[ { "id": 204632, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "100\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nNOTES\n\nThe notes are intended to amplify the text. The subjects of the longer notes are chosen rather arbitrarily and represent my particular interests,\n\nJ. W. H.\n\n1 A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories. (Hong Kong Government Printer, 1960) p. 88.\n\n2 Crown Rent Rolls, District Office Islands, New Territories Administration.\n\n* Under the Convention of Peking signed on 9th June, 1898,\n\n*Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, hereafter styled Sessional Papers. (Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1911) p. 103 (22) and (26). This article is mainly concerned with the land population, but for a good short description of the life, work and general background of the boat people, see G. N. Orme \"Report on the New Territories 1899-1912\" in Sessional Papers 1912, pp. 53-55.\n\n5 The help of the Chairman, Vice-Chairmen and members of the Cheung Chau Rural Committee in tracing and gaining access to these tablets is gratefully acknowledged, and the great assistance given with transcription and translation by Messrs. LO Chi-chung, LEUNG Kun-siu and LEW Pang-fei, my former colleagues in the District Office.\n\n* I have translated shue-shat as study, rather than school, since it was intended for the private use of members and their children and not for outsiders. The association became known as the Tung Kwun Wui So on 16th September, 1926 (see Land Registers), previous to which it had been registered as the Po On Shue Shat. I have presumed that with such a name, a school was operated as well as the office and ancestral temple. (See note 26 and text to which it refers.) For the distinction between the names Po On and San On see Notes and Queries, p. 146 below. The character inscribed on this tablet is a simplified form of the character.\n\nLocal trades included shipbuilding: see Orme's report in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 55.\n\n—\n\n* The number of Cheung Chau shops subscribing to the various schemes recorded on the tablets is as follows: Po On study (1866) 38; Defence Office (1863-70) 66; Fong Pin hospital (1878) 98, and Tin Hau temple (1879) 125, from the 200 odd mentioned in the Fong Pin preamble.\n\n* Many shops are mentioned on the tablets, but they are all listed by their business names and not by the names of the owners, in which custom the Chinese does not follow the English.\n\n10 The Tong has a substantial genealogical record, last produced between eighty and a hundred years ago and printed from stone blocks on hand-made bamboo paper. I am indebted to Mr. WONG Shing Yip of Cheung Chau who very kindly let me see his copy.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204775, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE\n\n67\n\nThird Edition 1643 by Man Sz-k'ei, Leung Tung-min, Tang Leung-yuk and others; Preface by Ch'an Hei-yiu.\n\nMan Sz-kei (Tai-wu) of Suichau, Sub-director of Studies in San On, 1640-?1645.\n\nLeung Tung-ming of Tun Tau, prefectural graduate in 1641.\n\nTang Leung-yuk # Perhaps a mistake for Tang Leung-sz of Kam Tin, prefectural graduate in 1610.\n\nCh'an Hei-yiu of Chingteh, Kiangnan, Magistrate of San On, 1640–1645.\n\nFourth Edition 1672 by (?); Preface by Lei Ho-shing.\n\nLei Ho-shing of T'ichling in Liaotung, Magistrate of San On, 1670-1677.\n\nFifth Edition 1688 by (?); Preface by Kan Man-mo.\n\nKan Man-mo of K'aichou in Chihli, Magistrate of San On, 1687—(?).\n\nSixth Edition 1819 by Wong Shung-hei; Prefaces by Yuen Yuen, Lo Yuen-wai, Shue Mau-kwun and the author.\n\nWong Shung-hei of Nanch'eng in Kiangsi, a prefectural sub-graduate of Chihli.\n\nYuen Yuen, an Imperial Censor, Viceroy and Commander-in-Chief of Kwangsi, Kwangtung, Hunan, Kueichou and Yunnan; of -wei in Kiangsu; born about 1760.\n\nLo Yuen-wai, a chin-shih, Intendant of Grain for Kwangtung, of Nam Ye.\n\nShue Mau-kwun (Yue-fong), a chin-shih, Magistrate of San On, 1816—(?).\n\nSixth Edition was reprinted without its maps in the 1930s.\n\n* In which case a copy of this edition might be preserved among the clan archives.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "PENG CHAU \n\n79 \n\nprovide complementary information which makes it clear that this is the position. \n\nThough this is not stated in the deeds, it is very likely that these two Tongs were related and formed part of one large clan. Of the two, the CHAN Yan Hop Tong is evidently the principal and probably owned more land on Peng Chau than the portion it leased to the other Tong. It is interesting that it still owned land on the Lantau coast after 1898 when the land registers give its address as Nam Tau, the district city of San On. However, on the scanty information at present available, this Tong is rather a shadowy body, though we have a little more information about its lessee, the CHAN Yee Ka Tong, which itself may have been quite wealthy. On one of the 1882 deeds the seller CHAN Kai-sin describes himself as Chung Tong Shi 中堂司 of this Tong. This must have been a clan office and the seller and other members of his Tong were almost certainly resident in Tung Kwun and not in Peng Chau. A few years before (1878) the commemorative tablet in the Tin Hau temple \n\nlists the CHAN Kai-sin Tong4 as having contributed six taels of silver to the repair fund. In the light of the deed, the inscription on the tablet is probably a mistake and should have read CHAN Yee Ka Tong, of which CHAN Kai-sin was a leading member. This gift put this Tong among the main subscribers, thereby attesting its importance on the island. The other is not mentioned on the tablet. \n\nThese Tongs were almost certainly absentee landlords, and the first of them may perhaps have had tax-lord privileges for the whole island which may have been granted to it at an earlier and unknown date, in the eighteenth century or even before, in return for services rendered to the imperial government.27 They most likely belonged to a family of scholar gentry of some importance in its own locality, and the rents from its Peng Chau property would help to support its members and provide funds to enable them to study for the examinations and so continue to obtain official posts. \n\nWhilst the 1798 tablet in the Tin Hau temple gives no direct evidence of these Tongs' ownership of land on Peng Chau in the eighteenth century, it does give a few good hints. Two CHANS appear as the principal donors, and it is interesting that the names", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204804, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "FENG CHAU\n\n95\n\nfrom his own or adjoining villages worked with him. The Shek Pik people were therefore closely connected with the sea despite the fact that their fields were extensive and well-watered. Elsewhere on Lantau, an old account book of the Hakka CHEUNG Kung Tak Tong at Pui O, which is dated 1897-99 (Kuang Hsu 23rd-24th years), shows that the Tong had a regular income from a fishing sampan.\n\n41 It has been shown that the Peng Chau shopkeepers always contributed to the temple repairs. A more illuminating instance of merchants' concern for the safety of local waters is to be found in the Tin Hau temple at Fan Lau on the south-west tip of Lantau, facing Macau and the mouth of the Delta, a remote area two hours' walk from Tai O Market. Here tablets survive from the Chia Ching and Hsien Feng periods (1796-1820 and 1851-61) and contain the names of many Tai O shops. One imagines that few of the donors would ever visit the temple, but they were obviously intent to ensure Tin Hau's benevolent care.\n\n42 Information received from CHEUNG Kai Chun of Ham Tin, Pui O, Lantau (born 1886). But this was not true everywhere. At Shek Pik several families of Tanka used the anchorage for at least fifty years. There was no remembered animosity during this time and these fishermen were allowed to cut grass and firewood without charge. However, they rarely strayed far from the beach and the two groups did not intermarry or have much to do with each other, except in casual contact at the main festivals and when villagers bought fish from them at the jetty, which was over a mile from the village. The fishermen would not go to the village to sell their catch.\n\n43 Information received from the present leaders of the WONG Wai Chak Tong ✯ of Cheung Chau.\n\n44 This statement is based on close knowledge of the Southern District of the New Territories and of the District land registers.\n\n45 Barbara E. Ward \"A Hong Kong Fishing Village”, Journal of Oriental Studies (University of Hong Kong) volume 1, no. 1 (January 1954) pp. 195-214, especially p. 211. See also note 42.\n\n46 See my Cheung Chau article for the Cheung Chau district associations before the British lease. At Tai O in the same period there appear to have been associations of Tung Kwun and San On origin, each with a club-house.\n\n47 The number is wrongly given as 28 in note 14 to the Cheung Chau article.\n\n48 A tablet in the Pak Tai temple at Cheung Chau dated January, February 1906 (a lucky day of the first month of spring of the thirty-second year of Kuang Hsü) shows that Peng Chau people also contributed to its repair.\n\n49 See the Cheung Chau article for this institution.\n\n50 The Kaifong of the Hong Kong region, and their like, are local institutions with a fairly long history. The Peng Chau Kaifong is quite likely to have an early date in relation to the age of the present settlement.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204870, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "148\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nabandoned, broken-down, and over-grown with trees and scrub, probably because it lies in a more remote and less populous part of Lantau, so that there would be no use for it after the garrison left.\n\nAn interesting feature of the Tung Chung fort is the presence of six old muzzle-loading cannons on its walls, each fixed to a cement base. (There are now none at Fan Lau). How these were preserved at Tung Chung is told in the following extract from the 1918 Administrative Report of the District Officer, South:\n\nMiscellaneous Receipts show an increase of $5,000 odd, due to the sale of old cannon for $5,265 which had previously remained neglected in the district. In this connection, it may be noted that any specimens of interest were retained, and that six guns were selected for mounting upon the wall of the old Yamen — the present Police Station — at Tung Chung, Lantau. So the guns at Tung Chung may not always have been there, but may have come from elsewhere, some perhaps from Fan Lau.\n\nThe cannons vary in weight from 1,000 to 2,000 catties, i.e. between 12 and 24 cwts., and are quite large. An interesting comparison is the Ming cannon dredged from Kai Tak Bay in 1956 during the construction of the new runway, which weighs 500 catties and is now mounted outside the Colonial Secretariat. All six pieces carry inscriptions, of which only four are now legible. A typical description reads as follows (though there is room for dispute as to the precise translation):\n\nCannon; weight - 2,000 catties (23-8 cwts.) YIK, Border Pacification General by Imperial Appointment. CHAI, Minister of Constant Support, Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent and Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi.\n\nLEUNG, Assistant Minister of Defence and Governor of Kwangtung.\n\nLAU, Acting Prefect of Fat Shan Prefecture.\n\nCHEONG, Hoi Fung District Magistrate, on Reserve, supervised its manufacture in the 21st year of Reign of To Kwong, 10th Moon (1842)\n\nby Cannon Artisans LI, CHAN & FOK.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204956, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE\n\n57\n\nfor the modern KS vocalisms. These lists are selective and deliberately ignore a few exceptions, but without being exhaustive they do provide enough information to outline the origins of KS syllable types. The tones are not designated in these lists except in cases where the KS forms differ from or cannot be traced to their traditional categories. Normally these categories will be the same as for the identical word in SC.\n\n✔ a 'tooth', ma 'horse', ma ‘horse', 'melon, fa 'flower', -aithai 'too, extreme', ka ‘household'. A ka ua 'speech'. kai ‘intermediary', mai 'to buy', kai 'strange', fai ‘lungs', kai 'drawer', uai 'to oppose'. lai ‘mud', ai 'dangerous', -au pau 'satiated', au 'to bite', cau ‘to run', □ hau 'mouth', cau ‘wine', kau ‘nine', iau ‘young'. lat 'pungent', sat ‘to kill', at ‘a duck', cat 'mixed', chat ‘a brush'. cak ‘pluck', than 'watery', kan ‘to dare', can 'to cut off', 斬 kan 'barrier', -ak pak 'one hundred', hak ‘guest', -an lan 'south', -ang ang 'hard', san 'to disperse', san 'mountain', fan 'to turn back'. sang 'to give birth', cang 'to struggle', uang 'crosswise'. ie 'night', sie 'snake', ce 'word, character', 蛇 sie‘snake’, chei “dignified', (a surname), hei 'to go', 墟 'market, lei 'you', ei 'ear', fei 'to fly'. -ei hei 'to go', -et fet 'needy', set 'wet', ket 'quick, anxious', het 'blind', ŋ iet 'day', pet 'writing brush', phei 'skin', tei ‘earth', sei ‘to die', -en chet 'to go out', ffet 'Buddha', het 'black'. sen 'deep', len 'forest', then 'to hate', sen 'new', ien 'man', khen (and ken) 'near', & uen", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205036, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "135\n\nKUMMER, Dr. M.\n\nKURATA, Mrs. L. C. -\n\nKVAN, Rev. E.*\n\n-\n\n-\n\nKWAN, The Hon. C. Y.*\n\nKWOK, Chan*\n\nKWOK, Walter\n\nLAI, T. C.\n\nLAM, Yung-fai\n\nLANDOLT, M. A.\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A.\n\nLAU, Wai-mai\n\nLAW, Chung-kam\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. I. -\n\nLAWRY, Mrs. B. C.\n\nLAWRY, R. E.\n\nL\n\nLECKIE, J. B. H. -\n\nLEE, Din-yi\n\nLEE, Harold W.\n\nLEE, J. S.\n\nLEE, The Hon. R. C.*.\n\nLEUNG, Kai-cheong\n\nLEUNG, Pak-kui\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming -\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nLI, T. K.\n\nГ\n\n+\n\nGoethe-Institut, German Cultural Centre, 6th floor, Caxton House, H.K.\n\n27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada.\n\nSt. John's College, The University, H.K.\n\nRoom 736, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nHang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K.\n\n39-B, Estoril Court, H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddel St., H.K.\n\n20 Coombe Road, Flat B-4, H.K.\n\nBrentwood College, Cobble Hill P.O., Vancouver Island, B.C., Canada.\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\nVictoria Heights, 43-A Stubbs Rd., Flat 1-A, H.K.\n\n4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nA9, Bowen Hill, 10 Peak Road, H.K.\n\nBritish Council, 1st floor, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Union Insurance Society of Canton, Ltd., Union House, H.K.\n\nUnited College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K.\n\n74, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K.\n\n44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K.\n\n+\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon.\n\n49, Village Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205230, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "180\n\nKURATA, Mrs. L. C. -\n\nKVAN, Rev. Erik*\n\nKWAN, The Hon. C. Y.*\n\nKWOK, Chan*\n\nKWOK, Walter\n\nLAI, T. C.\n\n+\n\nLAM, Jahn Cho Han\n\nLAM, Yung-fai\n\n27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada.\n\nDept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nRoom 736, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nHang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K.\n\n39-B, Estoril Court, H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nL\n\n-\n\nThe Library, United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 9A Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K.\n\nLANCHESTER, Mrs. B. T. J. c/o Mrs. G. W. Lanchester, 4 Fung Shui,\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A.\n\nLAU, Wai-mai\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. I. -\n\n+\n\nLAWRY, Mrs. B. C.\n\nLAWRY, R. E.\n\nLECKIE, J. B. H.\n\nLEE, Din-yi\n\nLEE, J. S.*\n\nLEE, The Hon. R. C.* -\n\nLEUNG, Kai-Cheong\n\nLEUNG, Pak-kui\n\nLEVIN, Burton\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nJ\n\n50 Plantation Road, H.K.\n\nCrichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland,\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\n4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nA9, Bowen Hill, 10 Peak Road, H.K.\n\nBritish Council, 1st floor, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium,\n\nUnited College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K.\n\n74, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K.\n\n19-B, Caine Road, 6th Floor, H.K.\n\n44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205351, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "106\n\nREV. MR. KRONE\n\nTo the North of Deep Bay is Chik-wan Bay, on the shore of which is situated the renowned temple of Tien-hau. To the South is the Bay of Toon-mun-wan, near Castle-peak. The open sea forms the Southern and Eastern boundary of the district.\n\nMirs Bay, the most remarkable of those which indent the Eastern shore of Sanon, is called by the Chinese \"Ti-po Hoi\" 大步海.\n\nIt is worthy of notice, that when the question of ceding Hong-kong to the British crown was brought before the Emperor Tau-kwang, it was asserted that the island had never really belonged to China; and it appears remarkable that, in an official geographical and statistical account of Sanon, in 8 volumes, published about 40 years ago, no mention of Hongkong is made, although islands much more insignificant are accurately included. However, in the list of villages of the Sanon District, the names of Shek-pai-wan (Aberdeen) and Check-chu (Stanley), are found. Among the numerous Straits between the different islands the most worthy of notice are:--\n\n1. The Cap-sui-mûn between Lantao and the two small Islands of Tsing-yeu and Ma-wan; Kai-check-mûn, between the two last mentioned islands and the mainland itself, and Ly-yue-mûn and East-tong-mûn, which constitute the Eastern passage from Hongkong harbour. According to Chinese authorities, the greater diameter of the district, from North to South, measures 380 le, and the lesser, from East to West, 270 le. But it must be remembered that the measurement from North to South extends to the southermost of the small islands which are reckoned as belonging to the district. The district is generally mountainous, and the mountain ridges extend nearly to the shore, leaving only small plains at their feet, which are occupied by villages and hamlets. These mountains have usually a dreary and barren aspect, and resemble those of Hong-kong and the opposite mainland. The granite rocks are scantily covered with soil, and are overgrown with grass. A luxuriant underwood is found in the ravines, but trees are seldom met with, though groves of them, evidently planted, are generally found in the neighbourhood of villages, Buddhist monasteries, and temples. The Chinese are accustomed to burn down the grass on the tops.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205458, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "宋官富行官遺址全圖\n\nTHE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG\n\nIN KOWLOON KUAN FU\n\nWITH\n\nL COMELLAN LIMETESTY\n\n(10)\n\nREFERENCES\n\nPERWER SEA\n\nPREDO SIA\n\nDECLAMER LÁNG\n\nFORMER VILLAGE\n\n$ CALE\n\nKECI\n\nPROPET NA JHOM\n\nPLAY GROUND\n\nLUNC\n\nTO KWA WAN VILLAGE\n\nLANDING MACE\n\nSACRED HILL\n\nSUNG WONG TOI ROCK\n\nXIAO Fur\n\nSHEK\n\nTAM KUNG VEH\n\nMA HILL\n\nKAM FOU VAN GRAVE\n\nTAU EHEME VILLAGE\n\nMA TAU KOM VILLAGE\n\nYI WONG TIEN VILLAGE\n\nYE WONG TIEN HILL\n\nKUAN MOUNTAIN\n\nMA TAU WEL VILLAGE\n\nSHANG-TI ANCIENT DEMONS\n\nWONG TEMPLE\n\nKOWLOON TSAL WALL CHT\n\nPAK HER SHANIYU SIN NGANJ\n\nHAU\n\nTI TARDEN\n\nIN COURTEST AN A NEW KING GOVERNMENT\n\n啟德機懾\n\nPLENARI JAD JA TAR\n\nAIKKA\n\nLOW.ALINAN FLARE FICU\n\nPlate 12. Map to illustrate Mr Jen Yu-wen's article \"The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung in Kowloon\" between pp. 21 & 38\n\n\"Romand Road\" to the immediate right of the number 12 above is taken from a Chinese-English map, and should read \"Lomond Road\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205545, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "82\n\nFAN LAU AND ITS FORT: AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE\n\nARMANDO M. DA SILVA*\n\nSite and Situation\n\nFan Lau is located at the extreme southwestern tip of Tai Yu Shan or Lantau Island. It is almost equal in distance from Hong-kong and Macau and it is situated about twenty-five miles due east of the latter. Fan Lau can be reached by sampan or fishing boat either from the market towns of Cheung Chau or Tai O, or by walking along the water catchment from Shek Pik reservoir to a point above and beyond Kau Ling Chung, and then by descending a steep stony path towards the settlement. Another route is to strike out from Tai O, taking the coastal footpath through Yi O, and thence to Fan Lau. There is no motor road to Fan Lau.\n\nThe area of Fan Lau includes a headland known as Kai Yik Kok (†) meaning \"chicken wing point\" where an old fort is located (see map 1).† The high point of the Kai Yik Kok promontory rises to about 380 feet above sea level. In the north of this headland lies the cultivated waist of Fan Lau where a small settlement is located. Looming above the settlement is Kai Yik Shan1 from which two streams supply irrigation water to the padi fields. Two fine beaches, Tung Wan and Sai Wan, flank the waist of the peninsula. Tung Wan, though exposed to prevailing easterly winds and a long fetch from the village, can accommodate deep-draught junks.\n\nThe actual territory associated with the village extends beyond the physical boundaries of the settlement. Fan Lau villagers, for example, cultivate fields located in Tsin Yue Wan (see map 1) and records show that, at least in 1904, padi fields in Kau Ling Chung (since abandoned) were also cultivated.\n\nSituated at the entrance of the Chu Kong or Pearl River estuary, Fan Lau enjoyed a strategic location in the past. This position was reflected in the construction of numerous forts and guard stations\n\n* Mr. da Silva has a Master's degree from the University of California at Berkeley and is at present with the Department of Geography, University of Hawaii.\n\n† Maps 1-4 are located at pp. 92-95.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205547, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "84\n\nARMANDO M, DA SILVA\n\nOne could reasonably suspect that the edifice was used more for signalling and coast watching than for outright defence, and as a navigational landmark. The stone walls are made from local material, the porphyritic granite. Certain nearby boulders of this granite have drill markings on them, the drill holes 3 or 4 inches apart. The fort appears to be built on an older stone base measuring some 225 by 130 feet, the walls of which are surmounted by superstructure walls of fired gray bricks (plate 8). A red clay found nearby, when mixed with lime, blocked and fired, could have produced this type of Chinese gray brick. The stone blocks and the gray bricks are held in place by lime cement made of lime mortar mixed with fine sand particles.5 The possibility that the bricks were produced from materials close at hand should not be dismissed.\n\nMany of the stone blocks and gray bricks have subsequently been removed by villagers for their own use. The Tin Hau temple nearby, for example, may have been partly constructed from bricks looted from the old fort (plate 9).\n\nWhen was the station constructed? The San On Yuen Chi makes no mention of any date but hints that law and order were established after troops were stationed at various outposts on the Chu Kong estuary after the order for the Coastal withdrawal (tsin hoi) had been rescinded in 1669. We have a brief mention in that district gazetteer that the Kai Yik Kok fort, as well as the forts located at Nam Tau and Chik Wan further up the estuary, were garrisoned by troops engaged in the restoration of order in \"dangerous\" areas not previously altogether under their control.\n\nThe persistent belief, still current today, that the ruin was of Dutch origin derives from the fact that Dutch ships in the early decades of the 17th century frequently stopped by the offshore islands of the Chu Kong estuary to take potable water. They were denied anchorage in Macau by the Portuguese and prohibited from entering Chinese ports by the Chinese. The myth of Dutch origin has been reinforced by confusion of the name with that of the Dutch fort of Castel Zeelandia built on Taiwan in the 17th century, which is also known as Fan Lau ($), meaning \"foreign building\". It takes no stretch of the imagination to ascribe to the fort at Kai Yik Kok, a Dutch, or Portuguese, or any other foreign origin. Fan\n\n...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n85\n\nLau, meaning \"division of flows\" and the name of that point on the southwestern tip of Tai Yu Shan, describes accurately and specifically the abrupt change of colour of the sea off the point, from a clear green to a muddy brown, as any traveller from Hong-kong to Macau can attest. The name Fan Lau is not only appropriately but propitiously applied. In fung shui the confluence of streams or sea currents is considered auspicious (conversely, a site flanked by forking streams is not considered lucky). Fan Lau, situated as it were at such a confluence, is considered a lucky site; hence the presence of a fort, a temple, and a settlement.\n\nConditions must have deteriorated in the Chu Kong estuary some sixty years after the return of Ch'ing control in 1669, for we hear of the garrisoning and reinforcement of troops in Tai Yu Shan in 1730 to shore up existing coastal defences there. \"In the 7th year of Yung Cheng (1730) forts were constructed on two hills, to deploy garrisons for their defence and to reinforce the troops garrisoning Tai Yu Shan, thus forming an angle similar to that made by the horns of an ox, to serve the exterior defence of Macau and the Boca Tigre\". The Kai Yik Kok fort must have been one of the two strong points mentioned, the other being probably the fort at Tung Chung. The analogy between the location of the fortifications of the estuary and the shape of an ox's horns is interesting. A glance at a map of the Chu Kong estuary would show Macau (in reality, the Heung Shan district forts) and Fan Lau to be the tips of those horns. Both these strategic areas cover the entrance to the estuary. The Boca Tigre (Fu Mun19) at the apex of the near-isosceles triangle formed by these three points, served as the pivotal central fortification.\n\nWe know too, that the Fan Lau fort was designated as the administrative boundary between the San On District and the Heung Shan District on the other side of the estuary from Fan Lau. A map of the Chu Kong estuary in the O Mun Kei Leukaz depicts the Kai Yik Kok fort with the accompanying caption “San Heung Fan Kai” (***), meaning \"This is the dividing boundary between the San On and the Heung Shan districts\".\n\nIt is very likely that some of the fort's soldiers were allotted plots of land for their own use. Another interesting possibility is that the soldiers and officials appointed to preserve law and order came from the very ranks of rebels and pirates who had previously\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205549, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "86\n\nARMANDO M. DA SILVA\n\ndefected to the government cause, and that as a reward, their land holdings were recognized officially by the government. This is a very Chinese approach to the problem of pacification. The Cheng 鄭 family of Fan Lau claims to have ancestral connections with Cheng Lin Fuk 鄭連福 and his son, Cheng Yat 鄭一, both notorious pirates from Tai Yu Shan, who terrorized the Chu Kong estuary during the latter half of the 18th century. The Cheng family still owns the land nearest to the old fort, which may suggest that this family had ancestors who were also on the government side (plate 10). The garrison could not have existed for long without food and it is reasonable to suppose that the padi fields of Fan Lau supported the soldiers from the fort (plate 11).\n\nThere are reasons for believing that the Kai Yik Kok fort may have pre-dated the Coastal Withdrawal of 1662, and that it may have been a Ming rather than a Ch'ing fort. Some confirmation of this is afforded by a series of nautical charts in the Mo Pei Chi (A). The preface to this work is dated 1621, but it was not presented to the throne until 1628. However, it has been shown that the charts almost certainly date from the first half of the fifteenth century.\n\nMany of the place-names in that section of the charts pertaining to the Chu Kong estuary are identifiable when checked against similar or equivalent place-names found in the maps of the 19th century editions of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi, San On Yuen Chi, Heung Shan Yuen Chi and O Mun Kei Leuk, but the reader must be warned on two points. First, place-names may differ in both pronunciation and orthography in different sources. Yung Hai is written as 容海 on the Mo Pei Chi charts, but as 雍海 on the maps of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi. A second point to remember is that adjoining districts on one island are not infrequently depicted as separate islands. The Kwong Tung T'ung Chi carries a map of the San On district, for instance, which marks Tai Yu Shan, Tung Chung and Kai Yik Kok fort as separate islands, whereas the last two places are in fact both located on Tai Yu Shan. It is obvious that the place-names on these maps serve not so much to pin-point localities as to mark well-known landmarks and stopping places. Navigation in these waters depended not on nautical instruments, but on the experience of pilots familiar with key channels and navigational landmarks, such as headlands and mountain peaks.\n\n*Plates 12 and 13 also relate to this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205550, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n87\n\nUsing the Ching dynasty maps from the District Gazetteers and the Provincial Gazetteer, I identify the places on the Chu Kong estuary section on the Mo Pei Chi charts as follows: (see map 4)— Po Toi Shan 蒲胎山 an island south of Hongkong. Now written 蒲台\n\nTung Keung Shan 東姜山\n\nYung Hai Shan 翁鞋山\n\nFat Tong Mun 佛堂門\n\nPak Tsim 北尖\n\nLang Tin Shan 小溪山\n\n+\n\n++\n\nTam Kon islands 檐桿\n\nYung Hai 湧鞋 or Hai Chau 鞋洲 retains the same name, Fat Tong Mun 佛堂門 retains the same name, Pak Tsim 北尖 as the \"outer Lintin\", Ngoi Ling Tin 外伶仃\n\nas the \"inner Lintin”, Ting Lin 伶仃\n\n\"Lantau\", Tai Yu Shan 大嶼山\n\n\"Fan Lau\", Kai Yik Kok 雞翼角\n\nNam Tin Shan 南停山\n\nTai Kai Shan 大溪山\n\nSiu Kai Shan 小溪山\n\nKwun Fu Chai 宮富寨\n\n+ present day \"Kowloon City\", Kau Lung Shing 九龍城\n\nTung Kwun Sor 東莞所 District of Tung Kwun, Tung Kwun Yuen 東莞縣\n\nHeung Shan Sor 香山所 District of Heung Shan, Heung Shan Yuen 香山縣\n\nThe absence of any mention of the San On district (新安縣) on the charts is significant. It is highly improbable that the compilers of the charts would have deliberately omitted or accidentally overlooked that district. Now, we know that the San On district was detached in 157310 from the Tung Kwun district to form two separate districts, the Tung Kwun and the San On districts, a circumstance which confirms the suggestion that the Mo Pei Chi charts were drawn at least before the creation of the San On district. If this were the case, the Kai Yik Kok fort must also be dated before 1573, which would make it a Ming dynasty fort.\n\nBetween 1805 and 1810 control of the Chu Kong estuary slipped from the forces of the government. A new pirate leader, Cheung Po-tsai 張保仔 became master of the seas around Tai Yu Shan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205551, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "88\n\nARMANDO M. DA SILVA\n\nA legend has grown up around this man, and most coastal Tin Hau temples today claim association with him.\n\nAccording to local tradition, Cheung was a lavish patron of the seafarer's temples which, in turn, probably supplied him with shipping intelligence. This pirate was reputed also to have constructed a number of forts, in reality armed camps, and village tradition has it that the Kai Yik Kok fort was once occupied by Cheung's men. There are reasons to believe this may be so. In 1809 a strong Chinese government fleet, assisted by six Portuguese lorchas11 from Macau on loan to the government, ambushed Cheung's pirate fleet at Tung Chung bay12. Cheung fought his way out of this trap only to surrender to the government after he had received peace overtures from the Provincial Governor. In the grand Chinese tradition of rewarding enemy defectors, Cheung was promptly made a paid government official and installed as chief customs collector in Macau. If Cheung's fleet was able to assemble at Tung Chung bay, which was dominated by a much larger fort, it follows that Cheung may have also controlled the second, but smaller, Tai Yu Shan fort at Fan Lau.\n\nIn 1815 the Chinese government, alarmed at the presence of foreign opium boats in the Chu Kong estuary, again began fortifying the coast. Existing forts were strengthened and new coastal strong points were constructed as part of a design to establish full and total control over the estuary. The fort at Fan Lau appears on a contemporary coastal defence map of the Chu Kong estuary. This map, in the 1864 edition of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi, was drawn in 1821 or 1822.\n\nThe Fan Lau fort was conspicuous enough to warrant a brief mention in the sailing directions of a foreign commercial guide on China published after Hong Kong was founded. The relevant passage reads, \"Lantau, the largest island in the estuary below the Bogue is about 15 miles long and 5 in its greatest breadth; its peak is about 3000 feet high, and is the loftiest summit in this region, but foreigners have never been to the top. It has several villages on its shore, and a fort, called Shek Sun pau toi ☎✯✯✯ on its S.E. side. The village Tyho on its eastern shore* has given name to the whole island on our charts, but it is usually called Tai Yu Shan.\n\n* The compiler was evidently confused between E. and W., as Shek Sun and Tai O (Tyho) are at the west end of Lantau. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205552, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n$9\n\ni.e. great island, by the Chinese; the town Toongchung on the north shore opposite Chulocock I. is the largest on the island\"\n\nOn the other hand, it seems by this date that the fort was already abandoned since one of the British officers who came out to China for the hostilities of 1841-42, has this to say of it in an account of his experiences:\n\n14\n\nAt the S.W. part of Lantou (sic) we saw, on a height, the remains of an old walled fort, supposed to have been one of the haunts of the famous Coxinga, the pirate However, the fort could not have been abandoned for very long since a repair tablet inside the Tin Hau temple at Fan Lau dated the 2nd summer month of the 25th year of Chia Ch'ing (11th June -9th July, 1820) records contributions by officers of the\n\n21\n\nas it is described thereon. Both these records can only apply to the Fan Lau fort.'5\n\nWhen the Hong Kong Government surveyors arrived at Fan Lau in 1904 after the New Territories were ceded to Britain, they found the fort still abandoned. In the Block Crown Lease Survey, it is described as \"old fort, ruins, waste\".16 It had probably not been re-occupied since the early part of the 19th century.\n\nIt can now be argued that the Kai Yik Kok fort is a Ming dynasty fort built sometime before 1573, possibly abandoned, but rebuilt again in 1730, captured by pirates and re-taken by govern-ment forces sometime between 1810 and 1815, and then refurbished, refortified, and garrisoned until some time before 1841-42, by which time it was already again abandoned.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Also known to the villagers as Yuen To Shan (#ll) or \"the hill from which to watch the arrival of distant boats\". There is a level spot high above the village, which, according to tradition, was used by observers to watch for incoming vessels proceeding up the Chu Kong or Pearl River estuary.\n\n2 The locations of these various strongpoints can be plotted from the text and maps in the Coastal Defence sections of the 1864 edition (map circa A.D. 1822) of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi\n\nthe 1819 edition of the San On Yuen Chi M £ M ; the 1827 edition of the Heung Shan Yuen Chi ₺ 4B #; and the 1800 edition of the O Mun Kei Leuk * 1938 #. The last three works contain maps of varying dates from earlier editions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205553, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "90\n\nARMANDO M. DA SILVA\n\nIt will suffice here to say that the exterior defence of the Chu Kong estuary consisted of a series of forts, customs-stations and guard-posts in the Lo Man Shan 老萬山, Kai Pong 鷄澎, Sam Chau Mun 三洲門, Ngoi Ling Ting 外伶仃, and the Tam Kon ## groups of the outer off-shore islands. The civil administration ruled from Nam Tau, the district city of the San On district. The military administration was centred at Tai Pang, on the western arm enclosing Tai Pang Hoi (Mirs Bay). The civil administration operated on a north-south axis, as against the east-west axis of the military coastal defence system. This is understandable when one realizes that the military could facilitate their control of the coast-line by establishing easy communications by water running the length of the coast-line from strongpoints on strategic head-lands and the offshore islands.\n\n3 For the Chinese characters of place names of some locales in the vicinity of Tai Yu Shan see map 3. For names of places within the present territory of Hong Kong see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960).\n\n4 So far as I know there has been no published study of this fort by Hongkong's local historians, except for a brief mention in one work which states that Kai Yik Kok fort was of Ch'ing dynasty date. Lo Hsiang-lin, Hongkong and its External Communication before 1842, (Hongkong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963) p. 172.\n\n5 The principal ingredients of this cement are clam and oyster shells which are crushed and burnt to produce slaked lime. The lime is then mixed with fine sand to produce a holding cement. Shells and fine sand are common to many local beaches and are, apparently for this purpose, used in lime kilns.\n\n6 San On Yuen Chi, kuen 22, under section on Coastal Defence reads:\n\n看復界後海絮籹寧而設險更捻周密雖今之汎地 及設兵皆與舊制不同而大嶼山雞翼角炮臺南頭 炮臺赤濘炮蠱最為餓要\n\n7 Fan Lau is also known as Shek Sun meaning \"boulder growths\", a reference to the numerous residual boulders at Kai Yik Kok,\n\n8 Luis Gomes, Monografia de Macau (Macau, 1951), a Portuguese translation of the O Mun Kei Leuk p. 70. \"No 7° ano de long Tcheng (1730) construiram-se fortalezas nas duas montanhas, distribuiram-se as guarniçoes para a sua defensa e foram reforçadas as tropas que guarneciam Tai-U-San formando assim como que um angulo semelhante ao que e constituido pelos chifres dum boi, para servir de defensa exterior de Macau e o Boca Tigre\",\n\n9 J. J. L. Duyvendak, \"Sailing directions of Chinese voyages\" T'oung Pao, vol. 34 (1938) pp. 230-237; and \"The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century\", T'oung Pao, vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412.\n\n10 The district of San On (新安) was formed in the sixth year of Lung Hing (隆慶) ie. 1572-73, Fourteen years later, in 1587, the San On district gazetteer was written by Yan Tai-kon (縣太君), the District Magistrate. Various editions followed. The latest edition was published in 1819. This gazetteer provides the best primary source of information on pre-British Hongkong. Chapters (kuen) XIV and XXII deal with Coastal Defence. These are chapters of special interest to historical geographers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205554, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n91\n\n11 A lorcha is a specialized fighting craft from Macau that combined a Western-style hull (for speed and maneuverability) with Chinese batten sails and rigging (for easier sail-handling and disguise).\n\n12 Charles F. Neumann, History of the Pirates (š), who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, (London, John Murray, 1831) P. 58.\n\n13 J. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide (Canton, Office of the Chinese Repository, 1848) pp. 70-71.\n\n14 The Last Year in China to the Peace of Nanking as sketched in Letters to his Friends by a Field Officer actively employed in that Country (2nd edition, revised, London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans 1843) pp. 51-52.\n\n15 There is, in addition, the possibility that the fort had a temporary garrison in 1834 see the imperial directive given respecting defence and patrolling at Lantau and Macao quoted by J. L. Cranmer-Byng in his brief note \"An old fort at Tung Chung on Lantao Island” in J.H.K.B.R.A.S. Vol 3 (1963) pp. 144-145.\n\n16 Hong Kong Government. New Territories Administration. Block Crown Lease Demarcation Districts 322 and 327, Shek Sun village, Lantau Island.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY CITED\n\nJ. J. L. Duyvendak, \"Sailing directions of Chinese voyages\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 230-237,\n\n\"The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412.\n\nLuis B. Gomes, Monografia de Macau, Macau, 1951.\n\nHongkong Government. A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hongkong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hongkong, 1960.\n\nLo Hsing-lin, Hongkong and its External Communications before 1842. Hongkong, 1963.\n\nJ. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide, Canton, 1848.\n\nCharles F. Neumann, The History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, translated from the Chinese original, London, 1831.\n\nCh'ing dynasty work:\n\nChinese Sources\n\nMo Pei Chi (AA) A.D. 1621\n\nThe provincial Gazetteer of Kwangtung:\n\nKwong Tung Tung Chi (♬✯ ih sk) 1864 edition\n\nThe District Gazetteers for the following:\n\nSan On Yuen Chi (%) 1819 edition\n\nTung Kwun Yuen Chi ✯✯✯) 1797 edition\n\nHeung Shan Yuen Chi (3) 1827 edition\n\nO Mun Kei Leuk (39 1932) 1800 edition", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205687, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "Plate 9. The Tin Hau Temple at Fan Lau.\n\nPlate 10. The fort at Kai Yik Kok. The terraces shown on the lower centre of the picture belonged, at least until 1904, to the Cheng family.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "14\n\nT. C. CHENG\n\nAnother advance was made in 1904 when several prominent Chinese, led by Dr. Ho Kai and Mr. Chau Siu-ki (the late father of Sir Tsun-nin Chau), collected the necessary funds, and, also with a land grant from the London Missionary Society, started the Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital, the first maternity hospital in Hong Kong.\n\nIn 1907 when the Chinese started another hospital, along the lines of the Tung Wah Hospital, in Kowloon the Kwong Wah Hospital Dr. Ho Kai was the motivating force and he became the Chairman of the first Board of Directors of the new hospital. In this important venture, he had the staunch support of the Honourable Wei Yuk, his Chinese colleague in the Legislative Council, and Lau Chu-pak, both of whom served as directors of the first Board.\n\nHaving received a western education himself, Dr. Ho Kai was very keen to spread such education among the Chinese youth. Apart from being an active member of the governing body of Queen's College, he and other Chinese leaders, including Tso Seen-wan, founded St. Stephen's Boys College in 1902. In 1901 a number of leading Chinese, including Dr. Ho Kai and Mr. Tso Seen-wan, had submitted a petition to the Governor setting forth their view that a need had arisen for a Chinese High School run on western lines. The fees were to be sufficient to keep the school without cost to the Colony. In such a school the sons of influential Chinese parents could be trained for public service and be instructed in all that was best in both British and Chinese cultures. The scheme was approved in principle and the Church Missionary Society stepped in to help and established St. Stephen's Boys College on Bonham Road. In 1928 it moved to its present site in Stanley with extensive playing fields. It has catered to Chinese children from wealthy homes and has tried to establish something of the tradition of the English public school. It has since occupied a unique and important place in Hong Kong as an exempted and independent school.