[
    {
        "id": 209179,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 82,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "68\n\n1968).\n\n \n\nHUBERT SEIWART\n\nCf. Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China. (Cambridge, Mass.\n\nCf. Y. Raguin, \"Buddhismus auf Taiwan\", in Buddhismus der Gegenwart, ed. by H. Dumoulin (Freiburg 1970) pp 113 – 116.\n\na \"Taoism' (by A. K. Seidel), in The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Macropaedia, p 1042.\n\nFor example, the Taoist Association of the Republic of China is run mostly by laymen who try to get rid of many of the more \"vulgar\" practices of religious Taoism and to restore the intellectual tradition of former times. These efforts seem not to be supported by many of the Taoist priests, possibly since they make their living by performing these practices.\n\n10\n\n \n\nSee for example G. G. H. Dunstheimer, “Religion et magie dans le mouvement des Boxeurs”, in T’oung Pao, 47 (1959) pp 323 - 367; G. Miles, \"Vegetarian Sects\", in The Chinese Recorder, 33 (1902) pp 110; D. H. Porter, \"Secret Sects in Shantung\", in The Chinese Recorder, 17 (1886) pp 1 – 10, 64 – 73; M. Topley, \"Chinese Religion and Rural Cohesion in the Nineteenth Century\", in JHKBRAS 8 (1968), pp 9 - 43.\n\n11\n\nCf. Wing-tsit Chan, Religioses Leben im heutigen China, (München, 1955) pp 109-156.\n\nT'ai-pei-shih\n\n12 Such a healing-cult is treated by Wang Chih-ming Chi-lung-lu ti i-ko min-su i-sheng he t'a-ti hsin-t'u-men (unpublished B.A. thesis, National Taiwan University, Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, 1971)\n\n13 An example of this is the Sheng-hsien-t’ang community in Taichung. The publications of the revelations of the mediums of this temple are distributed and read everywhere in Taiwan.\n\n14\n\nSome sects (e.g. Li-chiao), however, are copying Buddhist or Taoist ceremonies and dress so that it is difficult to decide whether the performers are priests or laymen.\n\n16 Some of the \"new religions” are treated in Hsiao Ching-fen, “The current situation of new religions in Taiwan\", Theology and the Church, 10:2 – 3 (Tainan, 1971) pp 1 -- 28;\n\n10 I-kuan is actually derived from a passage in the Confucian Analects (IV, 15).\n\n17\n\nThe popular name is Ya-tan chiao. Other names are Tien Tao chiao, K'ung-tzu chiao, Ta Tao chiao, Lao-mu chiao\n\n4. Cf. Tung Fang-yüan, Tai-wan min-chien tsung-chiao hsin-yang (Taipei 1976) p 123.\n\n18 Tung, op. cit., p 123f. According to Su Ming-tung, T'ien-tao kai-lun (Kaohsiung, 1979) p 197, there are more than 300,000 followers of I-kuan Tao in Taiwan today.\n\nLi Shih-yü, Hsien-tsai Hua-pei mi-mi-tsung-chiao (Chengtu, 1948, repr. Taipei, 1975) p 32.\n\n20 It seems certain, however, that the I-kuan Tao has followers outside Taiwan, esp. in Hong Kong, Japan and Singapore. In contrast to Taiwan, in these places the sect is not forbidden by the government and can operate openly (cf. Su Ming-tung, op. cit., p 198f). For the propaganda of the Communist government",
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    {
        "id": 209902,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 161,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "139\n\n50 workers and only 0.3% had 500 workers or more at that time. Lastly, these mills were among the most highly mechanized factories in Hong Kong. In the 1970's, the spindle to worker ratio in this industry had exceeded 40.\n\nMost of the data on the cotton spinners were obtained by face-to-face interviews. I attempted to interview two directors—the chief executive who held the title of chairman or managing director, and the director with the second largest share-holding as shown in the company records from each of the thirty-two mills. Forty interviews were completed and twenty-three mills were covered.