Road in March 1955, at the previous (then newly completed) block at No. 56. I frequently walked past the old Foreign Correspondents' Club, sometimes when boisterous parties were in full swing. On Saturday nights it was considered the place to be. The FCC had its own band but it also hired bands from the armed forces. Private parties were common there as well as diplomatic corps and airline lunches.\n\nBut, in spite of the noise emanating at times from No. 41, Conduit Road was generally quiet and peaceful. At the western end especially it was almost like a country road, with trees and undergrowth, and one", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216222, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 521, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "455\n\ncould sometimes hear barking deer calling from Victoria Peak. At the time one could still hire a sedan chair and four coolies to carry one up to Conduit Road. There were half a dozen or so parked regularly in Wyndham Street, in Central, up until the late 1950s. The fare was 30 cents for each 15 minutes with a 30 cents surcharge. The working life of a chair coolie was said to be eight years.\n\nAs with many houses in Conduit Road at the time, 41 Conduit Road had a superb view and, long before the days of cross-harbour tunnels, one of the pastimes of children was counting the number of ferries they could spot. Between the two World Wars an eccentric Englishman who lived in Robinson Road, not far away, did not own a clock. He used a telescope to tell the time from the clock tower then standing in Pedder Street. In the \"good old days,\" more than one British Governor used the activities in the harbour as a barometer of the strength of the economy. We are talking of times, up until the mid 1930s, when a cannon was fired from Blackhead Point, in Tsim Sha Tsui, to let residents know when a typhoon was approaching or, alternatively, the mail ship had arrived. Occasionally, inhabitants were not sure to which of the two events the firing referred!\n\nWhen the FCC vacated the premises the final days had come for the old mansion at 41 Conduit Road. In 1960, it was bought by Cheng Hing Realty and, in 1966, rebought by Court Properties. As with so much of Hong Kong it was a case of 'Hungry for the new forget the old.' The old building was demolished and the site remained empty for some time. The sale price was reputed to have been $13 million. The site was then redeveloped. In the summer of 1970, there were 1,200 applications to purchase the 400 flats at Realty Gardens. My wife and I were successful in the ballot and we took possession of our newly completed flat in Venice Court, for which we paid, in mid 1972, the princely sum of $114,000. Prices were still low after the property slump brought on largely by the drawn-out 1967 riots. My flat has been a splendid investment. We let it for the first four years, unfurnished, at $2,000 a month. We moved in ourselves on 1 March 1976.\n\nAlthough I can see a narrow strip of the harbour and Stonecutters Island (an island no longer) from my bedroom window, my flat at Realty Gardens in fact faces south. It is thus shielded from the cold north-easterly monsoon in the winter and receives the benefits of the cool", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 } ]