\n\nIn addition, Dr. Ho Kai was a very far-sighted land developer. Just before he died, he and Au Tak,13 a prominent merchant who was a director of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1908, formed the Kai Tak Land Development Company to plan the development of the area in the neighbourhood of the present Kai Tak Airport,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205730, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "30\n\nT. C. CHENG\n\nAPPENDIX\n\nCHINESE UNOFFICIALS WHO HELD SUBSTANTIVE APPOINTMENTS IN THE LEGISLATIVE AND EXECUTIVE COUNCILS OF HONG KONG\n\n \n Name\n Legislative Council\n Executive Council\n \n \n NG Choy\n(Dr. Wu Ting-fang)\n \n \n \n \n WONG Shing\n 1880-1882\n 1884-1889\n \n \n Dr. Ho Kai\n(Sir Kai Ho Kai, Kt., C.M.G.)\n 1890-1914\n \n \n \n WEI A. Yuk\n(Sir Boshan Wei Yuk, Kt., C.M.G.)\n 1896-1917\n \n \n \n LAU Chu-pak\n 1914-1922\n \n \n \n HO Fook\n 1917-1921\n \n \n \n CHOW Shou-son\n(Sir Shouson Chow, Kt.)\n 1921 - 1931\n 1926 - 1936\n \n \n NG Hon-tsz\n 1922 - 1923\n \n \n \n Robert H. Kotewall\n(Sir Robert Kotewall, Kt., C.M.G.)\n 1923 - 1936\n 1936 - 1941\n \n \n TSO Seen-wan, C.B.E.\n 1929-1937\n \n \n \n CHAU Tsun-nin\n(Sir Tsun-nin Chau, Kt., C.B.E.)\n 1931 - 1939\n \n \n \n LO Man-kam\n(Sir Man-kam Lo, Kt.)\n 1936 - 1941\n \n \n \n Dr. Li Shu-fan\n 1937-1941\n \n \n \n W. N. Thomas TAM, O.B.E.\n 1939 - 1941\n \n \n\nFoot-note: (1) The following served on the Legislative Council in an acting capacity at various times:\n\n(a) Mr. Chan Kai-ming in 1918.\n\n(b) Mr. Chau Siu-ki, the late father of Sir Tsun-nin Chau in 1921, 1923 and 1924.\n\n(c) Mr. Li Tse-fong in 1939.\n\n(2) Mr. Robert Kotewall served on the Executive Council in an acting capacity in 1932, 1934 and 1935.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205762, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "62\n\nR. G. GROVES\n\n44 Skinner, op. cit., Part 1, p. 27. The markets of the northern district of the New Territory seem to have been dependent primarily upon Sham Chun, rather than upon several intermediate markets. This may be an example of what Skinner terms a marketing system in a \"topographic cul-de-sac\". Ibid., p. 21.\n\n45 Baker, Hugh D. R. \"The Five Great Clans of the New Territories”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. VI, 1966, p. 31.\n\n46 Freedman, op. cit., pp. 82ff., gives an account of the origins of the Ts'at Yeuk. The character yeuk may be translated as 'covenant', or 'agreement'. The seven covenants' were a confederation of seven groups of villages within the Tai Po marketing area.\n\n47 Papers Extracts, op. cit., p. 192.\n\n48 Hayes, \"The Pattern of Life.\", op. cit., p. 9.\n\n49 Freedman, op. cit., p. 81.\n\n50 Papers Extracts, op. cit., pp. 201ff.\n\n51 Hong Kong 1963, Hong Kong, 1964, pp. 363ff.\n\n52 Papers Extracts, op. cit., pp. 587-8.\n\n53 The following account has been assembled, somewhat in the manner of a jigsaw puzzle, from two sources: Hong Kong. Correspondence (June 20, 1898 to August 20, 1900) Respecting the Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony, Eastern No. 66, Colonial Office, London, 1900; Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1899. Despatches and Other Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1900. Specific references will be given only for quotations.\n\n54 Correspondence, op. cit., p. 261. A brief discussion of the activities of the land syndicate mentioned in the preceding paragraph is to be found in Endacott, G.B., A History of Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, London and Hong Kong, and Paperback Edition, 1964, p. 265, who says: \"The main problem of the take-over was not military but administrative. A land syndicate of Chinese among whom it was suspected Ho Kai [Dr. Ho Kai, a Chinese unofficial member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong] was one, had bought land at a fraction of its value by spreading the rumour that the British would seize all land. Blake threatened to restore this property, but the land problem proved too baffling for him to carry out his threat.\"\n\n55 Correspondence, op. cit., p. 261. Wakeman, op. cit., Chap. V, discusses similar charges made against the British at Canton almost sixty years earlier.\n\n56 One recipient was Liu Wan-kuk, of Sheung Shui. His support for the resistance appears to have been half-hearted throughout. On at least two occasions he protested: \"the villages in our Division have no plans. Moreover, our commissariat and arms being insufficient, how can we offer effective resistance? We request your Division [Yuen Long] to decide on the plan of campaign and we will follow your instruction\". The dominance of the Yuen Long Division—and of the Tang lineages within it—was to become increasingly obvious as the resistance movement developed. Papers Despatches, op. cit., p. 72.\n\n57 Translated in Correspondence, op. cit., pp. 138ff.\n\n58 Baker, op. cit., pp. 35ff.\n\n59 Correspondence, op. cit., p. 147.\n\n60 Ibid., p. 148.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA. MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n63\n\n61 Ibid., p. 154.\n\n62 Ibid., p. 159.\n\n63 Liu Wan-kuk, of Sheung Shui, later described the inaugural meeting and its consequences in the following terms. \"On the 1st of the 3rd moon (10th April), the Un Long Division made a great show of force, and stated in a most peremptory manner that if we refused to join in the resistance of the British, thousands of men from the Un Long Division with arms would proceed to level to the ground the villages belonging to the Liu, Tang and Pang families. The Sheung U Division was therefore compelled on the 3rd day (12th April) to request the Hau, Liu, Pang, Tang, Man clans to meet in the temple dedicated to a former Governor of Kwang Tung province. There it was decided to raise a small public subscription.... It was also decided that the various villages in our Division should have their trainbands (or militia) in readiness so that we should not be....powerless to check disorder. Our Division was the victim of circumstances.... Our trainband (or militia) was intended solely for the protection of the old and young in our Division.\" Translation of a statement made to the Colonial Secretary of Hong Kong, 26th April 1899, Papers. Despatches..., op. cit., p. 74. Here and subsequently, the spelling of place names and parenthetical remarks are those of the original translator. Remarks in brackets are my own.\n\n64 Correspondence ..., op. cit., p. 226. Jingals are \"long tapering guns, six to fourteen feet in length, borne on the shoulders of two men and fired by a third. They have a stand, or tripod, reminding one of a telescope being less liable to burst than cannon, they form the most effective gun the Chinese possess.\" J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, London, 1904 edition, p. 44.\n\nPage 13\n\nCorrespondence\n\n65 Stewart Lockhart described the flag as follows: \"the flag has a red border and a white centre, on which are seven Chinese characters meaning: Train band sanctioned by the Government: -Tai Kai (village), surname Man.' The village referred to.... is also known by the name of Tai Hang\n\n, op. cit., p. 180. The militia were so martial in appearance and conduct that the British at first thought they were regulars. The Viceroy commented: \"the Governor of Hong Kong suspected that they were regular troops from the fact that they had guns, cannon, and uniforms. He was not aware that the villagers of Kwangtung, in their constant fights with each other, are always erecting forts, and use guns and cannon, and wear uniforms. This is a matter of common notoriety.\" Ibid., p. 304.\n\n66 Ibid., pp. 188ff. These and similar letters were found in the T'ai Ping Kung Kuk at Yuen Long. A proclamation issued by the Council of the Yuen Long Division was also discovered. It supports Liu Wan-kuk's claim that coercion was a feature of the resistance movement:\n\n\"The English barbarians are about to enter our territory, and ruin will come upon our villages and hamlets, All we villagers must enthusiastically come forward to offer armed resistance and act in unison. When the drum sounds to the fight, we must all respond to the call for assistance. Should anyone hesitate to take part or hinder or obstruct our military plans he will most certainly be severely punished, and no leniency will be shown. This is issued as a forewarning.\" Ibid.\n\n67 Ibid., p. 171.\n\n68 Papers\n\n69 Ibid.\n\nDespatches\n\n, op. cit., p. 66.\n\nop. cit., p. 166.\n\n70 Correspondence", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205827, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "NOTES ON ETHNO-BOTANY IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n127\n\nare tacked onto certain bushes and shrubs having medicinal attributes. Otherwise, it is indeed difficult for an onlooker to tell medicinal from other common plants. Villagers do distinguish, though, between the everyday medicinal plants used for poultices, infusions, decoctions, and tonics, from certain other economic simples that are collected and sold for gain.\n\nThe collection and sale of the rarer economic simples is a source of village income. The gathering of the plants is the task of women. At Fan Lau, women went early in the morning to the hillside and the ravines and returned with baskets of medicinal plants that were sunned and dried at the village. These were then taken to Tai O for sale. The locations where these simples may be found are usually regarded as village secrets, and many coastal settlements acquire reputations associated with the quality of these simples which, in contrast to the common village medicinal plants, find their way to market.\n\nNative Chinese village medicine is divided into two classes. One is known as koon yeuk (\"official medicine\"), the other as shang tsoi yeuk (\"fresh vegetable medicine\"). The first is associated with apothecary shops that deal in traditional drugs and medicines, many of which are listed in that Chinese pharmacopoeia of the 16th century, the Poon Ts'o Kong Muk. These are the Chinese pharmacies one associates with bear paws, rhinoceros horns, ginseng, and other dried or prepared medicine.\n\nShang tsoi yeuk, less known, is based on gathered simples that are not sold in powdered, pill, or prepared forms. These are fresh medicaments possessing alleged tonic qualities that assist digestion and relieve \"heat\" (yuet hei). Some are used as styptic poultices, others to treat simple bruises. Unlike the apothecary shops that deal in koon yeuk, the shang tsoi yeuk stalls are not elaborate. The vendor of shang tsoi yeuk is usually a literate farmer turned herbalist. Many of the shang tsoi yeuk are not even listed in modern Chinese pharmaceutical works, as some of these plants are peculiar to local places, and to local tastes.\n\nThe following are just some of the shang tsoi yeuk gathered from the hillsides, the ravines, and the beaches of Tai Yu Shan (Lantau Island) during the months of July and August. All of them listed here are collected in their wild state, and none is cultivated. Their market prices vary according to availability,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "128\n\nARMANDO DA SILVA\n\naccessibility, seasonal demand, and tonic quality. The Chinese names are in colloquial Cantonese:\n\nArtemisia vulgaris (ng yuet ngai AX) is a traditionally sacred medicinal plant. Sprigs of artemisia are hung on doorways on the festival day of tuen yeung (), that day associated with glutinous rice dumplings and dragon-boat races; hence the colloquial name \"fifth moon artemisia\". A powder is made from this and is used in moxa (ngai yung *). For medicinal use the sprigs are ground and sprinkled into warm rice wine to make a fragrant tonic drink, which allegedly relieves upset stomach.\n\nAmaranthus spinosus (lak yuen tsoi ). The roots and leaves of this plant are boiled in water and the infusion used in the treatment of piles. A soup is made by boiling the leaves and the shoots and the decoction is drunk as a yuet hei reliever. It is also considered a diuretic drink. Although this plant is not cultivated, it is often sold as a vegetable in vegetable stalls.\n\nHylocereus undatus (pa wong fa re£) is a seashore plant of the cactus family. The silk tassels from the flowers are dried and used to make a cough medicine. The tassels may also be boiled as a vegetable and cooked with pieces of pork to make soup. See Plate 10.\n\nVitex trifolia (pak fei muk yee ¶). This is another beach plant whose leaves and vines are boiled to make a poultice for bruises. The leaves are ground and drunk with warm rice wine. This is a favourite medicinal plant among the Tanka boat-people.\n\nBreynia fruticosa (hak min shun i) is a hillside plant whose leaves are boiled in water to make an infusion for the cleansing of sores. To complete the treatment a poultice of its leaves is applied to the sores.\n\nMelastoma sanguineum (long kau lei #Ƒ) is a styptic simple. Its leaves are both ground and drunk with warm rice wine, and are also used as a styptic poultice.\n\nPolygonum chinenses (fo tan mo ★★). The leaves are fried with honey and eaten as a treatment for dysentery. The leaves can also be made into a poultice to relieve rheumatic pain and for treating foot sores and arm boils,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205829, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "NOTES ON ETHNO-BOTANY IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n129\n\nGlochidion eriocarpum (tsat tai koo ✯✯★★) is a hillside plant. The leaves are first boiled and then applied to sores to relieve irritation.\n\nHydrocotyle asiatica (pang tai woon). A tonic drink is made from this plant as a yuet hei reliever. It is considered especially good for nursing mothers. The leaves and stalks may be eaten as a vegetable with rice, and an excellent soup can be made from it.\n\nHedyotis uncinella (po chau tsai). The plants are dried in the sun and used in making a tonic drink to relieve yuet hei and to offset general debility.\n\nThese are only ten of many economic simples with reputed curative or medicinal qualities. As already suggested, some of them may have been emergency famine food at one time or another, particularly those that also serve as vegetables or as soup stock.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 In 1962-63, most of the nets in small sampans appeared to have been made from commercial natural fibres (abaca, ramie or coconut coir fibers). However, Agave fiber was still used for making twine. Fishermen then were readily accepting synthetic nets. Some fishermen I talked to believed that synthetic nets were too expensive for small craft as snagged nets meant costly losses because it is harder to salvage nets of synthetic fiber than those of natural fiber, so I was told.\n\n2 I haven't seen cochineal insects used for dye myself and the information given me was essentially \"before the use of chemical dyes, in olden days, this kind of cactus (Opuntia) harboured yin chi insects that were used for a red dye.\" Whether the cochineal insect was used or not in the lifetime of the older villagers I talked with, I do not know. Personally I suspect it was used extensively in the past and the dyeing technique diffused through the Philippines to the China coast from Acapulco, Mexico in the days of the Manila Galleon (i.e., Acapulco to Manila to Macau and thence along the South Chinese coast).\n\n3 Kong Nim and Pei Kwan Kong terms for Rhodomyrtus tomentosa berry, are used interchangeably at Fan Lau. Fan Lau as well as most of the other Lantau villages were, I suspect, pirate hideouts and it may well be that Pei Kwan Kong may have been a term derived from the time of the Great Evacuation, 1662-1669. For details of the latter see Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its Communications before 1842. (Hong Kong 1963, Chinese version 1960) chapter VI,\n\n4 Tuk yuc tung (\"fish poison vine\"). Many cultivators buy an insecticide powder called tuk yue fun (fish poison powder). This powder is usually first mixed with sawdust before application. It is the same powder used by gardeners to rid the lawn of white grubs! This powder too is dusted on the heads of children suspected of having lice in their hair.\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205936, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "10\n\nwilling help has been of great value to me as President and to\n\nthe Council generally.\n\n13th May, 1970.\n\nLectures in 1969 comprised:-----\n\n20 January\n\nDr. M. W. M. Lau\n\n24 February\n\nJ. R. JONES\n\nThe F. A. Nixon Collection of Nestorian Crosses and the Fr. Finn Collection of Finds on Lamma Island\n\nDr. Morris I. Berkowitz\n\nThe Effects of Resettlement on the Plover Cove Villagers\n\nProf. P. G. O'Neill\n\nThe No Theatre of Japan Today\n\nMr. K. M. A. Barnett\n\nRemoving Some Barriers to Comprehension\n\nAspects of Hong Kong Marine Fauna\n\n11 March\n\n8 April\n\n15 April\n\nDr. Lamarr B. Trott\n\n28 April\n\nAnnual General Meeting.\n\n5 May\n\nMr. Holmes H. Welch\n\n24 May\n\n\"The Role of Religion in Chinese Life\n\n9 June\n\n11\n\n23 June\n\nA Tour of Old Shau Kei Wan organized by\n\nMr. J. W. Hayes.\n\nDr. Hugh D. R. Baker\n\nThe Chinese Lineage Village: A Pyramid of Kinship\n\nDr. R. K. Murton\n\nWild Life in Hong Kong\n\n29 September\n\nMr. J. C. Y. Watt\n\n23 October\n\n17 November\n\nThe Use of Jade in Old China\n\n\"Look Around\" Tour on Hong Kong Island\n\norganized by Mr. J. W. Hayes.\n\nMr. G. E. Johnson\n\nFrom Rural Committee to Spirit Medium Cult", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206055, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "130\n\nHENRY D. TALBOT\n\nThe lines of soundings indicate the tracks of ships and we are entitled to assume that, although they were probably not hydrographic survey ships, they are likely to have been annotating their charts to improve the depiction of the coast-line at the same time as plotting the position of the soundings.\n\nMost of the names given are romanized versions of Chinese names, presumably written down by a European sailor from the words spoken by a Chinese person on board. This would explain the b/m confusion in the case of “Botae Island\" (both are bilabials) and the n/l confusion in the case of \"Lammon\" (both are alveolar).5\n\nThe misnaming of \"Peng Chau\" as \"Tay Pak\" and \"Siu Kau Yi\" as \"Sui-pak\" can also be explained if the islands were seen from the east; on having them pointed out to him the Chinese person mistook the places indicated and gave the names of the villages on the coast of Lantao directly behind them.\n\nThe most extraordinary feature of the map is the fact that Hong Kong Island is shown as split in two parts with a waterway apparently running from the present Aldrich Bay (Shau Kei Wan) to Tai Tam Bay. A glance at the topographical and geological maps of the island shows that it is quite impossible that such a waterway could have existed at this time. The only feasible explanation is that at the time the ship was passing north of the island the visibility was so bad that the hills were not visible and that there appeared to be a strait at this place.\n\nThe name \"Fan-Chin-Cheou” is surprising as it does not appear in other sources as a name of Hong Kong Island. The last syllable \"Cheou\" presumably represents the well-known word \"chau\" meaning \"island\", as in \"Cheung Chau\" and \"Peng Chau”. No obvious meaning for the first two syllables is apparent, although it is tempting to suppose that \"Fan\" might mean \"Foreigner\". \"He-Ong-Kong\" is probably a mistaken transcription of \"Heong-Kong\", the equivalent of the modern name.\n\nA close examination of the shape of Lantao on the chart shows that this, too, is very badly distorted, especially on the eastern side. The bays such as Silvermine Bay are completely lacking, while the peninsula north of Chang Cheou Is. (Cheung Chau) is shown as a separate island.\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206057, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "132\n\nHENRY D. TALBOT\n\nLo cheou-Lo Chau (Beaufort Island)\n\n=\n\nMers Bay Mirs Bay\n\nMew Is.-Mo Chau\n\nNako chau-Papai (Nei Kwu Chau or Hei Ling Chau)\n\nNine-pin-Ninepin Group\n\nPo-ke-long Point=Lei Yue Mun Point\n\nPsang-chau-Kau Yi Chau\n\nRagged Island Steep Island\n\nRat Island or Ling Ting-Ling Ting\n\nR. Povado or Iron River-Hebe Haven\n\nSin-can-hien-Hsin-an Hsien (San On Yuen) or, rather, the district city of Hsin-an\n\nSingan Islands-Siu Chau and Tai Shan\n\nShu-lap-ko Is.-Chek Lap Kok Island\n\nSui-pak Siu Kau Yi\n\nSoko Cheou Is. the Soko Islands\n\nSong-kco Sung Kong\n\nTa baco=Chung Chau\n\nTat-hong Moon-Tathong Channel\n\n=\n\nTay Pak Peng Chau\n\nTay-pak-hoe Green Island (or perhaps the sea between Hong Kong and Lantao Islands)\n\nTsa-cheou Is. =Sha Chau\n\nTsan-Cheou-Kau Pei Chau (off Cape D'Aguilar) Tysa=Small island 1⁄2 mile south of East Brother\n\nWang Laang-Waglan Island\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Cf. The British Museum General Catalogue of Printed Books (London, 1961) Vol. 100, Col. 222.\n\nThe British Museum Catalogue of Printed Maps. Charts and Plans (London, 1967) Vol. 7, Col. 359,\n\nMorse, H. B. The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635-1834 (Oxford, 1926-29) Lists of Ships.\n\n2 Cf. Bonacker, W. Kartenmacher Aller Lander und Zeiten (Stuttgart, Hiersemann, 1966) p. 200,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "178\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nthat the Hakka immigration embraces a wide area north and east of our region and several islands. In some cases old Punti villages have entirely disappeared but the land then cultivated has been taken up by Hakka who have built their own houses. In others Hakka have entirely superseded the Punti after a period during which they shared villages. It seems most probable that the evacuation gave to the Hakkas an unexpected chance of taking up land in the places where it had been abandoned.\n\nThe return from evacuation was allowed partly because it had led to greater disturbance than before and partly because of the loss in taxes, which was estimated at 300,000 taels. The first to suggest it was the Hsün Fu or Inspector-General Wang, part of whose petition has already been quoted. The result of his outspoken criticism was that he was disgraced and ordered to return to Peking. He did not do so and died, probably by suicide, in Kwangtung after writing a valedictory address to the Emperor in which he stated as a dying request that the people be allowed to return to their homes. Wang is worshipped in this region and with him the Viceroy of Kwangtung, Chou, who personally inspected the situation in the winter of 1668 and petitioned that the boundary be removed before the fortifications were completed instead of after as had been previously decided, owing to the distress of the inhabitants. Two months later this was allowed.\n\nThe fortifications alluded to have all disappeared. They should not be confused with the more modern Chinese forts which can be seen here and there in the region. The fort at Kowloon was built in 1810 and the present city walls only in 1856. The fort at Tung Ch'ung, which is one of the best preserved, dates from 1817 as does the one at Kai Yik Kok on the south western tip of Lantau*. The reason given for the building of these forts was to protect the coast against foreigners.\n\nPiracy continued to be practised by the Tanka during the intervening centuries. A few of the pirates' names are preserved in the \"Salt Water Songs\" which the Tanka sing in their anchorages. One of these is about a woman pirate, called Cheng I\n\n* But see, for the Kai Yik Kok fort, Armando da Silva's recent article \"Fan Lau and its Fort: An Historical Perspective\" in this Journal Vol. 8, (1968) pp. 82-95. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "184\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nthat the bay presented for boats taking shelter in bad weather, these pirates were gradually displaced by fishing people and shopkeepers, leading in time to a permanent settlement. (See 香港百年史 Centenary History of Hong Kong 南中編譯出 Hi Ep 7 n.d. pp. 74-75).\n\nThe name Ngo-yan-wan appears to have been used officially, too. Government Notification No. 69 of 1857 which appears in The Hongkong Government Gazette for May 9, 1857 describes District No. 2 Show-ke-wan as being \"from Hoong-heung-loo to the village of Ngo-yan-wan, taking in Wong-kok-tsai, Chut-che-mooey, Shui-cheang-wan, Show-ke-wan and Ngo-yan-wan,\" but it is not clear to which part of the present extended Shau Kei Wan Ngo-yan-wan belonged,\n\nThe oldest part of Shau Kei Wan, where original settlement took place, is along the Main Street East which we shall visit today. Many old houses probably dating from the 1850's to 1870's are still in existence. It is likely that the style of building followed that in contemporary Victoria and the Western district, though successive waves of redevelopment have left few traces of them there. They are all shop houses, and a count of the present shops in old premises shows besides groceries and general stores 9 Chinese herb shops, 7 josspaper shops, 7 fishing suppliers, 5 goldsmiths and 5 rice shops, indicating long established lines of trade with a predominantly fishing clientele*.\n\nIn Main Street East is the Tin Hau Temple. The existing building dates from the 1870's, but since the inscription above the entrance states this to be a reconstruction, it is likely that a smaller building stood on the same site for many years before. A stone tablet dated 1876 states that it was badly damaged by the famous typhoon of 1874, necessitating a major repair. In this connection there is an interesting parallel with the Tam Kung Temple below which had also to be rebuilt a short time after its first construction owing to a more than usually destructive typhoon. The temple contains two other major shrines to Kwun Yam (Goddess of Mercy) and Lui Cho (one of the most prominent among the later Taoist patriarchs).\n\nsee\n\n* A prominent local shopkeeper has told me that, pre-war, fishermen would not go outside Main Street East for business or pleasure.\n\nThe shop houses are shown in plates 21-22,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206110, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n185 \n\nNot far from the main Tin Hau Temple, on rocks formerly in the sea but now built around and beyond by boat squatters' huts, is another smaller temple to the same goddess. This is known locally as the Hoi Shum Temple, or 'Temple in the Midst of the Sea'. It has interestingly decorated pillars and altar slabs, and a half-obliterated inscription shows that it was constructed in 1845, four years after the British occupation of Hong Kong Island. However, the tablet states that, like the Tam Kung Temple, (see below) there was an open air altar to Tin Hau for some time before local people subscribed for the temple building. Nowadays this temple seems neglected and little used, perhaps because it may have been patronised mostly by smaller sampan fishermen who have now been forced into land employment by economic factors. \n\nFurther along the street, is Ah Kung Ngam-Grandfather's (or Ancestor's) Rocky Hill. This used to be a lonely place by the shore. In the 1901 census it had a population of 213 of whom 159 were males-probably mostly quarrymen and land-based fishermen. Here is situated the large temple to Tam Kung. This was built in 1905. At first sight this late date is rather curious, because old residents of Ah Kung Ngam state that Shau Kei Wan people venerate this god above Tin Hau and his festival is the event of the year for local residents, land and sea alike, celebrated both in Shau Kei Wan proper and round the corner in Ah Kung Ngam.* However, this is partly explained by the tablet commemorating the construction of the temple. This states that for an unstated number of years there had been an image of Tam Kung (brought over from Kowloon) but no structure. This temple contains major shrines to two other gods, Wong Tai Sin and Lung Mo, the Dragon Mother. There are models of a sailing junk and a dragon boat inside the building, the former apparently dating back to 1905, and the latter to 1961. \n\nAt the far end of Ah Kung Ngam, having passed timber and boat yards on the sea front and squatter and ordinary factories of all kinds on the other side of the road we come eventually to \n\n* This is equally so at the present day. A night visit to the area at this year's festival showed opera performances on land and sea and many dinner parties in progress, whilst the amount of debris at the temple after the day's worshipping had to be seen to be believed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206303, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "114\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\n19 C.O. Series 129-78, No. 113, 24 Aug., 1860.\n\n20 Tam Achoy was survived by five sons: Tam Kung Ping alias Tam Ping Kai, died 1887 at Canton, Tam Mo Seen, Tam Yun Yeen, Tam Kee Chun, and Tam Lin Tai. The latter had been adopted by Achoy's fourth wife in 1865.\n\n21 Tang Aluk was survived by a daughter, the wife of Hu Yu Chan; a son Tang Tung Shang alias Tang Pak Shan, died 1899; and a grandson Tang Yeung Mau, the only son of Tang Shau Shan alias Tang Kau Chun. Some of the court suits revolved around whether the deceased son Tang Shay Shan was a natural or an adopted son of Tang Aluk. The family retained much of its real estate holdings up to the present.\n\n22 C.O. Series 131-2.\n\n23 The China Review, Vol. 1 (1872) p. 171.\n\n24 K. G. Tregonning, Under Chartered Company Rule (Borneo 1881-1946) (Singapore, 1958) Chap. 1.\n\n25 The China Mail, 23 July, 1891.\n\n26 Ibid., 17 Oct., 1861.\n\n27 For details on the Chiu (Hsü) family see: Hsü Jun, (Chronological Autobiography of Hsü Jun), #M. #****†# (1927).\n\n28 See my article \"The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong\", Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 48 (May, 1970), pp. 30-31.\n\n29 For notice of Cheung Achew see Chung Chí Bulletin, No. 45 (Dec., 1968) p. 11.\n\n30 The China Mail, 9 Dec., 1858.\n\n31 Ibid., 19 Dec., 1871; 7 Feb., 1872.\n\n32 The Daily Press, 4 Nov., 1868.\n\n33 Li Chin-wei, editor (A History of Hong Kong, 1848-1948) £34. điều (Hong Kong, 1949), p. 271.\n\n34 The Daily Press, 23 April, 1880.\n\n35 Archives of the London Missionary Society, London, South China, Box 8, 23 Sept., 1876.\n\n36 C.O. Series 133-5.\n\n37 The name of Ho Tsin Shin does appear on a list of contributors to the Berlin Missionary Society Chinese Vernacular School Fund in 1868 and 1869,\n\n38 For reference to these various aspects of the career of Ho Shan Chee see The Daily Press 24 July, 1868, 20 Sept., 1878, The China Mail 28 Feb., 1882.\n\n39 For details of the career of Ho Kwan Shan see The Daily Press 4 Oct., 1871.\n\n40 The China Mail, 28 Aug., 1891.\n\n41 A biographical sketch of Ho Kai is found in Wu Hsing-lien, (The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong) AA, SEP^S^ (Hong Kong, 1937).\n\n42 The Hong Kong Telegraph, 3 Sept., 1891.\n\n43 The information on the family of Wu Ting Fang is from the Archives of Presbyterian Missionary Society, New York. The exact relationship is deduced from probable evidence rather than having been directly stated in the sources, At the marriage of Ng Achoy and Ho Amooy, 14 Jan.,\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The District Watch Committee\n\n137\n\nto be the richest man in Hong Kong. When Ho Tung retired as chief compradore to Jardine, Matheson's in 1900, Ho Fook succeeded him. Ho Fook's assistant was Ho Kom Tong, another of Ho Tung's brothers. The members of the District Watch Committee were members of a small circle of businessmen, often related through ties of blood or marriage. When the Tai Yau Bank was established in 1914 with a paid-up capital of $6,000,000, the proprietors were named as Lau Chu Pak, Ho Fook, Ho Kom Tong, Lo Chung Shiu and Chan Kai Ming. Lau Chu Pak was compradore to A. S. Watson and Co., chairman of the Po On Commercial Association and chairman of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce; Chan Kai Ming was manager of the Opium Farm; and Lo Chung Shiu, assistant compradore to Jardine, Matheson and Co., was Ho Fook's brother-in-law. All were or became members of the District Watch Committee.\n\n22 T. C. Cheng writes that Wei Yuk 'was very much concerned about law and order among the Chinese masses because in those early days riff-raff and political refugees from South China continued to come into Hong Kong. Thus it was at his suggestion that the District Watch Force was founded in 1888. Mr. Cheng appears to be mistaken about the date and is no doubt referring to the ordinance of that year, no. 13 of 1888 rather than to its proper date of origin. Wright and Cartright, Feldwick, and Professor Woo all state that the Committee was formed on Wei Yuk's suggestion. See: T. C. Cheng, 'Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils of Hong Kong up to 1941', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 9, 1969, pp. 17-18; Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and other Treaty Ports, London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Co., 1908, p. 109; W. Feldwick, ed., Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent Chinese at Home and Abroad, London Globe Encyclopedia Co., 1917, p. 576; Professor Woo Sing Lim, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Five Continents Book Company, 1939, p. 4.\n\n23 Unfortunately all the records in the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs were destroyed or lost during the Japanese occupation and hence anyone trying to reconstruct the history of the District Watch must work mostly from scraps of information found in government publications, newspapers, books.\n\n24 My guess is that a large number were traditional Chinese merchants from the Five Districts operating on a relatively small scale. The Committee after 1891 represented the views of a more westernised and modernised elite with a knowledge of modern business techniques and modern financial manipulations. Dr. Ho Kai, for example, played the stock exchange with great success and speculated in many fields, particularly land development. He was, properly speaking, a financier although his occupation is often given tout court as lawyer. He had also qualified in medicine at Edinburgh but gave up the practice of medicine soon after his return to Hong Kong in 1882 because of Chinese resistance to western medicine.\n\n25 In 1903, for example, the Committee opposed the re-introduction of the night-pass system but suggested other remedial measures (see Index to Correspondence (General Register) 1894-1904, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1909, p. 100). In 1909 'at the request of the District Watchmen Committee, children who are hawking without a licence are on their first offence sent to the Registrar General who cautions their guardians. This procedure seems to have proved effective in each case' wrote the Registrar General in 1909. It is worth noting that both Registrar General and Committee wanted to end the night-pass system and were opposed by the Captain Superintendent of Police, who was unsuccessful. As for hawkers, very few Chinese regarded them as a serious menace although colonial administrators", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206328, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n139\n\n36 In 1917 there were 31 guilds for employers only (in trades such as silk, sandalwood, wicker furniture and copper), 35 skilled craftsmen guilds (sandalwood workers, masons, tinsmiths, etc.) and 5 guilds with mixed membership (employers and workers). There were also 17 district societies, such as the Heung Shan (Hsiang-shan) resident merchants association and the General Commercial Association of the Tung Kun (Tung-kuan) merchants resident in Hong Kong. See the list of exempted and registered societies in the Gazette, 27 April 1917.\n\n37 Wei Yuk was appointed in 1891 and served until his death in 1929. He resigned several times in order to allow a newcomer to join the Committee but was soon re-appointed. Lau Chu-pak was appointed in 1902 and served until his death in 1922. Sir Shouson Chow was appointed in 1917 and was still a member in 1949, the year of the demise of the Committee.\n\n38 During the years 1929 to 1931 and in 1936 the Committee met four times a year at Government House. Lennox Mills states that members had the right to a guard of the District Watch Force on the occasion of weddings and other festivities'. The Secretary for Chinese Affairs tells us in his report for 1936 that through the kindness of His Excellency the Committee was able to meet the members of the Mui Tsai Commission on the occasion of their first visit to the Colony, 'All members attended and there was a valuable discussion with frank interchange of views'. When the Governor, Sir Henry Blake, left the Colony in 1903 on the day of his departure he inspected the District Watchmen. Clearly, everything was done by the government to give prestige and éclat to the Committee and the force.\n\n19 T. C. Cheng, op. cit., p. 18.\n\n40 Of the Chinese land population in the 1901 census 227,615 returned themselves as natives of Kwangtung Province, 179,296 of this number belonging to the Kwong Chau Prefecture, 28,844 came from Tung-kuan hsien, 28,587 from P'an-yü hsien, and 27,221 from Nan-hai hsien. The situation was substantially the same in the censuses of 1911, 1921 and 1931. In 1911, for example, 311,992 out of 350,418 Chinese in Hong Kong, exclusive of the New Territories, spoke Cantonese,\n\n41 Op. cit., pp. 399-400.\n\n42 Heung Shan, present-day Chung Shan, is the arid county on the west side of the Pearl River, stretching down to Macau. It was the Heung Ha, the Cantonese term for the province, district or village from which each person derives his ancestry, of many prominent Chinese, including Ng Choy (Wu Ting-fang), Yung Wing (Yung Hung), Wong Shing (Huang Shêng), and Sun Yat-sen. Many Chinese merchants in Hong Kong came from this county; for example, Wei Yuk, Ma Ying-piu (founder of the Sincere Company), M. Y. San (before 1941 the largest biscuit manufacturer in China), Tsang Foo, Look Poong-shan (founder of the Bank of Canton). Su Chao-cheng, organiser and leader of the Seamen' Strike in 1922, came from this county; in 1928 Su was elected to the Central Political Bureau of the Chinese Communist Party. The anarchist, Liu Ssu-fu, was also born there. In 1938 the Chung Shan Commercial Association had a membership of over 4,000 in Hong Kong.\n\n43 In 1905, for example, at least seven members of the Committee were compradores to important western firms; one was manager of a native bank; another of a prosperous pawnshop; a third ran a large export firm. Ho Kai was primarily a financier rather than an entrepreneur. See on this point the Chinese speculator Marie-Claire Bergère, \"The Role of the Bourgeoisie' in M. C. Wright, ed., China in Revolution: The First Phase 1900-1913, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1968, p. 236.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206410, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n+ + +\n\n201\n\nSha Wan villages about also remembers them. When I asked these ladies whether the charcoal burners were village people or outsiders, their reply was typical, and to the effect 'they weren't from our villages and probably not from adjacent ones either, but we didn't go near them to ask.'\n\nI have seen the Lantau and Lamma pits only, all linked with charcoal burning by the local people. The kilns, or rather the pits that remain, vary in size. Most are circular and fairly small, about 7 to 8 feet in diameter and a few feet deep at the present time. One of the Lamma pits, near Mau Tat, styled as ‘a big kiln' by the old village person mentioned above, is larger, being 15 feet across. Its earth walls are smooth and impregnated with tell-tale carbon. All these pits are cut into low banks or into the ground.\n\nPerhaps the last kilns to be operated in the Hong Kong area are some near the Shek O Road. According to Hok Tsui and Lan Nai Wan villagers living nearby, these were opened and operated by the Japanese during the war-time occupation of the Colony between 1941-45. They recall passing them and seeing them in operation when on their way to market in Shau Kei Wan, though giving them a wide berth for fear of trouble. Shau Kei Wan people say that the kilns were used to provide fuel for the electric plant at North Point, to which the charcoal was transported on little wooden trucks hauled by local men and women workers engaged by the Japanese.\n\nThese pits differ from the others in that they are domed, being cut into a high bank. They are apparently very similar, though newer, to those north of the Kowloon hills described over twenty years ago by G. A. C. Herklots in The Hong Kong Countryside (Hong Kong, S.C.M.P. Ltd. 1947). His description is worth quoting in full, though he was not clear whether or not the pits were used for charcoal burning and he had not sought to ask in the villages of the area.\n\n\"There are some curious dome-shaped holes by the path, one is actually immediately under the path. They are roughly six feet high in the centre and nine feet across. The sides are vertical, the roof domed and the floor space circular. The holes are holes in the ground and their roofs are level with the surface of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206445, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "236\n\nLOBO, Mrs. R. H. -\n\nLOCKING, J. R.\n\nLOFTS, Prof. B. -\n\nLOSEBY, Miss P.\n\nLOTHROP, F. B.*\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. S.\n\nLUK, George Ping-Chuen*\n\nLUM Miss Ada*\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nLUTZ, Hans F.\n\n-\n\nLYNCH, Rev. P. Francis\n\nMA, Prof. Meng -\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\nMACKEITH, J. S. -\n\nMACKENZIE, J.\n\nMACLEAN, Roderick\n\nMAGEE, M. W. P.\n\nMAHLKE, W. J.\n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B. -\n\nRace View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Trade Development Council, Ocean Terminal, Deck 2, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, HK.\n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nB-38, Po Shan Mansions, 10 Po Shan Road, H.K.\n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon,\n\nc/o 54 Ravenscourt Gardens, London, W6, England.\n\nTai Yuen Lau, Flat A, 3rd Floor, Tai Pak Street, Tsuen Wan, N.T.\n\nMaryknoll Center House, 120 San Min Road, 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan.\n\nc/o Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nNo. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England.\n\n7 Bodga Wood Walk, York Y01 5 HN., England.\n\nc/o Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nc/o The Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon.\n\n19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K.\n\nc/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nMAO, Dr. Wen-chee, Philip - 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J...\n\nMcBAIN, E. B.\n\nMcBAIN, G.\n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau,\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "114 \n\nSUNG HOK-P’ANG \n\nto Kam T'in he was much taken by it, considering the people were more friendly and honest than those of his own country, and it was said that he came to live there in the 6th year of Hoi Po (HT) A.D. 973 of Sung dynasty. During the 8th year of Shing Fa (APC) A.D. 1472 of Ming dynasty when the Kam T'in people revised their family tree, they added a note which cast doubt on the veracity of this, and instead they were inclined to believe that Tang Foo (#) the great grandson of Tang Hon Fat was really the first to come to Kam Tin, and that he transferred the bones of his father, grandfather and great-grandfather to Kwangtung from Kiangsi. Be that as it may, and although there is no actual proof that one or other was the original Tang to settle in Kwangtung, Tang Hon Fat remains a \"first ancestor\" as his is the oldest Tang grave near Kam T'in. It can be found at Ah Kai Shaan (Y), Waang Chau (H) village.