\n\n'Forced choice' questionnaire items were used to assess the business attitudes of my respondents. Some of these items were developed by Nichols in his study of British businessmen (1969). I borrowed them for comparative purposes. As Nichols has restricted his attention to just one aspect of business ideology, namely the businessman's conception of social responsibility, I have added other items to cover a broader range of themes. This forced choice method differs from two other major approaches in the study of business ideology. The research of Bendix represents the historical, cross-cultural approach (1954; 1956; 1959). It is legitimate for him to eschew the use of questionnaires as he is primarily concerned with what Karl Mannheim calls the 'total conception of ideology' (1936: 49-53). He wants to assess the ethos of an entire age and society with special reference to the authority relationship between employers and workers. The stress is on the ideology about industrial activities, not the ideology of industrialists. He considers the ideas of theorists who were not businessmen themselves as he is concerned with broad ideological drifts, not individual or group beliefs. The second approach, which may be called an elitist approach (Sutton et al. 1956; Heilbroner, 1964; Christ, 1970; Seider, 1974), is closer to the forced choice method in that both are dealing with 'particular conceptions of ideology' or the attitudes of a specific sector in society. Beyond this similarity, however, the elitist approach has its focus on the public statements of prominent businessmen. The contents of the speeches or writings of the 'industrial statesmen' are analysed with various degrees of rigour. Such a focus has",
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    {
        "id": 209913,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 172,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "150\n\nthe government provided land to industry at nominal prices for a period of about twenty years as an inducement for investors. When this original lease expired, the industrialists had to pay the market price for their land. But when the renewal became imminent in 1971, the cotton spinners joined force with twenty-six industrial bodies to oppose this re-assessment of industrial land value. They also obtained the support of all the unofficial members in the Legislative Council. Even though the government maintained that the legality and validity of the re-evaluation was incontestable, it finally agreed to modify the statutes in June, 1973, after a protracted confrontation, (Hong Kong Cotton Spinners Association 1973; Miners 1981: 357-359). Yet in spite of their substantial political power, the spinners expressed a passive attitude towards politics. Their views were couched in a common format: 'It would be good if the government would do this and that. But we know these would not happen'. Even the most prominent public figure among them, A22, confessed that he took up unofficial positions in the government because he was invited to do so and he 'hated to say no'. They were hardly the revolutionary bourgeoisie as portrayed by Marx which 'creates a world after its own image'. (Marx and Engels 1967:84)\n\nIn their defensive posture, political vocabularies were conspicuous by their absence. Terms such as democracy, private property, equality, elections and so on were never mentioned. The recurrent phrase was 'peace and stability'. The theme of nationalism, so dominant among American, African and the pre-war Southeast Asian Chinese businessmen (see Seider 1974: 807; Heilbroner 1964: 30-31; Stokes 1974: 557-579; Wong 1975: 117-120), was raised by just two spinners. B1 mentioned this to dismiss the idea:\n\n'In Hong Kong it is money [that accounts for executive turnover]. In South Korea, you can say you are working for your country. But here? (He shrugged).'\n\nThe sole local-born spinner, B4, admitted to some 'nationalistic' sentiment:\n\n'I would want a sense of belonging and like Hong Kong to develop. I wish to try to create a society of my own identity,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209933,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 192,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "170\n\nGlassburner, Bruce, and James Riedel. 1972. “Government in The Economy of Hong Kong\", Economic Record 48, No. 1: 58-75.\n\nHeilbroner, Robert Louis. 1964. \"The View From The Top: Reflections on a Changing Business Ideology\". In The Business Establishment, ed. by E.F. Cheit, New York, John Wiley and Sons, pp. 1-36.