\n\nSix generations after Tang Hon Fat there were two brothers, Kwai (3) and Sui (). Kwai had two sons called Yuen Ying (* ) and Yuen Hei (†), both of whom left Kam T’in and founded branches of the family elsewhere. Sui had three sons, Yuen Ching (元祯), Yuen Leung (元亮) and Yuen Woh (元和). The first and last of these also left for other districts but Yuen Leung remained behind, and the Tangs in Kam T’in to-day are his direct descendants. These five cousins were known as the \"Five Yuens\", and after their death their descendants who by then were scattered in various parts of China built an Ancestral Hall, common to all the Yuens, called To Hing T'ong (*). It is at the South gate of the district city of Tung Koon (✯✯), on the Kowloon-Canton railway not far from Sheklung (). In the hall Tang Hon Fat has been given premier place, but the \"Five Yuens\" are venerated in the same way as he and Tang Yue are, as being \"first ancestors”.\n\nAs mentioned before, Tang Foo, the great grandson of Tang Hon Fat is said to have found the sites for the graves of his father, grandfather and great-grandfather, himself. They were all acknowledged as being lucky places by the \"fung shui\" men, who were, of course, consulted. That of Tang Hon Fat is called Yuk Nui Paai T'ong (£#*) jade girl reverence; and his son's grave which is on Yuen Long Hill (₪), is called Kam Chung Fau Tei () gold bell cover ground. The grave of Tang Foo's father is called Poon Yuet Chiu T'aam (#AM) half moon shine lake,\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206854, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN\n\n125\n\nbeen repaired and colour-washed in red and white. For a long time this grave was lost, much to the sorrow of Tsz Ming's descendants. In the 33rd year of Hong Hei (R) of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1694, Tang Lui Taan (12) of Ha Ts'uen (†) happening to read the old history of Tung Kwun came across this passage. \"Tang Tsz Ming's grave is in Kau To (A) on Fat Au Leng Shaan. It is now called Ng To (£) of San On district.\" Lui Taan reported this to a relation, Tang Ng Shaang (£) who immediately collected a party of Kam T'in men to go out to the hill and find it. They found a grave there, but on it was a stone stating that it belonged to Tang Maan Lei (£) a cousin of Tsz Ming and the first ancestor of the Ping Shaan family of Tangs. The Kam T'in men were preparing to go away disappointed, when Ng Shaang discovered another and much older stone nearby with the characters almost obliterated. He took the tea he had brought to drink, carefully washed the stone with it and found the following on it ẞ and part of the two characters Kwan # and Ma which were in Tsz Ming's title. After consultation it was decided to dig up the grave and a sham tomb with bricks inside it of a very old style were found exactly the same as in the princess' grave. At last they found the real tomb itself and Tsz Ming's bone-pot could be seen through a hole in the top. So the Kam T'in men were very glad indeed, and to show their gratitude every year about the third month, at the Ts'ing Ming () festival of worshipping at the graves of their ancestors, the Kam T'in people always presented Ng Shaang with some roast pork taken from the offerings for the husband of the princess.\n\n[3]\n\nDuring the Sung dynasty the titles of She Yan (4A) or Siu She (J) were used to address young men of high rank. As the four sons of Tang Tsz Ming and the Princess were the nephews of the Emperor they received the title of Kwok She (4) which means \"Kingdom's young men.\" The eldest, Lam (*) was known as Taai Kwok She, the others Kei (2) Waai (†) and Tsz (†) were called Yee, Saam and Se Kwok She respectively. It is the custom in Kam Tin even now for the young people to address their fathers as \"She\" instead of “Ah Dae\" (E) the Cantonese equivalent to \"Daddy.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206856, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 127\n\n) 3rd year of T'ong (統) dynasty, by a Buddhist priest named Yuen Chong (圓聰) in the Ts'z Yun monastery (慈雲寺) in Ch'eung On (昌安) city, Shensi (陝西) province, near the Great Wall. This monastery had been built about fifty years previously by the Emperor T'ong Ko Tsung (唐玄宗) for his mother. When the pagoda was being built a wild goose flew against it and was killed, and the monks buried the bird underneath the pagoda and in this way it received its name. It became the custom ever since Shan Lung (神龍) years A.D. 705 & 706 of T'ong dynasty for the Emperor to give a banquet in the monastery called the Kuk Kong Yin (曲江宴) “winding river banquet,” to all the new \"Tsun Sz” (進士). Their names were carved on a stone tablet in the pagoda, and it became customary to use the expression “Ngaan T'aap T'ai Ming (雁塔題名) when congratulating successful candidates for the highest government examination. In Tang Lam's time the Tung Kwun people wished to have their own Ngaan Taap pagoda, and Tang Lam provided the money for them to do it. It was built some time during the ten years of Shun Yau (淳祐) A.D. 1241-1251 of Sung dynasty, and it was repaired in the 40th year of Shung Ching (崇禎) A.D. 1637 of Ming dynasty by a Tung Kwun \"Tsun Sz” named Kwok Kau Ting (郭九錠). Lam's grave is still to be found in Hon Yee Haang (巷義行) in Tung Kwun district.\n\nThe children of the four sons of Tang Tsz Ming seem to have left Kam T'in, and their descendants founded families in other villages. Those of Lam are to be found in the village of Lung Kwat Tau (龍骨頭) near Fanling (粉嶺); those of Waai still live in Tai Po Tau (大埔頭) near Tai Po market and Lai Tung (黎洞) near Sha Tau Kok (沙頭角), while Kei's descendants settled in Tung Kwun. But the great grandson of Tsz came back to Kam T'in. His name was Shau Tso (秀祖), he held the military rank of Chung Mo Kau Wai (忠武校尉) and in the Yuen (元) dynasty A.D. 1277 he received the honour of Hin Mo Tsueng Kwan (顯武將軍). He had two great-grandsons, brothers, named Hung Yee (鴻義) and Hung Chi (鴻志). The latter was a son-in-law of Hoh Tik (何狄) the younger brother of Hoh Chan (何真) who ruled Kwangtung (廣東) and Kwangsi (廣西) provinces at the end of the Yuen dynasty. When the Ming dynasty started Hoh Chan gave up his territory to the first Emperor, but later on he became involved in the case of General Leung Kwok Kung (梁國公) Laam Yuk (濫獄)...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207078, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "HONG KONG PLACE NAMES\n\nO.S. S.S. Meaning or Remarks\n\n143 15 kau 九 gao4 Occurs very often in place-names when the meaning cannot be 'nine', and even where (e.g. 'Kowloon') there is a legend to explain the use of 'nine', other circumstances lead us to suspect aetiological myth.\n\n16 kei 基 ghey The Man147 glossary gives this word as meaning in the language of the southern tribes, 'behind, lesser, second'; which fits the context wherever it occurs in local place-names.\n\n17 kei-wai 基圍 gheywray A bund between paddy fields. An earth dyke.\n\n18 kek 塈 kreak A large earth dyke used to reclaim salt-marsh from the sea.\n\n19 keng 逕 geang Ruins, especially the foundation left after a building has been removed. (The word seems to have originated in Hakka137 pronounced khak—and to have been adopted by local Punti160 speakers). See (3).\n\n 逕座 geang 烴 A pass with a path over it; also the path leading to the pass. See au (2).\n\nOn maps often found mis-spelt kang (which is the Namtau156 dialect pronunciation). The book pronunciation geng is...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n169\n\nSouth and North of this country; later, when the number of descendants became very many, we lived apart in the two waais T'aai Hong and Kat Hing; round both of these waais were built tall walls and deep ditches were dug round them. We think that the idea of doing this by our ancestors, was to protect our houses and guard them against robbers only. When during the 25th year of Kwong Sui of Ts'ing dynasty, on Kei Hoi year, i.e. A.D. 1899, the Government of Ts'ing leased the South part of Sham Chan to the British Government, in that time, the Ts'ing Government did not inform the people of this beforehand, so when the British army arrived, the ignorant people of the country were inflamed by some persons and arose to resist them, the people of our waais being afraid to be disturbed, in order to avoid them they shut the iron gates firmly. The British army suspecting that bad characters were hiding inside, then assaulted and made the gates open. After they went into the Waai, they understood that the people inside were all good men and women, so did not give them any bad treatment, but just had the iron gates taken away. Now, the 26th descendant, Paak Kau, represented the people of these waais to petition the Hong Kong Government, asking the Government to bring the matter before London, and have the iron gates returned, and re-hung as before. All the expenses were paid by the Hong Kong Government. We also thank H.E. the Governor, Sir Edward Stubbs for his presence at the ceremony; from this can be seen the deep kindness and great virtue of the British Government, and shows that our people are pleased and sincerely submitted, therefore we specially carve the above on the tablet, in order to remember and never forget this kindness.\n\nGreat Britain, May, 26th, 1925\n\nChinese Republic 14th year, on Yuet Hoi year the \"yuen\" 4th month, 5th, the lucky day.\n\nwe carved.'\n\nAnother ancient wall in the South district is Naam T'eng (†4) where the silver came to and where Tang Naam had his house. It is to be found to the South of Kat Hing Wai, but no houses are left inside. The North district, Pak Wai, has two villages, Shui T'au (\"The head of the stream\") and Shui Mei ( ) “the end of the stream,\" Tang K'ei Fong ( ) and Tang K'ei Wah ( ) both from T'aai Hong Tsuen were the first persons who lived in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207108, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n173\n\ninhabitants of the New Territories fled. It was said that for three years the country presented the appearance of a battle-field, “The ground was covered with bones, in the day time nothing could be heard but the hum of flies, and at night the voice of weeping.\" Kam T'in might have shared the same fate as the other villages but for Tang Man Wai. Lei, remembering his former kindness, forbade his soldiers to go near the place, and seeking out Tang he taught him how to build strong walls to protect his village from other marauders. This story is still told by old people in the New Territories now, and, if true, what was stated in H.K.N. Vol. VII, page 255.... “during the civil wars of the Hong Hei years A.D. 1662-1721 of Ts'ing dynasty these three villages were walled\n\nis not correct.* Lei Maan Wing occupied the New Territories from A.D. 1647 until he surrendered to the Manchus in A.D. 1656 which means that the walls of Taai Hong Wai, at least, were built some time during that period. Tang Man Wai is also remembered for having built the old Yuen Long Market ⇓, in the 8th year of Hong Hei A.D. 1669. The date is inscribed on a tablet in the wall inside Taai Wong temple in the market. Tang also made three fish ponds to the west of the market place which can still be seen by the side of the main road.\n\n+ +\n\nTang Fong was a notable scholar who passed his Kui Yan degree in the 27th year of Kin Lung of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1762. He studied a great number of books especially the canons of Confucius and Books of Histories, and was considered very skilful in writing both poetry and prose. While he was still a Lam Shang he was employed as a professor of arts in Man Kong Shue Yuen * a high grade school in San On district situated in Naam T'au Shing the capital city. Students were prepared there for the Sau-tsoi examination, and it was said that while Tang Fong was there “learning was at its highest pitch.\"\n\n♬\n\nTang Ying Yuen was a military officer and passed his Mo Kui Yan A degree in the 54th year of Kin Lung A.D. 1789 of Ts'ing dynasty. Although of a martial disposition, Tang was fond of books and his penmanship was highly thought of. Some of the characters that he wrote to be carved on stone tablets can still be seen in Ling Wan nunnery on Kwun Yam Shaan 音山 and in So Lau Yuen 泝流園 and Tsoi Shui Yat Fong 在水✈both school buildings in Kam T'in. He was a simple man and\n\n* See p. 168.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207112, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n177\n\nwhen he had finished, he received a good appointment in a Government post.\n\nThe examinations that it was necessary to pass before a military post could be obtained, were similar to these, the name of each one being the same with the prefix of mo; thus mo sau tsoi, mo kui yan etc.\n\n[6]\n\nIf one walks through Kam T'in Market (#w†), turns to the right, and reaches Shui T'au Village (§‡) a fifteen minutes walk will bring one to an old bridge, which is mentioned in the San On Record book (*) and which is held in much respect by the New Territories people, as an example of filial duty done by a good son of Kam T'in. The bridge is called Pin Mo K'iu (1⁄2✯✯) \"bridge for the convenience of my mother,\" and it was built in the 49th year of Hong Hei (A) A.D. 1710 of Ts'ing dynasty, by Tang Tsun Yuen (2), a nineteenth generation descendant of the \"Five Yuens.\"\n\nTsun Yuen was born in the ninth year of Hong Hei, A.D. 1670 and died in the ninth year of Yung Ching (£), A.D. 1731. The original home of his family was in Shui T'au Village (¿k ši††) but his mother, who was a widow, moved to T'aai Hong Wai (✯✯ ¤) with her two sons. When Tsun Yuen married he rebuilt the old house and returned to Shui Tau but his mother stayed on with her younger son in T'aai Hong Wai as there was not room enough for them to live all together. But every day the mother wanted to go to Tsun Yuen's house to see her young grandsons, and to get there she had to cross the stream. Tsun Yuen used to go to the stream at a certain hour each day and wait there till she came, and wading into the water, he would carry her across on his back. The visit ended, he would escort her to the stream again, and take her across. When the tide rose it was sometimes too deep for him, so he would stay with his mother on the shore and wait with her till the tide fell and he was able to get across. This went on for a long time but he had made up his mind that, although he was poor, he would save up his money to pay for the building of a bridge, and at the end of six years he was able to do so, much to the admiration of the Kam T'in villagers. The elders in later years often used this story when teaching the young people, as an example of a good son.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207119, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "184 \n\nSUNG HOK-PANG \n\nagain, and the judas tree revived, and soon it was covered with blossoms and looked a beautiful sight. \n\nFrom this story the three Tangs had learnt a lesson, and realizing that any one branch of the family was unable to build a hall alone, they combined together and completed one hall, naming it Mau King T'ong \"The luxuriant judas-tree Hall.” Although there is no record of the year that the hall was completed, the following is what is known of its history. The building was started by Tang Mau Wai, who passed the Tsun Sz degree in the 24th year of Hong Hei, A.D. 1685. The hall was rebuilt by Tang Shiu Chau (RA) who passed Sui Kung A† degree in the 1st year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1736; and was repaired twice, first by Tang Hei Sui (###) who passed Yan Kung Shaang in the 21st year of Ka Hing, A.D. 1816, and secondly by Tang Ming Shiu (*) a Lam Shaang during the To Kwong period (the 1st year of To Kwong was A.D. 1821.) \n\nThe T'in Hau Temple (A) Queen of Heaven Temple, in Shui Mei village, was first built during the Hong Hei period (A.D. 1662-1722) of Ts'ing dynasty and possesses a fine bell of 180 catties in weight which was presented by Tang Ch'un Fooi (**) a Kung Shaang in the 10th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1745. It is said that the tone of the bell is very clear and can be heard from ten Chinese miles away. The Kam T'in people say that one of the past Governors of Hong Kong heard about it and visited Kam T’in to try the bell, which he agreed was as beautiful as reported. For a long time the temple was in a bad state of repair, and the bell had to be kept in a private house where those wishing to, were allowed to see it. Lately the temple has been repaired and the bell re-instated in it; also an incense burner that was presented by Tang Yiu King (*) and his son Tang Chan Suen (**) in the 11th year of Kin Lung A.D. 1746, \n\nKwong Yue T'ong (***) in Taai Hong village is the ancestral hall of Tang Man Wai, who was the only man to pass the Tsun Sz degree in the New Territories (See H.K.N. IV. p. 106). The building is quite a large one, and the ancestral fund belonging to this hall is a very large sum and is considered the richest in the New Territories. For many years $100 was given each year to each family of Tang Man Wai's descendants for their New Year expenses.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "234\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nhouses were built later at the back when they had more descendants. That is the entire village even to this day.\n\nThere are 42 dwelling houses within the village, divided by 5 lanes and ten gates; measuring 162'-3\" in width and 125'9” in depth. The idea of this layout would seem to have been to protect themselves from pirates, when the whole family stayed inside. The Chi Tong is located in the centre with three roofs and two light wells (#). There is a village school 150 feet from the southern corner for primary education of their children, and a Tin Hau Temple within 500 feet to the northeast for worship.\n\nLand Registration took place in 1906 in Tsuen Wan after the Lease of the New Territories. The village was recorded from Lot No. 1528 to 1559 (Lot No. 1546 excluded) in Demarcation District No. 449 in the Block Crown Lease, totalling 0.43 acre of house land and 0.03 acre of waste land, all belonging to the Chan family. It is a pity that 0.135 acre of house land were sold to outsiders since 1937 otherwise the village would still remain solely in the hands of the descendants of the founder.\n\nChan Kin Sheung, the founder of Sam Tung Uk, was awarded a portrait by Chien Lung of Ch'ing Dynasty, worded \"Heung Yam Tai Bun” (means Honourable Guest in Village Parties). To everyone's sorrow and great loss it disappeared during the Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong.\n\nThere have been very many big changes in the area surround-ing the village since re-development of Tsuen Wan. Fung shui trees at the back were felled, village type houses were built around, roads were constructed in front, multi-storeyed buildings were erected with obstruction of the front view. Ngau Kwu Tun, the small hill by the left, was removed to make way for a school building, and the hill at the back was partly cut off for construction of the Rapid Gravity Filter. Even the grave of the village founder was affected as it was in the same line and over-looking the village. The name in fung shui was called \"Lion over-looking the village platform\" (獅子瑩樓台)\n\nIt is to be hoped that the Walled Village can be retained as a historical relic in Tsuen Wan, even if the whole area is to be re-developed. God has blessed it for over two centuries and it is hoped will continue to do so.\n\nText and visits are organized and prepared by Mak Kai Yim, A. H. Mackreth, Brian Liu and Helga Werle.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207617, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "165\n\nOriginally, many Sai Kung villagers owned their land only indirectly. In a system of multiple ownership, the Lius of Sheung Shui and the Tangs of Lung Yeuk Tau, as registered land-owners, collected rent in many places in Sai Kung. Sai Kung villagers who paid rent to them nonetheless held their right to the land in perpetuity, and the registered land-owners merely paid the tax and kept the balance from the rent. When the land was registered by the Hong Kong Government, the Lius and the Tangs lost their tax collection rights, and the Crown Rent that was collected by the Hong Kong Government was usually smaller than the former rent that had been paid. For many villagers, then, this must have meant an increase in income.12\n\nElderly villagers in Sai Kung still remember the \"taxlords\". Eighty-seven year old Mr. Wong of Tam Wat had heard of the \"great red hats\", and Mr. Lam Kaap Shau of Tai Long of the \"Koreans\" who came here to collect the tax. Mr. Cheung Kau of Ping Tun had heard of the Sheung Shui people collecting rent here, and elderly Mr. Cheung of Tai Po Tsai (near Tai Mong Tsai) of the Lius and the Tangs doing so. Mr. Cheng Yung of Uk Tau called them the \"Heung Shui Lo\", and knew that they collected rent in his village in his grandfather's days, while Mr. Yau T'aam Shang of Wong Keng Tei actually saw his father among a group of villagers who drove out the rent-collectors from Sheung Shui after the villagers started to pay Crown Rent directly to the Hong Kong Government.13\n\nYet another influence that affected some villages, although it left no impact on Sai Kung District as a whole (except in the field of education), was the introduction of Christianity. As early as 1861, a Roman Catholic priest had reached Wun Yiu in Tai Po. In 1873, the records of the Roman Catholic Church noted that a priest from Sai Kung visited the San On magistrate. In the 1870's, Sai Kung was noted as one of three centres of the Church in the New Territories, the Sai Kung church being responsible not only for the eastern New Territories but also for Wai Chau and Hoi Fung. By 1934-35, Roman Catholic communities were established in Sai Kung Market, Yim Tin Tsai, Wong Mo Ying, Pak Tam Chung, Long Ke, Leung Shuen Wan, and Kei Ling Ha. There were also converts in the 1930's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207620, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "168\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nand others from Sai Kung over the mountains past Mau Ping and Wong Chuk Shan to Siu Lek Yuen and the Shatin area. To the north, there were ferries from Kei Ling Ha to Tai Po Market.21 Sai Kung was therefore conveniently located in the centre of local trade routes to Tai Po, Kowloon, Shatin and via Hang Hau, also Shaukiwan. It was an ideal location for a market in the region.\n\nMrs. Kong Lei San Kiu, who married into Lung Mei Village, used to farm, raise pigs, and cut firewood. When a pig had been fattened to a hundred catties, she carried it into Sai Kung with some assistance, and sold it to the butchers. Sometimes she carried firewood into Kowloon, and sometimes into Sai Kung. If she carried it to Sai Kung, she sold it to shops which in turn sold it to the boat people. She would buy oil, salt, and sundries to take back to the village.22 Many other villagers, like Mrs. Kong, also sold pigs and firewood in the markets in order to buy daily necessities.\n\nThe fishermen also came to Sai Kung, but many did not have to come personally for there was a wide collecting network working for the shops. Mr. Chan Kei Shang of Yim Tin Tsai, who used to work in the two teams of fishing boats known as the “ku-tsai” in the village, used to salt his fish and send them by the ferries to Sai Kung. These ferries were operated by Hakka people from Sai Kung Market, and they sold the salt fish for the fishermen. For some time, Mr. Chan Shau of Pak Tam Au worked on a Mr. Kong's boat selling rice, oil, salt, and biscuits to the boat people. Fish-mongers with their own boats also came from Tai Po and Kowloon, and collected fish directly from the fishermen.23\n\nVillagers obtained their supplies on credit. Nam Shan villagers, for instance, shopped regularly at Kwong Tak Lung in Sai Kung Market, and they were given credit for such daily necessities as rice and sugar. They paid for their supplies by selling grass to the shop, which was used as fuel. Piglets were also obtained from the shops on credit, and when fattened, the pigs were re-sold back to the shops. Fishermen also relied on credit for their supplies. Mr. Cheung Ming Shing from Leung Shuen Wan purchased his fishing equipment from Saam T'aai, and his food supply from Saam Shing, both of Sai Kung Market.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207718, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "\"PATTERNED BANDS\" IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG\n\n91\n\n9 See John A. Brim, \"Village Alliance Temples in Hong Kong”, in Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Arthur P. Wolf, ed., Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1974, pp. 93-104.\n\n10 J. H. Stewart Lockhart, in his \"Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong\" (H.M. Stationery Office, 1900, p.6) states that different systems existed in Tai Po, Yuen Long, and \"Ts'ün Wan and other areas\".\n\n11 In my census sample of Kwan Mun Hau Village, only 15% of the wives of household heads were born in Tsuen Wan. However, 89% of the mothers and 69% of the wives of Village Representatives interviewed by Graham E. Johnson in 1969 were born in Tsuen Wan District. (Graham E. Johnson, Natives, Migrants, and Voluntary Associations in a Colonial Chinese Setting, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cornell University, 1970.) The reason for the discrepancy between the two samples is not clear; it may reflect differences between leaders and ordinary people, or between Kwan Mun Hau Village and Tsuen Wan in general.\n\n12 Reported by Pat and Roger Howard, Canadians teaching in China.\n\n13 Reported by Graham E. Johnson in 1976.\n\n14 This was stated by Fei Hsiao-tung in an interview with Helga E. Jacobson and Graham E. Johnson in October 1976.\n\n15 There is, for example, no mention of a backstrap loom in the very comprehensive study China at Work, by Rudolf P. Hommel (The M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1969).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207925, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 313, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "298\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n14.\n\nSheung Shui Wa Shan (p. 206) #\n\nLiu 廖\n\n15.\n\nLung Yeuk Tau (p. 209) MEDA\n\nChau Wong Yee Yuen Temple Accounts. 周王二院廟恨\n\n16.\n\nLiu Clan Association Handbook.\n\n(Hong Kong Branch) 香港廖氏宗親會特刊\n\n17\n\n18.\n\nSan Tin (p. 203)\n\nLung Yeuk Tau. 龍躍頭\n\nChau Wong Yee Yuen Temple Accounts. 周王二院廟帳\n\nNga Tsin Wai (p. 123) #E\n\nMan 文\n\n19.\n\nNg 吳\n\n20.\n\nSheung Shui (p. 206) Ek\n\nLiu 廖\n\n21.\n\nLiu Pok (p. 205) #\n\nFung 馮\n\n22.\n\nNga Tsin Wai (p. 123)\n\nB\n\nNg 吳\n\n[N.B. this is another copy of the last 3rd\n\nof No. 19.]\n\n23.\n\nHo Sheung Heung (p. 205) **\n\nHau 侯\n\n24.\n\nChuk Yuen (p. 123)\n\nLam 林\n\n25.\n\nHa Tsuen (p. 164) #\n\nTang 鄧\n\n26.\n\nKam Tin (p. 172)\n\nTang 鄧\n\n27.\n\nLung Yeuk Tau (p. 209) N\n\nTang 鄧\n\n28.\n\nHo Chung (p. 139)\n\nWan 溫\n\n29.\n\nUnidentified\n\nTang 鄧\n\n30.\n\nUnidentified\n\nTang 鄧\n\n31.\n\nTai Hang (p. 200)\n\nMan 文\n\n32.\n\nand\n\nTong Fuk (p. 78)\n\nTang 鄧\n\n34.\n\n33.\n\nFan Pui (p. 73)\n\n#\n\n35.\n\nSan Shek Wan (p. 80) ** ̄*\n\nFung 馮\n\nMo 莫\n\n36.\n\nPak Sha Tsuen (p. 166) ✩**\n\nLau 劉\n\n37.\n\nMa On Kong (p. 172)\n\nWu 吳\n\n38.\n\nKai Kuk Shue Ha (p. 218) SHT\n\nChue 朱\n\n39.\n\nNgau Pei Sha (p. 145)\n\nLiu 廖\n\nWu Kai Sha (p. 182) ***\n\n40.\n\nLuk Keng Chan Uk (p. 218) **A\n\nChan 陳", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207926, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 314, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nVol. No. Village (and Gazetteer reference)\n\n299\n\nSurname\n\n41. Tong To (p. 217)\n\nYau 余\n\n42. Shek Pik (p. 73)\n\nTsui 徐\n\n43. Tap Mun Sheung Wai (p. 244)\n\nLai 黎\n\n44. Ha Yau Tin (p. 167)\n\nTsui 徐\n\n45. Sham Chung (p. 192)\n\nLei 李\n\n46. Sham Chung (p. 192)\n\nLei 李\n\n47. Chung Mei (p. 193)\n\nLei 李\n\n48.\n\n49. Kei Ling Ha San Wai (p.183) 企嶺下新村\n\nHo 何\n\n50. Kei Ling Ha San Wai (p.183) 企嶺下新\n\nHo 何\n\n51. Pak Sha O Ha Yeung (p.189) 白沙澳下洋\n\n52. Lo Uk Tsuen (p. 171) 羅屋村\n\nChuk Hang (p. 170)\n\nYung 翁\n\nLo 羅\n\nTang 鄧\n\n53. Shek Po Tsuen (p. 163) 石壆村 (2 vols.)\n\nLam 林\n\n54.\n\n55.\n\n56.\n\n57. Kan Tay Tsuen (p. 212) 簡堤村\n\nSo Lo Pun (p. 219) 莽魯半\n\nMong Tseng Wai (p. 165) 輞井圍\n\nLo Shue Ling (p. 215) 羅樹嶺\n\nWong 黃\n\nTang 鄧\n\nTo 陶\n\nLau 劉\n\n58. (Tai Po Tau (p. 174)) ✯\n\nTang 鄧\n\n(Tai Po Shui Wai (p. 174)) ***@\n\n[Not a genealogy: listing of ritual forms etc.]\n\n59. Kau Tam Tso (p. 194)\n\nLei 李\n\n60. Heung Sai (not in New Territories)\n\nCheung 張\n\n61. Lung Kwu Tan (p. 160)\n\nHo 何\n\nLau 劉\n\n62. San Tin (p. 203)\n\nMan 文\n\n63. Lau Clan Association Handbook\n\nLau 劉\n\n(Hong Kong Branch) 香港劉氏宗親會特刊\n\n64. Sam A (p. 221)\n\nTsang 曾\n\n(4 vols.)\n\n65. Che Ha (p. 183)\n\nLei 李\n\n66. She Shan (p. 200)\n\nChan 陳\n\n67. Kat O (p. 221)\n\nLau 劉\n\n68. Yung Shue Au (p. 219)\n\nWan 溫\n\n69. Hang Ha Po (p. 200)\n\nLam 林", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207927, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 315, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "300\n\nVol. No.\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nVillage (and Gazetteer reference)\n\nSurname\n\n70.\n\nFan Leng (p. 208) #\n\n71.\n\nFan Leng (p. 208)\n\n72.\n\nWai Tau Tsuen (p. 200)\n\nPang 彭\n\nPang Cheung 張\n\n73.\n\nTai Kei Leng (p. 167)\n\n#4\n\nChung 鐘\n\n74.\n\nTin Sam (p. 171)\n\nTsoi 蔡\n\n75.\n\nHa Wo Hang (p. 216) F**\n\nLei 李\n\n75.*\n\n[Duplicate]\n\n76.\n\nKwu Tung (p. 205)\n\nLei 李\n\nmoved from Sham Chun area.\n\n77.\n\n78.\n\nSha Lo Tung Lo Wei (p. 198) ***ŁE\n\nLei #\n\nLin O (Map ref. 070854)\n\nLei 李\n\n79.\n\nHa Tsuen (p. 164)\n\nTang 鄧\n\n80.\n\nKat Hing Wai (p. 172)\n\nN\n\nTang 鄧\n\n81.\n\n82.\n\nKat O Au Pui Tong (p. 221) *** Sheung Tsuen (p. 171) #\n\nLam 林\n\nTse 謝\n\n83.\n\nNai Wai (p. 162)\n\n84.\n\n85.\n\nLater additions\n\n86.\n\nMan\n\n87.\n\n88.\n\n89.\n\n90.\n\n91.\n\na 1st generation Cheng group\n\nnow living in Hong Kong City.\n\n92.\n\n賴氏族譜 (mainland China)\n\n93.\n\n94.\n\n(2 vols.)\n\nNg Uk Tsuen (p. 169) A**\n\nPing Yeung (p. 214) **\n\nof San Tin (p. 203)\n\nPro-\n\nvided by Dr. James L. Watson\n\n廣東番禺潭山許氏族誌\n\nUnidentified: surname Taam\n\npossibly from Kwan Mun Hau,\n\nTsuen Wan.\n\n四必堂陳氏族譜誌 (the same as 89).\n\n[***] Sheung Tsuen (p. 171)\n\nGraham E. Johnson,\n\nCourtesy of Dr.\n\nU.B.C.\n\nReceived from Dr.\n\nH. D. R. Baker\n\nCensus of Lin Fa Tei village (p. | From Mr.\n\n171) drawn up for the Ta Chiu of | H. G. H. Nelson 1967.\n\nTo\n\nNg 吳\n\nChan 陳\n\n謝陶\n\nPage 315\n\nPage 316", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207962, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 1, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "170\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nnow be described. In general, villagers from Ho Chung all the way east to Ko Tong, and those from the islands in Rocky Harbour, went to Sai Kung Market. Tung Sam Kei, and Hoi Ha villagers went to Tai Po and Tap Mun, but a boat from Pak Tam Chung came regularly to collect firewood, which was sent to Sai Kung. Pak Sha O villagers went to both Tai Po and Sai Kung. Shap Sz Heung, and Sham Chung, were in the Tai Po marketing area rather than in that of Sai Kung. To the south, villagers from Tseng Lan Shue and Pik Uk obtained their supplies from Kowloon. Villagers from the Tseung Kwan O to Seung Sz Wan area went to Hang Hau. Tin Ha Wan had several shops, but its residents, as well as those from Po Toi O and Tai Wan Tau usually went to Shaukiwan. In general, if the transport linkage between Hang Hau and Sai Kung is taken into account, the Sai Kung marketing area went from Seung Sz Wan to Ko Tong, beyond the present administrative boundary of Sai Kung District,29\n\nSo far as can be discovered, except for several from Tam Shui (Wai Chau), the shop-keepers of Hang Hau came from its own marketing area, i.e. from Mang Kung Uk, Pan Long Wan, Tseung Kwan O, and Ha Yeung. There were several general stores, selling food, including grain, meat, oil, salt fish, and salt. There was a goldsmith, a stationer, a tailor, and there were several ferries.3 By 1916, when the Sai Kung T'in Hau Temple was renovated, Sai Kung had for some time been the bigger town. There were at least eight general stores, two butchers, a teahouse, a tailor, a Taoist priest, a herbalist, a draper's, and two shipyards. Many of the owners came from outside the Sai Kung marketing area, from Shuen Wan and Sham Chung, both in the Tai Po marketing area; Sham Chun, Po Kut, and Sha Tseng, all three in Po On county; Wai Chau; and San Wooi.31 Brief information on some of these shops can be found in Table 1.\n\nThe biggest shop in Sai Kung Market was Saam Shing general store, followed closely by T'aai Shing. Saam Shing was the older, but T'aai Shing caught up quickly. Mr. Lei Yiu T'ing, who worked in T'aai Shing just before World War II, remembered that letters for Sai Kung villagers were brought to the shop with goods from Hong Kong. Mr. Lei Shiu Yam remembered that T'aai Shing used to help villagers collect their overseas remittances.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "179\n\nAmong smaller villages, arrangements for co-operation often extended beyond the village itself. Hang Hau and nearby Seung Sz Wan, for instance, were closely involved in each other's celebrations. When there were celebrations in one village, members of the other village could come without invitation.44 Inter-village co-operative arrangements of one sort or another were sufficiently strong for most of the smaller villages to identify themselves as being parts of permanent village alliances. Tai Mong Tsai, Tai Po Tsai, Shek Hang, Tit Kim Hang, Tam Wat, Wong Mo Ying, Ping Tun, and She Tau formed the Paat Heung (Eight Villages); Nam Shan included also Fu Yung Pit, Kak Hang Tun, Keng Pang Ha, and Lung Mei; Pak Tam Chung included Pak Tam, Tsak Yue Wu, Wong Keng Tei, Sheung Yiu, Wong Yi Chau, and Tsam Chuk Wan; and Ngong Wo, Wo Liu, Shan Liu, Tai Wan, Tso Wo Hang, Sha Ha, Nam A, Wong Chuk Yeung, Long Keng, and O Tau formed the Shap Heung (Ten Villages). The Paat Heung had a joint school in Tai Mong Tsai; the Pak Tam Chung villages jointly worshipped the Great King earthgod near Sheung Yiu; the Shap Heung had its joint school in Tai Wan, and used to maintain collectively the T'in Hau Temple at Wong Chuk Yeung (now ruined). The larger villages, e.g. Ho Chung, Mang Kung Uk, Sha Kok Mei, Nam Wai, Tseng Lan Shue, and Pak Kong, were apparently not parties to such alliances, but regarded themselves as forming complete units in themselves.45\n\nInter-village disputes were not common, but there were some long-standing ones. Sha Kok Mei disputed with Nam Shan over tree-cutting rights. Nam Wai and Ho Chung fought over a quarrel that had started when the cows of one village damaged the crops of the other.46\n\nFestivals and customs\n\nThe major festivals in the village were the New Year, and the T'in Kei (birthday of Nui Woh, the Earth Goddess), Ts'ing Ming (spring worship at the ancestral graves), Dragon Boat, Tsat Tse (Seven Sisters), Mid-Autumn, Double-Ninth (autumn worship at the ancestral graves), and Tung Chi (winter solstice) festivals, the temple festivals of the local temples (in this area Ch'e Kung, T'in Hau, Koon Yam, and Hung Shing), the festivals of the local", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208088, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "# TABLE\n\nA Summary of the Genealogy of the Kwaan lineage in Kwangtung\n\n \n CEREMONIAL LIFE OF 2 MULTI-SURNAME VILLAGES\n 1st Generation\n 6th Generation\n Record of Segmentation\n \n \n King-hei Kung\n(San-ooi Taam-nga Heung cir. 1080)\n \n Wing Kung\n(Hoi-p'ing Taai-ng Ts'uen cir. 1230)\n \n \n \n \n \n Ven-kau Kung\n? Kung\n(Naam-hoi Kau-kong Heung cir. 1230)\n \n \n \n \n \n Uen-saam Kung (Yeung-kong cir. 1260)\n Ling-uen Heung\n \n \n \n 7th Generation\n Uen-luk Kung\n(Kau-p'ei-ch'ung\n(Taai-ng Ts'uen cir. 1260)\ncir. 1260)\n \n \n \n \n \n 10th Generation\n Lo-yeung Heung\nChung-miu Heung\nNg-wing Heung\n(cir. 1350)\n(cir. 1350)\n(cir. 1350)\n \n \n \n 15th Generation\n Kau-p'ei-ch'ung\nLo-yeung\n(cir. 1500)\n Ts'ung-long\nChung-miu (cir. 1500)\nTs'ung-long\nLing-uen\n(cir. 1500)\n \n \n \n \n (cir. 1350)\n \n \n\n(Source: Personal Communications)\n\nPage 111", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208192, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 231, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTHE FUNG-SHUI OF KAM TIN\n\n215\n\n(A short explanatory introduction on the fung-shui of Kam Tin is here attached.\n\nThe ancestral hall of the Tang clan, Ching Lok Tso Tong (#), which is situated at Pak Wai Tsuen of Kam Tin, has its Fung-shui main branch near Tai Mo Shan (*). It curls its way through the valley of Kwun Yam Shan ( ). From Wang Toi Shan (#) rises the \"dragon\". Its uprising, so to speak, is very magnificent. The Dragon then starts to serpent up and down, passing through Chiu Keng (£) with more strength. Forging forward vigorously to the left, there comes the Kei Lun Shan (t) to protect it. On the right, a branch stretches out from Tai Mo Shan to Shek Wu Tong () and Ma On Kong (4), to pave its way forward. A short distance from Au Tau (1ƒƒ) see the circling round of all these ranges.\n\nIt is from this setting that the Dragon threads its way out, with various small and big ranges on all sides. Here, the Dragon once again finds its way via Kai Kung Shan (A) with Kwai Kok Shan (圭角山) on the right and Chat Sing Ngor (七星崗) on the left. The Dragon surges up and then down, turning left and right, like thousands of horses racing together, and when it comes to Tai Kong ( j ), the land slopes down gradually. Ngor Nar Lan (A) on the left leaves space for its soaring down and the Cheung Shan (✯ J.) on the right blocks any obstacles that would harm it. This range then dips into the water, passes through the grasslands and comes up to Gau Gan (i). Here it stretches out its wings to protect the Dragon to settle on the cave. The naturally formed reservoirs on both sides of Gau Gan (4) resemble the Food Store (4) and the Wealth Store (✯).\n\nThe place where the Dragon settles is the ancestral hall of Ching Lok Tso (##). The Dragon dives down into the water and the surface becomes peaceful. So now the Dragon is hiding here. With this setting, the place is bound to be very prosperous. To begin with, the green carpet of grass just in front of the hall means the outcome of a big \"esteemed clan\" (†) Furthermore, with all the water from nearby fields flowing towards the hall, and the streams from Tai Kong Po (which follow the Dragon and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208283, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "186\n\nin the district.68\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nOn its way to Kowloon, the Japanese army looted Ho Chung. Mr. Tse Ming recalled that the Japanese came in groups, and took away the villagers' food. This continued for about a week. Tseng Lan Shue and Pik Uk, the next stop on the route to Kowloon, probably suffered more than other villages in Sai Kung, for Japanese troops stayed there for more than twenty days. The troops disturbed the women, took most of the crop that had just been harvested, and burnt the doors and furniture in the village houses for firewood. It seems that only scattered units of the Japanese army went into the Hang Hau area. Mr. Leung Chiu Man of Hang Hau saw some fighting between British and Japanese troops but recalled that the Japanese did not greatly disturb the village.69\n\nThe bandits\n\nAfter the Japanese came the bandits. Mr. Chau T'in Shang's impression in Sai Kung Market was that the bandits came many times and took away all the residents' valuables. Mr. Cheng Ip of Pak Kong remembered that it was Tung Chi (winter solstice) when the bandits first came. They were armed with guns, and they forced the villagers to carry their grain to Kei Ling Ha where they departed by boat. Mrs. Ts'ui of Sai Kung Market, whose husband was a fish-monger, remembered that many bandits came, and soon she was required to deliver a fixed quantity of fish every month to them. She fled to Yim Tin Tsai for two weeks, and then went up to P'ing Shan on the Chinese side of the border for three months, before she dared return to farm on her own land at Pak Kong. Mr. Hoh King of Nam Shan had just returned from Kowloon, and learnt that his name was on a list drawn up by the bandits of people they wanted to hold for ransom. He left Sai Kung with the proprietor of Kwong Tak Lung, whom he knew well, for the villages near Sham Chun, and stayed there for a month before he returned to Nam Shan. Even then, he did not stay in the village, but lived for a while up on the hillside.70\n\nBandits were reported throughout Sai Kung District, from Clear Water Bay, Junk Bay, to Long Harbour, in both the poorer villages and the richer ones and the market towns. According", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "188\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nThere is little doubt that at least for several months, Leung Shuen Wan was a central bandit hideout. Mr. Lau Shang of Pak Lap Village on the island said that there were bandits who came there from the mainland, but they did not rob the villagers for they were themselves stationed in Tung Ah Village nearby. Villagers from Tung Ah and Pak Ah confirmed that there were bandits on the island and that the island villagers were not disturbed. Mr. Chung T'in Fuk of Pak Ah added that this might be because the bandits were from P'ing Shan (in China) nearby, and were afraid that the villagers might take reprisals against their own villages.73\n\nMr. Kong Ts'eung of Tung Ah knew that the bandits used the T'in Hau Temple of Leung Shuen Wan as their headquarters. The first group that arrived was Hoklo. Then came Hoh Shing Nin, from Aau T'au in China. Hoh was well-known among Sai Kung villagers as a bandit chief. But other bandits also came, and they began to fight among themselves. Hoh quarrelled with a certain Chan Nai Shau. According to Mr. Tse Koon K'au, for a short while Hoh had to leave Leung Shuen Wan for Tap Mun, and later Chek Keng. Chan took his guns with him in pursuit.74\n\nVillagers from Leung Sheun Wan and nearby Kau Sai were apparently quite favourably disposed to Hoh Shing Nin. Mr. Chung T'in Fuk of Pak Ah thought that Hoh was a guerrilla, who was maintaining order in the area. Mr. Loh Kai Faat, a boatman from Kau Sai, made a distinction between Hoh and Chan. Hoh maintained order here, according to Mr. Loh, but Chan was a genuine bandit.75\n\nThe Wai Ch'i Wooi and the K’ui Ching Shoh\n\nThe only government in Sai Kung in the very turbulent months immediately after the coming of the Japanese was the Sai Kung Market Chamber of Commerce. Mr. Lei Shiu Yam was its chairman. It was recognized by the Japanese Government as the Wai Ch'i Wooi, the local governing body that was set up in all local areas of Hong Kong and the New Territories in the early months of the occupation. The Sai Kung Wai Ch'i Wooi was located on the first floor of No. 34 Main Street, Sai Kung Market. It had little formal authority and no military power,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "189\n\nalthough military power was much needed at the time. In fact, it was quite ineffective against the bandits. Several months into the occupation, the office was burnt by the bandit Wong Chuk Ts'eng.70\n\nMr.\n\nThe burning of the Wai Ch'i Wooi was well-known. Chan Tsz K'eung, of Sai Kung Market, thought that a Japanese spy had been sent to investigate the guerrillas in Sai Kung and that this was a reprisal. Mr. Lei Yun Shau thought that it was due to a dispute between Wong Chuk Ts'eng and the Wai Ch'i Wooi. Mr. Loh Kai Faat of Kau Sai thought that Wong Chuk Ts'eng, having made a fortune from banditry, was wavering between looting and working for the guerrillas; the Wai Ch'i Wooi, however, was on the verge of deciding to capture him. Mr. Sham Kin K'eung, who spent most of his war years in Tai P'ang, said that Wong had fought on the side of the Nationalist forces in Tam Shui at Pak Mong Fa. He was a bandit and a smuggler who operated from Sham Chun to Wai Chau, and he had many small groups working under him. Mr. Sham thought it unlikely that Wong would have come to Sai Kung himself, and believed it must have been one of these groups working for him that was responsible for burning the Wai Ch'i Wooi.\n\nIt is not at all clear what the disputes between the Wai Ch'i Wooi and the bandits amounted to. Several months after the burning of the Wai Ch'i Wooi, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam resigned as chairman, and the post was given to Mr. Hui Mei Naam of Lai Chi Chong. This change might not have had anything to do with the burning of the Wooi. Several months into the occupation, the Japanese Government could afford to strengthen its presence in the districts. On July 20, a new system of district administration was promulgated, dividing the whole of Hong Kong and the New Territories into twenty-eight districts, Sai Kung being one of them. Each one of these districts was represented by a K'ui Ching Shoh (District Administration Office), and this name came to be used in place of Wai Ch'i Wooi. The extent of the district was the entire peninsula east of Ma On Shan, including not only the villages from Tseng Lan Shue to Man Yee Wan, but also those north of Pak Tam Chung, those in Shap Sz Heung, and those near Hang Hau. The K'ui Ching Shoh office was set up at the Sung Chen School, and at about this time, a small contingent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208497, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n205 \n\nDISTRIBUTION OF FORTS AND GUARD STATIONS ON \n\nLANTAU ISLAND DURING THE LATE CH'ING PERIOD \n\nLantau, an island which lies to the west of Hong Kong Island, has an area of about 55.55 square miles. Situated at the entrance of the Pearl River estuary, the island enjoyed a strategic location in the past, especially during the late Ch'ing Dynasty. The position was reflected in the construction of forts and guard stations or shuen (屯) overlooking Tuen Mun 屯門.\n\nDuring the K'ang Hsi period (1662-1722), the island was fortified with a fort at Kai Yik Kok 雞翼角, known as the Fan Lau Fort 汾流砲台 or Tai Yu Shan Fort 大嶼山砲台; and with two guard stations; one at Tai O 大澳, the Tai Yu Shan Shuen 大嶼山汎; the other at Tung Chung 東涌, the Tung Chung Hau Shuen 東涌口汎.\n\nDuring the Chia Ching period (1796-1820), more forts and guard stations were constructed, partly because of the coming of the Europeans. Thus in the 22nd year of Chia Ching's rule, the Tung Chung Walled City 東涌城 was constructed, and a guard station with two forts called the Shek Tse Fort 石子砲台 was founded on the coast to its front. Later guard stations were established at Tai Ho 大蠔, Sha Lo Wan 沙螺灣, and at Mui Wo 梅窩.\n\nThe military force on the island consisted of a Shau-pe 守備 or major, with his headquarters at the Tung Chung Walled City. Under him were 4 Tsin-tsung 千總 or lieutenants, 7 Pa-tsung 把總 or sergeants, and 5 Ngai-wai 外委 or corporals. They were in command of 691 soldiers, of whom 195 were infantry and 496 garrison soldiers. This force also manned guard-stations at the Kowloon Walled City 九龍城寨, Shum Shui Po 深水埗, Tsing Lung Tau 青龍頭, Cheung Chau 長洲, Tsing Yi Tam 青衣潭, Ping Chau 坪洲, Po Toi 蒲苔, Kap Shui Mun 急水門, and at Yung Shu Wan 榕樹灣.\n\nFrom this force 215 soldiers were in garrison on Lantau Island. The following shows the distribution of garrison soldiers in various forts and guard-stations on the island:\n\nTung Chung Walled City: 100 garrison soldiers under 1 Shau-pe, 1 Pa-tsung, and 2 Ngai-wai.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208545, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 2, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "191\n\nmerchants. The Japanese would draw up a list of what they wanted, the Chamber of Commerce would deliver the goods, settle the bill with the Japanese, pay the local merchants, and retain a small fee that was used for general management and for compensation to the merchants for goods lost to the Japanese. This was an arrangement designed to reduce disturbance from the Japanese troops in the area. At this time, a pass from the K'ui Ching Shoh was needed for villagers who transported goods from Kowloon into Sai Kung, but the Chamber of Commerce could also order goods from Kowloon, and its documents were also recognized by the Japanese Government as passes. Under this arrangement, Mr. Lok Kau Kei and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam, who together managed the Chamber of Commerce, were saddled with a heavy responsibility. Theirs were difficult positions to be in.81\n\nBoth Mr. Lei and Mr. Lok suffered considerably during the occupation. When the Japanese first settled in Sai Kung, before the Chamber of Commerce became their purchasing agent, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam was taken to the Argyle Street concentration camp in Kowloon and was tortured. Mr. Lok was beaten by the Japanese several times, once because they thought he was entering the kitchen to pick up a knife while talking to them and another time because they interpreted his wife's presence in the cockloft as an attempt to hide. The first time, Mr. Lok went into the kitchen for a drink of water, and the second time his wife was pregnant. These stories indicate that there was considerable tension between the Chamber of Commerce and the Japanese authorities, despite the pass issuing arrangement.82\n\nThe Japanese nonetheless made an attempt to control their own personnel. Mr. Lok was told that any soldier who demanded presents from the shops should be reported. He did once report a gendarme, and the man caused no more trouble.83\n\nDaily life in the occupation\n\nThree topics came up regularly in interviews concerning daily life in the occupation: food shortage, the fear of arbitrary arrest and torture, and the fear that the women might be raped. These concerns left very strong impressions on Sai Kung residents who lived through World War II.84", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "194\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nNew Territories to find beef cattle that could be sold to slaughter houses in Kowloon City. But in the countryside, livestock never quite recovered its pre-War level.90\n\nThe fishermen, however, were apparently less adversely affected. Mr. Shek Kwong Lin, a fisherman from Kau Lau Wan, remembered that fish were plentiful during these years.\n\nMr. Chung of Kau Sai said that he went to sea as he did before the War, and although the Japanese sometimes came up to inspect his boat, they did not greatly disturb him. He continued to salt fish, and sold them in Shaukiwan as he did before. At Nam Wai, the fleet of forty boats remained active throughout the occupation, and Mr. Shing Uen On remembered how fish-mongers gathered at the bund outside the village to buy fish from them. Mr. Lok Kau Kei was possibly among these fish-mongers. He remembered that he collected a lot of fish and hired porters to take them into Kowloon. The porters carried back rice on the return trip. Mr. Chung P'oon also started a shop in Nam Wai in 1942 and sent out a boat at 5.00 every morning to collect fish from the fishermen. He also sent his fish into Kowloon, and sold it to wholesalers in a co-operative market in Kowloon City. Fish fetched a dollar for several catties at that time. Mr. Cheung Wing of Wo Mei also bought a boat during the occupation, collected fish from the fishermen, and hired people to carry it into Kowloon City. He paid cash to the fishermen in return for fish.91\n\nIn Sai Kung Market, life was very difficult in the first few months of the occupation. After the bandits, Mr. Chau T'in Shang remembered that many people sold the wooden beams of the houses they were living in because they had nothing else that they could sell. Gradually, as the harvest came in, conditions improved. Mr. Chau successfully put away his reserves in Lung Mei and Tso Wo Hang. His family continued to live in their own house in the Market until the last year of the occupation, when the Japanese took it and turned it into a brothel. Mr. Lok Kau Kei also accumulated some reserve rice, which he stored in the coffins that were sold in the Market!92\n\nSome time in 1942, to meet the rice shortage, the Japanese Government began rationing. Every one was entitled to purchase", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208765, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n195 \n\nA STUDY OF THE CH'ING FORTS ON LANTAU ISLAND \n\nDuring the Ch'ing period, two forts were built on Lantau Island. They were the Fan Lau Fort and the Tung Chung Fort: the latter including the Tung Chung Walled City and the Shek She Fort in the Tung Chung Valley. \n\nThe Fan Lau Fort \n\nFan Lau Kok 汾流角, also called Kai Yik Kok 鷄翼角, is a promontory which lies on the south-west tip of Lantau Island.3 It has a height of about three hundred and eighty feet. To the north of the promontory is the Fan Lau Sai Wan. The Fan Lau Tung Wan lies to its south. \n\nOn the top of the promontory, there was a fort known as the Fan Lau Fort.1 It was erected in the late Ming Dynasty. During the early years of K'ang Hsi period, the coast of China was evacuated,a and the fort was abandoned. Then in the 7th year of the Yung Cheng reign (1729), the fort was rebuilt and again fortified.9 \n\nDuring the early 19th century a famous pirate, Cheung Po-tsai, plundered along the south-east coast of China. His fleet was so strong that the Ch'ing navy was also defeated. He had taken Tung Chung, Lantau Island, as a base for his fleet.10 Fan Lau was quite near Tung Chung. Thus, the Fan Lau fort might also have been in his hands during that period. \n\nAfter the surrender of Cheung Po-tsai in the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1810),11 Ch'ing forces recovered the fort.12 Before the Opium War (1841), foreign influence along the coast increased. The Ch'ing government strengthened the forts and the guard-stations of this region. The Fan Lau Fort was still fortified.13 During the Opium War, the Chinese were defeated. Most of the forts along the coast were abandoned. In 1842, British officers travelling in the region found that the Fan Lau Fort was not manned.14 \n\nThe Fort has a length of one hundred and fifty-five feet, and a breadth of seventy feet. It is formed by four rubble walls, about ten feet high. It has an entrance which faces east. The entrance is about five feet wide. There are steps for mounting the walls. \n\nThe Fort has remained in ruins till now.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208767, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n197 \n\nSix old muzzle-loading cannons, each fixed to a cemented base, can be seen on the main wall; two on the west and four on the east. They were selected from elsewhere, and mounted there as a memorial.26 \n\nOutside the Walled City, there are several brick houses which had been used as a hospital for the garrison and as dwellings of the garrison families. There had been a cemetery. However, its site cannot be found, and the old brick houses are now used as stores and pig-sties. \n\nSeveral old brick houses can be found at the mouth of the Tung Chung stream. They are supposed to be the guard-houses and the ammunition store of the Shek She Fort.2 The position of the Fort has long been forgotten. Recently, rubble walls are found on a knoll near the Tung Chung Ferry Pier. The walls are now in ruins.28 This is likely to be one of the fortresses of the Shek She Fort.29 \n\nHong Kong. March 1980. \n\nANTHONY SIU Kwok-kin \n\nNOTES \n\n1 It is called Fan Lau (separate the flow) because the promontory lies on a place which separates the waters of the Pearl River and the Pacific Ocean. \n\n* The promontory has the shape of a chicken-wing, thus gaining the name Kai Yik Kok. Kai Yik in Chinese means 'chicken-wing'. \n\n* The promontory is also called Yuen To Shan, because ships which came from the west to the Pearl River used it as a landmark. 'Yuen To' in Chinese means 'sailing from afar'. \n\n* There is a village called the Fan Lau Village situated by the Fan Lau Sai Wan, or West Bay. \n\n* The Fan Lau Tung Wan is also called the Miu Wan or Temple Bay because there is a Tin Hau Temple, rebuilt in the Hsien Fung reign (1851-1861). \n\n• It was called the Kai Yik Fort, as recorded in the San On Yuen Chi 1819 edition and the Kwong Tung Tung Chi 1822 edition. \n\n1968. \n\nsee Armando M. De Silva's \"Fan Lau and its Fort\", JHKBRAS 8;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208768, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n* The evacuation of the South-east coast of China was carried out from the 1st year to the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1662-1668). It was because of the disturbances of pirates and the followers of Koxinga (Cheng Shing-kung) along the coasts of Kwangtung and Fukien. The disturbances were so large that the Ch'ing Army could not stop them. The government evacuated fifty li from the coast. The lands were abandoned in order that the pirates and the followers of Koxinga could not obtain supplies from them. (see my article: \"The Chow Wang Yi Kung Chi of Kam Tin\", published in the Wah Kiu Man Fa of Wah Kiu Yat Po for 13th September 1976 綿田之周王二公祠,原载1976年9月13日華僑日報文化版)\n\n+\n\n* In the O Mun Kei Leuk ME 1800 edition, it was recorded, \"During the 7th year of Yung Cheng reign, there were forts erected on the two hills. This strengthened the guards of the Tai Yue Shan Shuen”. The Tai Yue Shan Shuen was probably at the place of Tai O today. The forts on the \"two hills\" are most likely to be the Kai Yik Fort on its south-west and Tung Chung Fort on its east. This shows that the Fan Lau Fort was probably rebuilt and refortified in the 7th year of the Yung Ching reign.\n\n19 See my article: \"A Short History of the Pirates of Hong Kong before 1842\", published in Volume 8, No. 4 of the Kwong Tung Man Hin 廣東文献(1979).\n\n11 see Chapter 13 of San On Yuen Chi\n\nChapter 81 of Kwong Chow Fu Chi A\n\n**** 1819 edition and\n\n1879 edition.\n\n12 Chapter 12 of San On Yuen Chi (1819) stated, \"During the K'ang Hsi reign, it was because of robbery and piracy along the south-east coast that the Ch'ing government evacuated the coastal regions. Later, with the surrender of the pirates, the Ch'ing government extended the coastal boundary. More forts and guard-stations were set up. Those of outstanding importance were the Kai Yik Fort on Lantau Island, the Nam Tau Fort, and the Chik Wan Fort.\" The book was written in 1819, and the famous pirate Cheung Po-tsai had surrendered in 1810. This shows that the fort was again under the control of the Ch'ing government after 1810.\n\n14 1a Chapter 130 of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi 4 1822 edition recorded, \"Tai U Shan, an island which lay in the midst of the sea, was a place where foreign ships anchored. There were only two inlets for the anchoring of these ships: they were at Tai O and Tung Chung. At that time, Tai O was guarded by a garrison of thirteen men. There was already the Kai Yik Fort under a Tsin Tsung (lieutenant) of the Tai Pang Battalion.\" The book was published in 1822. This proves that before 1822, there was the Kai Yik Fort guarding the south-west tip of Lantau Island.\n\n14 see Armando M. De Silva's article, op. cit.\n\n15 also called Tung Chung Hau in the past.\n\n10 To the south-east of the valley is the Sunset Peak (Tai Tung Shan 大東山); the Lantau Peak (Fung Wang Shan 凤凰山) lies to the south-west.\n\n17 Sheung Ling Pei Village is one of the largest villages in the Tung Chung Valley. It is situated to the east of the Tung Chung Walled City.\n\n18 Ha Ling Pei Village, an adjacent village to Sheung Ling Pei Village, is situated to the west of the Tung Chung Walled City.\n\n19 See my article: \"Distribution of Forts and Guard-stations on Lantau Island during the Late Ch'ing period\", JHKBRAS vol. 18: 1978.\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208769, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "20 See note 13.\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n199\n\n21 See Ch'ing Hoi Fan Kei recorded in Chapter 33 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi ★★ 1911 edition.\n\n22 Chapter 125 of Kwong Tung Tung Chi (1822) stated, “The Shek She Fort of Tung Chung Kau, Tai U Shan, was built in the 22nd year of the Ch'ia Ching reign (1817). It was proposed and built by Viceroys Cheung Yau-koot and Yuen Yuen.' Chapter 130 of the same book recorded, \"In the 22nd year of the Chia Ch'ing reign, Viceroys Cheung Yau-koot and Yuen Yuen proposed to build eight guard-houses at Tung Chung Hau, and two fortresses, seven guard-houses, and an ammunition store at the foothill of the Shek She Shan. The proposal was carried out by Pang Chiu-lun, Reserve Prefect of Kwong Chow Fu. The eight guard-houses at Tung Chung Hau were those inside the Tung Chung Walled City. The two fortresses, with seven-guard-houses and an ammunition store at the foothill of Shek She Shuen formed the Shek She Fort of Tung Chung Kau.\n\n23 See Wong Pui Kai's \"Tung Chung of Tai Yue Shan\", published in Volume 86 of Tai Fung Pun Yuet Kan, ⭑「大公報·文教半月刊」第八十六期。\n\n24 Chik Lap Kok Island lies to the north of Tung Chung Bay. The island is famous for the production of granite used in building purposes.\n\n25 See note 22.\n\n26 See my article: \"The Cannons on the Wall of the Tung Chung Fort\", JHKBRAS vol. 18: 1978.\n\n27 See note 22.\n\n28 The stones of the wall had been taken away by the monks of Tai Tong Tsai ## for the building of the Ma Wan Chung Bridge. It is now called the Lai Luk Bridge.\n\n29 See note 22.\n\nTWO EXAMPLES OF CHINESE RELIGIOUS INVOLVEMENT WITH ISLAM\n\nAlthough Chinese folk religion and Islam have next to nothing in common, two examples of Chinese reaction to Islam are afforded to us in present day South East Asia; one in Singapore and Malaysia where the image of Muslim appears on Chinese altars, and the other in Thailand where a local Chinese folk religion cult has developed around a Chinese girl who killed herself because her brother was being converted to Islam.\n\nChinese immigrants brought their beliefs and their gods with them to South East Asia, but one further and special deity has been added to their pantheon. This is a Malay, depicted on the altar as having a very dark skin, often jet black, and wearing the Malay", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "4\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nWork of the Association in its early years\n\n217\n\nSoon after the port of Hong Kong was opened [again] in the last year of the reign of Hsien Feng in the Ch'ing dynasty (1860-61), there used to be a Nam Pak Hong Street (later renamed Bonham Strand West). At this favourable location our predecessors set up firms dealing in native products from south and north China. The following firms were among those then established one after another: the Kwong Mau Tai Hong and the Woo Kee Hong of Mr. Chiu Yue-tin, a celebrity of Kwangtung origin, the Hau Fung Hong of Mr. Lo Chor-san, the Hop Hing Hong of Mr. Lau Lo-tak, the Siu Fung Hong of Messrs. Fung Ping-shan and Kwong Tsz-ming, the Kwan Mau Hong (in Wing Lok Street West) of Mr. Li Sau-hin, the Wah On Hong of Mr. Chan Yue-fan, the Yue Wo Loong of Mr. Chan Sik-nin, the Yuen Fat Hong of Messrs. Ko Mun-wah and Chan Chun-chuen, celebrities of Chiu Chau origin, the Yuen Sing Fat Hong, the Kam Yue Fung Hong and the Kam Sing Lee Hong of Mr. Choi Si-kit, the Yue Tak Sing Hong and the Kwong Tak Fat Hong of Mr. Chan Tin-san, the Kin Tye Lung of Messrs. Chan Wun-wing and Chan Tsz-tan, the Ng Yuen Hing Hong of Mr. Ng Lei-hing, a celebrity of Fukien origin, the Chui Tak Loong Hong of Messrs. Wu Ting-sam and Wong Ting-ming, the Hau Tak Hong of Mr. Kwok Yim-sing and his brother(s), the Yi Tai Hong and the Lee Yuen Cheung Hong of a business group of Shantung origin. With the exception of Messrs. Chan Yue-fan, Chan Sik-nin and Kwok Yin-sing, all the aforesaid gentlemen have now deceased.\n\nIn 1868, with the concerted initiative and efforts of the said Messrs. Chiu Yue-tin, Chan Chun-chuen, Fung Ping-shan, Choi Kit-si, Chan Tin-sau and Wu Ting-sam, the Nam Pak Hong Association was founded in Bonham Strand West near its junctions with Wing Lok Street and Queen's Road. Then the objectives of the Association were to promote members' welfare and market prosperity, to assist the police in the maintenance of law and order in the neighbourhood and to formulate plans for the prevention of fires and alleviation of disasters. On the first floor of the Association building was the office, where regulations and business rules of the Association were decided, Directors and Managers of the Association mutually elected, and monthly meetings held. For the first term, the Chairman of the Board of Directors was Mr. Chiu Yue-tin and the Manager was Mr. Lau Lo-tak. The latter mana-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208816, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 273, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "246\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nHODGKISS, Dr. I. John,\n\n17 High West,\n\n142 Pokfulam Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nHODGSON, Mr. A. F.,\n\nJohnson Matthey Commodities H.K Ltd.,\n\n12A1 Far East Exchange Building,\n\n8 Wyndham Street,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nHODGSON, Mrs. Kirsty Hamilton,\n\nFlat E1,\n\nMarigold Court,\n\n4 Marigold Road,\n\nYau Yat Chuen, KOWLOON.\n\nHOLMES, Miss Jeanette E.,\n\n26 Kennedy Road, HONG KONG.\n\nHOTUNG, Mr. Eric,\n\n10 Stanley Street, HONG KONG.\n\nHOWE, Prof. Geoffrey L.,\n\nDivision of Dental Studies,\n\n1/F, Patrick Manson Building,\n\n7 Sassoon Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nHSIA, Mr. Tung Pei,\n\nP.O. Box 20027,\n\nHennessy Road Post Office, HONG KONG.\n\nHUGALL, Miss E. Jane,\n\nDavid Trench Rehabilitation Centre,\n\nOccupational Therapy 3/F,\n\n9 Bonham Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nHUGHES, Ms. Anne,\n\n5604 Cape Mansions,\n\nMount Davis Road, HONG KONG.\n\nHULL-LEWIS, Mrs. J. M.,\n\n501 Tavistock, Tregunter Path,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nHUYSMAN, Mr. J.,\n\nRepulse Bay Apartments, A35.\n\n101 Repulse Bay Road, HONG KONG.\n\nJARVIS, Mrs. Patricia Ann,\n\nFlat 8B, Vienna Court,\n\n41 Conduit Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nJEFFERY, Mr. M. J.,\n\nNew Territories Development Dept,\n\n21st Floor Murray Building,\n\nGarden Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nJOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. P. K.,\n\nc/o A.I.A.,\n\nP.O. Box 444,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nJONES, Mr. Gordon, W. E.,\n\nFlat 42 Buxey Lodge,\n\n37 Conduit Road, HONG KONG\n\nKHAN, Dr. Latiffa,\n\nShau Kei Wan Govt. Technical School,\n\n40 Chaiwan Road, Shaukiwan,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nKHAN, Miss Sherifa,\n\nc/o Belilios Public School,\n\n51 Tin Hau Temple Road, HONG KONG.\n\nKING, Miss Carol Anne,\n\nLanguage Centre,\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nKIRKBRIDE, Mr. K. M. G.,\n\nThe Building Authority,\n\nMurray Building, 8/F, Garden Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nKWAN, Mrs. Alice Wong Sau Ching,\n\nFlat 2A, 9th Floor,\n\nBeverley Heights,\n\n67 Beacon Hill Road, KOWLOON.\n\nKWOK, Mr. Ping Leong,\n\nKerry Trading Co. Ltd.,\n\n25/FI. American International Tower,\n\n16-18 Queen's Road Central,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nLACK, Mr. Alan J.,\n\nFlat 1,\n\nPeak Pavilion,\n\n12 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "202\n\nTo\n\nand\n\nsites were also rendered ineffective by the emperor's golden pen. My knowledge, the elders knew of four sites. One of them was on Tiu Chung Chau at Kau Sai in Saikung. The fungshui of this site was ‘a golden bell hanging on a silk thread'. Every year at the Double-ninth festival, nine buffaloes came to worship at the grave; there was also the sound of a bell being struck. A second site was at Yuen Chau Chai at Kei Leng Ha Village. The fungshui name was 'the general comes down from his horse to drink three cups of wine'. In the middle of the sea, there is Wu Chau (with the adjacent island of Sam Pui Tsau) that resembles a pig, three cups of wine and two cups of tea. Another site was at To Tau Tsui at Wu Kai Sha, which is opposite Nga Chau (usually nowadays called A Chau) in the Tai Po Hoi. The fungshui name was crows going into the ocean. Legend has it that in the old days a mud embankment connected Wu Kai Sha to Nga Chau which sank into the sea after the emperor put down the dragon. The embankment has not been seen again. One more site was on Ap Chau opposite Kat O. The fungshui name was 'precious duck going through the lotus'. The legend is that Ap Chau used to be able to swim between Sam Mun Kan and Mirs Bay. Later, it was blocked by a duck pole, that is, the place currently known as Hak Ngam Kok. After that, when paddy ripened in the Yim Tin Village area near Sha Tau Kok, there was no rice grain on the stalk, because it was all eaten by the duck. After the emperor put down the dragon with his golden pen, the head of the duck... and then there was grain again.\n\nI know about the fungshui of only these four grave sites.\n\nhe cut off\n\nPassage 2\n\nRecorded by Ho Kei Fook\n\n\"An extraordinary person saw that Huang Hsiao-yang [rebel in the Canton area in the early fifteenth century] had features fitting to make him emperor and gave him a bamboo shoot to plant at home. When the 'bamboo grew to the height of his brows', he was supposed to be able to make an arrow out of it which he could use to kill the emperor with and thereby take over the throne. Huang planted the bamboo shoot as he had been instructed and a bamboo stem grew", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "204\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nhsü 12 (1886). In the Kau Sai Hung Shing Temple, the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 15 (1889), and the altar Kuang-hsü 20 (1894); and in the Hang Hau T'in Hau Temple (besides the 1840 bell), the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 1 (1875), a tablet Kuang-hsü 2 (1876), an altar is of the same year, a wooden board of Kuang-hsü 4 (1878), a shrine of Kuang-hsü 10 (1884), a pair of stone lions of Kuang-hsü 13 (1887), and a pair of incense burners of Kuang-hsü 20 (1894). The bell and the incense burner at the Tin Ha Wan T'in Hau Temple are both undated, but Mr. Ip Ch'un, who lived nearby, told us that the temple was already in disrepair over fifty years ago. Historical inscriptions found in Sai Kung and elsewhere in Hong Kong and the New Territories have been transcribed as a special project and may be found in David Faure, Alice Ng, and Bernard Luk, \"A collection of historical inscriptions in Hong Kong\". The report is available in the Institute of Chinese Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, and will, it is hoped, be published shortly.\n\n7\n\nMr. Hoh Taai of Ko Tong, aged over 60, knew of the whereabouts of a charcoal burner, but never saw it in operation (Int. 10.6.81). Lime kilns were reported in Wong Yi Chau, Wong Keng Tei, Tai Mong Tsai Tso Wo Hang, Tai Wan, Kiu Tsui, Sha Ha, Pak Sha Wan, Che Keng Tuk, Ta Ho Tun, Tai Tan, and Yau Yu Wan (Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Tang Kei Faat 25.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Wong Ping Lin 29.6.81, Madam Liu 20.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81, Mrs. Hoh née Lei 28.6.81, Mr. Chung 23.7.81, and Madam Lam Yau Ch'un 19.8.81.) The Liu family at Kiu Tsui built the ancestral hall that can be seen today on the main road into Sai Kung Market. For an impression of the long history of lime making in Sai Kung, it should be noted that Madam Lo Koon Mooi was 85 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 87 in 1981, and it was their fathers who were engaged in the lime business. Mr. Yau continued working the kilns until his early 40's. Brick kilns were reported in Chek Keng and Pak Tam Chung (Ints. Mr. Chiu Sz 7.5.81 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81). The lime industry, of course, also provided income for fishermen who collected coral for the kilns. See \"Return of the approximate number of fishermen employed in taking coral and shell from the sea adjoining the New Territory\", in Hong Kong Legislative Council, Sessional Papers, 1901, p. 685.\n\n\"The best indication of the growing importance of the trade in pigs is a set of account books that belonged to Mr. Yung Sz Ch'iu of Pak Sha O, a photocopy of which is held by the Oral History Project. See also ints. Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 and Mr. Hoh King 5.6.81.\n\n• There are many instances of seamen recruited by recruitment firms (haang shuen koon); see, eg. Mr. Chiu Sz (Int. 7.5.81). Remittance from abroad was sent back to the village through import-export houses (kam shan tsong), see Mr. Yau T'aai Hong (Int. 11.8.81).\n\n10 Mr. Cheung T'o's grandfather was a cook on Hong Kong Island, and his father was employed on the Kowloon-Canton Railway. Mr. Cheung, of Ho Chung, was c. 70 in 1981 (Int. 15.6.81). Mr. Tsang Yau of Tai Mong Tsai (age unknown, but who married before World War II) worked in a shop started by his father in Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island (Int. 23.6.81).\n\n11 Ints. Mr. Cheng Chung Ting 21.5.81, Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81, Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81; Bernard Williams, \"Visit to Ho Chung and Sheung Yeung villages in the Sai Kung area”, in Marjorie Topley, ed. Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, Hong Kong, 1965, pp. 46-47, and \"The Chan family of Tseung Kwan O\", JHKBRAS 7 (1967), pp. 158-160.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "205\n\n12 On this particular type of tenancy, see John Kamm, \"Two essays on the Ch'ing economy of Hsin-an, Kwangtung Province”, JHKBRÁS 1977, pp. 55-84, and James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, 1850-1911, Folkestone, Kent, England, 1977, pp. 50-53.\n\n13 Ints. Mr. Wong 22.6.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Cheung Kau 26.6.81, Mr. Cheung 26.6.81, Mr. Cheng Yung 10.7.81, and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81; Hugh D.R. Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, Guildford and London, 1968, p. 172.\n\n14 Father Sergio Ticozzi, 12.5.81, quoting from Giovanni B. Tragella, Le Mission Estere di Milano, Nel Quadro Degli Avvenimenti Contemporanli, Milan 1950-1963, vol. 1, pp. 274-275, vol. 2, pp. 85, 89, and 314. Int. Father George Carusso, 20.5.81.\n\n15 Ints. Mr. Lok Tak K'ei 17.7.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, and Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80.\n\n10 Int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. Mr. Yau's term for \"moorage inlet\" was \"siu wan t'au\". Cf. also the type of market James Hayes refers to as \"coastal market centres\" in his Hong Kong Region, p. 37.\n\n17\n\nDocuments on this case are included in Kuan T'ien-p'ei, Ch'ou-hai ch'u-chi (1836, n.p., Taipei reprint, 1968) 2/26a-33a, 56a-74a, 80a-99b. Kuan was Naval Commander-in-Chief for Kwangtung from 1834 to 1841. C. Fred Blake, in Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, Hawaii, 1981, p. 46 note 8, states \"Lung Shuen Wan was a traditional outpost for the Chinese imperial navy's regulation of eastern approaches to the Pearl River. I wonder if perhaps Lung Shuen Wan was the original 'coastal market centre' in this area?\" Elsewhere (loc. cit. and p. 95) he points out that the Lung Shuen Wan Tin Hau Temple retained the patronage of the Pak Kong and Sha Kok Mei villagers, despite the greater convenience of the Tin Hau Temple within Sai Kung Market.\n\n18 These are figures of shops as registered in the Block Crown Lease (DD215, DD224). It is more than likely that these were shop spaces rather than shops, and in the event that a shop might take up more than a shop space, there were fewer shops in Sai Kung and Hang Hau in the early 1900's than noted here. For comparison, in 1905, Yuen Long had only seventy-four shops and Tai Po Market twenty-three large and fifteen small ones. See James Hayes, Hong Kong Region, p. 36.\n\n19 Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, Father George Carusso 20.5.81, Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81.\n\n20 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81.\n\n21 Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mrs. Foo, née Lei, 28.6.81.\n\n22\n\nMrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81. Mr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81 of Taai Fung Nin (opened c. 1933) in Sai Kung Market remembered that the shop used to slaughter a pig each day to sell to the boat people.\n\n23 Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shou 19.6.81.\n\n24 Mr. Hoh King 6.5.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81. Mrs. Lei used to obtain piglets from Kam Lei Loi in Sai Kung Market. It took six to seven months to fatten them, and two dollars to have each pig carried back to Sai Kung Market. She also had rice and pig feed (chiefly rice husk) from Kam Lei Loi on credit. Kam Lei Loi was a butcher's cum general store, where her husband worked.\n\n25 According to Mr. Yau T'aam Shang, 15.5.81, the interest rate in Sai Kung Market was 5 cents per dollar per month, i.e. 60 percent per annum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208845, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "206\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nannum. The Yung Sz Ch'iu account books from Hoi Ha (see footnote 8) show that it was 30 percent, and that as a rule, interest was seldom successfully collected in full.\n\n20 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 3.6.81, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. Mr. Lau K'in Tsun of Ha Yeung (Int. 17.7.81), who managed the Kwong Shing general store at Hang Hau before the War, remembered that he bought oil and rice from the Nam Pak Hong, and had to send his goods to Hang Hau via Shaukiwan.\n\n27 Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81 described the shops making rice wine in conjunction with pig raising, the dregs from the wine being used to feed the pigs. The beancurd maker was Loi Lei, see int. Madam Laai Hung Tai 8.5.81, the owner's daughter. Of course, the markets also provided the hawkers who went regularly to the villages. Mrs. Lau 14.6.81 remembered the fish mongers who took fish from Seung Sz Wan to Ha Yeung, and the hawkers who came with sweets and items of clothing.\n\n28 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81 for years operated a boat that carried lime and firewood to Kowloon. His father was in a similar business. In the 1930's, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81 had a junk that took orders from shops in Sai Kung for purchases from Hong Kong. Mr. Lei P'aang Kei collected fish in Sai Kung directly from fishermen to be sent to Kowloon. He had formerly worked for Saam Shing, and started this business on his own when Saam Shing collapsed in the 1930's (Int. Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, 19.5.81). Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81 from Yim Tin Tsai used to send his fish to Sai Kung Market and employed women to carry them into Kowloon, paying 40 cents for approximately 40 catties.\n\n29 In addition to references already cited, see Ints. Mr. Hoh Shang 20.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81, Mrs. Mo née Cheng 28.6.81, Mr. Lau 16.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mr. Lok Shang 21.5.81, Mrs. Yung née Wan 2.7.81, Mr. Shing Uen Wan 10.7.81, Mrs. Tsang née Shing 14.7.81, Mr. Ng 15.7.81, Mr. Lau 17.7.81, Mr. Yau Yan 22.7.81.\n\n30 Mr. Wong Kam Tai 20.7.81 remembered Shing Woh general store, owned by the ancestors of Mr. Shing Mau Kwong of Mang Kung Uk, that collected fish for various shops that made salt fish, a shop that made wine, owned by a Mr. Lau, a stationer's owned by a Mr. Chan, and a small shipyard that removed barnacles from boats, owned by a Mr. Po. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 31.7.81 remembered that the Maus of Pan Long Wan had a general store there, the Shings of Mang Kung Uk had two shops, both called Shing Woh.\n\n31 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Hoh Taai 10.6.81, Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81, 5.6.81, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 3.6.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80.\n\n32 Mr. Lei Yiu T'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, 19.5.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, 15.5.81.\n\n33 For background see Hong Kong Government, Administrative Report 1914 D (Harbour Office), p. 6, Hong Kong Government Gazette August 3, 1914. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang referred to this in relation to the growth of Saam Shing and T'aai Shing in int. 8.5.81.\n\n34 Ts'ui Mau Fung was not a shop-keeper, but a land-owner who lived in Sai Kung. He was not involved in the kaifong (int. Mr. Lei Shiu Yum 8.5.81). On Chan Pak T'o, see int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81. According to Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81, he was the teacher of Chan Ue Kwong's younger brother Min Ue.\n\n35 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 18.5.81, 3.6.81.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "207\n\n36 1911 Census.\n\n37 For a brief discussion of these ideas, see David Faure, \"Hongkong and China in the village world\", JHKBRAS 21 (1981). A noteworthy variation is the shrine for the Taai Shing Yan Kung Ma at Luk Mei Village, which is both an ancestral figure and a territorial god. See research notes on Ue Lan Festival at Luk Mei, 5-7.8.81.\n\n* Ints. Mr. Cheung T'o 29.5.81, 15.6.81, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Tse Ming 8.81, and notes on the ta tsiu at Ho Chung, 27.12.81 - 31.12.81. For the donations of the Uens towards the repair of the temple, see Ch'e Kung Temple tablet and ints. Mr. Uen Chi Ming 16.1.81, 13.2.81, 7.3.81. Our interviews did not discover if only villagers of Ho Chung contributed towards the annual Ch'e Kung Festival, or if other villagers in the villages that took part in the ta tsiu also did.\n\n3 Int. Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81.\n\n40\n\nInts. Mr. Cheng Ip 14.5.81, Mr. Lei Yiu T'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Kau 23.6.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, 21.7.81.\n\n41\n\nInts. Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mr. Tsang 25.6.81, Mr. Tsang Yung 25.6.81, Mrs. Wai 27.6.81\n\n42 Ints. Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Cheung Wing 1981; see also Mr. Sung Kw'an 23.6.81 for similar arrangements for raising pigs in Tit Kim Hang, and Mr. Shing Uen Wan 10.7.81 in Pik Uk.\n\n43\n\nInts. Mr. Shing Ip On 14.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81. Every year, on the 28th of the First Month, all the five surnames of Mang Kung Uk joined in the worship of the earth god. A matshed was built in the village, on which lanterns were hung. See int. Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81. See also Patrick Hase, “Observations at a Village Funeral\", presented at the Conference on Hong Kong Society and History at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, December 1981, (papers to be published shortly).\n\n44\n\n** Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.8.81.\n\n* Ints. Mr. Sung 22.6.81, Mr. Tang Kei Faat 25.6.81, Mr. Hoh King 24.6.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mrs. Lau Lei Loi T'aai 28.6.81, store keeper at Wong Chuk Wan 28.6.81, Mrs. Hoh née Lau 29.6.81, Mr. Kuet Po Shing 2.7.81, and notes on the ruined temple at Wong Chuk Wan 28.6.81. The composition of the Shap Heung given by Mrs. Hoh née Lau and Mr. Kuet differs slightly from that in the text here. Other village groups in the Sai Kung area include one that consists of Tse Keng Tuk, Chiu Hang, Ta Ho Tun, and Ma Nam Wat (int. Mr. Chan Uet Shing 24.6.81), another that consists of the three villages at Man Yee Wan (int. Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81), yet another the seven villages that made use of the sugar press at Ko Tong (int. Mr. To 19.6.81). Apparently, Tai Long, Pak Tam Au, and Chek Keng, and then Sham Chung, Lai Chi Chong, and Pak Sha O were two groups of villages that had close social ties (int. Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81).\n\n48 Ints. Mr. Tse Wing 20.6.81, Mr. Yau 28.7.81. Fung shui was involved in the dispute in Sha Kok Mei. The villagers considered that part of a hill nearby, known to them as the \"tiger's land\" (foo tei) was essential to the fung shui of the village. Sha Kok Mei would not permit burial, grass or tree cutting on the foo tei.\n\n\"Mr. Chau T'in Shang 9.7.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Yau Taai Hin 8.81, Mr. Tse Ming 8.81. Major temple celebrations before World War II were held in at least the following places: Leung Shuen Wan, Sai Kung, Tai Miu, Hang Hau, Pan Long Wan, Tseung Kwan O, Kau Sai. Pak Kong and Ho Chung had a ta tsiu every ten years, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208847, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "208\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nTseng Lan Shue an on lung ceremony every thirty. Sha Kok Mei also had a regular ta tsiu.\n\n* Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 31.7.81, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 9.7.81. The ceremony, taken more as a game of fun, was known as \"puk sha ngau tsai\".\n\n49 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Lei 9.7.81.\n\n60 Before the War, puppet shows were performed at the earthgods' festivals at Sai Kung Market and Pak Tam Chung, and the ta tsiu at Pak Kong and Pak Sha Wan. With the exception of Pak Kong's ta tsiu, which was held once every ten years, these were annual celebrations. See ints. Mr. Kong Hei 21.6.81, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 7.5.81, 9.7.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mr. Lok Tsau On 21.6.81.\n\n\"1 See, for instance, descriptions of the feasts in int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, feast at grave worship in int. Mr. Cheung T'o 15.6.81, at wedding ceremony in int. Mr. Tsang 25.6.81.\n\n52 For general comments see Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mrs. Lau 21.6.81, Mrs. Tse 21.6.81, Mrs. Cheung née Wan 26.6.81, and for samples of these songs, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Ip Wan 2.7.81.\n\n53 C. Fred Blake, \"Death and abuse in marriage laments: the curse of Chinese brides\", Studies in Asian Folklore 37, pp. 13-33 quotes extensively from a text of Hakka songs found in Sai Kung. The Oral History Project has found records of these songs in other villages, but not in Sai Kung itself.\n\n5 Hong Kong Government Administrative Report 1913, p. N 16.\n\n56 From the Hong Kong Government Administrative Report 1922, the Hong Kong Government Administrative Report 1923, and interview reports, schools were found in Sai Kung Market (Sung Chen and two others) and the following villages (names of schools in brackets): Mang Kung Uk (Ts'ung Kong), Pak Tam Chung, Wo Mei, Ho Chung (Tsik Shin), Tseung Kwan O (Lap Tak), Yim Tin Tsai, Tai Po Tsai, Sha Kok Mei (Yuk Yin), Tai Wan (Sui Ying), Tai No, Nam Wai, Pak Kong (Man Shang), Tai Long, Wong Chuk Yeung, Pan Long Wan, Sheung Yeung (Ling Wan), Ta Ho Tun, Pak Ngah, Kau Lau Wan, Kau Sai, Seung Sz Wan (Wai San), Hang Hau (Man Uen), Tseng Lan Shue (Lung T'ang), Tan Ka Wan (Shung Ming), Yung Shu O, Ko Tong, Tai Wan Tau, Wong Mo Ying, Ma Yau Tong, Man Yee Wan, Nam Shan, Che Keng Tuk, Pak Kong Au, Ma Nam Wat, Siu Hang Hau.\n\n56\n\nInts. Mr. Lok Shang 21.5.81, Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Cheung To 29.5.81, Mr. Chan Shau 19.6.81, Mr. Uen Chan Wan 22.6.81, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81.\n\n57 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Kong Hei 21.6.81 went to Sung Chen. Mr. Wong went from Sung Chen to the Roman Catholic School in Wai Chau and then Canton. Mr. Cheng Chung T'ing 21.5.81 went to the Yau Ma Tei Government School, Mr. Uen Chiu Ming 13.2.81 went to the Tai Po Teachers Training School, but did not graduate. The Chans of Ho Chung sent their sons to Nam Tau or Canton; see Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81. Mr. Chau T'in Shang's elder brother was educated in Canton, see int. 3.6.81. See also int. Father George Carusso 20.5.81.\n\n58 Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Tsang Yau 23.6.81, Mrs. Tse née Lau 24.6.81, Mr. Lau Wan Hei 25.6.81, Mrs. Yung née Wan 2.7.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 18.7.81, Mrs. Yau née Tse 22.7.81, Mr. Chan T'aai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "209\n\n22.7.81, Mr. Yau Taai Hin 23.7.81, 8.81, Mr. Lau 24.7.81, Mrs. Yau née Lau 13.8.81, and Hong Kong Government Administrative Report, 1934 p. M101.\n\n5. For the work of the village teacher, see ints. Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, and Mr. Cheng Yung 23.6.81. For naam yam in village, see Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 22.5.81, and Mr. Sung Kw'an 22.6.81.