\n\nHirschmeier, Johannes. 1964. The Origins of Entrepreneurship in Meiji Japan. Cambridge, Harvard University Press.\n\nHo, Ping-ti. 1962. The Ladder of Success in Imperial China: Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368-1911. New York and London, Columbia University Press.\n\nHong Kong Cotton Spinners Association. 1973. \"Annual Reports of The General Committee\". Hong Kong, The Association, mimeographed.\n\nKing, Ambrose Y.C., and Davy H.K. Leung, 1975. \"The Chinese Touch in Small Industrial Organization\". Hong Kong, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Social Research Centre, occasional paper.\n\nLevy, Marion J., Jr. 1955. “Contrasting Factors in The Modernization of China and Japan\". In Economic Growth: Brazil, India, Japan, ed. by S. Kuznets, W.E. Moore, and J.J. Spengler, Durham, Duke University Press, pp. 496-536.\n\nMcClelland, David C. 1963. \"Motivational Patterns in Southeast Asia with Special Reference to the Chinese Case\". The Journal of Social Issues 19, No. 1: 6-19.\n\nMannheim, Karl. 1936. Ideology and Utopia. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul.\n\nMarx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. (1888) 1967. The Communist Manifesto. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books.\n\nMayer, K. 1953. \"Business Enterprise: Traditional Symbol of Opportunity\". British Journal of Sociology 4, No. 2: 160-180.\n\nMiners, Norman, 1981. The Government and Politics of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nNichols, Theo. 1969. Ownership, Control, and Ideology: An Inquiry Into Certain Aspects of Modern Business Ideology. London, George Allen and Unwin.\n\nOksenberg, Michel. 1972. \"Management Practices in The Hong Kong Cotton Spinning and Weaving Industry.\" Paper read at seminar on Modern East Asia, Columbia University.\n\nOlson, Stephen M. 1972. \"The Inculcation of Economic Values in Taipei Business Families\". In Economic Organization in Chinese Society, ed. by William F. Willmott, Stanford, Stanford University Press, pp. 261-296.\n\nOwen, Nicholas C. 1971. \"Economic Policy in Hong Kong\". In Hong Kong: The Industrial Colony, ed. by Keith Hopkins, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nPan, F.K. 1974. \"The Simple Truth of Management and Maintenance”, a lecture delivered on 21st June, Hong Kong.\n\nRyan, Edward, 1961. \"The Value System of a Chinese Community in Java\". Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University.\n\nSeider, Maynard S. 1974. \"American Big Business Ideology: A Content Analysis of Executive Speeches\". American Sociological Review 39, No. 6: 802-815.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209946,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 205,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "References Cited\n\n183\n\nCh'en Kuo-fu\n\n1963 Tao-tsang yüan-lin k'ao. Peking: Chung hua Press.\n\nKeupers, John\n\n1977 \"A Description of the Fa-ch'ang Ritual as Practiced by the Lü Shan Taoists of Northern Taiwan,\" in Michael Saso and David W. Chappel, eds., Buddhist and Taoist Studies (Hawaii: The University Press of Hawaii).\n\nLiu Chih-wan\n\n1974 Chung-kuo min-chien hsin-yang lun-chi. Academia Sinica Special Monograph no. 22. Taipei: Academia Sinica.\n\nSaso, R. Michael\n\n1972 Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal. Pullman: Washington State University Press.\n\nStein, Rolf A.\n\n1979 “Religious Taoism and Popular Religion from the Second to Seventh Centuries\", in Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel, eds., Facets of Taoism: Essays in Chinese Religion (New Haven: Yale University Press).\n\nAPPENDIX\n\n1983 Cheung Chan Bun Festival\n\n長洲一九八三年(癸亥年)建太平清醮\n\nDate: May 16-20, 1983.\n\nPlace: Playground in front of the Bai-di temple\n\nA.\n\nTaoist Team: five Fukienese-speaking dao-shi, with Wei Guo-xin as the head dao-shi; five musicians, also Fukienese-speaking.\n\nMay 16\n\n13:00 Greeting the Gods\n\n20:00 First operatic performance begins on temporary stage adjacent to the Taoist altar.\n\nMay 17\n\n1:00 Beginning of Jiao-shi\n\nResidents of Cheung-chau begin the three-day fast\n\nOperatic performances continue, afternoon and evening shows.\n\nMay 18\n\nOperatic performance continues, two shows per day.\n\n12:00 Offering to the Gods\n\n15:00 Dotting of eye\n\nMay 19\n\n12:00 Vegetarian diet ends.\n\nMay 20\n\n10:00 Divide the Buns\n\n14:00 First day of Procession 第一天會景巡遊\n\nOperatic performance continues, two shows per day.\n\n14:00 Second day of Procession\n\nOperatic performance continues, two shows per day.\n\nFast ends.\n\nMay 21-22 Operatic performance.\n\nBeginning on May 17 and ending on May 22, Jiao-shi were conducted in three sessions each day, generally in the morning, afternoon, and evening.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    {