\n\n60 Mr. Chau T'in Shang's father, for instance, owned one of the shipyards in Sai Kung Market, but his mother and his sister-in-law farmed (see int. 3.6.81), and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam entered his father's herbalist's store at eighteen, married at nineteen, and continued to work in the market while his wife farmed in the village at Man Yi Wan (see int. 8.5.81). For shortage of rice see Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Lok Shaang 21.5.81, Mr. Sung 22.6, Mrs. Lau 1.7.81. In the 1920's and 1930's, each load of firewood carried into Kowloon sold for 25 to 40 cents, pigs were sold in Sai Kung at approximately 18 dollars per picul, which was the weight of one pig, and rice for 3 to 4 dollars per picul. It was possible for a family to carry firewood into Kowloon quite a few times every month for about five months per year, and to sell two to three pigs. The cash income would have been 50 to 80 dollars per year, enough to buy 15 to 20 piculs of rice, enough for about five adults for the year. In addition, daily wages were 30 cents, and there was employment in the limekilns and in construction. Money was not short for daily necessities, but for weddings, in which the present to the bride's family alone would have been 200 to 300 dollars, many families would have had to resort to borrowing. See ints. Madam Laai Hung Tai 8.5.81, Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, Mr. Chan Tin Po 12.5.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, Mrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81, Mr. Kong Hei 21.6.81, Mrs. Cheung 24.6.81, Mr. Lau Hing Lung 16.6.81, Mr. Lei 29.6.81, Mr. K'uet Po Shing 2.7.81, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 22.5.81, Mr. Lok Foh Kau 20.6.81, Mrs. Tse 21.6.81, Mr. Tsang 25.6.81. For a descriptive account of village production, see Mr. Cheng Ip 4.5.81.\n\n01 Ints. Mr. Yau Taam Shang 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81, Mr. Hoh Taai 10.6.81, Mr. Cheung T'o 15.6.81, Mr. Hoh Shang 20.6.81, Madam Wan née Lau 21.6.81.\n\n02 Int. Mr. Sung 22.6.81.\n\n03 Yield on good land was 3 piculs of grain per harvest, i.e. 6 piculs per year. In addition to this, there were several piculs of sweet potatoes. On poorer land, e.g. near Mang Kung Uk, it could be as low as 1 to 2 piculs per harvest. Rent was half the produce of grain, and somewhat less if the land was rented from the ancestral trust. See ints. Mr. Sung 22.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mrs. Tse née Lau 24.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81.\n\n04 Madam Yau 10.7.81, and cf. Mrs. Tse 22.6.81.\n\n05\n\n65 Int. Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80.\n\n00 ibid.\n\n07 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80.\n\n08 Mr. Wan Ts'eung 31.11.80, Mr. Cheung Wing 81, Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81.\n\n60\n\n6 Mr. Tse Ming 15.1.81, Mr. Yau Kei 8.7.81, Mr. Shing 20.7.81, Mr. Leung Chiu Man 25.7.81.\n\n70 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Cheng Ip 14.5.81, Mrs. Tsui née Lei 20.5.81, Mr. Hoh King 5.6.81.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209009, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUIRIES\n\n139\n\nFuk Tak Temple **\n\nTai O Market- No information.\n\nThe number of temples found in each area is as follows\n\n1. Mui Wo-2\n\n6. Tsin Yu Wan-1\n\n11. Sha Lo Wan-1\n\n2. Pui O-4\n\n7. Yi O-1\n\n12. Tung Chung 3\n\n3. Tong Fuk-2\n\n8. Tai O-7\n\n13. Tai Pak - 1\n\n4. Shek Pik-3\n\n9. Keung Shan- 1\n\n14. Nim Shue Wan-1\n\n5. Fan Lau-2 10. San Shek Wan-1\n\n15. Chak Lap Kok-1\n\nHong Kong, March 1980\n\nANTHONY K.K. SIU\n\nTHE KOWLOON WALLED CITY\n\nThe Kowloon Walled City was situated to the north of the present Kai Tak Airport. It had been the most important military base in Hong Kong during the later Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1911).\n\nAt the beginning of the Ch'ing period, there was no walled city. In the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1668), there was only a watchpost, called the 6, recorded as having thirty guards. Fourteen years later, in the 21st year of Kang Hsi (1682), the number of guards was reduced to only ten, and the post was turned into the Kowloon guard-station. This Kowloon guard-station, with only ten soldiers, was still in existence up to the 16th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1811)\n\n1\n\nDuring the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1810), the Fat Tong Mun Fort # was evacuated, and a new fort was built on the coast of Kowloon. This was the Kowloon Fort #. Its garrison was forty-eight men, under one pa-tsung and one ngai-wai.\n\nAfter the 22nd year of the Tao Kuang reign (1843), Hong Kong Island was under British rule. In order to strengthen the fortification of Kowloon, a walled city was built in the 27th year of Tao Kuang (1847). This was the Kowloon Walled City\n\n* See JHKBRAS 19 (1979)· 209-210.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209024, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "154\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nnumerous minor grades excel those of other places in their colour, fragrance and taste. Chu Yi-chuen of Sau Shui remarks, \"There is no fixed standard as to which place in Fukien and Kwangtung produces the best quality of lychee, but in my opinion “Kwa Luk” from Kwangtung tops all.\" The three most outstanding selections of \"Kwa Luk” are \"Siu Fa Shan”, “Luk Law Yi” and \"Kau Kei Wan”.\n\nA species named \"Sheung Shu Wai\", literally \"being carried (wai) by the Minister (Sheung Shu)\", originated from a minister Cham Man-kang who brought back a pip of lychee from Windy Pavilion. Most lychees fall into this category. The most valuable lychee tree whose fruit is priced scores of times more than others is the one growing in the West Garden located outside West Gate of the County Seat. In fact, there were other lychee trees which were as good as, or even better than, that tree. Another species called “Crystal Ball\" of Cha Kong is of the same grade as \"Kwa Luk”, and also on the list of the delicious lychees are \"Sai Kok\" (rhino's horn), \"Kwai Mei” (taste of osmanthus), \"Nor Mai Chee\" (like glutinous rice), \"Sung Ka Heung\" (fragrance of Sung Family), \"Chun Fung Yuk” (jade offered to emperor) and Ho Pau (wallet).\n\n(translation by District Office, Tsuen Wan)\n\n3. By chance, I heard recently of the existence of at least one tree of the special type of “Kwa Luk” mentioned in the opening paragraph from the father of a friend. This gentleman, a Hakka from Ng Wah District, served pre-war in the provincial administration of Kwangtung at Canton. He had a friend Mr. Wong Ping-kwan (*A), who was the district magistrate (*) of Tsang Shing at that time (about 1937-38). This official used to send a parcel of this special lychee to his superiors in Canton. The fruit came from trees in the courtyard and gardens of his office in Tsang Shing. It was not for sale, and although my friend said he had heard of some being available on the market in recent times, he was sure they were not the genuine article.\n\nHong Kong.\n\nDecember, 1979.\n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209098, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 1, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "210\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\n71 Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Wan Yau 14.7.81, Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80.\n\n72 Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80.\n\n73 Mr. Lau Shang 24.8.81, Mr. Ng Tso 24.8.81, Mr. Chung Tin Fuk 24.8.81, Mr. Chan Shui Yung 25.8.81.\n\n74 Mr. Kong Cheung 28.8.81, Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81.\n\n75 Mr. Chung Tin Fuk 24.8.81, Mr. Loh Kai Faat 22.8.81.\n\n77 Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 also mentioned Mr. Koo T'in Lam as a key member of the Wai Ch'i Wooi.\n\n78 Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81.\n\nThe composition of the administrative districts may be found in \"Special issue on regulations promulgated by the Governor of the occupied territory of Hong Kong\", Ya-chou shang-pao, supplement (n.d., n.p.) pp. 25-29. A copy is in the holdings of the library of the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. See also Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81.\n\n70 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Uen Chiu Ming 16.1.81, 13.2.81, 7.3.81, Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81.\n\n80 Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80.\n\n81 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shui Yung 25.8.81.\n\n82 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81.\n\n83 ibid.\n\n** It would seem that these three subjects left a stronger impression than disruption to education and the ritual life. Many villagers inter-viewed reported that they stopped going to school when the War broke out. The annual celebration at the T'in Hau Temple in Sai Kung Market stopped until the last year of the War (see int. Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80).\n\n85 Madam Wan 20.7.81.\n\n86 Mr. Uen Chun Wan 22.6.81.\n\n87 Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81.\n\n88 Mr. Chan Uet Shing 24.6.81.\n\n89 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80.\n\n90 Mr. Lau Wan 28.8.81.\n\n91 Mr. Shing Uen On 21.8.81, Mr. Shek Kwong Lin 16.11.80, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Wing 8.1.81.\n\n92 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81.\n\n93 There were also several reports that 1 catty of rice per day in addition to a money wage was given to construction workers. See Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81.\n\n94 Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81, 5.6.81, Mrs. Tsui née Lei 20.5.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81.\n\n95 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.81.\n\n96 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mrs. Uen 18.1.81, 24.1.81, 7.3.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80.\n\n97 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209099, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 2, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "211\n\nElsewhere, \"smuggling\" between Nationalist-held areas and Japanese-held areas was just as prevalent as that conducted across Mirs Bay, and it was not necessarily carried out without the knowledge or consent of the Japanese. See the political context of this particular form of trade discussed in Lloyd E. Eastman, \"Facets of an ambivalent relationship: smuggling, puppets, and atrocities during the War, 1937-1945\", in Akira Iriye ed., The Chinese and the Japanese, Essays in Political and Cultural Interactions (Princeton, 1980).\n\nMr. Shing 10.7.81.\n\n100 Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81.\n\n101 Mr. Ip Wan 2.7.81.\n\n102 Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80.\n\n103 Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81.\n\n104 Other members of the East River Guerrillas included Wong Koon Fong, Kong Shui, and Lo Fung; see ints. Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80, Mr. Chiu Lin Shing 11.5.81, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81. For the background history of the East River Guerrillas see Feng Pai-chu, Tseng Sheng, et. al. Kuang-tung jen-min k'ang-Jih chan-cheng hui-i (Canton, 1951), and \"The general conditions of the liberated areas behind enemy lines in South China (East River and Hainan Island)”, in K’ang-Jih chan-cheng shih-chi chieh-fang-ch'ü kai-k'uang (Peking, 1st ed. 1953, rep. 1981) pp. 123-132. Dr. (later Sir) Lindsay Ride contacted Ts'oi Kwok Leung immediately upon his escape from Hong Kong and after the British Army Aid Group was formed, Ts'oi co-operated with the B.A.A.G. to assist prisoners-of-war escaping from Hong Kong. See Edwin Ride, BAAG, Hong Kong Resistance, 1942-1945 (Hong Kong, 1981).\n\n105 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80.\n\n100 Mr. Hoh Shang 24.6.81, Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81.\n\n107 Mr. Lau 17.7.81, Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80.\n\n108 Mr. Lau Wan Hei 25.6.81, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81.\n\n100 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80, Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81.\n\n110 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80.\n\n111 Mr. Chiu Lin Shing 11.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80.\n\n119 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Yau Koon K'au 27.7.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80.\n\n113 Mr. K.M.A. Barnett 13.2.82, Mr. Wan Yau 14.7.81.\n\n114 Father Lau Wing Yiu 18.5.81.\n\n115 Mr. Chung Poon 13.11.80, Mr. Sham Kin K’eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81.\n\n116 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. See also \"The story of the American pilot Kerr's escape\", in the Wen-hui pao 7.1.80, and Edwin Ride, op. cit. pp. 219-220.\n\n117 Mr. Wan Ts'eung 31.11.80.\n\n118 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81.\n\n110 Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Lau Wan Hei and Mr. Kong Sai P'ing 25.6.81.\n\n120 J. Barrow, \"Annual Report of the D.C.N.T. 1947-48”, p. 2.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "212\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nDates\n\nName (and village)\n\nMr. Chung P'oon\n\n(Wong Chuk Shan)\n\ninterviewed\n\nINTERVIEW RECORD\n\nName (and village)\n\nDates interviewed\n\n13.11.80\n\nMadam Chiu I Mooi\n\n(Chek Keng)\n\n7.5.81, 18.7.81\n\nMr. Chau T'in Shang\n\n13.11.80,\n\nMr. Lau Shaang\n\n8.5.81\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\n18.5.81,\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\n3.6.81,\n\nMr. Yau T'aam Shang\n\n8.5.81,\n\n9.7.81\n\n(Wong Keng Tei)\n\n15.5.81,\n\nMr. Lei Yau\n\n13.11.80,\n\n22.5.81,\n\n(Tso Woh Hang)\n\n28.6.81\n\n26.5.81,\n\n31.7.81\n\nMr. Lee Yun Shau, J.P.\n\n14.11.80\n\n(Man Yee Wan)\n\nMr. Wong Yung Ts'ing\n\n8.5.81,\n\nMr. Tse Kw'an\n\n16.11.80\n\n(Wong Yi Chau)\n\n20.5.81\n\n(Tan Ka Wan)\n\nMadam Laai Hung Tai\n\n8.5.81\n\nMr. Shek Kwong Lin\n\n16.11.80\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\n(Kau Lau Wan)\n\nMr. Lei Shiu Yam\n\n8.5.81\n\nMr. Shek Fuk Fung\n\n16.11.80\n\n(Man Yee Wan)\n\n(Kau Lau Wan)\n\nMr. Lai Foh\n\n8.5.81\n\nMr. Chan Shing\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\n21.11.80\n\n(Tai Long)\n\nMr. Chiu Lin Shing\n\n(Chek Keng)\n\n11.5.81\n\nMr. Cheung Hing\n\n28.11.80\n\n(Tai Long)\n\nMrs. Chiu née Cheung\n\n11.5.81\n\n(presently of Tai Po)\n\nMr. Wan Ts'eung\n\n31.11.80\n\n(Tai Po Tsai)\n\nMr. Lei P'aang Kei\n\n12.5.81,\n\n(Shuen Wan)\n\n19.5.81\n\nMr. Paul Tsui\n\n1.12.80\n\nMr. Chan T'in Po\n\n12.5.81\n\nMr. Wan Yat Ngo\n\n15.1.81\n\n(Ho Chung)\n\nMr. T'ong (headmaster,\n\n12.5.81\n\nYim Tin Tsai)\n\nMr. Tse Ming\n\n15.1.81\n\n(Ho Chung)\n\nMr. Cheng Yip\n\n14.5.81\n\n(Pak Kong)\n\nMr. Uen Chiu Ming\n\n16.1.81,\n\n(Mok Tse Che)\n\n13.2.81,\n\nFr. Lau Wing Yiu\n\n18.5.81\n\n7.3.81\n\nMr. Cheung\n\n19.5.81\n\nMrs. Uen\n\n17.1.81\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\n(Mok Tse Che)\n\nMiss Fung Ping I\n\n19.5.81\n\nMrs. Uen\n\n18.1.81,\n\nMrs. Ts'ui, née Lei\n\n20.5.81\n\n(Mr. Uen Tak\n\n24.1.81,\n\n(Pak Kong)\n\nMing's mother,\n\n7.3.81\n\nMrs. Liu\n\n20.5.81\n\nMok Tse Che)\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\nMadam Yung\n\n18.1.81\n\nMr. Cheng Chung T'ing 21.5.81\n\n(Mok Tse Che)\n\n(Pak Kong)\n\nMadam Chan\n\n22.1.81\n\nMr. Lok Shaang\n\n21.5.81\n\n(Ho Chung)\n\n(Pak Kong)\n\nMadam Lok\n\n22.1.81\n\nMr. Hoh King\n\n27.5.81\n\n(Ho Chung)\n\n(Nam Shan)\n\n5.6.81\n\nMr. Chiu Sz\n\n7.5.81\n\nMr. Chan Tsz K'eung\n\n28.5.81\n\n(Chek Keng)\n\nMadam Yung A Lin\n\n7.5.81\n\n(Chek Keng)\n\n(Sai Kung Market) Mr. Chan Kei Shang (Yim Tin Tsai)\n\n28.5.81", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "213\n\nName (and village) Dates interviewed\n\nMr. Chan P'aang Hing (Ho Chung) 29.5.81\n\nName (and village) Mr. Lok Foh Kau (Pak Kong) Dates interviewed 20.6.81\n\nMr. Cheung T'o (Ho Chung) 29.5.81, 15.6.81\n\nMrs. Lei, née So (Nam Shan) 20.6.81\n\nMr. Chung (Kau Sai) 3.6.81\n\nMr. Hoh Shang (Nam Shan) 20.6.81, 24.6.81\n\nMr. So T'in Loi (Kau Sai) 3.6.81\n\nMr. Lok Kau Kei (Pak Kong) 20.6.81, 26.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Chi Hei (Sha Tsui) 5.6.81 21.7.81\n\nMr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81\n\nMr. Lam Kaap Shau (Tai Po Tsai) (Tai Long) 8.6.81\n\nMr. Wong (Shan Liu) 20.6.81\n\nMr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81\n\nMrs. Lau, (Leung Shuen Wan) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Lok Tsau On\n\nMr. Tse Koon K'au (Pak Kong) (Tan Ka Wan) 9.6.81\n\nMrs. Tse (Pak Kong) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Tse Wing (Sha Kok Mei) 9.6.81, 20.6.81\n\nMrs. Kong Lei San Kiu (Lung Mei) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Hoh Taai (Ko Tong) 10.6.81, 21.6.81, 22.6.81\n\nMr. Lo Koon Mooi (Long Mei) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81\n\nMrs. Wan, née Lau (Sai Kung Market) (Nam Shan) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Ue (Mang Kung Uk) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Kong Hei (Lung Mei) 21.6.81\n\nMrs. Ue (Mang Kung Uk) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Wong (Tam Wat) 22.6.81\n\nMr. Shing Ip On (Mang Kung Uk) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Sung Kw'an (Tit Kim Hang) 22.6.81\n\nMrs. Lau (Ha Yeung, near Seung Sz Wan) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Sung (Tit Kim Hang) 22.6.81\n\nMr. Lau Hing Lung (Pan Long Wan) 16.6.81\n\nMr. Uen Chan Wan (Ta Ho Tun) 22.6.81\n\nMr. Lau (Pan Long Wan) 16.6.81\n\nMr. Sham Kin K'eung (Hung Fa Tsun) 23.6.81, 1.7.81\n\nMr. Leung Yung Hei (Hang Hau) 16.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Yiu T'ing (Pak Kong) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Kau (Pak Kong) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Kan (Wo Liu) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Wong Ts'ing (Nam Shan) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Hui Lam (Cheung Sheung) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Faat (Kak Hang Tun) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Wong (Ko Tong) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Chan Shau (Pak Tam Au) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Cheng Yung (Uk Tau) 23.6.81\n\nMr. To (Ko Tong) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Lau Lui Faat (Pak Kong Au) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Wong Shek (Ha Yeung, near Ko Tong) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Tang (Wong Mo Ying) 23.6.81", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "214\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nDates\n\nDates\n\nName (and village)\n\ninterviewed Name (and village)\n\ninterviewed\n\nMr. Tsang Yau (Tai Mong Tsai) 23.6.81 Mrs. Cheung, née Chan 27.6.81 (Sha Kok Mei)\n\nMadam Tsang, Mr. Liu 27.6.81 23.6.81 Madam Cheung (Cheung Muk Tau) (Wong Mo Ying)\n\nMr. Wong (Sha Ha) 27.6.81 Madam Lau 23.6.81\n\nMrs. Lau Lei Loi T'aai 28.6.81 (Pak Kong Au) (Wong Chuk Wan)\n\nMrs. Loh, née Tsang 23.6.81 Store-keeper 28.6.81 (Tai Mong Tsai) (Wong Chuk Wan)\n\nMadam Cheung 24.6.81 Visit to temple at 28.6.81 (Sha Kok Mei) Wong Chuk Wan\n\nMr. Wong Yung 24.6.81 Mr. Foo Ts'ing's funeral (Tung Sam Kei) 28.6.81\n\nMr. Chan Uet Shing 24.6.81 Mrs. Tsang, née Lei, 28.6.81 (Tsiu Hang)\n\nMrs. Hoh, Mr. Tse, née Lau 24.6.81 née Lei (Tai Tan) (Che Keng Tuk)\n\nMrs. Cheng née Mo 28.6.81 Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81 (To Kwa Ping) (Che Keng Tuk)\n\nMr. Wong Ping Lin 29.6.81 Mr. Hoh (Ha Yeung, 24.6.81 (Tai Wan) near Ko Tong)\n\nMrs. Wong, née Sin 29.6.81. Mr. Wong (Ha Yeung, 24.6.81 (Tai Wan) near Ko Tong)\n\nMr. Lei (Wo Liu) 29.6.81 Mrs. Wai, née Lei 25.6.81 (Sha Kok Mei)\n\nMr. Chung Kam Faat 29.6.81 (Ma Nam Wat)\n\nMr. Tsang 25.6.81 Mr. Wan 29.6.81 (Sha Kok Mei) (Ma Nam Wat)\n\nMr. Tsang Yung 25.6.81 (Sha Kok Mei)\n\nMrs. Hoh, née Lau 29.6.81 (O Tau)\n\nMrs. Siu (Pak Tam) 25.6.81 Mr. Wan Koon Fuk 31.1.81, (Wong Mo Ying) 25.6.81 (Tai Nam Wu) 6.81, 5.8.81\n\nMr. Tang Kei Faat\n\nMr. Lau Wan Hei 25.6.81 Mrs. Lau, née Lei 1.7.81 (Pak Kong Au), (Hei Tsz Wan)\n\nMr. Kong Sai P'ing (Lung Mei)\n\nMrs. Lau 1.7.81 (Hei Tsz Wan)\n\nMr. Cheung Kau 26.6.81 (Ping Tun)\n\nMr. Lei (Wong Chuk Yeung) (1) 1.7.81 Mrs. Cheung née Wan 26.6.81 (Ping Tun)\n\nMr. Lei (Wong Chuk Yeung) (2) 1.7.81\n\nMr. Cheung 26.6.81 (Tai Po Tsai)\n\nMr. Lei 1.7.81 Mr. Lei 26.6.81 (Tsak Yue Wu) (Muk Min Shan)\n\nMr. Lei (Wo Liu) 2.7.81 Madam Keung 26.6.81\n\nMr. Lau Yun Shang 2.7.81 (Muk Min Shan) (Wong Chuk Wan)\n\nMrs. Wai 27.6.81 Mrs. Yung, née Wan 2.7.81 (Sha Kok Mei) (Hoi Ha)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "Dates \n\n215 \n\nName (and village) \n\nDates interviewed \n\nName (and village) \n\ninterviewed \n\nMr. K'uet Po Shing (Nam A) 2.7.81 \n\nMr. Lok (Seung Sz Wan) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Yung (Hoi Ha) 2.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Sheung Yeung) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Ip Wan (Pak Sha O) 2.7.81 \n\nMr. Lok Tak K'ei (Seung Sz Wan) 17.7.81 \n\nVisit to church in Pak Sha O 3.7.81 \n\nMr. Lam (Seung Sz Wan) (2) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau Kei (Tseng Lan Shue) 8.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau Kwong (Ha Yeung near Seung Sz Wan) 20.7.81 \n\nMr. Cheung Loi Yau (Sha Kok Mei) 9.7.81 \n\nMrs. Wan (Mang Kung Uk) 20.7.81 \n\nMr. Shing (Ha Yeung near Seung Sz Wan) 10.7.81 \n\nMr. Shing Uen Wan (Pik Uk) 10.7.81 \n\nMr. Wong Kam Tai (Hang Hau) 20.7.81 \n\nMrs. Yau (Mang Kung Uk) 10.7.81 \n\nMr. Shing (Pik Uk) 20.7.81 \n\nMrs. Yau, née Tse (Tseng Lan Shue) 22.7.81 \n\nMr. Ue Shun Hing (Mang Kung Uk) 10.7.81 \n\nMr. Chan T'aai (Tseung Kwan O) 22.7.81 \n\nMr. Cheng Yung (Uk Tau) 10.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau Yan (Tseng Lan Shue) 22.7.81 \n\nMr. Uen Kwai Naam (Mau Wu Tsai) 14.7.81 \n\nMr. Chung (Yau Yue Wan) 22.7.81 \n\nMr. Tsang Shui On (Ma Yau Tong) 14.7.81 \n\nMr. Chung Wai I (Yau Yue Wan) 22.7.81 \n\nMr. Wan Yau (Wong Chuk Long) 14.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau Taai Hin (Tseng Lan Shue) 23.7.81 \n\nMr. Tsang Wan (Ma Yau Tong) 14.7.81 8.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Po Toi O) 24.7.81 \n\nMrs. Tsang, née Shing (Ma Yau Tong) 14.7.81 \n\nMrs. Chung (Po Toi O) 24.7.81 \n\nMr. Ng (Tseung Kwan O) 15.7.81 \n\nMrs. Sit (Tin Ha Wan) 24.7.81 \n\nMadam Chan (Tseung Kwan O) 15.7.81 \n\nMr. Ip (Tin Ha Wan) 24.7.81 \n\nMr. Leung Chiu Man (Hang Hau) 25.7.81 \n\nMadam Wan (Tai Wan Tau) 16.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau Koon K'au (Tseng Lan Shue) 27.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Tai Wan Tau) (1) 16.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau Tai On (Pak Shek Wo) 27.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Tai Wan Tau) (2) 16.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau (Nam Wai) 28.7.81 \n\nMr. Lam (Seung Sz Wan) (1) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau T'aai Hong (Nam Wai) 28.7.81 \n\nMadam Chan (Mang Kung Uk) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Tai Au Mun) 29.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau K'in Tsun (Ha Yeung) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Siu Hang Hau) 30.7.81", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209215, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "104\n\nCARL T SMITH\n\nto prevent mui tsai from seeing the Secretary for Chinese Affairs.\n\nThe fourteen member committee composed equally of members from the Protection Society and the Anti Mui Tsai Society met with the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, Mr. Hallifax, to formulate suggestions for drafting a Bill for the abolition of the mui tsai system. In June 1922 their report was sent to London with a comment by the Governor that he did not think the suggestions were an altogether satisfactory solution.\n\nThe members of the Committee representing the Anti Mui Tsai Society were:\n\nMr. Joseph Mau-lam Wong (1897 - 1869), compradore of Messrs. A. S. Watson and Co.\n\nMr. Charles Graham Anderson (1889 – 1949), a Eurasian, manager of the International Savings Society of Hong Kong, also newspaper reporter.\n\nNgan Kwan-yu, Government vernacular teacher of the Gap Road School later Head-master, Congregational Church Primary School, Ladder Street.\n\nHung To-fei\n\n―\n\nRev. Wong Oi Tong (1888 – 1941), for forty years pastor of the Rhenish Church, Bonham Road.\n\nDr. T.P. Woo (1878-1941), medical practitioner.\n\nDr. Yeung Shiu-chuen (1878 – 1950), dentist.\n\nAll were members of Protestant Churches.\n\nThe members of the committee representing the Society for the Protection of the Mui Tsai were:\n\nMr. M. K. Lo (later Sir Man-kam Lo) (1893 - 1959), son of a compradore of Jardine, Matheson and Co. and son-in-law of Sir Robert Ho Tung. He was a solicitor.\n\nMr. Tsun-nin Chau (1893 – 1971), son of a shipping and insurance magnate, Chau Shiu-ki. A cousin of Sir Sik-nin Chau. By profession a barrister.\n\nMr. Wong Kwong-tin (1879 - 1936), son of a wealthy Chinese merchant. He was a Supreme Court Interpreter when young, later Manager and Director of Kai Tack Land Investment Co., Manager of China Specie Bank, Manager of Chinese Stock Exchange, etc. A Roman Catholic.\n\nIp Lan-chuen (1865 ...), one of founders of Chinese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "In fact it has almost as many people as Lamma, nine times its size and close to Hong Kong. Its average elevation is about 100 feet, and there are three villages.\n\nMany other islands lie outside the British boundary. Of them I can say practically nothing, as I have never visited them, and there are no large-scale maps of them. They remain a rich field for enquiry and research in every direction.\n\nIn conclusion, I can only hope I have not bored you unduly; if I have, I can only say that having known and visited the islands for twenty years, I find them more interesting every year, and if I have interested some of you, I shall feel this afternoon has not been spent in vain.\n\n9th August 1937\n\nI\n\nNOTES\n\nSee J. Dyer-Ball's Things Chinese or Notes Connected with China fifth edition, revised by E.T.C. Werner (1925), re-issued by OUP, Hong Kong, 1983, pp. 297-8.\n\n* Yuen Chau Tsai, (\"Little Round Island\"), where the residence of the District Officer was is now the home of the Secretary for District Administration. The adjacent anchorage was reclaimed a few years ago.\n\n* Naikwuchau is now called Hei Ling Chau (\"Happy Island\"). This followed its early postwar lease to the Leprosy Mission (Hong Kong Auxiliary) which resulted in the change of name, intended to reflect the \"healing\" nature of the work and the improvement in the patients' lives.\n\n* Now the Rural Committee Offices.\n\n* Tai Ho at present uses for its name characters meaning \"Big Oyster\".\n\n* The yamen is usually now called the Tung Chung Fort, or Tung Chung Walled City.\n\n* At Tei Tong Tsai (\"Little Pits\").\n\n* Ngong Ping (“High Plain\").\n\n* Dedicated to Yeung Hau Wong.\n\n* Tsin Yue Wan at present uses for its name characters meaning \"Fried Fish Bay\".\n\n* Now usually called Fan Lau (\"Divided Streams”).\n\n* This fort is known as Kai Yik Kok Fort (“Chicken's Wing Point\"). On it, please see A.M. da Silva Fan Lau and its Fort, an Historical Perspective, in Vol. 8 (1968) of this Journal pages 82-95.\n\n* Tai Long Wan (\"Big Wave Bay\").", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "112\n\nHaven\".\n\nPui O at present often uses for its name characters meaning \"Shell Harbour\".\n\n1* Yi Long Wan (\"Second Wave Bay\").\n\n1 These villages used to stand just south of Discovery Bay but have since given way to the major housing project of that name.\n\n\" Tai Pak Island is now called Tai Lei (\"Great Profit\").\n\n19 Shau Chau is now called Sha Chau (\"Sand Isle\").\n\n\"Tongkwu is now called Lung Kwu Chau (\"Dragon Drum Island”). \"The Society for the Aid and Rehabilitation of Drug Addicts (SARDA) has had a treatment centre here since about 1960.\n\n31\n\n* Capital of San On District.\n\n** No villages now survive on Hei Ling Chau, which, after the closure of the leprosarium, is now occupied solely by the Correctional Services Department. The remaining villagers were resited to various places on Lantau in 1952-53.\n\n** Chau Kong is now called Sunshine Island (Chau Kung To), after an agricultural rehabilitation programme for refugee families launched there in the 1950s by Mr. Gus Borgeest (of Hong Kong) and others.\n\n\"Kau Yi Tsai is now called Siu Kau Yi Chau, with the same meaning.\n\n**A prewar periodical magazine containing many items of great interest, including Father D.J. Finn's contributions on local archaeology, 1933-36. These were reprinted, edited by Rev. T.F. Ryan S.J., by Ricci Hall, University of Hong Kong, 1958, entitled Archaeological Finds on Lamma Island (M) near Hong Kong.\n\n** Waglan at present uses for its name characters meaning \"Barrier to the Waves\".\n\n#T\n\nRespectively Cheung Shek Pai, Ngan Wu, and Shan Liu.\n\n\" Also known in English as Junk Island. At present the island is known in Chinese only as Fat Tau Chau (\"Buddha's Head Island\").\n\nNam Tong Island is now known as Tung Lung Chau (\"Eastern Dragon Island”).\n\n* This is the Tin Hau Temple (Tai Miu) on Joss House Bay.\n\nAfter partial excavation, it is now listed as an ancient monument under the care of the Urban Services Department.\n\n** Respectively Pak A, Leung Shuen Wan, and Pak Lap.\n\n** These inlets were drowned in the mid 1970s to form the High Island Reservoir.\n\n*Tolo Harbour.\n\nYuen Chau Tsai, see note 2 above.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209890, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "127\n\nthe 18th to 20th days of the 1st moon, the birthday of the earth god. To celebrate the occasion, a Committee of twelve members was formed. One of these was the Chairman (Chung Li), one the Vice-chairman (Hip Li) and the rest were ordinary Committee members (Chik Li). All the Committee members were chosen from among those interested in taking up the post by casting divining blocks before the gods on the altar, as at Ap Lei Chau; thus, as we have seen, in a different way from the nearer Sheung Fung and Tai Ping Shan shrines. The Committee was also responsible for subsidizing the function in case there was a deficit.\n\nThe annual celebrations took place, not at the shrine, but in Hau Wo Street, a few hundred yards away. A temporary metal structure of about 12' X 8' was erected for the purpose of staging a puppet show. Sacrifice was offered and joss papers and candles were burnt. To conclude the ceremony, there was a distribution of gifts, mainly rice and other foodstuffs, to the poor of the district.\n\nAccording to Mr. Chow, local residents were generally very interested in this event. They believed that by celebrating the festival they would be more fortunate and prosperous throughout the whole year.\"4\n\nThe Earth God Shrines at Nam On Fong and Sai Wan Ho, Shau Kei Wan\n\nI turn now to other shrines of this kind at Shau Kei Wan, in the eastern part of Hong Kong Island. Shau Kei Wan has a good harbour and was a fishing port and boat people's anchorage long before 1841. Its land population was given as 1,200 persons in the first Hong Kong census of May 1841. By 1860 it was listed as having 2,561 land dwellers and 4,338 boat people. In the mid 1860s it was said to have had 307 houses and shops, and 603 boats. In the 1871 census it had 2,360 land inhabitants. At the 1911 census the land population had risen to 11,727 and the number of persons on boats was given as 6,440.5\n\nThese figures include not only the town section of Shau Kei Wan, long known as Tung Tai Kai (東大街) or Great East Street, but a number of villages, and stone quarries with their attached", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209898, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "135\n\n14.8.1897, all three Ap Lei Chau residents belonging to the old Luk Hing, Sau Hing, and Fuk Hing Tongs respectively. Their evidence enlarges and confirms the information obtained from the record of the Squatter Board's proceedings.\n\n\"Hayes 1977, pp. 99-101. The Tai O information is more explicit on this point, but the Cheung Chau practice was the same.\n\n** See E.G. Pryor, Housing in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 2nd edition, 1983) pp. 15-17. These new urban districts were very susceptible to contagious disease. It is well to recall Governor Des Voeux's report of 1889 in which, describing the City of Victoria, he wrote: \"Going ashore our visitor would see in the Chinese quarters houses, constructed after a pattern peculiar to China, of almost equally solid materials, but packed so closely together and thronged so densely as to be in this respect probably without parallel in the world.. It is believed that over 100,000 people live within a certain district of the City of Victoria not exceeding 1⁄2 square mile in area. It is known that 1,600 people live in the space of a single acre.\" (Sessional Papers 1889, pp. 303-304).\n\n15\n\n** Victoria had seven officially-approved sub-districts in 1857, as listed and described in the Hong Kong Government Gazette for 9 May 1857, GN No. 69. They included \"No. 1, or SEI-YING-POON — From the small village westward, called Cowee-wan, to the end of Circular Buildings, including all the houses on Bonham Strand, west of No. 1 Police Boat Station. The historical development of this area is given by Revd. Carl T. Smith's note at pp. 211-218 of JHKBRAS 14(1974) in \"Programme Notes for Visits to Older Parts of Hong Kong Island (Urban Areas....)\n\nSee also Chapter 3, Sheung Wan, of Frank Leeming's Street Studies in Hong Kong (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1977) pp. 45-66.\n\n24\n\nSheung Fung Lane itself is situated between Second and Third Streets in that section bounded by Centre Street to the East and Western Street to the West.\n\n** An account of pao wui at the Tam Kung festival in Shau Kei Wan from a Secretariat for Chinese Affairs' file of 1958 is typical: \"There were about 15 Kaifong elders in the Tam Kung temple who were enrolling pao wui (K), there were about 18 pao wu's from the sea and about 10 from the land. The wul's who brought their own roast-pigs with them had to pay \"oil money\" and \"worshipping fees\" from $10 to $30 to the elders before entering the temple. It is learned that the worshippers have no objection to pay these fees. In addition the temple keeper also charged $5 or $10 for each roast-pig brought into the temple plus $5 to $10 \"oil money\".\n\n20 A recent account of the proceedings at Sheung Fung Lane is given in the article \"Everyone's festival\" in The Asia Magazine issued weekly by Asia Magazines Ltd., Hong Kong, Vol. 21, Number V7, 4th January 1981, pp. 3-6.\n\n3-6. For a very well illustrated account of a similar old neighbourhood in Singapore, and its community festivals, see \"Singapore's Vanishing Chinatown\" by Joan Ogden in The Asia Magazine 25th July 1976.\n\n* \"No. 3, or TAI-PING-SHAN From the end of Hollywood Road near Circular Buildings, to Gough Street steps, including all the houses on the south side of the Queen's Road between these two points.\" See the plan opposite p. 124 of Marjorie Topley (ed) Some Traditional Chinese Ideas and Conceptions in Hong Kong Social Life Today (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch 1967). This was drawn in 1882 (ibid, pp. 123-124).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209899, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "136\n\nSources on population are given in Marjorie Topley and James Hayes, \"Notes on Temples and Shrines of Tai Ping Shan Street Area\" in Topley (ed), op cit, pp. 123-141, at p. 124.\n\n20 Topley, op cit, p. 139.\n\nThese and other details are given in Topley, op cit, pp. 123-125 and 136-139.\n\n* See note 5 above. Whilst the Kung sor is still in existence a school building (R) on the other side of the temple has been pulled down. See the photograph p. 72, 58 in the Urban Council's 1982 publication, The Hong Kong Album.\n\nFor a historical account of this area see Revd. Carl T. Smith's note on \"The Five Terraces\" with Li Po Lung Path, in \"Programme Notes for Visits to Older Parts of Hong Kong Island (Urban Areas),\" in JHKBRAS 14(1974) pp. 197-199.\n\n+\n\n+\n\nThere is a possible confusion here. If the three powers of nature are intended it would be, without A. If truly 三聖公 it could refer to Yao, Shun and Yû or Yü, Chou Kung and Confucius (W.F. Mayers, The Chinese Reader's Manual, (Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1874) pp. 301-302.)\n\nI am grateful to liaison staff of the City District Office, Western, who obtained the information on this shrine for me in 1974.\n\nThe 1841 estimate comes from the first Hong Kong census of May 1841. The remaining figures, taken from later census returns and other sources, can conveniently be found in Hayes 1983, p. 253 note 21.\n\n10 Tung Tai Kai and its eastern adjunct Ah Kung Ngam together had four temples. There were large Tin Hau and Tam Kung temples in the Street. To its front, built on rocks in the sea and therefore known as the Hoi Sum Temple (or temple in the sea), was another smaller, older Tin Hau temple which for long has been completely hemmed in by squatter boats. On the east was the fourth of these temples, dedicated to Yuk Kung (Jade King). Tablets and other dated material inside the temples, together with other information, show that they date as far back as the 1860s, 1905, the 1890s and the 1840s respectively, at the least. See my note \"Visit to Old Shau Kei Wan --- 24th May 1969\" in JHKBRAS 10(1970), pp. 183-88.\n\n* Sessional Papers 1901, No. 39/1901, p. 18, Table XII. Like most of the Shau Kei Wan villages, the residents were mainly stonecutters. For the quarries see JHKBRAS 10(1970) p. 186 in the Note cited above (note 36).\n\n* Information from Mr. Walter Schofield, Hong Kong Civil Service 1911-38.\n\n* Sessional Papers 1901, No. 39/1901, p. 18, Table XII.\n\n* See Endacott's History of Hong Kong. p. 293 and Edward Szczepanik The Economic Growth of Hong Kong (London, Oxford University Press, 1958) p. 114.\n\nIt will be obvious that this article could not have been written without the assistance of many people. I gratefully acknowledge their assistance here. I also wish to thank Dr. Patrick Hase, editor of this Journal, for much encouragement and good advice in its presentation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210168, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "118 \n\nJAMES HAYES \n\ninterior; and it is considered a profitable trade, because stone blocks are constantly in demand, and will always fetch a good price in proportion as buildings are in course of erection.\" \n\nThe clearest evidence of this trade in granite blocks comes from the Hoi Sam Temple in Shau Kei Wan. This temple was built in 1845, the year before Gutzlaff's report, and the tablet in the temple stresses that the construction was a community effort extending over some time. The tablet records 232 donors whose names can still be read, of whom no less than 48 were identified as quarries (E) who donated about 28% of the total sum raised. Of the 14 most generous donors to the temple construction project 5 were identified as quarries, with 6 out of the next 14, and 5 out of the next 17. Collinson's survey of 1843-45 shows the coast pock-marked with quarries all the way from Quarry Bay through Quarry Point (both so named by Collinson), to Ah Kung Nam, with each group of quarries with a few houses for the quarry workers and a landing place for boats. Some of the quarries contributing to the Hoi Sam Temple project may have been from the Kowloon side of the bay, where there were numerous quarries in the Kwun Tong area, but most undoubtedly came from the Shau Kei Wan area. 30 quarries donated to the restoration of the Hau Wong temple in Kowloon City in 1822, of which only 4 also donated in 1845, strongly suggesting this.\" There can be no doubt that quarrying was the dominant economic activity of the whole north-east coast of Hong Kong. The importance of long-distance trade in the blocks is, perhaps, shown in the eagerness of the quarry operators to contribute generously to the construction of a temple to the seaman's goddess. \n\nIn the same report, Gutzlaff speaks of the fish trade: \n\n\"The fisheries carried on from Aberdeen and Stanley are in a flourishing condition, and consequently, also the trade in salt fish, which the mass of the people use generally for seasoning their rice. How many smacks belong to these places has never been ascertained; but at New Year, when they make up the accounts with their partners and owners, the harbours are full of them.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210177, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "127\n\npractices dating back to the complainants childhood and before suggests that the Tanka were using the Tai Tam Tuk anchorage from at least the very beginning of the nineteenth century.\n\nI turn now to the important question of how far back was Hong Kong occupied? This is practically an impossible question to answer for lack of sufficient information. As in many other places, like Tsuen Wan and north-west Kowloon, the present old, local, formerly tenant families appear mainly to have come into the area after the Great Evacuation of the Coast ordered by the Kanghsi emperor, 1662-69, and many of them not until the eighteenth century or even after. Yet it is an interesting fact that the maps in a later 16th century geographical work on Kwangtung, the Yueh ta-chi(A) contain names that are familiar to us today, on Hong Kong island as well as on the other islands and mainland of the Hong Kong region. Thus we find Chek Chu (Stanley), Tai Tam, Wong Nei Chung, Tit Hang, Chun Hoi and Shau Kei Wan, as well as Hong Kong itself, implying surely, that these places were settled at that time or were at least resorted to periodically. Also, the Tang correspondence from the 1840s quoted above specifically refers to recultivation of their land in various places in the late seventeenth century — though not necessarily by the former tenant farmers after revocation of the edict of 1662 referred to above. We also learn that the Tang land on Hong Kong island was entered in the Tung Kwun district land registry, suggesting that the registration might well be earlier than 1573, at which date the San On district was carved out of Tung Kwun and established as a separate county.\n\n71\n\nThe island was certainly well-established in settled communities long before 1841. The temples alone give proof of that. To this day, two existing temples at Stanley, and two at Aberdeen (one at the former village and one on an islet now joined by reclamation to Ap Lei Chau) and the Tin Hau Temple at Tin Hau Temple Road, Causeway Bay (formerly called Hung Heung Lo or \"Crimson Incense Burner\") contain items that go back to the eighteenth or very early nineteenth century. There were others now demolished or resited that probably predated 1841. Details are given in the Table below.\n\n72", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210178, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "128\n\nTemple\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTemples on Hong Kong Island in 1841\n\n1. Tin Hau, Stanley\n\nObjects dated before 1841 Comments\n\nBell, 1768, Honour Board 1820, Couplet 1820\n\n2. Pak Tai, Stanley\n\nCloud Gong, 1803\n\n3. Tin Hau, Aberdeen\n\nBell, 1727\n\n4. Hung Shing, Apleichau\n\nBell, 1774\n\n5. Tin Hau, Tunglowan\n\nBell, 1727\n\n6. Sam Shing Kung, Stanley\n\nnone\n\n7. Tin Hau, Shek O\n\nnone\n\n8. Hung Shing, Sai Wan\n\nnone\n\n9. Pak Tai, Wong Nei Chung\n\nnone\n\n10. Hoi Sam (Tin Hau), Shau Kei Wan\n\nnone\n\nComments\n\n1. This temple (destroyed in the War) is not shown on Collinson's survey, which specifically marks the other two Stanley temples as \"Josshouse”. The site, however, is of fung shui significance, guarding the left-hand entrance to the harbour as the Pak Tai temple guards the right-hand entrance. It was probably in existence in 1841, perhaps, however, only as a small shrine rather than a full-scale temple.\n\n2. Nothing is known of this temple earlier than 1891 when an honour board was hung there. That board does not seem to record the building of the temple, but a providential escape from storm (the board reads \"The Sea Shall not Raise Waves\"). A building is shown on the approximate site of the temple on Collinson's survey.