        "id": 213216,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 38,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "17\n\nFrederik Reichmann had left Germany in 1897 at the age of sixteen. For some time he was in London where he rose to the position of chief inspector of the popular restaurants of Lyons and Co. He then spent a short time in Australia where he married the daughter of Mr. A.B. Crew, a former head of the Land Record Office in Sydney. Mr. Crew wished to set up his new son-in-law in business in Hong Kong. As a German, Mr. Reichmann was eager to take over an establishment that had most of the German trade.\n\nThere are a number of difficulties presented in the material available on the background and identity of Mrs. Uschmann. In the correspondence concerning German women and children interned in 1914 it was stated that Miss Petersen is the daughter of Mrs. Uschmann and that she had a sister in the Colony that might be willing to support her. The sister was probably Mrs Arthur G. Seidel. On a list of the internees the names of Mrs. Uschmann, Mrs Seidel and Miss Petersen follow each other. The next clue for establishing relationships is the obituary of Mrs. John Sanderson Smith, who died on 9 March 1936, aged forty-one. She was born in Hong Kong and had been the proprietress of the Station Hotel which had been closed in March 1930. She was survived by her husband, J.S. Smith of the firm of Lubing and Smith, two sisters in Shanghai, a brother in London and a brother-in-law A.C Seidel. Wreaths were sent by \"Sister Maggie, Harry and family, Sister Martha, Arthur and family, Sister Lizzie, Franz and family\" (CM 9 May 1936, emphasis supplied). This information can be related to the children of Christian Friedrich William Petersen and his wife Mary recorded in the baptismal register of the London Missionary Society's Chinese congregation. Maggie Mary born on 15 October 1887, Martha Louise born on 5 January 1889 and Henry William born on 4 January 1892. These were presumably the brother and sisters of Mrs. Sanderson Smith who was born in 1895 but not recorded as baptised in the church records. If these conclusions are correct it would identify her mother, Mrs. Uschmann, as the wife of Mr. Petersen, the long-time proprietor of the German Tavern. Mary was his second wife. He died in 1896 aged sixty-four leaving his wife to administer his estate which was valued at $16,000. Was Mary Petersen a Chinese? Children of Caucasian parents were not baptised in Chinese congregations, except under the most unusual circumstances. On the other hand, if she were Chinese, why would she have been interned as a German alien in 1914? The statement in 1911 that Mrs. Uschmann had been connected with the German trade some twenty or twenty-five years suggests that she...",
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    {
        "id": 213798,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 150,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "121\n\n4. Such as Muxía San Lang (p 695), Hagoo Wu Lang (p. 1802), Hupe Wu Lang (p 1802) and Mu Ping San Lang (p. 308)\n\n12 See for example, Yi Yuan of Southern Dynasties15 p. 1, Shoku edition. The passage reportedly appears also in Hua Yang Guo Zhi of earlier Jin dynasty, and the Hou Han Shu of the Southern Dynasties\n\n\"Kainan Xhuan Xin\" 4, Shoku edition pt\n\nHht No Gan p 5 in Shankar edition\n\n14 For Tarshan Shi(4) Lang see p. 297 21b Tarshan Sau Lang | 298 p 24b Huayue San Lung | 300 p 30 and ↑ 301 p 33, Huashan San Lang | 303 p 39. There is even a Ji (7) Lang son of Daryue San Lang in) 305-p-490). By in Xiaoshuo Daguan edition reprinted Yangzhou 1983\n\n** J 4 p 21 in Shrakat edition\n\n\"The Wudu HaYao\", quoted by Wang Jiayon Daojiao Tungan, hengdu Basu Shushe, 1987,\n\n$49\n\nIN\n\nNanbu Xusha, Simoku edition mp4\n\nHong op out p 508\n\n* Quoted by Rolf A. Stein \"Religious Laoism and Popular Religion from the Second to the Seventh Centuries”, in Holmes Welch and Seidel eds. Facets of Taoism. Yale University Press, 1979. He dates the collection as from Tang dynasty (p. 67). The text is in the Daoist Canon, vol 704\n\n4)\n\nGaryu Congkao | 37, p 677 in reprint by Hefei Rennin Chubanshe 1990.\n\n52 Hong mp of, pp. 916, 1692\n\n* The most curious example is abid, pp. 328-110, quoting an abridged document submitted to a temple as petition. The quoted passage gave an additional name of himself in the form Ediscuss here. The quoting passage seems to have overlooked the fact the author of the quoted passage was the husband of the female ghost who made trouble.\n\nDIYLp 41, p 25\n\n\"He may be related to Zhan Hou of Jin dynasty who appeared in a legend about a stone horse and stone rider, related in the Yi Yuan a work of the Southern Dynasties quoted by Taiping Guangji4 (top en ↑ 284 p 1969). Perhaps the same Zhao Hou is referred to by Zhao Hou Nan Fa (Southern Magic) and Zhao Hou Da (register) mentioned by the Ming Daoist manual [Tan Huang Daojiaoling Yu Ce, in the Daoist Canon vol. 1109-1110]. There are a few schools of magic, that calls themselves Nan Fa. One is mentioned in Du Guangting op cit 12 p 5, and another in Hong op cit pp. 1733 and 1736]\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151",
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    {
        "id": 213898,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 250,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "224\n\nMy doubts about the purely utilitarian nature of hou fu stones were reinforced at the Diamond Hill cemetery. Space at this burial ground is at a premium and plots are often so tiny that stones, where they exist, are jammed together at the back of graves, which relegates them to the role of token boundary markers. Given the overcrowding at Diamond Hill, the discovery of a tomb which by virtue of its size and age had little in common with its neighbours was unexpected. The tomb belonged to the Liang family and was probably built at a time when graves were not yet piled up on top of each other. Not only was the Liang plot a good deal larger than that of the surrounding graves, but the family had clearly tried to ensure that it would always remain so. Set into the ground was a plaque which announced \"Domain of the Liang [family's] funeral abode\". (Liangzhai shanjie). More unusual still was a stone in front of the tomb which bore the words \"quantu\" or \"front of the grave\". What is relevant in this connection is that one expects to see such a stone in front of other graves, since it is both the logical counterpart of hou tu and a confirmation of its marker function, but that is not the case. For reasons that will become apparent below, the stone is unique.\n\nBut the tomb's most remarkable feature was located at the back of the grave. Here a small-scale replica of the main tomb, adorned with the usual inscription (Liangshan Houtu), had been erected. In view of the special nature of the Liang tomb, it was reasonable to assume that the structure represented a shrine to Houtu.\n\nBy installing a plaque, a quantu stone and a shrine, the Liang had attempted to reproduce, above ground, a funerary document called diquan. This was a land contract, written on a durable surface (clay, stone or jade) which included a plot's exact measurements. As of the first century BC, diquan were interred with the deceased to attest his or her ownership of the land in which s/he was buried. According to A. Seidel:\n\n\"From the third century on, the religious character [of the contracts] becomes more pronounced; supernatural beings start to appear as sellers of the land or as witnesses.\n\n(A. Seidel, \"Traces of Han Religion in Funeral Texts found in Tombs\" in Dokyo to shukyo bunka, ed. by Akizuki Kan`ei Hirakawa)",
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