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210179, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "129\n\n3. E.J. Eitel (Europe in China, (Hong Kong 1895) p 190) states that this temple was built “75 to 100 years\" before 1841. However, a detailed large-scale survey of the Wanchai area of 1843 shows no building on the site, although the temple building is shown on maps from 1846. The temple site is adjacent to the tiny village of Wanchai, shown on the 1843 map but removed in 1845. The villagers received new lots in compensation for the village, and it seems entirely likely that the present temple was built in 1845-46 on one of these compensation lots (personal comment from Rev. Carl J. Smith). Probably, before 1845, there was a small shrine at the foot of the fung shui rock against which the temple now stands rather than a full-scale temple; this is suggested also by Eitel's referring to the temple as Taiwongkung (Earthgod shrine) rather than by its present title of Hung Shing Temple, suggesting a lowly origin.\n\n4. This temple was demolished late in the nineteenth century, and rebuilt at its present Ventris Road site in 1901. There seems to have been a delay between the demolition and reconstruction (see Temple Directory, unpub., Temple Section, Home Affairs Dept. H.K. Government 1980, p.30) and no datable items from the old temple were transferred to the new temple. The temple is shown on maps from the 1860s, but it is not clear if it is shown on Collinson's survey. It was probably built before 1841.\n\n5. This temple was founded in 1845, but the tablet recording this mentions a previous “altar” (19) on the site. The other Shau Kei Wan temples are all later (To Ti, 1877; Tin Hau, 1872; Tam Kung, 1905), although the Tam Kung Temple was also preceded by a simple shrine on or near the site.\n\nThe governance of the Hong Kong community was in the hands of the Hsin-an magistrate from his yamen at Nam Tau on Deep Bay just outside the present Sino-British boundary. He had assistant magistrates at several places in the district. The officer responsible for the good order of the Hong Kong villages was located at Kwun Fu Shih (17). This sub-magistracy had\n\nPage 150\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210183, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "133\n\nthe Chik-sze were the larger and more prosperous commercial enterprises: three of the four Stanley shops whose scope of business and general prosperity were such that they felt inspired to donate to the restoration of the Hau Wong temple in Kowloon City in 1822 were included among the 1820 Chik-sze. These four Stanley shops were the only Hong Kong donors to this restoration.1 This kaifong continued to flourish: in 1847 it built, or rebuilt, an office for itself, a building which it still today used as the office of the local Kaifong.2\n\n85\n\nAt Shau Kei Wan, the evidence for the existence of a kaifong is equally compelling. The foundation of the Hoi Sam Temple in 1845 is presented as a community action on the foundation tablet, which states\n\n\"Therefore, the matter was discussed and a general agreement reached: everyone was happy to lend a hand to make a success of it. One man raised the suggestion, and it was unanimously acclaimed by the whole mass of the devout people.\"\n\nMoreover, the donors to the foundation are grouped into three groups: Managers (four in number) (3), \"Ritual Leaders\" (4), and \"Devout People\" (5). The mention of “Managers” makes it clear that, here again a management committee is in place, which, equally clearly, represents the community. As we have seen, quarry operators dominated the donors for the Hoi Sam temple, but there were other commercial groups there, too—only sixteen other commercial enterprises are identified as such, but others probably lie behind some of the 170 non-commercial donors listed. The management committee was here, too, therefore, probably dominated by the quarrymen, shopkeepers and other commercial men. This kaifong remained dominant in Shau Kei Wan affairs up to the last War, and it was the kaifong which founded the other Shau Kei Wan temples later in the nineteenth century.6 The Stanley Kaifong still retains control of the Stanley temples, but the Shau Kei Wan Kaifong lost control of the temples it had founded in 1928, when the Chinese Temples Ordinance was passed.\n\n87\n\nThere is no evidence for early kaifong groups in Aberdeen, but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210232, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "182\n\nTHE STRUCTURE AND OPERATION\n\nOF KEI WAI (#)\n\nY.H. CHEUNGa, K.Y. TAIb, S.W. TSAOc, AND L.B. THROWERc*\n\nThe kei wai () is essentially a device for exploiting the nutrient-rich waters of an estuary. As they exist in the region of Mai Po (N.W. New Territories) kei wais consist of ponds about 1 metre deep and some 10 hectares in area. Each kei wai is separated from the adjacent Deep Bay (Hau Hoi Wan) by an embankment or bund, but communicates with it through a sluice gate. Seawater is allowed to enter on the high tide, carrying with it the fry and larvae of potential produce (fish, shrimps, crabs), and the gate is then closed to prevent outflow of water. Individual kei wais are also separated from one another by bunds. There is an obvious similarity in managing the kei wais to that used to control the exchange of water in commercial shrimp ponds in Hong Kong, namely the opening and closing of the gates as the tidal level changes. However, an important characteristic of kei wais is that no artificial fertilizer or food is added to the water.\n\nThis paper consists of two parts: I which describes the actual mode of operation of the kei wai and may be of interest to the general reader, and II which reports an investigation into factors affecting productivity of the kei wai.\n\nPART I OPERATION OF THE KEI WAI\n\nSituation and Form\n\nThe present Mai Po marshes are the latest stage in the deposition of alluvium. Thus, a zonation exists from dry land to the waters of Deep Bay: (i) old alluvium which usually is or has been cultivated, (ii) the general area of marsh, part of which has been excavated into deep fish ponds, (iii) the seaward region of the\n\na Pollution Research Unit, U.M.L.S.T., United Kingdom.\nb Department of Anatomy, The Chinese University of Hong Kong.\nc Department of Biology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n* See Plates 7-14", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "187\n\nfinancial return.\n\nUsing costs and prices as at November, 1978, the following results are obtained:\n\nIncome\n\nShrimps $HK41,700\n\nCrabs 4,500\n\nFreshwater fish 25,250\n\nMarine fish 24,750\n\nTotal income 96,200\n\n(NB. Because of concern over population by heavy metals, oysters from the region of Hau Hoi Wan were almost unsaleable at this time).\n\nExpenses\n\nRent (per annum) $HK11,000\n\nFish harvests 600\n\nIce 90\n\nTransportation 1,800\n\nOther, including fuel 300\n\nTotal expenses 13,790\n\nGross profit $82,410\n\nAt this time the exchange rate was HK$4.80 = US$1, and the Hang Seng Consumer Price Index for December 1978 was 126 for all items, and 122 for foodstuffs; the baseline of 100 referred to July 1973 to June 1974 (Anon, 1979).\n\nThus, operation of a single kei wai yielded a gross income of about $6,800 per month which appeared to be a satisfactory income. However, our year of study was likely to show an unusually high income because it was the last year of the current 7-year lease whereas returns related to the current period. We were informed that the rental would be raised to about $31,000, which would make operation of the kei wai a much less rewarding occupation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210241, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "191\n\ncalculating basal metabolic rate:\n\nWhere M\n\nResults\n\nwww\n\nlog M = log 74.3 + 0.744 log W±0.074\n\nheat production in kcal day−1\n\nW = body weight in kg.\n\na) Environmental Conditions and Primary Productivity\n\nValues for environmental parameters and primary productivity (phytoplankton and simple periphyton), measured in terms of chlorophyll, are given in Table 1. Although minimum air temperature reached 5.5° in January 1979, the lowest recorded water temperature was 14.6°. In April 1978 the salinity of the water was about 50% of that of sea water (30%), but fell to a low level during the wet season. The highest values were recorded during the last four months, due probably to a combination of low rainfall and the entry of comparatively large amounts of sea water. The pH approximated to that of seawater (8.0-8.3) for much of the period but became slightly acidic in late July, August and September. Dissolved oxygen in the surface water was high throughout the experimental period and should always have been sufficient for all but the most demanding animals. Moreover, at the comparatively low salinity, the nitrate content might well have been quite high (Fogg, 1980).\n\nIn comparison with the water of Hau Hoi Wan as measured off Tsim Bei Tsui by Vrijmoed (1975), pH and dissolved oxygen were slightly higher in the kei wai, but salinity was about the same level and showed a similar seasonal fluctuation.\n\nThe most obvious element of primary production was the red alga Ceramium sp., of which 14,000-17,500 kg. (mean: 15,750 kg.) is harvested per annum. Growth is particularly prolific between the first and fifth lunar months and it is certain that some part of the total production of Ceramium would be consumed by herbivores.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210249, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "199\n\nf) Effect of Birds on Productivity\n\nOf the animals listed in trophic level IV, only the wild birds could influence the quantity of economically valuable produce becoming available. Birds have been seen fishing in the kei wai and, on several occasions, startled birds have dropped fish of economic size. Estimates were made for the amount of produce removed by 8 species of birds that have been observed in the kei wais, and the results are given in Table 6.\n\n \n Species\n Body wt. (kg.)\n Population size\n Period of occurrence (months)\n Annual Metabolic equivalent\n Daily rate/bird (kcal day-1)\n Population intake per bird (kcal year-1)\n Population intake (kcal)\n \n \n Yellow bittern\n 0.15\n 150\n 7.5\n 18.11\n 90.57\n 2,479,278\n \n \n Little green heron\n 0.185\n 50\n 2.5\n 21.17\n 105.86\n 969,980\n \n \n Grey heron\n 1.500\n 175\n 7.3\n 100.46\n 502.31\n 13,384,019\n \n \n Purple heron\n 0.900\n 20\n \n 69.70\n 343.49\n 752,245\n \n \n White-breasted waterhen\n 0.500\n 150\n 12\n 44.36\n 221.82\n 12,144,423\n \n \n Moorhen\n 0.400\n 75\n 12\n 37.58\n 187.88\n 5,143,342\n \n \n Spotted redshank\n 0.145\n 150\n 6\n 17.66\n 88.31\n 2,417,527\n \n \n Greenshank\n 0.180\n 20\n 7\n 20.74\n 103.72\n 454,314\n \n\nThus, the estimated energy intake by wild birds is approximately 3.77 × 107 kcal. per year. This can be converted to body weight of fish taken by using a value for energy per biomass; in the absence of reliable results for local fish we used a figure of 129 kcal per 100 gm of fish, which is the mean of values for herring, collared herring, haddock, sole and tuna. The corresponding biomass of fish taken by birds at Mai Po is therefore 30,800 kg. per year.\n\nThe total area of kei wai No. 7 is about 0.6% of the total area around Hau Hoi Wan (estimated at 16.7 km2) within which the birds might take fish; proportional removal of fish from kei wai No. 7 would be about 18.9 kg. of fishes per annum, which amounts to some 4.5% of the annual produce. This estimate takes no account of the fact that the birds' diets may include significant quantities of worms, amphipods and insects, and must therefore be considered as a maximum figure. Obviously the birds do not compete significantly with man for economic produce.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210250, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "200 Y.H. CHEUNG, K.Y. TAI, S.W. TSAO AND L.B. THROWER\n\nDiscussion\n\nArguably, the traditional kei wai has two attractive economic features. The first is that it provides a method for controlled exploitation of recently-deposited alluvium. Probably, rearing of fish is the most feasible procedure for exploiting such sites and the construction of a kei wai requires much less equipment and labour than digging deep fish ponds. The second feature of the kei wai is that it facilitates exploitation of the nutrient-rich waters of an estuary to produce animal protein in a variety of forms.\n\nAn estuary has been defined as “an area in which sea water is appreciably diluted by fresh water from rivers” (Stewart, 1972). Therefore sources of energy and nutrients produced in terrestrial communities are carried by the rivers to the estuary, where tidal movement assists recycling of nutrients from consumer back to producer. This characteristic structure and function of an estuary has led to it being called a “nutrient trap” (Odum, E.P., 1971). The importance of supplements of energy and nutrients moving to the estuary from terrestrial communities has been shown clearly by Odum W.E. (1971) and Odum & Heald (1975) for a system in southern Florida. There an estuary is receiving material from an extensive mangrove community, and measurements showed that material to be more important as a basis for economic productivity than was photo-synthesis.\n\nIn considering the productivity of the waters of Hau Hoi Wan, it is relevant that Vrijmoed (1975) found that the weight of fouling organisms (invertebrate animals) accumulating on blocks of pine wood submerged for several months in Hau Hoi Wan was the greatest among the five sites she investigated within Hong Kong's coastal waters; this result reflects the high nutrient content of the water.\n\nThe inherently nutrient-rich water of the estuary is then impounded in the kei wai where it is further supplemented with nutrients and energy by the plant material that enters it. Microorganisms play an important part in fragmenting the plant material and converting much of the structural carbohydrates to protein. Consequently, the higher trophic levels have available material", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 296, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "275\n\nA large clump of such \"public\" trees (HAB) exists, for instance, on the north-east slope of Kowloon Peak.\n\n10 See, however, section 2 of this Note. The late Mr. T. S. Woo, MBE (formerly of the Agriculture and Fisheries Department and the Kadoorie Agricultural Aid Association) stated that local “Hill Tea” was once dealt in by Gibb, Livingston, but that this later died away, probably as a consequence of the great growth in Indian and Ceylonese tea exports in the late nineteenth century (Note by K. C. Iu).\n\nPlate 39.\n\n12 Elsewhere in this journal, D. Faure in \"Notes on the History of Tsuen Wan\" mentions tea growing on Tsing Yi and at Chuen Lung in the earlier part of this century.\n\n11 Section 3 of this Note discusses this \"tea\" more fully.\n\n14\n\nPlate 40.\n\n15\n\nSessional Papers 1907, p. 221.\n\n16 \"A Notice of the Sanon District\" reprinted JHKRRAS, Vol. 7, 1967, p. 122.\n\n17 The Mau Tso Ngam Village Representative, Mr. Cheng Kau-hung, has also spoken to me (PHH) about herb collection. He stressed that knowledge of herb collection was kept as a secret and handed down from father to son, the father going to remote spots on the hillside to point out herbs to his son where prying eyes could not see what was done. Only some of the Mau Tso Ngam village families knew how to collect herbs, and this information was kept even more carefully from villagers from other villages. The prepared herbs were sold to shops in Kowloon City, a few cents being paid before the War for a well-prepared catty of the less frequently found herbs. The herbs were usually not those found in the Standard Pharmacoepia but \"Mountain Drugs\" (山藥), representing local folk remedies. Sellers of “Mountain Drugs\" can still be found in the New Territories Market towns. Mr. Cheng stressed the difference between medicinal herbs the identification and preparation of which was kept secret, and those herbs usable as food in famines, which it was the duty of the elders to ensure every villager could recognise, and know how to prepare, in case the need ever arose (Note PHH).\n\nDr. Chong Siu-cheung, with a group of local herbalists, has prepared a 5 volume book in English and Chinese “Chinese Medicinal Herbs of Hong Kong\" (Commercial Press, Hong Kong, 1978-84) describing and discussing the uses of about 1,100 species of plant with medicinal properties found in Hong Kong. This book, however, does not cover the place collection or preparation played in the village society or economy (Note KCI).\n\nPlate 41.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210489, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "77\n\nsuitable small-sized marine diesel engines. The first two of these appeared in Hong Kong late in 1950. In 1951 they were installed in purse-seiners belonging to Chan Lo of Aberdeen and Chung Fuk Hei of Kau Sai.\n\nTheir installation had some drawbacks. They were noisy, smelly engines which made a few people seasick at first, and they took up a great deal of room. In such cramped quarters the loss of storage and floor space entailed by taking over the largest hold amidships for the engine was a serious matter. Even worse, or at least more resented, was the cluttering up caused by the set of life belts that had to be carried now that the junks came under the Regulations for motorised craft. But these were small matters. Engines soon began to pay for themselves many times over and when it became possible to build houses ashore problems of storage space ceased to be a worry. Even from the very beginning, however, the price paid in discomfort (and even money) was seen to be worthwhile in terms of one completely over-riding good - safety.\n\nThis is a point that should be stressed. These South Chinese fishermen live and work on one of the most uncertain and dangerous of the world's seas. Brought up near the coast in England myself, and familiar with the traditional skills in weather forecasting of local fishermen there and their quiet confidence, I was at first surprised at the apparent ignorance of the Kau Sai Boat People and inclined to feel contemptuous of the unabashed apprehension with which they greeted what appeared to me to be even slightly rising winds. What I did not realise was that the weather in these waters is indeed largely unpredictable from local manifestations alone, and that, particularly in the typhoon season, the dangers are very real and can strike with astonishing speed. The objective situation is simply not comparable with that on the North Devon seaboard, and that is sometimes dangerous enough. Moreover, the Appledore boats of my childhood did not house whole families with women and children, most of whom could not swim, and all the family belongings, nor were they even in the 'thirties, when I had known them, dependent completely upon sail. Kau Sai junk masters had every justification for their caution. Mechanisation,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210497, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "85\n\nlater (1965 or 1966), the two brothers decided to work their boats separately, using the new method. The twenty years between 1950 and 1970 saw a number of other changes in the crews of the Shek family's boats as family members died, married or were born, and hired men came and went. Even the boats themselves were different in 1970, two new ones having been built in 1952 and 1965-66 respectively (the old ones being sold off second-hand each time). Nevertheless, a strong sense of continuity existed in the group, and the family was still undivided in 1970.\n\nThe seven brothers Chung exemplified another type (or stage) of family collaboration. Their father, who had moved ashore sometime in the early 'forties, taking his youngest son with him to help run the village shop he had bought, died shortly before the end of the Japanese occupation. Six brothers remained at sea, five of them masters of purse-seiners on which they lived with their wives and children. The sixth left home, took a job on an ocean-going steamer, and kept his two wives and children ashore in a cubicle in a Shaukiwan tenement house. In 1952 he returned to Kau Sai, and although I was told that he had anticipated his share of the family property and that there was therefore no binding obligation upon the other brothers to take him in, he was in fact installed with one wife and a child in the second of the pair of purse-seiners controlled by Chung Fuk Hap, the third eldest brother. Here he acted as \"master\", but received a hired man's wages and not an owner's half share in the profits. The other four brothers paired up in twos, Chung Fuk Hei with Chung Fuk Woh, Chung Fuk Yih with Chung Fuk Tung. For several years, the 7 brothers continued to operate a fishing business that was based upon general joint ownership of the boats and gear and the shop. The regular proceeds of each pair's fishing operations were normally shared only between the two members of that pair and not among all the brothers, but each knew that he could rely upon the others (and their shopkeeper brother) for assistance with any necessary large-scale expenditure, extra labour, small loans, etc.\n\nAlready by 1953, the four elder brothers had married sons with children living and working with them on their junks: by 1960 all were in this situation. But by 1960, too, a number of increasingly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "98\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\ningly and quite quickly into almost as complete a retirement as his own eighty-year-old father. For the next six or seven years he continued to live on board the second junk of the pair and take part in fishing operations, but everybody now called Cheung Hei si lau even though his father and grandfather were both still alive. He was 34.\n\nLo Shing Chui took over command of his family's pair of purse-seiners at an even earlier age. His father, Lo Kwai Fat, amiable but not very intelligent and, like Ma Tai Tak who retired when his son was barely 20, unhappy in contacts with the outside world, was only too pleased to withdraw as soon as possible. His younger brother Kwai Ch'ing, still in his thirties, still lived and worked in the same firm, undivided, and it might have been expected that (as in another Kau Sai pair at the same period) he would take over the mastership. So indeed he might, had he not been of such subnormal intelligence that he was obviously incapable. In cases of real incapacity, I was told, mere seniority is always overridden.\n\nrather less regular\n\nOne final case will illustrate another situation. In 1953 the two brothers Shek Hung Toh and Shek Hei Toh (they denied any relationship with the other Shek family just described) were running a pair of purse-seiners together. The elder, Hung Toh, aged 35, was si tau of the firm; the younger, Hei Toh, 29, master of the second junk. Their father had recently died, and their mother, aged 51, lived on Hei Toh's boat. Also living with them, on Hung Toh's boat, was their deceased father's elder brother, Shek Lin Hei, aged 63. This man had no managerial status. He was, like Lo Kwai Ch'ing above, simply another member of the crew, but unlike Kwai Ch'ing he was in no way incapacitated except, a little, by his age. On enquiry, I was told that Lin Hei and his now deceased brother had formally divided their family some ten or so years before, during the Japanese occupation (when poverty forced a number of divisions that might not otherwise have taken place). Unlike his brother, who had prospered, Lin Hei had suffered a run of very bad luck culminating in an accident in which his wife and all his children were drowned. After this, his brother had invited him to come and live on his boat, although, the family being divided there", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210511, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "99\n\nwas no jural obligation to support him, and he had lived there ever since. After division he was, of course, no more eligible for mastership on his nephews' junks than any other non-family member. There were several other cases of charity towards relatives both men and women. Some received the wages of hired men, some did not.\n\nThe Participation of Women\n\nNo Kau Sai fishing boat had a woman master. From time to time one heard of such a phenomenon elsewhere, but although most passenger sampans in the Boat Peoples' major centres and not a few lighters in the harbour were owned and managed by women it was exceedingly rare to find them in charge of sea-going or fishing vessels.\n\nStrictly patrilineal patterns of inheritance coupled with the out-marriage of daughters, who were thereupon cut off from all further claim upon their natal families, made the emergence of female heirs intrinsically unlikely. On the rare occasions when a daughter did inherit or a widow administer (fishing) boat property the practical demands of a fishing business, both at sea and ashore, made it difficult for any but the most unusually strong-minded woman even to attempt to run it herself, let alone succeed. One day in the 'fifties men's gossip on the sea wall at Kau Sai turned to this subject. One man remarked that he had heard there was a woman master on a fishing boat based somewhere to the westward. Several others had heard of her too, but Chung Fuk Hei said he had met her. He shook his head in mixed admiration and disapproval: \"Ho gan-iu, gogo nuiyan\", he added, \"really formidable”.\n\nThis does not mean, of course, that women play no part in fishing. On the contrary, because it is normal for these Chinese fishing junks to house whole families it follows that nearly all of them have women on board. This is such an unusual state of affairs that it requires a small digression. Much more commonly the literature on fishing communities explains that women are magically dangerous creatures whose mere presence on, or even near, any fishing boat is bound to bring bad luck. It would", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210517, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "105 \n\nhands on board. The total number was 31, of whom 5 were women. The returns I have for 1970 list no paid employees at all.\n\nAs might be expected, most hired hands were young, 25 of the 31 being under 30 years of age, and only 3 over 40. Interestingly enough 2 of these 3 were females, both of them women with sons also employed on the same boats. The other 3 women were wives of hired men.\n\nOnly 13 fokis were genealogically related to their employers, 8 being affines, 4 agnates and 1 a matrilateral kinsman. About half-a-dozen were described to me as sons of well-known neighbours. For the rest I have no information. Recruitment, which took place at Chinese New Year and around the Dragon Boat Festival (the 5th day of the 5th lunar month) was normally through the local \"grapevine\", or, much less commonly, by written advertisement posted at one or other of the shops in Shaukiwan or Sai Kung which specialised in this kind of thing. Applicants answered the advertisements by approaching the shopkeepers who, already known to the prospective employers, then acted as “introducers\" (gaay siew yan, introduce man recommended). At New Year 1952 Chung Fuk Hei recruited two new fokis in this way, one of his previous employees having left to join a more congenial boat family in Kau Sai, the other (a poor relation) having been sacked for laziness (and gluttony: Fuk Hei was continually grumbling about the number of bowls of rice his employees managed to put away in a day).\n\nHired men received full board and lodging on the boats on which they worked, and a money wage which in most cases worked out at about 4% of the value of the catch. Women received board and lodging, too, and a sum of about $H.K.15 a month. On some boats the 4% share was paid at irregular intervals as money came in and convenience dictated; on others, more regularly. Usually payments were handed over about once a week or twice a month. The share was always calculated on the gross total takings before the deduction of any other expenses. It was several times explained to me that it would not be fair (mm gung doe, lit: not right reach, or mm gung ping, lit: not right level) for fokis to have to share in the expenses. Thus while", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210519, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "107\n\nnot been living at the time in Fuk Shun's house. My informants were the man's sister and her daughter (i.e. the offending Fuk Hap's sister-in-law and niece, sister and niece also to the foki concerned). My notes continue as follows:\n\nI said, later, wouldn't the unfairly treated one walk out? Mrs. FS and DM said No, neither he nor the others knew there was a differentiation when the money was actually given out. Now none dares speak out, but the undercurrent of dissatisfaction is very strong. Reason for not speaking out? Ones who get more fear they may get less: one who gets less fears others may also get less and blame him. Both fear being sworn out (naau, or laau, to scold, revile).\n\nThere were no other sanctions than gossip, and, of course, a refusal to continue the engagement beyond the next New Year or Dragon Boat festival.\n\nOn engagement many hired men asked for advances on their wages. Some obtained as much as two or three hundred dollars or even more in this way, and as a result received relatively little on pay days until the debt was paid off. There was no generally accepted way of doing this, arrangements for subtracting (kau: deduct) so much on each occasion being made individually by each foki with his employer. Fokis were notoriously hard up, but they tended also to be flamboyant spenders when they did have money. At Chinese New Year in particular, when, like almost all other paid workers in Hong Kong, they enjoyed double pay and several days holiday, they spent lavishly on clothes, hair styling, watches and fountain pens, girls, cinemas, theatres and gambling. Leung Shui Hei, one of Chung Fuk Her's fokis whose wages are described above came back from a spending spree in Kowloon on the eve of Chinese New Year 1953 and settled down to 3½ days' hard gambling in the course of which he lost everything he had bought and was left with the clothes he stood up in. He immediately asked for a new advance from his employer.\n\nThe same Leung Shui Hei was an interesting case in many ways. Aged about 28 in 1953 he was strong, good looking,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210521, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "109\n\nOne of these couples had their baby daughter aged 2 and the man's widowed mother with them as well. They and one other of the 3 married couples employed in this way (also on the same boat) were affinally related to the boat's master. The third pair of married employees, on another boat, was not so related.\n\nAlthough it was unusual to find boat dwellers, even fokis, who had originated on the land like Leung Shui Hei, his history was by no means unique. My notes contain a number of other similar cases from other centres of the Boat People, and a large number of cases also of adoption from land with water families. This whole topic, crucial, obviously, to an understanding of the actual relationship between the Boat People and the Chinese population on land, is discussed at greater length below, and elsewhere (Ward 1965, and forthcoming). The more usual backgrounds from which the Kau Sai fokis came were two. First, there were the younger sons of fishermen whose business was not of a kind or scale to require the employment of a complete extended family crew. All the Kau Sai small long-liners were cases in point, as were most of the other small liners, hand-liners, trappers, gill-netters and so on of the inshore waters all around Hong Kong. Such families were not necessarily impoverished, though many were not far from the subsistence level and some were very poor indeed. A small long-liner could, however, run a prosperous business without needing to expand his crew. In such cases, the fact that a younger son or brother was doing a spell of work as a foki did not necessarily imply that he or his family were poverty stricken: he could be simply an absentee member of a successful working unit whose organisers found it more profitable to have him earning a wage outside than being underemployed at home. Secondly, of course, fokis did also come from the ranks of the unsuccessful of all kinds, and not only from boats with small crews, but also from purse-seiners and sometimes trawlers and others whose business in prosperity not only required more workers than even the largest extended families could provide but could also support them all. Fishing being a chancy business and the South China Sea treacherous, sudden reverses of fortune were always possible, and there were not a few stories of the one time junks' masters who had had to pay off their fokis, sell their junks, dismiss their sons with their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210522, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "110\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nfamilies to find employment elsewhere, put their own wives and children on sampans and hire themselves out as employees to their erstwhile peers. It is a pity that my records do not allow me to distinguish clearly between these two major categories of foki: those whose natal families had merely, as it were, loaned them out, and those who had had to turn to paid employment or starve. Among the former must be included youths like Chung Fuk Woh's son who deliberately ran away from home but nevertheless remained (albeit somewhat grudgingly) a recognised member of his natal family; among the latter, men like Leung Shui Hei alone in the world (whether accidentally or deliberately), and no longer linked into any kind of ongoing group of kinsmen. The elderly bachelor Ma Fung Shan, described below, was in a kind of intermediate position: originally a younger son put out to work on someone else's boat, he was by 1953 the sole surviving member of his father's family of procreation, split off by formal division more than twenty years before from the extended family group which his father's father's sons had at one time formed together. Ma Fung Shan had many local kinsmen, but no family to belong to. Unique in Kau Sai, there were many like him elsewhere.\n\nAs long as their natal families remained undivided and they themselves remained recognised members, fokis were expected not only to support themselves but also to send or take back remittances. A number of the younger fokis in Kau Sai did just that, returning home from time to time (particularly at Chinese New Year or the Dragon Boat Festival, but also on other holidays and sometimes during slack periods in the fishing seasons) with contributions to their natal families' funds, on which, of course, they still also had a claim. Such a young man was relatively well-off, in that even if he did not usually look forward to re-entering his natal family crew as a working member (and even this was not impossible when, as occasionally happened, business expanded or re-expanded and a larger crew was needed after all) he was still a member and could hope to be provided both with a bride and a share in the family's property when it was divided.\n\nIt is true that only 6 of the 26 male fokis in Kau Sai in 1953", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210523, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "111\n\nwere currently married, but 16 were under 30 years of age and can be assumed to have been still marriageable. Of the family circumstances of 4 of these I unfortunately have no information. Five were recorded as being fatherless. Only the 7 whose fathers were still alive as heads of undivided families could have had a reasonable expectation of matrimony. I have already mentioned Ma Fung Shan, the foki who was still a bachelor at 43 and expected to remain so. Three of his agnatic first cousins were Kau Sai residents, but family division had taken place some twenty or more years previously and none had any responsibility for him, though most admitted to a moral obligation to offer him employment. The fatherless unmarried men and those for whom I have no information, if not like Leung Shui Hei entirely cut off from all their kinsmen, were likely in due course to find themselves in much the same situation as Ma Fung Shan.\n\nOccasionally an employer might be willing to put up the bridewealth for a good foki whom he wanted to keep. Chung Fuk Hei was said to have done this in the mid-forties, just after the Japanese occupation, when he had recently decided to work his own boat separately from his brothers' and while his one son was still too young to be fully a crew member. But the moral of the tale of this act of generosity, which I was told more than once, was always the same; namely, one should never put one's trust in strangers, especially if they are hired men. Within a year of his marriage the favoured foki went off with his bride to one of the bigger fishing centres where he got a better paid job for himself and a sampan with which to run a water-taxi service for her. Fuk Hei was an irascible man, as most informants were willing to agree, and by no means an easy master to work for; moreover, he paid low wages. Nevertheless the foki's behaviour was universally condemned, and Fuk Hei derided for a fool. What else could be expected from a mere hired man?\n\nExcept among the fokis themselves attitudes of this kind were universal. Fokis were considered untrustworthy, lazy, usually incompetent, cheeky, unreliable, greedy, extravagant. Few employers, or even their sons who worked side by side with them, knew much about their hired men. Several times, on asking the name of a particular individual I was answered, with a disinter-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210524, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "112\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nested shrug: “Oh, he's just one of the fokis”. The surnames of those not related to local or locally known people were usually not known. Rationalised, the above believed-in characteristics were explained as the inevitable concomitants of having no stake in the family's business. Fokis took no risks and had no responsibilities, it would therefore be unrealistic to expect them to act responsibly. Above all, they were an expense. If only one had enough sons one need not employ outsiders. Fuk Hei's almost daily mutterings about his lazy fokis were balanced by his frank delight in the birth of his grandsons and unconcealed impatience with the very existence of his granddaughters. In this he was only more extreme and more outspoken than his neighbours. There was no disagreement. Sadly, he did not live to see the foki-less Kau Sai of the late 'sixties.\n\nFundamentally, these views reflected sound common sense economically and domestically. As we shall see in Chapter 8 purse-seine families with enough able-bodied members not to have to employ fokis did in fact make a better profit, and even in Kau Sai there was at least one example of a fisherman having to go out of business altogether because he could not meet his expenses. If only he had had enough sons, he said, this would not have happened. At the domestic level there were other hazards. The only scandal in Kau Sai for many years occurred during the last months of my stay in 1953. The hitherto barren wife of the harmless but sub-normal and allegedly impotent brother of [name withheld] was found to be pregnant. After fifteen years of marriage this was odd, to say the least. Imagination boggles at the practical difficulties in such small, crowded boats but the guilty parties confessed to having committed adultery in the presence of the unsuspecting husband. Perhaps fortunately, the [surname withheld] family have not needed to employ another foki since then.\n\n \n The official census of China in 1953 did not enumerate the Boat People as a separate group.\n \n \n 2 Ref: to Chan's and Ho En's books et al.\n \n \n [Ch'en Hsü-ching, Tan-min ti yen-chiu (Shanghai, 1946), and, probably, Ho Ke-en, \"The Tanka or boat people in South China,\" F.S. Drake, ed. Proceedings of the Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on Southern China, South-east Asia and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1967), pp. 120-123.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210527, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "115\n\ndifferences between liners and seiners can be expressed in the following diagram, which contrasts their basically different patterns of daily movement (blue and red solid lines) and annual (festival) movement (broken lines) with their basically similar territoriality (solid black line).” Unfortunately, the diagram was never prepared.\n\n33 Readers interested in Chinese junks from the marine architect's point of view are recommended to the several beautiful studies by Worcester listed in the Bibliography below. See also Stanley S.S. Yuan Fishing Junks, a paper presented to the Engineering Society of Hong Kong, Vol. IX, No. 2, January 1956, pp. 41-78 (and 78a-y), and Needham (1971) [Possibly G.R.G. Worcester, The Floating Population in China, an Illustrated Record of the Junkmen and Their Boats on Sea and River (Hong Kong reprint, 1970) and Joseph Needham, Science and Civilization in China (Cambridge, 1954-)].\n\n34 Reference to Needham (and Yuan op. cit., p.53). [See n.33].\n\n35 Yuan: ibid.\n\n36 Ref. Worcester and Needham et al. [See n.33].\n\n37\n\n[A diagram showing the layout of the holds and deck space was to be provided at this point].\n\n38 [Not found in manuscript.]\n\n39 [A note was planned at this point but not written.]\n\n39 [Chapter 6?]\n\n40 [An unfinished paragraph follows: \"In 1970 I asked my friends in Kau Sai to make another count at the time of the festival, and to indicate which members of which boat families were now living ashore. The results, received by post, were as follows:\")\n\n41 [Term marked in manuscript, probably to be replaced in subsequent revision.]\n\n42 [Not included in manuscript.]\n\n43 [Manuscript includes this line in parentheses: \"(etc. see annual report on this and include details).\"]\n\n44 [See p. 112.]\n\n45 [Not included in manuscript.]\n\n46 Particularly in Chapter 9 below. For economic aspects see also Chapter 8. [Unfortunately, neither chapter appears in the manuscript.]\n\n47 Indeed, the boat itself and all the persons aboard were always (and solely) identified by reference to the master's (personal) name. Thus one heard of Wing Toh's boat, Fuk Hei's employee, Fung Shang's wife, Shing Chui's son, etc, etc.\n\n48 Other terms used, usually more formally and in written contexts were shuen cheung (lit: boat exalted, boat leader) and shuen chu (lit: boat lord). Each of these also translates fairly well as \"boat's master\". (Cp. also uk cheung, uk chue (house leader, house lord, i.e. head of household); ghaah cheung (family leader, mandarin: chia chang); tsuen cheung (village leader) etc.\n\n49 [Not found in The Census Report of 1961, K.M.A. Barnett, a long-time member of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, was then Commissioner of Census.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210749, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "83\n\nthe right direction. At that time the Shek O men worked as seamen and their farm land was idle. The newcomers did vegetable gardening and fishing, renting farm land from Shek O people. To explain why the locals accepted the newcomers, Mr. Lau said that the local population was only some 300 at that time. The newcomers had built their houses on Crown land, which Mr. Lau said was ba-wong-dei, i.e. land which was claimed by the exertion of physical presence in force.\n\nBesides the predominately Western residents of the “villas”, there were newcomers from the cities too. One woman who started a brief conversation with me when preparing among others the final offerings to the ghosts told me that her husband who worked in an accounting firm moved to Shek O some 20 years ago in his forties because he liked the place. Among the newcomers was also a Tanka family.\n\nShek O has a temple for Tin Hau, who was the main god of the jiu celebration. According to Professor Tanaka Issei, the oldest dated object found in the temple was a bin-ngaak inscription dated the eighteenth year of Gwong-seui (1893).* Immediately to the left of the Tin Hau temple is a Residents' Association which organized an annual celebration in honour of Tin Hau. Third in the row of houses is the Man San Sports Association. I remember that the primary school is also named Man San, and at one of the shops or tea-houses near the bus stop, there was a poster announcing the results of football matches organized by the Man San Sports Association.\n\nAccording to Mr. Wong, the Shek O Residents Association takes care of local public affairs, relaying messages from the Hong Kong Government. It liaises with the South District Office and the Chai Wan district police headquarters. I saw a poster inviting entries for a South District Festival competition, with \"forms available from the Shek O Association” added in handwriting. The officers of the association also organize the annual opera performances in honour of Tin Hau. Mr. Lau saw the association as essentially a development of the village office (heung-gung-so) of pre-War times. The association has almost 2,000 members, although some of the Shek O residents do not join. Mr. Lau could", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210756, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "90\n\nCHAN WING HOI\n\nDaai Si Wong and Baak Mou Seung, an altar for the dead to receive blessings, an altar for Tin Hau and local earth gods, paper images of Yuk Wong and his underlings, and the festival office. Except for the dead, the spirits noted on the altars were the usual ones found in jiu festivals. Among Tin Hau and her companions were gods of Shek O itself. The Daai Si Wong, a deity related to the underworld like the Baak Mou Seung, had the important role of overseeing the ghosts which came for the offerings.\n\nOn one of the altars, there were 105 spirit tablets of ancestors to whom offerings were to be made. Mr. Lau, the restaurant owner I talked to, did not think this a new feature of the festival. But he associated the spirit tablets with the Chiu Chau and Hoklo newcomers. Those immigrants had left their ancestors at their native places. Because it was not easy to return to these places to sacrifice to them, it was necessary to entertain and make offering to the ancestors through the festival. The indigenous villagers had no need to set up the spirit tablets of their ancestors there. They worshipped their ancestors at home where they had set up their altars. Whatever the validity of the reasoning, what Mr. Lau said suggested that very few of the locals had put up spirit tablets for their deceased relatives in the ritual. More than half of these tablets bore only the characters hin-hau or hin-bei, indicating they represented only either the father or the mother. I think this indicates that the other parent was living, and this must mean that these tablets were set up for the recently deceased rather than ancestors of old. In the case of many jiu festivals in single surname settlements, the spirit tablets of the common ancestors were included on one of the festival altars. Here the ancestors were parents of people who had paid for the privilege of leaving the tablets there.\n\nIn a broader sense the ritual site should also include the other areas delimited by flag posts (faan-gon). There were four of those posts at Shek O, marking out the north, south, east and west corners, I was told. In addition, there were two each at Tai Long Wan and Hok Tsui. We learned from the New Territories that faan-gon posts were indications set up for wandering ghosts to inform them they might enjoy offerings at the jiu. However, responding to my question about the faan-gon posts, a local woman replied that the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210766, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "100\n\nCHAN WING HOI\n\nNOTES\n\nBesides \"three-day jius\", there are more elaborate “five day jiu” celebrations in the New Territories.\n\nThe annual ritual takes place typically in Chiu Chau, Wai Chau and Hoklo settlements to make offerings to uncared-for dead spirits.\n\n1 The oldest dated object in the Tin Hau Temple, which housed the main god of the festival, was about one hundred years old. I shall refer to this again later.\n\n6\n\nThere could have been more than one \"chairman\".\n\nProbably part of the golf club, or otherwise a similar establishment.\n\nTanaka Issei 田仲一成, Chugoku saishi engeki kenkyū 中国祭祀演劇研究 (Tokyo: Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo 1981) p. 891.\n\n7 The Fuk-Wai-Chiu immigrants had their own gods and their operas in the Tin Hau festival. According to Tanaka, eleven or twelve gods other than Tin Hau were sacrificed to (op. cit., pp. 891-3). One of them, the Daai Wong Paak Gung of Naam Bin Chyn, is attributed by Tanaka to the Hoklo residents. Tanaka also points out that the Fuk-Wai-Chiu members of the organizing committee were alone responsible for a special part of the festival, that is, the performance of Wai Chau and Chiu Chau operas.\n\n8 Piu-sik are usually carried on frames at a height far above that of the audience in a parade. Because of the rain during the procession this time they stood in a lorry instead.\n\nAbout half of the gods sacrificed to in the Tin Hau Festival, including the Fuk-Wai-Chiu deity mentioned above, were not found among the spirit tablets in the jiu festival.\n\n10 \"Picking green\". In this case the two lions competed in capturing a bank note hanging near the entrance to the house.\n\nGlossary\n\nChoi Paak Lai 蔡伯勵\n\nchoi-cheng 採靑\n\nDai Wong (Ye) 大王(爺)\n\nba-wong-dei 霸王地\n\nChiu Chau 潮洲\n\nbaai-chaam 拜懺\n\nBaak Mou Seung 白無常\n\nBaak-gung 伯公\n\nBak Dai 北帝\n\nBao'an 寶安\n\nbui 杯\n\nbin-ngaak 匾額\n\nChai Wan 柴灣\n\nChan Wa 陳華\n\nCheung Chau 長洲\n\nDaai Si (Wong) 大士(王)\n\ndaai-gat 大吉\n\ndiu-lau 碉樓\n\nDongguan 東莞\n\nfa-laam 花籃\n\nfa-paai 花牌\n\nFaaigou jeungdaai ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210767, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "faan-gon \n\ngan-jy \n\n跟佳 \n\ngou-hing \n\ngung-so \n\n公所 \n\nGwong-seui \n\n光緒 \n\nhaang-chiu \n\n行朝 \n\nhaang-heung \n\n行否 \n\nHakka \n\n我家 \n\nhin-bei \n\n纈妣 \n\nhin-hau \n\nHoi Luk Fung \n\n海陸豐 \n\nFuk-Wai-Chiu 高惠潮 \n\nmou-fan pei-chi \n\n冇分彼此 \n\nNaam Tau \n\n南頭 \n\nNaam Bin Chyn \n\n南便村 \n\nping-on \n\n平安 \n\nPiu-sik \n\n飄色 \n\npo-yat \n\n破日 \n\nPunti \n\n本地 \n\nQing \n\n淸 \n\nse-su \n\n教書 \n\nseun-si \n\n信: \n\nSeung Wai \n\n上圍 \n\nseung-yuk \n\n上肉 \n\n101 \n\nHok Tsui \n\n健咀 \n\nShaukiwan \n\n筲箕灣 \n\nHoklo \n\n仙佬 \n\nShek O Saan Jai \n\n石澳山仔 \n\nhou-wan \n\n好運 \n\nShek O \n\n石澳 \n\njam-mong \n\n浸润 \n\njang-paang \n\n繪櫥 \n\nJeng Gwok Man \n\n會國民 \n\nTai O \n\n大澳 \n\njing-chyn \n\n正村 \n\nJiu \n\n邱 \n\nM \n\n媽 \n\njung-lei \n\n總理 \n\nKam Tin \n\n錦田 \n\nlaam-bong \n\n攬榜 \n\nlaam-yuk \n\n腩肉 \n\nLaan Lai Wan \n\n斕坭滟 \n\nLam \n\n林 \n\nLau \n\n劉 \n\nLau Sing Jai \n\n對勝任 \n\nlei-si \n\n理事 \n\nLeung \n\n梁 \n\nLeung Yi Hoi \n\n梁值海 \n\nLeung Nung \n\n梁龍(?) \n\nMa-leung \n\n馬料 \n\nMan \n\n文 \n\nSiu-yau \n\n小幽 \n\nTai Tam Tuk \n\n大潭篤 \n\nTai Long Wan \n\n大浪灣 \n\ntai-ye \n\n睇嘢 \n\nTanka \n\n蛋家 \n\nTin Hau \n\n天后 \n\nWai Chau \n\n惠州 \n\nWong Man Gwong \n\n黃文光 \n\nWong \n\n黃 \n\nWong Chuk Hang \n\n黃竹坑 \n\nYat Gin Fa Choi \n\n一見發財 \n\nYau Ho Sam \n\n邱河深 \n\nYing-shing \n\n迎聖 \n\nyn-sau \n\n縁首 \n\nYu Laan \n\n盂蘭 \n\nYuk Wong \n\n玉皇 \n\nYu Laan \n\n媽娘 \n\nZheng Cheng \n\n增城 \n\n: \n\n:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211076, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "112\n\nA HOKLO WEDDING\n\nVALERY M. GARRETT\n\nDuring one of our many visits to Sha Tau Kok with Roger, my Hoklo-speaking assistant, to seek out traditional Chinese clothing for the Hong Kong Museum of History, we learned that a wedding would take place on Tuesday, 24th May 1988, for one of the families living in the squatter area of Yim Liu Ha. This is a district within Sha Tau Kok populated by approximately 3,000 Hoklo people who were due to be transferred to new blocks of rural housing during the latter part of 1988 onwards.\n\nWe were advised to arrive early, and so at 9:30 am on the appointed day we made our way through the village. It was easy to spot the home of the bridegroom, a hundred yards down one of the narrow streets, for around the doorway was draped a narrow length of red cotton, while in the centre, hanging from the lintel, was a freshly cut leg of pork. This was the home of Mr. Lee Sau Choy (李壽財), aged 29, who lived with his parents, three younger brothers, and two younger sisters. His parents were former boat people who had come ashore and settled in Yim Liu Ha some thirty years ago, although his father had continued to go to sea until fairly recently. Mr. Lee worked in Fanling as a fireman, and it was near there, at Kwan Tei, that his bride lived, Miss Lai Miu Han (黎妙嫻), aged 27 and a locally born Cantonese.\n\nThe marriage had already been registered in Tai Po, and the question of dowry settled. This had been in two parts: the first was a sum of money paid directly to the bride's family of several thousand dollars; the second part consisted of some gifts of gold jewellery given to the bride which, combined with the bride's family's gift of jewellery, would be brought back to the bridegroom's home that morning.\n\nInside the house, on both the left and facing right wall, was hung a blanket known as hei-pei (喜被). Upon each blanket was stitched a cut-out double-happiness character in silver paper, with dragon and phoenix painted on it. Above the character on the blanket on the left-hand wall were stitched two rows of four $500 notes, while", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211078, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "114\n\nTie. The best man held a black umbrella over the groom, draped with a strip of red cotton: although it was not raining, bad spirits may have been about and it is common Chinese tradition to protect those about to be married from harm befalling them.\n\nThe procession reached the temple of Ma Jo (#), the Hoklo name for Tin Hau. This is the main temple in Yim Liu Ha. The women redoubled their rowing efforts and the Chilin cavorted and stretched as the groom and best man went in. After making obeisance to the god, they came out, bowed and lit incense at the little shrine opposite the temple, all the while to the deafening accompaniment of gongs and cymbals.\n\nFirecrackers were set off and after a further brief visit to the temple, the procession continued on its way to the shrine of the earth god, To Dei Gung (±‡A) at the beginning of the village. Two of the rowers were now carrying small branches of kumquat leaves with which they flailed the air. The Chilin pounced and postured, incense was burned as a sign of respect, and the god offered food from a basket of carefully arranged chickens and other tasty morsels. The bridegroom and best man bowed to the god, more firecrackers were set off, and the procession reformed to return to the house, taking with it the basket of food.\n\nThe proceedings so far had taken about an hour, and all felt entitled to a rest. Then at 11:30 am, the procession resumed as the bridegroom prepared to leave the village to collect his bride from Kwan Tei. This time he was carrying a bouquet of artificial pink roses to give to the bride. The women rowers had increased in number: the drummer at the front now wearing a funny hat, while of the eight in the middle, two pairs were wearing aprons while two pairs were not. These were followed by the woman representing the tail of the dragon, and then by a \"fortunate\" woman whose parents were both living and who had several children. She was carrying a round rattan sieve with pomelo leaves, cypress leaves, and two pieces of ginger root, traditional emblems of marriage, long life, and fertility. After this came the Chilin, the band, and the groom and best man with the umbrella.\n\nThey stopped briefly outside the temple and the earth god to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211246, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 307, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "282\n\nkon ɔk. Before the tram service was opened in 1904, her family members used to walk there to buy goods, going also to the shops in the Western District of the Island. (She called it by its old name of Ham Yue Lan, or \"Salted Fish Dealers”). Before the trams, it was common for little wooden carts pulled by men (and probably women also) to carry goods along the north shore of the Island.\n\nThe Shau Kei Wan shops catered mostly for boat people, owing to the large number of craft using the anchorage. They included both local and visiting craft. The old lady's purchases were largely of fishing supplies. She particularly recalled buying the traditional dye stuff called shue leung. This was used for dyeing nets, and she remembered the large wooden vats set up beside the shore that were used to immerse the hempen nets in order to restore their strength.\n\nShue leung was also used for dyeing cloth, she said. At this point her son and daughter interposed, saying that their mother had been very competent at making clothes and had made all the family's garments for a long time, after first dyeing the cloth purchased from the shops.\n\nIn response to questions about the local temples, and her visits there, she said that when young and through her life, she had gone regularly once a year to the Tin Hau Temple at Causeway Bay during the annual festival, adding that there was a Kuan Yin or Goddess of Mercy image there as well. She did not seem much interested in the other temples of the adjacent areas, but did mention that she kept the traditional observances at the little shrine on board the family boat on the 2nd and 16th days of each lunar month (tso-nga #4).\n\nUnfortunately, I paid only the one visit.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nADDENDUM: For a detailed account of Tanka fishermen in a permanent local anchorage, see Section I, “Chinese Fishermen:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211382, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "74\n\nTang family had the right of building shops there, and a stone with an inscription to that effect, was put up in the temple of T'in Hau Kung(g) which can still be seen in old Tai Po market.\n\nWhen the Man family lost their case a wealthy friend called a big meeting of the elders of the seven districts round about Taai Haang (林村), Fan Ling(K), Lam Ts'un(#1), Yip Woh(), Sheung Wan(), Ting Kok(TM) and Cheung Shue Tan(). At his suggestion, and financed by him, they built a new market where the present market now stands. It was called Taai Woh Shei (utmost friendship market)(★Fifi) and was officially opened on the twenty-third day of the 6th month of the twentieth year of Kwong Sui, A.D. 1894. All the trade at once went to the new market and the old one gradually fell into disuse and can now be seen as a very poor and derelict village.\n\nNote. 1. The district of Sun On was formed in the sixth year of Lung Hing() A.D. 1572 of Ming dynasty. Fourteen years later the **History of Sun On District** was written by Yau Tai Kin the district magistrate. It was revised for the first time in the eighth year of Sung Ching(), but this edition was not published until eight years later when a third magistrate Chau Hei Yiu(2) added slightly to it. A second edition was published in the eleventh year of Hong Hei(E) A.D. 1672 of Ts'ing dynasty, a third appeared sixteen years later, and the present edition was published in A.D. 1819.\n\nNote. 2. The second character(W) is read yeuk in Cantonese but in the New Territories dialect it is read as Kwat.\n\n#\n\nNote. 3. Lam Fung is \"Limahong\" (= Lim a hong, not Li ma hong) whose name is already mentioned in the history of the Philippine Islands. It is also translated as in some Japanese books, and Limahong or Lin Ah Hong in some of the European books.\n\n=\n\nLam Fung\n\nLimahong was a native of Raoping district(ATM) In the 10th month of the 2nd year of Lung Hing(), A.D. 1568 of Ming dynasty, he took sixty-two battleships with 2,000 sea-soldiers, 1,500 women, and a large store of food and ammunition to attack the Philippines. He was defeated and his fleet dispersed by the soldiers of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211485, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "177\n\nof the most tragic periods of my life. The students were bright and eager to learn. They were tolerant of my inadequate command of Chinese and were helpful in teaching me a more refined use of the language. Among them was Sally Sun, the adopted daughter of Sun Yat-sen. She followed me to Honolulu and lived with us while she attended the University of Hawaii until she left after her freshman year for Pomona College. To this day I am in touch with many of my former students.\n\nI was glad for the opportunity to meet many relatives, some for the second time, and to know them better. I felt welcomed in the homes of First Paternal Uncle and Cousin Toby. The former lived in a traditional compound on the bank of a small river in the Lai Chee Wan district\n\nin Canton, an area where the elite of the old regime resided. He also maintained a home on Kennedy Road, in Wanchai, Hong Kong, a sturdy building of British design. About once a month, on pay day, I would invite Bertha Young, Sarah Mao, and Miriam Simpson, teachers at True Light, to spend a weekend at Uncle's Kennedy Road home. This gave us a chance to savour foreign food, perhaps to see an American film, or to attend a tea-dance at the Hong Kong Hotel.\n\nCousin Toby and his wife Louise lived in the Tung Shan I section of Canton where many westernized Chinese congregated. Staying with them on occasions was a pleasant change. Sometimes I would go with them to the Euro-American Club for a night of dancing.\n\nBecause my salary was only 120 Mex. dollars a month (about 20 U.S. dollars), I could not see as much of China as I would have liked. I was able to visit Father's birthplace and our Chan relatives a second time, and to pay respects to the graves of my grandparents and great grandparents during the Ching Ming Festival. I also paid a short visit to the home of my maternal grandmother in Shekki where we had lived in 1919, and to the new home of Aunt Pong nearby. In the summer of 1934, with Bertha Pang, Tiu Kei and Suk Kei Chan, and Ethel Au, I set out to see Peking by rail from Shanghai. I found Peking a charming old city and was thrilled to visit the Great Wall and the Imperial City and other attractions, so rich in history. People here seemed more refined, more cultivated; even the salesmen were very polite. On the way back, we stopped at several well-known places. We met and were joined at times by Daniel Yee, William Leong, Deborah Kau and Elizabeth Ching.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "13\n\n153\n\nPP.\n\n12 The inscription recording the rebuilding is at Faure, Luk and Ng, op. cit. Vol. I, 128-129, but it is unreadable through weathering, except for the heading and date.\n\n(4). Loe An-lim (羅安廉) (42), Qianren Wenxian (千人文献), ÑÍAL. [Collected Writings of Men of Past Ages], unpublished manuscript collection, Vol. 2, ff. 75a. (Copy in library of Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Kowloon Central Library, Hong Kong). Lee An-lim was a villager of Sheung Wo Hang.\n\n(3) Lee An-lim, Qianren Wenxian, op. cit. ff 73-78.\n\n+\n\nAs honour board recording the donors to the 1920 repair has recently been found. It lists the donors by village. Every village in Ta Kwu Ling donated (except Ping Che, Chuk Yuen, Nga Yiu Ha, very probably included with their lineage brethren in Tong Fong, Law Fong, Ping Yeung), as did the villages close to the road both in the Sha Tau Kok area (Shan Tsui, Yim Tso Ha, Yim Tin, Wo Hang, Nam Chung, Luk Keng, Wu Shek Kok and Sha Tau Kok Market) and in the Sham Tsun area (Sham Tsun Market, Lo Wu, and Wong Pui Ling). Shek Wu Hui from further away also donated. See Win Wen Wei Pao (SCHEW) of 17 September, 1991.\n\nU¿÷\n\n16 Detail from the tablets commemorating the departed leaders of the monastery, and from information given by the recently deceased resident nun. The tablet of Kuk Shan Kit reads: 羅浮山寶積古寺監裤正宗第上三代主持上谷下山潔老和尚莲座. The tablet Kuk Shan Kit placed to commemorate his deceased predecessors names the \"ordained monks\" HIBA · MAZA\n\n+\n\nJ\n\n# and Ki£*, all of whom were dead by the date of erection\n\n+\n\n1\n\nof the tablet, and ✯, at that date still alive, as well as predecessors as rulers of this monastery\" ALLKILMINER and \"those monks who founded this monastery\", A WILDFORIKA BAIMM-\n\nL\n\n17 See P.H. Hase, “Notes on Rice Farming in Shatin', in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 21, 1981, pp. 196-206; D. Faure, The Rural Economy of Pre-Liberation China: Trade Increase and Peasant Livelihood in Jiangsu and Guangdong, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1989, pp. 46-57 and 212; and Hong Kong Annual Report: Report by District Commissioner, New Territories for Year Ending 31st March, 1950, Noronha and Co., Hong Kong, 1950, p. 5.\n\nTH The Ho clan of Tsung Yuen Ha descends from Ho Chan, the Earl of Tung Kuan in the early Ming, and the Ho family history (CBMGKR — a manuscript volume in the University of Cambridge Library) suggests this area was in Ho Chan's hands before the end of the Ming. It was certainly in Ho family control before 1393 when Ho Chan's family were proscribed. The Tang family has occupied the Lung Yeuk Tau villages, Loi Tung and Tai Tong Wu since the fourteenth century at the latest. A Tang clan also occupies Au Ha (PUF Aoxia) and Wang Kong Ha (Huanggangxia). I have not been able to discover if these two villagers are genealogically connected with the Loi Tung and Lung Yeuk Tau clan, although this is unlikely. The Man family has occupied Ping Che for **18 generations\", according to village elders, i.e. probably from the fourteenth century. The same family occupies Tong Fong, Heung Yuen Wai, and Lin Tong, Liantang), and a branch of it was resident at Man Uk Pin (**Man Family Houses\") before the present residents, the Chung (鍾) clan moved there in the early eighteenth century. The To clan has been resident at Chau Tin village for **500 years\". Local villagers consider that the Lei family has been resident at Lei Uk for as long as the To and Man clans have been at Chau Tin and Ping Che. All these clans are Punti, although sections of the Man clan at Tong Fong, and those at Heung Yuen Wai and Lin Tong, now speak Hakka. Shan Kai Wat (Lam surname, 林), Fung Wong Wu (Yip surname, 葉), and Law Fong (Law surname, 羅), are all included in the list of villages in existence in 1661 included in the 1688 Hsin An County Gazetteer, along with Au Ha, Tsung Yuen Ha, Ping Che (Ping Yuen 平遠), and perhaps Ping Yeung (坪洋) (Gazetteer, Ch. 3, f 12-13). Other Punti clans in the Ta Kwu Ling area (Wong, 黃, Chan, 陳, and Law, 羅, at Kan Tau Wai, and Hau, 侯)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211764, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "154\n\n19\n\n, at Law Fong) are believed to have entered the area after 1700. See Map of Ta Kwu Ling.\n\nIt is interesting to note that, of the 21 villages in the Ta Kwu Ling area, seven are purely Punti, nine are purely Hakka (including two of originally Punti but now Hakka speaking Mans), but five are of mixed Punti and Hakka residents, including the large village of Chau Tin (which has only a tiny handful of Hakka residents), Fung Wong Wu, Kan Tau Wai, and Law Fong, and Tong Fong which consists partly of Punti speaking Mans, and partly of Hakka speaking Mans.\n\n+\n\n1\n\nYeung, and Ng, at Fong Wong Wu; Siu, and Ho, at Chau Tin; Wong, at Kan Tau Wai; Pang, and Au, at Tai Po Tin; Fu Lau, (and others) at Wo Keng Shan; Yiut, at Chuk Yuen; Chan, and Yiu, at Law Fong (Luofang); Chau at Wang Kong Ha; Yeung, and Kwu, at Sai Ling Ha (Xilingxia), and others.\n\n21 The temple bell, of Chien Lung 21 (1756) was donated by \"all the faithful people of the Ping Yuen Hap Heung...\n\n...to stand for ever before the altar of the Lady Tin Hau*. Faure, Luk, Ng, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 670. The only earlier dated item in the temple, a Cloud Gong of 1727, was donated by a single family from Ping Che, Faure, Luk, Ng, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 661. The temple continued to be owned and controlled by this group of villages. Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Oxford Univ. Press, Hong Kong, 1986, p. 104 is incorrect in saying that the temple was owned by Ping Yeung. In the Block Crown Lease, the Manager of the temple was Man Shan-fung, of Ping Che. The Tong Fong people, although closely related genealogically to the Ping Che people, were not part of the Ping Yuen Hap Heung, and did not take part in the Ta Tsiu.22 Faure, op. cit., p. 103.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n23 The four managers at the time of the Block Crown Lease were Tang Hung-wai (a houseowner of Loi Tung), Chan Shing-pong, called a houseowner of Ping Yeung in a District Office report of 1979), Man Ying-shau (probably a villager of Ping Che, a relative of the houseowners Man Ying-kei, Man Ying-wai, and Man Ying-fat), and Chung Choi-wah (a houseowner of Man Uk Pin). These died in 1938, 1926, 1925, and 1942 respectively, according to a report made to the District Office in 1979. The abbess, Wong Tik-yuen, was appointed a manager in 1926, but she died in 1931. After the War, the lack of managers caused trouble on a number of occasions. A temporary manager was appointed in 1968. In 1979 the Chairman of the Sha Tau Kok Rural Committee and others were appointed as managers, although he, as a Lin Ma Hang villager, had no connection with the nunnery. This seems to have been with a view to rebuilding the nunnery. This proposal has led to a string of vigorous complaints from the elders of the six villages with shares during the last three years, but the situation remains, at present (1991), unresolved.\n\n24 See Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 100-127, for a discussion of the Yeuk.\n\n25 The only alternative was a dangerous, difficult, and often impassable waist-deep ford, as the 1896 Kwong Fuk bridge tablet makes clear. See Faure, Luk and Ng, Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 298.\n\n26 See Robert G. Groves, \"The Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories\", Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Symposium Report, 1964, pp. 16-20, and Alice Ng Lun Ngai-ha, \"Xianggang Xinjie xushi zhi xingqi yu shuailao: Dabuxu yanjiu\" [The Foundation and Decay of Market Towns in the New Territories of Hong Kong: A Study of Tai Po], in Chinese Studies, Vol. 3, No. 2, 1985, pp. 633-655. The very widespread support for the Tsat Yeuk can be gathered from the list of donors shown on the Kwong Fuk bridge tablet, Faure, Luk and Ng, loc. cit.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211916, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 331, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "306\n\nTABLE 1.1 Partial Genealogical Chart of the Dang Lineage of Kam Tin\n\n \n i Hung-yi\n Generation\n 15\n \n \n \n \n Yam\n Mau Ging Tong)\n Jan\n Yeui\n Gyun\n \n \n \n 16\n (Ching Lok Tong)\n (Loi Sing Tong)\n Ching-Lok\n Naam-Kai\n Gwong-Yu (adopted)\n Ting-Jing Naam-Kai\n \n \n \n 17\n Wan-Guk\n Wan-Gaan\n Wan-Yu\n See Table 1.2\n \n Ching-Lok — Ancestral Hall\n See Table 1.3\n \n \n \n 18\n Chung-Yut Hak-Sa\n \n\nNote: Some of the detail of this chart and those at Tables 1.2 and 1.3 is subject to further investigation. Some collateral branches are omitted. Some of the detail is obscure.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211917, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 332, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "TABLE 1.2 Partial Genealogical Chart of the First Branch of the Dang Lineage of Kam Tin\n\nYam\n\nGeneration\n\n16\n\nChing-Lok (Ching Lok Tong)\n\nWan-Guk\n\nWan-Gaan\n\nSan-Fung Saan-Chyun So-Hin\n\nNaam-Kai\n\nWan-Yu (Loi Shing Tong)\n\nGwong-Yu\n\n17\n\nSam-Chyun\n\nGing-Chyun\n\nFong\n\nHei-Ye\n\nGwai-Gok\n\nLei-Yun\n\nYun-Fan\n\nSing-Ngok\n\nPoo-Am\n\n19\n\n20\n\n21\n\n12\n\nLam-Mau\n\nJeung-Luk\n\nFuk-Chai\n\n23\n\n(Gwok Yia Jou)\n\nGwok-Yin\n\nYu-Chung Yu-Man Yu-Ji\n\n24\n\nLok-Sin Chiu-Yip Chiu-Yung Gwan-Leung Gwan-Haak\n\nSi-Daan\n\n25\n\n↓ ↓\n\n↓\n\n↓\n\n26\n\nYing-Yun\n\n27\n\n307", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211918, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 333, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "308\n\nTABLE 1.3 Partial Genealogical Chart of the Second, Third, and Fourth Branches of the Dang Lineage of Kam Tin\n\nYeul\n\nGyun\n\n(Mau Ging Tong) (See Table 1.1)\n\nTing-Jing\n\nNaam-Kai (adopted from First Branch)\n\nSiu-Geui\n\nChung\n\nChung-You\n\nJak-Sa\n\nKei-Fong\n\nGia-Tin\n\n0—0—0-\n\nGeneration\n\n16\n\n17\n\n18\n\n19\n\n20\n\n21\n\n22\n\n23\n\n24\n\n25\n\n26\n\n27\n\n28\n\nGam-Lei\n\nSung Gok\n\nGaai Yur (Geui Haam) ↓\n\nMan-Wai (Chyun-Am)\n\nNg-Sang\n\nO\n\n(Lei\n\n(Gwong Yu\n\nTong)\n\nGing↓\n\nTong)\n\nJaap-Fan\n\nNaap-Am\n\n(Ji Ga Tong)\n\nKyun-Hin\n\nChung-Shaan\n\nMing-Lyun\n\nYu-Glai\n\n(Ming Hok)\n\n↓\n\nTing-Sani (Chi-Naam)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211920, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 335, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "310\n\nin Guangxi, Documents preserved in genealogies testify to his involvement in clan matters. He was credited with having compiled a genealogy. He and his son headed the short name list on the new grave stone for the wong-gu prepared in 1471. A preface he wrote in 1472 for a genealogy written by a certain “clan uncle” can be found in many existing genealogies. They also record accounts of the wong-gu and her husband written in 1489 by a jeun-si of the surname Lau from Dongguan at Ting-Jing's request.\n\nThe Xin'an gazetteer of 1688 named Hung Yi as the tax-payer for two local ferries. The two ferries had most probably provided income to an ancestral fund in his honour. But it was unlikely that his trust had any significant income. Present-day elders remember that in earlier days the expenses for the worship for Hung-Yi had to be shared among the villages of Kam Tin.\n\nIn terms of ancestral trusts and ancestral halls, however, the lower level ancestors in whose names the segments of the lineage below the branches were organised were probably even more important. Besides the annual worship at the ancestral halls and graves, such segments had various ways of reinforcing their solidarity and maintaining their network of information. In the case of Ching-Lok jou it used to be the case that the managers, heads of the main branches (ga, or \"family\") and the accountant were invited to a banquet on the day before each of the major festivals of the year. A member of Ji-Ga Tong, another lineage segment, mentioned to me a customary get-together of all the male members on one day at the New Year. I have heard of a similar practice in another segment, Gwong-Yu Tong. They hold a get-together on the first day of the New Year at their ancestral hall from early in the morning, and again worshipped at the Daai-Wong Temple, a temple the founding ancestor had started, on the seventh day of the First Month.\n\nC. Wan Guk and the Ching Lok Ancestral Hall\n\nThe senior branch (descended from Yam) was the most successful until late in the seventeenth century. Hung-Yi's eldest son Yam had three sons. Yam had the second, now known as Naam-Kai jou, adopted to be heir of his (Yam's) youngest brother Gyun. The two remaining sons of Yam were Ching-Lok and Loi-Sing (alias Gwong-Yu, but not to be confused with the Gwong-Yu of Gwong-Yu Tong). Ching-Lok had four sons, the eldest of whom was Wan-Guk. According to oral tradition", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211922, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 337, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "312\n\nmentioned his plan to build an ancestral hall for his segment in his will dated 1561.\n\nAlthough spirit tablets for Hung-Yi and Yam can be found on the altars of the Ching-Lok ancestral hall, only Ching-Lok and thirteen descendants of his were honoured by being escorted to the central area of the hall in the Spring and Autumn rites. The ritual arrangement is as if to emphasise that only the descendants of Ching-Lok, and no other descendants of Hung-Yi or even of Yam, belong to the hall. Those excluded are descendants of Jan, Yeui and Gyun, as well as those of the brother of Ching-Lok. The descendants of Ching Lok's brother built their own ancestral hall, the Loi-Sing Tong, much later, in 1701.\n\nA fung shui story indicates the subsequent decline of Wan-Guk's segment. Since his first burial the descendants had had great wealth but, to their regret, no degrees. Subsequently they followed a geomancer's suggestion to change the place of burial in order to improve their chances of passing the imperial examinations. But the reburial did not work. It turned out to have unfavourable effects on the descendants: since the reburial the segment has declined.\n\nWan-Guk's segment continued wealthy probably well into the 18th century, Pou-Am's descendants included at least three holders of purchased gung-sang degrees.\" When one of them, known to his descendants by the \"pen name\" of Git-Sau, celebrated his 71st birthday in 1771, the congratulatory passage on a screen was written by two different jeun-si degree holders and the presenters included 12 friends and relatives who held some lesser (probably gung-sang, most styled seui-jeun-si) degrees. Many of these relatives were relatives by marriage. The screen is now kept in a very large \"study\" which had belonged to Git-Sau. He had also had at least one sai-man hereditary servant.\n\nThe descendants of Pou-Am's father's brother Hei-Ye also included some very wealthy men. On the outskirts of Shui Mei, near house no. 70, is the ruin of a rather big house, which was built by some of Hei-Ye's descendants. I was told by a present descendant of Hei-Ye's segment that the house was built for some sai-man. He said that the sai-man for whom the house was built were fighters (da-jai), Sung (1974:182) reported that Hei-Ye's son Sing-Ngok, with Yun-Fan, to whom I referred previously, “appear to have shared the [Hong Kong] island between them, three quarters belonging to the former, and the rest to the latter”.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211927, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 342, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "317\n\nGaai jou was still studying when his brothers had already built for themselves many big houses. When he got married he got his share of his father's estate, which amounted to more than one thousand daam of rent rice. Oral tradition has it that Sou-Lau Yun was used as a yamen during Dang Kyun-Hin's time when Dang Sin, a provincial official, came to investigate bandits in the county.\n\nThis segment dominated nineteenth century lineage and community life in many ways. They have at least ten spirit tablets in the Mau-Ging Tong ancestral hall, and Chung-Shaan and Yu-Gaai were among the five men whose descendants got extra portions of ritual pork in the ancestral worship at the same tong in recognition of their contributions. I have already mentioned that a letter dated 1941 from the head of the clan and others referred to Yu-Gaai's contribution in managing the property of Naam-Kai jou. The only piece of property had been a broken house in the county town which gave an income of 20 yun. Yu-Gaai sold that house and lent the proceeds at interest. In this way he expanded the property to farm land holding that gave a rental income of more than 200 sek of rice. Dang Kyun-Hin and his third son Ming-Lyun donated an incense burner to the Hung-Sing Temple in Shui Tau in 1821. Chung-Saan (alias Ming-Hok) donated another religious article in 1829 and a grandson of his donated an incense burner to the same temple in 1900.\n\nDang Ting-Sam (known to his descendants as Chi-Naam), a son of Dang Ming-Lyun and a grandson of Dang Kyun-Hin, was an important figure in lineage affairs as well as county politics. He was a sau-choi, and his descendants explained that he was prevented by the death of relatives from taking the examinations for the higher degrees. One story tells how Chi-Naam revealed upon his death that he was the reincarnation of the Mountain God of Tai Mo Shan, which probably explains why he was so clever. Another anecdote is concerned with Chi-Naam's influence. When he married a lady named Ho from Sham Chun to his son, the procession carried banners saying \"keep silent and stand aside” (suk-jing wui-bei) and sounding gongs. Some trouble-makers asked who this was. They were told that it was Chi-Naam of Kam Tin. The would-be trouble-makers were scared and went away.\n\nA descendant of one of Ting-sam's cousins knew the exact title of his degree. In this version Ting-sam was a laam-sang, but never attempted higher examinations. His classmates (rung-hok) always wondered why. He spent most of his time enjoying himself at home. When he ran out", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211931, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 346, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "321\n\nThese accusations were made at the county magistracy. The Kam Tin Dangs got news of the accusation and arranged that all their young men gathered in the various ancestral halls and temples to read, so as to deceive the investigators from the county government. The county magistrate was deceived, and believed that the Kam Tin Dangs were all scholars and would not give any time to the accusation. Therefore he did not pursue the case any further.\n\nSome of the Dangs believe that the fighting between the people of Kam Tin and those of Pat Heung was over agricultural resources such as irrigation water. The Dangs of Kam Tin used only one bei reservoir, the one called Fui Sha bei. The water flowed from Pat Heung, near Lin Fa Tei, and the Pat Heung people could stop the water. One recent (about 100 years ago) example of a dispute over agricultural resources was the Ngau Wong Wui association which had been started to organize the cowherds of Kam Tin, to protect them against their Pat Heung counterparts, and to preserve Kam Tin pasture rights.\n\nOne piece of documentary evidence of the conflict between the Dangs and their Pat Heung tenants has survived. It is a stone inscription dated 1777 found in both the Daai-Wong Temple of Yuen Long Old Market and the Jau and Wong Temple of Kam Tin. It records a rent dispute.\n\nFive Dangs are named as the landlords in this inscription. In general terms, the document calls the landlords \"the Dang surname\", and the land \"the land of the clan\". It is therefore clear that the landlords were all from the same lineage and the property was considered as linked to the lineage as a whole albeit it was probably individually owned. Four of the five names can be found in various documents from Kam Tin. All four appear in a silk embroidery presented to a Dang of Kam Tin to celebrate his birthday in 1771. We have more specific information about two of them: one, Dang Si-Daan, was a descendant of Yam's second son Gwong-Yu, and the other, Dang Chung, is a descendant of one of the other sons of Hung-Yi, most probably Gyun. It is therefore clear that one of the parties to the dispute were many of the Dangs of Kam Tin, including members of different branches and represented in general terms the Dang lineage.\n\nA few names are also given of the tenants. There were about the same number of Dangs and non-Dangs among them. While the landlords were referred to as members of a lineage, the tenants were referred to as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211940, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 355, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "330\n\nA. Early History of Settlements\n\nThe present relationship between lineage segment and settlement is roughly the same as that recorded by Sung (1974: 168-70) concerning who started and walled which village and when.\n\n \n Village\n Started by\n Genealogical Position\n Walled in\n \n \n Kat Hing Wai\n Baak-Ging\n Son of Chyu-Yin and Gwong-Yu Jik Gin\n Kangxi (1662-1721) by Chyu-Yin and two others\n \n \n Wing Lung Wai\n Siu-Geui\n and seven others\n \n \n \n Tai Hong Wai\n Chung Shui Tau\n and four others\n Kei-Fong and Kei-Wa, both from Tai Hong Wai and Gwok-Yin\n \n \n \n One of the Man-Wai and five sons of Gaai-Yut Naam-Kai\n Son of Chung-Yut Gam-Tin jou, son of Hak-Sa\n \n \n \n Shui Mei\n Suk-Leun and Wan-Guk\n Sons of Gwai-Ting, Gwong-Yu\n Son of Ching-Lok\n \n \n Kam Hing Wai\n Yut-Man of Ko Po\n Kat Hing Wai\n and Pui-Hing of Tai Hong Wai\n \n \n \n Jau-Man +34 of Kat Hing Wai\n \n \n \n\nSung has indicated that Kat Hing Wai, Shui Tau and Shui Mei were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211945, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 360, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "335\n\nA. Places of worship\n\nThe gods worshipped in Kam Tin can be divided into four categories. They are gods housed in temples, localized gods in outdoor space, gods on family altars, and the general gods of Heaven. The gods of heaven (Tin-San) are worshipped outside the house door, often with a tablet saying \"Blessings from the Gods of Heaven\" (Tin-Gwun Chi-Fuk).\n\nMore important for the community as a whole are temple gods and localized gods. Firstly there are the Ling-Wan Monastery and the Jau and Wong temple, which were important to the Dangs of Kam Tin as a whole. Stone inscriptions show that villagers of Kam Tin as a whole contributed money for rebuilding or repair, doing so on the basis of villages and higher order lineage estates, notably Ching-Lok Jou and Naam-Kai Jou.\n\nAccording to Sung (1973 and 1974) and the Si Kim Tong genealogy the Ling-Wan Ji was established by the Dangs of Kam Tin for the second wife of their founding ancestor Hung-Yi. But it is probable that Sung's source for this information was the author of the Si Gim Tong genealogy himself, and other villages seemed less aware of the connection of the monastery with their ancestor. Perhaps even more important is the idea that Ling-Wan Ji was the jyu-lou, or “head” of Kam Tin. That is why, a Mr. Dang explained to me, all the village gates should face Kwun Yam Shan, where Ling-Wan Ji is, and there is no need for a tall san-teng. Ko Po and Wing Lung Wai are exceptions to this rule. He knew that the position of the gate in Wing Lung Wai had been altered. He thought that the direction of the Ko Po one had been altered too.\n\nInterestingly the Xin'an gazetteer has no entry for the Ling-Wan Monastery under that name, but records the existence of a Gwun-Yam Temple on Kwun Yam Shan at the foot of Tai Po Shan, which matches the location of the monastery. The Xin'an gazetteer of 1688 is probably the earliest document mentioning the temple. Under the entry for the temple it mentioned a man of Dongguan county in the Ming dynasty who had lived there. It is not completely clear if this man was a Daoist. When Dang Si-daan's uncle donated the bell now at the monastery in 1755, the inscription referred to the place as the nunnery at Kwun Yam Shan. No one had heard about the temple named in the gazetteer, but Gwun-Yam is worshipped in the monastery, with various other gods such as Gwaan-Dai, and it is the goddess who has a central position, with\n\nPage 360\n\nPage 361", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211949, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 364, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "339\n\nbut moved the Dei-Jong Wong inside the Buddhist hall instead.\"7 After the building of the Buddhist hall two of the nuns were added to the managers of the trust, and since then the Dangs did not have much to do with the nunnery except that the related ritual associations go annually to worship at the charitable grave.\n\nB. Household and village worship\n\nEveryday worship is local and is mainly performed by women. Such is the case of a family of Tsi Tong Tsuen who gave me information on this point. This family seldom worshipped in any temple. For weddings they worshipped at the Mau-Ging Tong ancestral hall, where the head of the family also went when he was small for the annual worship, and to get his shares of the ritual pork. This he no longer does, having stopped a few years ago. In some years he also joins the ancestral grave worship in Tsuen Wan. On Ching Ming and Chung Yeung his family went to worship their own near ancestors. On festivals his family worshipped at Tsi Tong Tsuen's shrines to the Earth God and the God of Earth and Grain and the place for the Well God.\n\nI was able to talk with some of the older women. One Tai Hong Wai woman born in the 1910s told me that ordinarily her family worshipped at home. They went to neither the Jau and Wong Temple nor the Hung-Sing Temple. They had no share in the Hung-Sing Temple. They did go to the Daai-Wong Temple at Yuen Long, early in the first month of the lunar calendar, but it is the business of their men only: the temple belonged to their distant ancestor. Similarly, an elderly Kat Hing Wai lady told me that Pak Wai Tsuen (i.e., Shui Tau and Shui Mei) people worshipped at the Hung Sing Temple. I have witnessed part of a waan-san (“thanksgiving”) ritual in Kat Hing Wai, which took place at the san-teng. I was told that for impromptu religious activities such as divination, some of the Kat Hing Wai women went to a temple at Tai Shue Ha [which is, as far as I know, not otherwise of interest to the Dangs of Kam-Tin] and some went to Ling-Wan Ji. They went to the Jau and Wong temple mainly during the jiu, and the temples at Shui Tau and Shui Mei were for their respective villagers alone.\n\nA san teng was probably considered to be of central importance to its village. When I walked with an elder to his house we passed the san-teng of Tai Hong Wai. He explained to me that it was the wai-jyu, and he compared its status in the village to that of the most senior and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211956, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 371, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "346\n\nthe 71st birthday of Dang Nga-Chyun, a member of a rich family descended from the mou-geui-yan Dang Ying-Yun. Also on display in the same room were other scrolls of calligraphy and painting. Put on display for a couple of hours were relics of the wong-gu. As many of the Dangs were proud of telling, there were two of them (1) a set of twelve small paintings known as Gwai-Fei Tip, believed to be the work of Fu Qing, a lady-in-waiting in the Song court; and (2) a painting of an eagle, reputed to be the work of the Emperor Song Huizhong; both given to the wong-gu as souvenirs.54 Although they were put on display during a visit by about 200 members of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, to put those two antiques on display had always been part of the tradition.55\n\nEach of the villages was decked out with fa-paai banners too. In most cases there was a fa-paai presented by all the members of the village in celebration of the ten-yearly jiu. In the case of Tai Hong Wai there was one from all the descendants of Sung-Gok jou (father of Dang Man-Wai and his brothers) as well as one from the \"youngsters\" of Tai Hong Wai. The village gate had red slips of paper saying Fast (tsai-gai) and Clean (git-jing).\n\nC. Ritual Representatives\n\nIt was explained to me that the people in each gu divided into family groups (chu). In some cases, the nearest common ancestor such a \"family\" group could trace was more than ten generations distant. For example, under Mr. Dang Tim-Kau's entry were his blood brothers, the sons of his father's brothers, as well as others who were more remotely related to him. The nearest common ancestor of the chu as a whole was Git-Sau jou, who was, from the standpoint of Dang Tim-Kau's grandsons, 12 generations up the lineage tree. The selection of ritual representatives was done by divination with bui.56 The theory of an elder is that each chu chooses its own candidate for ritual representative. But, according to a younger ritual representative, if a man failed in the divination, then his son would try his luck in the same selection process. The candidate who got the longest series of sing-bui would be the no. 1 ritual representative. The others were chosen and ranked in the same manner. But there were additional rules. Each gu section must have one man among the no. 1 to no. 5 ritual representatives, and each had to have three men among the no. 1 to no. 15 ritual representatives. The last three places (58-60) were, as a rule, alloted to the Ying Lung Wai people,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 386, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "361\n\nBack at the ritual site, the ritual representatives installed the image of Gwun-Yam in the temporary altar dedicated to her, and the spirit tablets for the others in the san-paang altar for general gods. These, with the spirit tablets for the gods from the villages, gradually filled up the three levels of the temporary altar. Two ritual representatives fetched the tablet of Hung-Yi from the Ching-Lok Ancestral Hall to his altar on the stage. The portrait of the Heavenly Master was fetched from the village gate of Tai Hong Wai, and installed at a temporary altar set up for him in the Mau-Ging Tong ancestral hall.\n\nThere were also a few deities to be invited from the sky. They included Tin-Dei-Sheui-Yeung, the gods of the realms of Heaven, Earth (the Underworld), Water, and the human world; Gods of the Naam-Dau (\"North Dipper\") and Bak-Dau (\"South Dipper\"), both for blessings to men; the City God and the Lei-Wik (who supervises the local Gods of Earth and Grain and the Earth Gods); Tin-Chyun San-Gwan (two common titles of the highest deities); and the Dragon King. In the last stage of the Opening Rite there were complaints that those gods were omitted. But later on that day temporary spirit tablets for them were seen in the san-paang.\n\nD. Procession of incense I\n\nThe first Procession of Incense took place on the main day of the ritual, to the participating villages of the Kam Tin heung. It was to visit all the temples, shrines, and major ancestral halls to worship the gods and higher-level ancestors. There did not seem to have been a clearcut rule about the lower-level ancestral halls. When I mentioned to an elder that the procession had stopped and worshipped at Lai-Gaan Tong, his first response was that the procession should not have worshipped there. But he changed his mind later: the worship in the rite was indiscriminative, it went to every ancestral hall if the doors were open.\n\nA very large number of villagers participated. Priests took part in the procession as well, but their part was limited to a brief invocation. Most of the villagers wore hats with special ornaments indicating their villages. The procession was accompanied by the sound of large gongs, a flag saying jeun-heung (\"to offer incense\"), and the priests' musician playing sona. There was one lion dance group, and Luk Gwok flags and percussion teams playing drum and gong on lo-gu ga frames representing each of the five main villages. There were also flags", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211978, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 393, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "368\n\nSung, Hok-p'ang et. al. (1984), pp. 1-9.\n\n1973 \"Legends and stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in', JHKBRAS xiii, 1973, pp. 28-40.\n\n1974 \"Legends and stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in\", JHKBRAS xiv, 1974, pp. 160-185.\n\nTaga, Akigoro Tanaka, Issei\n\n1982 Chugoku Sofu no Kenkyu, vol. 2, Tokyo.\n\n1985 \n\nTsui, Bartholomew\n\nWatson, Rubie S.\n\nWolf, Arthur P. (ed.)\n\nA Chiu 亞潮(?) baai 拜 baai-san\n\nBaak Mou-Seung Ú Baak-Ging\n\nBaishe Zhuan\n\nLineage and Theatre in China. Interdependence of Festival Organization, ritual, and theatre in the lineage society of South China, Tokyo.\n\n1989 Village Festivals in China: Backgrounds of Local Theatres. Tokyo\n\nforthcoming\n\n\"Daojiao Yili ya Jishen Kiju zhijian de Guanxi”,\n\nforthcoming\n\n\"Taoist Ritual Books of the New Territories\".\n\n1985 Inequality Among Brothers: Class and Kinship in South China, Cambridge University Press.\n\n1974 Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford.\n\nGLOSSARY\n\nchiu-gaan chiu-dou * Chiu-Yip #\n\nchu 柱\n\nChuk Yuen 竹園\n\nChung E\n\nChung Yeung 重陽\n\nChung-Saan\n\nU\n\nBak Bin 北便\n\nBak Dai 北帝\n\nbei 陂\n\nbong 榜\n\nBou-Dak Chi #AM\n\nbui\n\ncha-gwo 茶果\n\nChan Gau 陳九\n\nChan 陳\n\nchau-san\n\n+\n\nChenghua 成化\n\ncheun-ding\n\nT\n\ncheun-fu 巡撫 Cheung-Cheun Yun cheung-saam Chi-Naam Ching Ming U Ching-Lok\n\nChung-Yut Я\n\nchyun 村\n\nDaai-Si Wong ✰±\n\nDaai-Wong E\n\ndaai-yan ★A daai-yau daam\n\ndaam-jung da-jai 打仔 da-jiu 打醮 dan 躉 Dang 鄧\n\nDang Chung 鄧璁 Dao 道 da-saat\n\nDei-Jong Wong E", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211979, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 394, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "deui-lyun dim-dang Wif ding-hau T`LI\n\nDongguan 東莞 dong-ji\n\nDung Ping Guk 東本局 faan\n\nFa-Gung Fa-Mou (EAEN\n\nfa-paai TEMP\n\nFau-Ng ởH\n\nFong 兒\n\nfong\n\nfong-jeung\n\nFu Qing (47\n\nfu 伏\n\nFu-Hip\n\ngwan-ma 郡馬\n\nGwok-Yin\n\nGwong-Yu\n\nK\n\nGwong-Yu Tong Gwun-Yam #E\n\nGyun 銷\n\nHa Tsuen 厦村\n\nHa Che 下崟\n\nhaang 坑\n\nha-fu F\n\nHak-Sa\n\nha-yan FA\n\nHei-Ye 起野\n\nheui-lok\n\nHeung\n\nheung\n\nFui-Sing !!\n\nFung Yuk-Daan MƒU!!\n\nGaai-Yut\n\ngaam-sang\n\nGai-Jau #\n\nheung-on\n\nHo fil\n\nhoi-dang EH hou 號\n\nHung-Fan Taam\n\ngam-taap\n\nGam-Tin\n\nGaozong h\n\nGau Ga Chyun **†\n\nhung-jeuk FL\n\nHung-Ji 孔子\n\nHung-Ji 洪贄\n\nHung-Sing #\n\nHung-Yi 洪儀\n\ngeui-yan\n\ngit-jing #7\n\nGit-Sau\n\ngu l\n\nGuangdong MAC\n\nGuangzong 光宗\n\nguk 榖\n\ngung-chou Y\n\ngung-sang\n\nGwaan-Dai BNR\n\nGwai-Ting\n\ngwai-waan\n\n(?)\n\nGwai-Wong\n\nE\n\ngwan 棍\n\nGwan-Haak 7K\n\nGwan-Leung R\n\njaap-fo 雜貨\n\nJai Baak-Fu Jan 鈞 Jan-Ting Jau M Jau-Man B jau-tung 州同 Jeung Hoi Jeung 張\n\nJeung-Luk A\n\njeun-si 進士\n\nJiangxi 江西\n\nJi-Ga Tong #18 2 Jik-Gin\n\njiu BE\n\nPage 369", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 395, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "370\n\nji-wai-deui K\n\njou\n\njou-se 做社 juk-jeung\n\nJung Gaai 中街\n\nJyu-Jai #ff\n\njyu-lou 主腦\n\nKam Hing Wai MAB\n\nKam Tin\n\nB\n\nMan Kam To Man-Cheung Man-Wai\n\nMau-Ging Tong\n\nMing 明\n\nMing-Hok\n\nMing-Lyun\n\nMiu Gok Yun 妙覺園\n\nmou-geui-yan\n\n#^\n\nKam Tin Shi\n\nmou-leuk-le-wai\n\nKangxi 康熙\n\nKat Hing Wai 吉慶圍\n\nKei-Fong\n\nKei-Wa ✩✩\n\nkiu-fu 轎伕\n\nKwun Yam Shan 觀音山 Kyun-Hin # laam-sang\n\nlaat\n\nLai Ga Dei\n\nLai 黎\n\nLai-Gaan Tong\n\nLam Choi 林財 Lam Pui ***\n\nLam Ngau-Jai *4#\n\nLam Yi-Hing Tong #\n\nLam-Mau **\n\nlat 甩\n\nLau 劉\n\nLei-Ging Tong\n\nLei-Wik\n\nLeung\n\nLeung Gwan-Daat\n\nLeung Tung 梁同 lo-gu ga 4 Loi-Fu *\n\nLoi-Sing Tong *** Lok-Sin\n\nLuk Gwok 六國 Lung Yeuk Tau ✯✯✯ luo-tian\n\nmu畝\n\nMui Jai Yun 梅仔圜\n\nMung Yeung 蒙養 Naam Tau 南頭 Naam Bin Teng # Naam Bin 南便 Naam-Kai\n\nNaam-Teng E Nam Pin Wai\n\nNg Sing-Chi f**\n\nNg 伍\n\nNga-Chyun R\n\nNgau-Wong [Wui] () paang 棚\n\nPat Heung 八鄉 Ping Shan 坪山 ping-on 平安 Pou-Am\n\nPui-Hing\n\nPun-Gu\n\nqimen dunjia 奇門遁甲 Qing 淸\n\nSa Bui Leng 沙貝嶺\n\nSa Jeng 沙井\n\nSai Pin Wai 西邊圍 sai-man ME\n\nSan Tin 新田\n\nSan Sin Fu 神仙府 San Wai 新圍 San-Fung san-teng", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 396, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "san wui \n\nSap Pat Heung -|- A sau宿 \n\nsau-choi 3 sek Zi \n\nSeui 瑞 \n\nseui-jeun-si :: \n\nSha Tau T \n\nSha Po 沙埔 \n\nSham Chun 深圳 \n\nSheung Che 1: Sheung Tsuen Sheung Shui 1: \n\nShing Moon San Tsuen Shun Fung Wai MAN Si-Daan MILL \n\nsing-bui \n\nSing-Ngok ! \n\nsiu-cheng \n\nSiu-Geui \n\nsiu-yan 小人 \n\nsona 嗩吶 \n\nSong 柒 \n\nSou-Lau Yun VTMN \n\nTin-San toi-wai 枱圍 \n\nTong Fong #† tong \n\nTsi Tong Tsuen Tsiu Keng 蕉徑 Tsuen Wan # Tung Tak 通德 Tung Tau Tsuen Tung Fuk Tong Wa Bou 華寶 \n\nwaang-mei (?) waan-san \n\nWa-Gwong #* wai \n\nwai-jyu \n\nWai-To 韋陀 \n\nWang Toi Shan \n\nWan-Gaan S Wan-Guk \n\nWan-Yu H \n\nwing-bou ping-on *RTE \n\nWing Lung Wai 永隆圍 \n\nWing-Sau 永壽 \n\nWong E \n\nWong Loi-Yam E \n\nwong-gu \n\nWudan Shan 武當山 \n\nsuk-jing wui-bei \n\nSuk-Leun #KA \n\nSung-Gok \n\nTaai-Seui \n\nTaai-Yut Jan-Yan AZHA \n\nwui \n\nTai Shue Ha AMF \n\nTai Hong Wai \n\nTai Hong Tsuen 泰康村 \n\nXin'an \n\nA \n\nYam \n\nTai Kiu 火樾 \n\nTai Mo Shan \n\n1 \n\nTai Po Tau 大埔頭 \n\nyamen 衙門 \n\nyan-hau A \n\nYau-Leun Tong \n\nyau-saan \n\nTim-Kau \n\nYeui銳 \n\nTing-Jing NVI \n\nyeuk # \n\nTing-Sam \n\nTin-Dei-Seui-Yeung \n\nTin-Hau G \n\nTin-Gwun Chi-Fuk X \n\nYeung 楊 \n\nYeung-Hau A \n\nyi * \n\nYi-Chung Wui \n\n371", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211982, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 397, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "372\n\nyi-chung Ying Lung Wai ying-bong ying-sing 迎聖 Ying-Yun 英元 Yongzheng 雍正\n\nYuen Kong 元崗 Yuen Long 元朗\n\nYu-Gaai\n\nYu-Ji 4*\n\nYu-Jung 遇宗\n\nYu-Man\n\nyun\n\n元\n\nYun 袁\n\nyun-bou 元寶 Yun-Fan\n\nyun-sau 綠首\n\nyung-fu seung-yan A Yut-Man #\n\nNOTES\n\nSung Hok-p'ang, \"Legends and Stories of the New Territories\". 1974, pp. 168-9.\n\n2 Included near the end of the Si Kim Tong genealogy.\n\nA different version of the early history named Hon-Faat as the first ancestor to settle in Kam Tin. See Faure (1984:240).\n\nIn the custody of Mr. Dang Yu-Hing. The names are Gam-Tin (1474-?) and Gam-Lei (1512-?).\n\n6\n\nThe Ching Lok Ancestral Hall ritual manual.\n\nI have consulted Taga (1982), which has some details about this segment on p. 19 and p. 91.\n\nHe sounded less sure of this later, and a knowledgeable elder of a closely related segment knows nothing peculiar about the house.\n\nThe petitions are included in vol. 2 of the Kam Tin Historical Documents, the Oral History Project Collection, (copy at Chinese University of Hong Kong) I had the opportunity to work out a chart for the Sing-Ngok segment from a fragment of their genealogy and compare the names with those in the petitions.\n\n01\n\nSee Faure (1984).\n\nSee the genealogy in Kam Tin Historical Documents vol. 1, and also Faure (1984:26-27).\n\nET\n\nI did not have the opportunity to see the piece of embroidery which probably bears a useful name list.\n\n12 An examination of the ritual handbook for the ancestral hall (included in the genealogy in Kam Tin Historical Documents vol. 1) shows that among the three branches it was the Naam-Kai jou people who dominated.\n\n13 According to the Yeui branch genealogy in Hugh Baker's Collection of Genealogies and Taga (1982).\n\n14\n\nThe Fenggang Shuyuan. See Ng (1983:60) about this school.\n\n13 According to Mr. Yun Mui, whose great grandfather, he said, had held the position before Dang,\n\n16\n\nSee the announcement from the Dongguan county magistrate included in the genealogy in Kam Tin Historical Documents vol. 1.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211983, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 398, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "373\n\nMany Dangs attributed the deceased worshipped in their Altar for Heroes (Ying-Hung Chi) and those buried in the big grave known as yi-chung to the battle with the British in 1898. We found that the number of \"heroes\" for whom paper clothing were ordered for the jiu of 1955 is only 2 more than the 1895 figure, i.e. only two can be attributed to the 1898 incident.\n\nSee also Law and Lau (1985) about this dispute.\n\n19\n\nAccording to this informant the Dangs married villagers of Lam Tsuen, Tai Hang, Sheung Shui and places like Sha Tau across the border. Other Tangs who discussed the point included Tuen Mun and Gak Tin, a place of the Wong surname, also known as Fuk Tin, across the border.\n\n20 Another stone inscription dated 1786 recorded a similar case. Although it has been cited by many scholars as another rent dispute case that involved the Dangs of Kam Tin as the landlords, I cannot find any of Dangs whose names appear in the inscription in other documents.\n\n21\n\nIn Kam Tin Historical Documents, vol. 2.\n\n11 The original expression is that the villagers were the diding of the Dangs. Diding refers to tax on land and persons.\n\n73 See also Kamm (1977:213-214) on other similar disputes.\n\n24 See Cheng (n.d.).\n\n25\n\nBesides the formal names that appear in local documents and present-day road signs and maps, many of these villages had other names that were used in everyday conversation.\n\n10\n\nFormal names\n\nKam Hing Wai\n\nKat Hing Wai\n\nPak Wai\n\nTai Hong Wai\n\nWing Lung Wai\n\nAccording to the jiu festival record of the year.\n\n\"Nickname\"\n\nGaak Seui Yun\n\nFui Sa Wai\n\nLaan Bak Wai\n\nTaan Wai\n\nSa Laan Mei\n\n27 Tanaka (1985:935-7), quoting A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, Hong Kong, pp. 172-173.\n\nThe original expression was \"Tai Hong Wai and Tsuen\" and probably included only the part of Tai Hong Tsuen whose residents were considered Tai Hong Wai people.\n\n20\n\nKam Tin Historical Documents vol. 2.\n\n30 See the account dated 1966 in the Si Kim Tong genealogy.\n\n31 According to a descendant of Fau-Ng. The genealogical relationships among the ancestors he gave may be wrong.\n\n32 Ying Lung Wai is part of Shap Pat Heung, the group of villages which was involved in several disputes with the Kam Tin Tangs. It seems that the Ying Lung Wai Dangs join the Kam Tin Dangs only in the jiu festival and the worship at the Mau Ging Tong ancestral hall. I have not heard anything about its position in the disputes between Kam Tin and Shap Pat Heung.\n\n33 Sung (1974:168) says Tai Hong Tsuen. This is my interpretation.\n\n34 Ditto.\n\n35 Siu-Geui, with his father and others, made a new stone inscription for the grave of the wong-gu in 1483. Kei-Fong's will is dated 1562. (See the genealogy in Kam Tin Historical Documents vol. 1 for both.) Kai-Wa was born in 1494 (See inside text of his spirit tablet,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211984, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 399, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "374\n\nwhich has been copied in an untitled manuscript in the possession of Mr. Dang Yu-Hing).36 Dang Kei-faan Genealogy in the Baker Collection of New Territories genealogies in the British Library.\n\n37 The elder was Dang Wing-Sau, the head of the lineage. I do not know which generation he was in. See Taga (1982:92).\n\n38 Translated in Sung (1974:177-179).\n\n39\n\n40 See table above and the genealogy in Kam Tin Historical Documents, vol. 1.\n\nProbably Dang Hei-Seui. See Sung (1974:166-168) and a genealogy of his segment included in Hugh Baker's Collection of Genealogies.\n\n41 Patrick Hase has drawn my attention to the importance of the monastery as central to the establishment Hung-Yi's descendants in Kam Tin, just as Ling To nunnery is to the Dangs of Ha Tsuen. The monastery and the earlier temple are a major element in the fung-seui of the Pat Heung valley and Kam Tin. The rivers important to irrigation in the area all flow from the mountain on which the monastery stands.\n\n42\n\n41\n\n44 I have not tried to find further information on this man in gazetteers.\n\nSee Sung (1973:112-113) for the Hung Sing Temple.\n\nThis was one of two stories. They were thought of as alternatives although there is no contradiction between them. I shall relate the other one later.\n\n45 I was told that the Juk-Yun Am used to be at the present site of the Gwaan-Dai Temple of Shing Mun San Tsuen, and San-Sin Fu near Shui Mei.\n\n46 Two items in Kam Tin Historical Documents vol. 2 were probably intended for this very grave. These were among the papers of Dang Ting-sam from the year 1873. The first was a request for donations towards the establishment of a charitable grave. The second was intended for a stone inscription. There is strong evidence that the charitable grave was established before the British came, although many present-day Dangs believe that those buried in the grave were those who died fighting against the British. The jiu festival record for 1895 included the Dei-Jong Wong of Tung-Fuk Tong among the gods to be invited, and an elder in his nineties remembered seeing gam-taap jars for bones when he was very small. He deduced that those must have been the remains of people who died before 1898, because one had to wait for many years he suggested ten — until the bones could be extracted after a first burial.\n\n47 A bin-ngaak (horizontal inscribed board) presented to the Buddhist altar at its completion included ten names who were believed to be the share-holders of the Tong. They were three Wan-Guk jiu descendants of Shui Mei: Baak-Cheung, Daat-Hung, and Jik-Hing; three brothers Yat-Wa, Seui-Chuen, Gam-Wa and two of their nephews, and Baak-Yi, all descendants of Wan-Gaan; and a Hin-Yiu of Kam Tin Shi.\n\n48 Plus a inscribed stone on the ground saying Naam-mo O-Mei-To-Fat, set up to offset the bad influences that caused traffic accidents near the stone.\n\n49 Hoi-dang for a village did not always take place at an altar for the God of Earth and Grain. In the Shui Mei case it took place at the Tin-Hau Temple.\n\n50 The elders made it clear that gu here does not mean “shares\".\n\n51 The subjects for these paper images were specified in the contract made with the craftsmen. The contract was included in the general record for the festival and was copied from the previous ones. But neither the organizers nor the contractor seem to have paid much attention to the details of the prescription.\n\n52 The object is probably more commonly known by the name dong 'an and is more often installed over the central area of the Taoist altar rather than in the backstage room. See", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212002, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 417, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "392\n\nin the Tang Dynasty were found in Chung Hom Wan, Sha Wan 沙灣 and Aplichau 鴨脷洲\n\n+\n\n5\n\nHong Kong Island in the Ming Dynasty\n\nIn the Ming Dynasty, because of the production of incense wood in the area, the economic condition of the people became better. More people came to live on the island. During the Wan Li Reign, there were at least seven villages, namely: Hong Kong, Tit Hang 鐵坑, Chung Hom 春坎, Chik Chu 赤柱, Tai Tam 大潭, Shau Kei Wan, and Wong Nei Chung. The north coast was still sparsely populated.\n\nAt the end of the Ming Dynasty, the island was frequently attacked by pirates. Though naval vessels from the Nam Tau Chai to Long Pak Kau patrolled along the coast from Tai Pang 混白滘, piracy was still very active.\n\nHong Kong Island in the early Ch'ing Dynasty\n\nDuring the early Ch'ing Dynasty, the Coastal Evacuation was carried out. People on the island fled inland. The villages were abandoned.\n\nIn the 8th year of the K'ang Hsi Reign (1669), the Edict of the Coastal Evacuation was revoked. People returned from inland and rebuilt their villages. In the early years of the Yung Cheng Reign, the seven villages, i.e. Hong Kong, Tit Hang, Chung Hom, Chik Chu, Tai Tam, Shau Kei Wan and Wong Nei Chung, were rebuilt. Because of the danger of piracy, the government built forts and set up military posts along the coast. Nam Tau and Tai Pang were the two main military bases near Hong Kong Island. However, no military post was established on the island at that time.\n\nIn the years of the Chia Ching Reign, two villages, Pok Fu Lam and Soo Kon Poo, were newly established. The Hung Heung Lo Naval post, which was under the control of the Tai Pang Battalion, was established too.\n\nHong Kong at the beginning of its Colonization\n\n12\n\nIn the 20th year of the Tao Kuang Reign (1840), the Opium War between the British and the Ch'ing government broke out and the Ch'ing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212006, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 421, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "396\n\nwas frequently invaded by the Wo Chao, i.e. the Japanese pirates. Tai Yu Shan lies on the south coast of Kwangtung Province, and was an important military base against the Wo Chao. During the Wan Li Reign, the Nam Tau Chai #9, i.e. the Nam Tau Naval Battalion, with six guard stations, was created. One of them was at Tai O ✰ on Tai Yu Shan.\" In 1521, the Ferangi, i.e. the Portuguese, invaded Tuen Mun P¶. In 1522, they were defeated by the Ming troops which lies on the north coast of Tai Yu Shan, at Sai Chao Wan\n\n15\n\nbetween Tai O and Sha Lo Wan. At that time, there were nine settlements on the island: Kai Kung Tau O, Sha Lo Wan, Tung Sai Chung, Tai Ho Shan (now known as Lantau Peak), Mui Wo, Lo Pui O 螺杯澳 (now known as Pui O) and Tong Fuk 唐復、16\n\nDynasty,\n\nIn the 1st year of the Kang Hsi Reign of the Ching, the coastal areas, especially the Kwangtung, the Fukien and the Chekiang Provinces, were frequently disturbed by pirates. Thus the government imposed the Coastal Evacuation. It was only in the 8th year of the Kang Hsi Reign (1669) that the coastal restriction was abandoned, and people were allowed to return to settle on the island. There were no fortifications then. In the early part of the Yung Cheng Reign, Yeung Lin, the governor of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces built the Fan Lau Fort on the west tip of the island. The fort was known as the Kai Yik Fork. It consisted of eight cannon places and twenty barracks.\" Later, in the Chien Lung and the Chia Ching\n\n+\n\n19\n\nperiods, owing to the increasing influence of the pirates and the foreigners, the Tung Chung Hau □ guard station was created. In 1817, eight more barracks were built at Tung Chung Hau,\" and two forts were built at the foot of the Shek She Shan. These two forts, with seven barracks and an arsenal, together were known as the Shek She Fort HWS.\" In 1831, the Tung Chung Walled City 東涌寨城 was built at the foot of the Sheung Ling Pei Shan 上嶺皮山。20 After 1841, the Tung Chung Walled City and the forts remained as important military bases. Besides, guard stations were established at Tai Ho, Sha Lo Wan and Mui Wo. These remained in position until 1898, when the New Territories and the adjacent islands were leased to the British. After that, they were redundant.2\n\nAfter the coastal restriction was abandoned, five villages were resettled, namely: Tai O, Tung Sai Chung, Lo Pui O, Shek Pik and Mui Wo.\" In the Chia Ching period, more villages were created, there were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 422, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "397\n\nthe Yuen Ka Walled Village\n\nE, Mui Wo, Shek Pik, Tong Fuk\n\n塘福,Shek Mun Kap 石門甲,Shui Hau 水口, Shek Lau Hang 石榴坑, Ngau Au 牛凹, Sha Lo Wan, Shek Tau Po石頭莆,Yi O 二澳 and Yau Ku Long. Also, Hakka villages were found at Tai Ho, Pak Mong, Wang Long and Ling Pei Walled Village at Tung Chung.\" The population on the island increased, and they depended on fishing and farming.\n\nNowadays, Mui Wo, Pui O, Shui Hau, Tai O and Tung Chung have developed into towns; Shek Pik Village has been removed, and a reservoir built on that site. However, many villages founded in the Ching Dynasty still remain with little development.\n\nNOTES\n\nANTHONY SIU KWOK-KIN\n\n1\n\nThe inscription of the 42nd year of Chien Lung (1777) on the stone tablet in the Hau Wong Temple of Tung Chung bears the name \"Tai Hai Shan\".\n\n1 See Chapter 19 of Kwong Yu Kei, Ming edition.\n\n1\n\n1 See Chapter 2 of Yuet Man Chuen See Kei Leuk, 1684 edition.\n\nSee Chapter 7 of Lin Tien-wai and the writer's Essays on the History of Hong Kong Prior to British Colonisation, Commercial Press, 1984. It is now known as Lantau Island, and in some newly published maps of Hong Kong, it is also known as Tai Ho Island.\n\n+\n\nSee S. G. Davis and May Tregear's Man Kok Tsui, Archaeological Site 30, Lantau Island, Hong Kong, Hong Kong Univ. Press 1961; and “An Archaeological Site at Shek Pik”, Journal Monograph I, Hong Kong Archaeological Society 1975.\n\n7 See Chapter 29 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi\n\n8 See Chapter 1 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi, 1464 edition.\n\n非 See Tsang Yat Man's \"Hai Nam Chaak, an old Salt Pan on Lantau Island\" 大嶼山鹽田學, No. 284, Cosmorama Pictorial, Hong Kong.\n\n9 As Note 8.\n\nSee Tsang Yat Man's \"A Textual Research on the Ins and Outs of the Rebellion of the Natives of Tai Hsi Shan – Now Tai Yu Shan of Hong Kong - in the third year of Ching Yuan of Emperor Ning Tsung of South Sung Dynasty\" 南宋寧宗慶元三年, Chu Hai Journal No. 11, October, 1980.\n\n12 See Chapter 67 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1558 edition.\n\n13 See Tai Hai Shan 大箂山 in Ng Loi 吳榮's Nam Hoi Ku Chik Kei 南海古鏞記, Chapter 61-1 of Su Fu, Shun Chih edition.\n\n14\n\nSee Chapter 12 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1697 edition.\n\n+\n\n15\n\nAs Note 4.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 423, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "398\n\n16\n\nSee Chapter 32 of the Yuet Tai Kei\n\n1\n\nWan Li edition.\n\n17 See the Map of the East Coast of the Kwangtung Province in the Ching Cho Hoi Keung To Shuet. The book was prepared in the Reign of Yung Cheng (1723-1736).\n\n18 See Chapter 10 of the San On Yuen Chi. 1819 edition.\n\n19\n\n20\n\n+\n\nSee Chapter 125 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1822 edition.\n\nSee my article \"More about the Tung Lung Fort\", Vol. 22, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1982.\n\n21 See my article \"Distribution of Forts and Guard Stations on Lantau Island during the Late Ching Period\", Vol. 18, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1978.\n\n22 See Chapter 3 of the San On Yuen Chi. 1688 edition.\n\n23\n\nSee Chapter 2 of the San On Yuen Chi, 1819 edition.\n\nTUNG LO WAN 銅鑼灣\n\nTung Lo Wan, the small bay which lies on the north coast of Hong Kong Island, got its name because it has the shape of a bronze gong. Before the 1840s, there were only a few Tanka boat people living in these small bays and anchorages. They fished in the local waters and lived in some proximity to the land people of the two nearest local villages of So Kon Po 掃管莆 and Wong Nai Chung 黃泥涌,\n\nBefore 1840, the area was known as Hung Heung Lo Shan. Legend said that in olden days, there was a red incense burner floating on to the shore which landed at the site of the Tin Hau Temple (Tin Hau Temple Road). Thus the hill was known as Hung Heung Lo Shan; and in 1810, a guard station (shuen) was posted there,\n\n+\n\nIn the early 1840s, the land around Tung Lo Wan was known as Tang Lung Chau, which means Lantern Isle. It stretched from Tai Hang 大坑, through Causeway Bay 銅鑼灣 to Kellett Island 奇力島. The incense burners placed in front of the Tin Hau Temple of Causeway Bay and the couplets inscribed by the window of the Lotus Palace of Tai Hang are evidence to this old name. The Tang Lung Chau Market in the area is important evidence, too. However, the origins of the name Tang Lung Chau are unknown.\n\nIn 1871, the Causeway Bay Police Station at Causeway Bay was built, and in 1884, 23 acres of land were reclaimed at Causeway Bay. With the construction of the causeway joining Kellett Island and the shore of\n\n!\n\n------", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212121, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "40\n\nDean. Kenneth “Revival of Religious Practices in Fujian: a Case Study in Pas. Julian F. (ed.) The Turning of the Tide: Religion in China Today (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society & Oxford Univ. Press, 1989), 72.\n\n4\n\nMr. Pang Cheng-chuen (Peng Zheng-chuen), interviewed by author, Fanling, Dec. 30. 1990.\n\nP\n\nDean. 54. A student of the University of Hong Kong told me on Feb. 3, 1991 that he saw, by chance, a Jiao festival in 1990. He could not recall the exact date and location. However, he was very sure, from the celebrating flower boards, that it was a Jiao festival.\n\nK\n\nIbid., 776.\n\nLiu Zhi-wan, Taibeishi Songshan qi an jian jiao jidian, Institute of Ethnology Academia Sinica Monograph, no. 14, (Taipei: The Institute, 1967). Besides Liu, the research team from the Academia Sinica included Song Lung-fei and Xu Jia-ming. Song's paper concentrated on aspects of folk architecture and decoration while Xu focused on the economic and social aspects. See Song Lung-fei \"Song-shan jian jiao jiao tan jianzhu di zhuan shi Yi shu\" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 25 (1968): 157-217; Xu Jia-ming: \"Songshan jian jiao yu shequ\" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 25 (1968): 109-153.\n\n4\n\nLi Zian-zhang. \"Daojiao jiaoyi di kaizhan yu xiandai di jiao” Sinological Researches 5 (1968): 261.\n\nIbid., p. 201.\n\nSaso, Michael R., Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (Washington: Washington State Univ. Press, 1972), 34.\n\nLaw, Joan & B.E. Ward, Chinese Festivals (Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1982), 83.\n\nOkada, Yuzuru, Kiso Shakai (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1949).\n\nSee Brim, John A. “Village Alliance Temples in Hong Kong\" in Wolf. A.P. (ed.) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1974), 93–103; and Suenari, Michio \"Sonbyo to sonkyo: Taiwan Hakka shuraku no jirei kara” [Village temple and village boundary: a case study of the Hakka communities in Taiwan] Bunka Jinna Gaku [Cultural Anthropology] (1985) 2:255-260.\n\n15 Ueno, Hiroko, \"Taiwan nanbo no osho to sonraku: Tainanken hito saishiken no sonraku aida kankei\" (Wang Jiao and villages in southern Taiwan: worshipping area and village relationship] Bunka Jinriú Gaku 5 (1988): 64-82.\n\n+\n\nTaylor, W.A. \"The Spirit Festival\" Bulletin of the Cheung Chau Bun Festival 1980 (Cheung Chau: n.p., 1980), 39-41. (reprinted from Wide World Magazine, Dec. 1953). The annual Cheung Chau Jiao festival is better known to westerners as the Bun festival because of the three tall \"bun mountains\" erected at the ritual area. The festival is the most studied Jiao festival in Hong Kong probably due to the fact that (1) the island is comparatively easy to get to, (2) it is celebrated every year and (3) it is widely publicized by the Hong Kong Tourist Information Bureau. Besides Tanaka's accounts (see note 36), see also Jonathan Chamberlain and Ian Lambot's photographic account. The Bun Festival of Cheung Chau (Hong Kong Studio Publications, 1990).\n\nדן\n\nI owe my interest in the Jiao festival to Prof. Ward who first introduced me to Jiao festivals in 1980. She then suggested that I participate in the Jiao festival in Kau Lau Wan.\n\nK\n\nLaw & Ward, 83-84.\n\nHayes, James W., The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes (Hong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213340, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "144\n\nSee Henry Lethbridge, Hong Kong Stability and Change (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1978), p 200\n\n144\n\nWith an Additional Note by Professor Lo Hsiang-lin, JHKBRAS 7 (1967), pp 152-7\n\nSee the introduction to Ray Huang's 1587, A Year of No Significance (New York, Columbia University, 1988) \"Fu\", meaning wealth, is a felicitous rendering of \"Goodrich\"\n\nHe is mentioned in Robin Hutcheon's SCMP, The First Eighty Years (Hong Kong, SCMP, 1983) A photo showing him at ARP drill is at p 84\n\n12 See JHKBRAS 29 (1989), pp xvii-xx\n\n11 Ibid\n\n14 Samuel Couling, Encyclopaedia Sinica (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1917), p 378\n\n14 Ibid\n\n16 I was to be constructed in three separate stages Work had begun on the main contracts in 1981 and 1982, with completion forecast in 1984 and 1985, at an estimated cost (end 1982 figure) with all ancillary related contracts of HKD16 millions Information provided by the Engineering Development Department, HKG\n\n17 Same The likely cost at 1980 figures had been estimated at HKD7.3 billions\n\n18 See JHKBRAS 23 (1983), p. 129. One was dedicated to the famous Kwan Tai, the God of War, and the other to Yo Fei, a celebrated general and statesman of the Sung dynasty\n\n19\n\nThe 1872 Hong Kong Blue Book listed 72 stone quarries at Shaukeiwan See JHKBRAS 10 (1970), p 186\n\n20\n\nSee P Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaties 1898-1997, China, Great Britain and Hong Kong's New Territories (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1980), especially chapters 7 and 10, and Elizabeth Sinn, \"Kowloon Walled City: Its Origin and Early History\", in JHKBRAS 27 (1987), pp 30-45\n\n21 See Jackie Pullinger, Crack in the Wall, Life and Death in Kowloon Walled City (London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1989)\n\n22 for a progress report on the clearance project, see e.g. SCMP, 24 September 1987\n\n23 Mr Lu Hau-Luen\n\n24\n\nOnly two are listed in the annual reports printed in the 1988 and 1989 Journals, but three were made, as noted in Vol 28 (1988), p ix", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213754, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "77\n\nAppendix I\n\nVillages with Low Male: Female (Less than 47%) Population\n\nRatios, 1911\n\n \n District\n Village\n No. of males\n Total population\n Age of males\n \n \n N\n San Tong Po\n 15\n 47\n 31.9**\n \n \n N\n Ngau Ha\n 6\n 16\n \n \n \n N\n Sam Tam Lo\n 1\n 6\n 33.3**\n \n \n N\n Mo To Hang\n 2\n 6\n 33.3**\n \n \n N\n Ko Tan\n 8\n 21\n 38.1**\n \n \n N\n Tsiu Keng\n 15\n 43\n 34.9**\n \n \n N\n Wo Hop Shek\n 21\n 48\n 43.8\n \n \n N\n Sheung Tan Chuk Hang\n 43\n 102\n 42.2\n \n \n N\n Ping Che Yuen Ha\n 27\n 61\n 44.3\n \n \n N\n Tai Po Tin\n 25\n 56\n 44.6\n \n \n N\n Fung Wong Wit\n 39\n 84\n 46.4\n \n \n N\n Lo Shue Ling\n 98\n 209\n 46.9\n \n \n N\n Lei Uk Tsuen\n 41\n 94\n 43.6\n \n \n N\n Chuk Yuen\n 18\n 44\n 40.9*\n \n \n N\n Tsung Yuen Ha\n 39\n 85\n 45.9\n \n \n N\n Muk Wu\n 81\n 174\n 46.6\n \n \n N\n Luk Keng\n 182\n 484\n 37.6**\n \n \n N\n Yim Tso Ha\n 18\n 47\n 38.3**\n \n \n N\n Shek Kiu Tau\n 37\n 98\n 37.8**\n \n \n N\n Ma Tseuk Ling\n \n \n \n \n \n Tai Long\n N\n 47\n 125\n 37.6**\n \n \n N\n Ha Wo Hang\n 20\n 46\n 43.5\n \n \n N\n Sheung Wo Hang\n 66\n 160\n 41.3\n \n \n N\n Nam Chung\n 175\n 443\n 39.5*\n \n \n N\n Wu Kay Tang\n 152\n 348\n 43.7\n \n \n N\n Lin Ma Hang\n 165\n 423\n 39.0**\n \n \n N\n Ha Wang Shan Keuk\n 199\n 516\n 38.2**\n \n \n N\n Ha That Muk Kiu\n 16\n 43\n 37.2**\n \n \n N\n Kau Tam Tso\n 27\n 76\n 35.5**\n \n \n N\n Kai Keuk Shue Ha\n 13\n 42\n 31.0**\n \n \n N\n Fung Hang\n 47\n 108\n 43.5\n \n \n N\n Kuk Po San Wai\n 61\n 143\n 42.6*\n \n \n N\n Tong To\n 56\n 126\n 44.4\n \n \n N\n Shan Tsui\n 47\n 104\n 45.2\n \n \n N\n Kong Ha\n 162\n 367\n 44.1\n \n \n N\n Pok Wai\n 63\n 135\n 46.7\n \n \n N\n Tai Che\n 100\n 225\n 44.4\n \n \n ST\n Ngau Kok Wo\n 7\n 18\n 38.9**\n \n \n ST\n Tsung Tau Ha\n 3\n 8\n 37.5*\n \n \n ST\n \n 3\n 9\n 33.3**\n \n\nThe table has been reconstructed for better readability while maintaining the original content and order.\n\n \nThe column headers have been inferred as \"District\", \"Village\", \"No. of males\", \"Total population\", and \"Age of males\" based on the content.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "78\n\nMin Fong\n\nST\n\n4\n\n25\n\n0+*\n\nNgau Wu Tok\n\nST\n\n3\n\n10\n\n33.3**\n\nLo Sheung Tun\n\nST\n\n3\n\n9\n\n33.3**\n\nMau Liu Shui\n\nST\n\n5\n\n13\n\n38.5**\n\nCheung King\n\nST\n\n2\n\n6\n\n33.3**\n\nSiu Lek Yuen\n\nST\n\n73\n\n174\n\n41.9*\n\nMu Ping\n\nST\n\n57\n\n124\n\n46.0\n\nShek Kwu Lung\n\nST\n\n18\n\n55\n\n32.7**\n\nTai Lam Liu\n\nST\n\n23\n\n57\n\n40.4\n\nSha Tin Wai\n\nST\n\n81\n\n180\n\n45.0*\n\nShan Ha Wai\n\nST\n\n24\n\n56\n\n42.9*\n\nKak Tin\n\nST\n\n92\n\n200\n\n46.0\n\nKeng Hau\n\nST\n\n86\n\n195\n\n44.1\n\nTai Wai\n\nST\n\n164\n\n350\n\n46.9%\n\nHa Wo Che\n\nST\n\n31\n\n76\n\n40.8%\n\nShan Mei\n\nST\n\n42\n\n94\n\n44.7\n\nKau To\n\nST\n\n57\n\n130\n\n43.8\n\nHo Lek Pui\n\nST\n\n18\n\n45\n\n40.0*\n\nWu Kai Sha\n\nST\n\n59\n\n135\n\n43.7\n\nSai Shan Wai\n\nYL\n\n7\n\n21\n\n33.3*+\n\nLeung Ka Tsuen\n\nYL\n\n3\n\n8\n\n37.5**\n\nYing Lung Wai\n\nYL\n\n38\n\n94\n\n40.0*\n\nNam Pin Wai\n\nYL\n\n223\n\n519\n\n43.0\n\nShan Pui\n\nYL\n\n118\n\n273\n\n43.2\n\nTong Tau Po\n\nYL\n\n53\n\n116\n\n45.7\n\nNam Hang\n\nYL\n\n44\n\n104\n\n42.3*\n\nHa Che\n\nYL\n\n109\n\n234\n\n46.6\n\nTin Liu\n\nYL\n\n48\n\n105\n\n45.7\n\nLam Hau\n\nYL\n\n107\n\n237\n\n45.1\n\nFui Sha Wai\n\nYL\n\n72\n\n165\n\n43.6\n\nHung Uk Tsuen\n\nYL\n\n56\n\n120\n\n46.7\n\nKiu Tau Wai\n\nYL\n\n71\n\n152\n\n46.7\n\nShek Po\n\nYL\n\n108\n\n257\n\n42.0*\n\nSik Kong Tsuen\n\nYL\n\n178\n\n381\n\n46.7\n\nSan Wai\n\nYL\n\n215\n\n487\n\n44.1\n\nHung Mei Tsuen\n\nYL\n\n21\n\n52\n\n40.4*\n\nFung Kong Tsuen\n\nYL\n\n34\n\n76\n\n44.7\n\nWong Ka Wai\n\nTM\n\n20\n\n50\n\n40.0*\n\nSheung Cheung Wai\n\nTM\n\n52\n\n119\n\n43.7\n\nHang Tau\n\nTM\n\n17\n\n39\n\n43.4\n\nSan Tsuen\n\nTM\n\n22\n\n50\n\n44.0\n\nTai Lam\n\nTM\n\n26\n\n61\n\n42.6*\n\nKeung Ma Wo\n\nTW\n\n*\n\n6\n\n33.3**\n\nSham Tseng\n\nTW\n\n32\n\n72\n\n44.4\n\nSai Hang Hau\n\nSK\n\n3\n\n10\n\n33.3**\n\nPik Uk\n\nSK\n\n5\n\n25\n\n20.0*\n\nShek Pok Wai\n\nSK\n\n4\n\n13\n\n30.8+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213912, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "241\n\nDISTRIBUTION OF TEMPLES ON HONG KONG ISLAND AS RECORDED IN 1981\n\nANTHONY SIU KWOK KIN\n\nHong Kong Island lies to the south of mainland China. It was not known until the later part of the Ming Dynasty, when the names of Heong Kong 香港, Tit Hang 鐡坑, Chung Hum 舂磴, Chek Chu 赤柱, Tai Tam, Shoo-ke-wan (Shau Kei Wan) and Wong Nei Chung were recorded in the book called Yuet Tai Kee.\n\nDuring the 1st year of the Kang Hsi reign of the Ching Dynasty (1661), the people living in the coastal area had to move back to the inland.2 Seven years later, in the 8th year of the Kang Hsi reign (1669), they were allowed to come back. At that time, only the villages of Heong Kong (Hong Kong village or Shek Pei Wan Village) and Wong Nei Chung were rebuilt. However, the other villages were abandoned during the Coastal Evacuation. Then in the Chia Ching reign (1796-1820), two more villages were founded: they were the Pok Fu Lam Village and the So Kon Po Village.\n\nFrom then on, the population increased rapidly, with people flocking to the area. In 1841, Hong Kong Island came under British rule. At that time, there were the villages of Chek Chu (Stanley), Heong Kong (Hong Kong Village), Wong Nei Chung, Kung Lam (A Kung Ngam), Shek Lup (Shek O), Shoo-ke-wan (Shau Kei Wan), Ta Shek-ha, Kwan-tai-loo (Victoria City, or Central), Soo-Kon-poo (So Kon Po), Hung-heong-loo (Causeway Bay), Sai Wan (Chai Wan), Tai Long, Too-te-wan (To Tei Wan), Tai Tam and Shek-tong-chui (Sai Ying Pun). Tseen Sui Wan (Repulse Bay), Sum Wan (Deep Water Bay) and Shek-pac (Shek Pei Wan) were deserted fishing hamlets. Since then many local temples were built and repaired.\n\nThe temples listed below are in existence in 1981. Though some are ruined, we can still get information about their previous existence.\n\nTin Hau Temple\n\n1. Causeway Bay Built in the early Ching period, repaired in 1848,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213989, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "24\n\nTools\n\nThe tools used by bamboo scaffolders are simple, few in number and have changed but little over centuries. They comprise a timber bow (frame) saw, about 30 inches long, with a steel blade and a cord, made up of several strands, stretched along the back of the saw. A piece of timber, about four inches long, is inserted in the strands of the cord. This is turned around so the cord is twisted, tightened and thus shortened. As a result, the blade becomes taut. The bowsaw is used to cut bamboo to appropriate lengths. Other tools include a rule, a pair of snips to cut wire used to secure the scaffolding to a building, such as for cantilever scaffolding. Wire is also used, for additional strength to fasten China Fir poles together. A folding knife with a hooked end, to cut through lashings when dismantling scaffolding, is also used by scaffolders. The hook is employed to unravel knots. A length of rope is used to hoist lengths of bamboo up to the upper floors of a building. A narrow-bladed spade is sometimes used when uprights are sunk into soil.\n\nTypes of scaffolding\n\n20\n\nIn addition to ordinary scaffolding forming working platforms for a building, bamboo may also be used for a variety of other purposes. For example, to construct a frame for a 'matshed' in which to perform Chinese opera (see Plate 5). The frame for the stage inside the matshed will also be fashioned out of bamboo. Years ago the matshed would have been 'clad' with palm leaves, canvas or rattan mats. Today, thin steel sheets are normally used with their greater fire-resisting qualities.\n\n21\n\nBamboo may also be used to form raking or flying shoring for strutting up a building which is in danger of collapse. In addition, bamboo may be used for constructing ladders or trestles, to build a spectators' stand at a public function, or to construct a pai lau, a celebratory archway. Sometimes bamboo is used to form a frame on which to mount fireworks or it can be used to fashion a screen to protect property when blasting of rocks is carried out.\n\nA variety of types of scaffolding are used to form working platforms. These include a cantilever ('truss-out' or 'flying' scaffold, fei paan,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214301, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "123\n\nwhile trekking and living amongst Chinese his Chinese language skills must have been of immense value and probably were the prime reason why he was invited to join several natural history expeditions through northern China.\n\nArthur's father, the Reverend Arthur Sowerby was a missionary in China for forty years, mostly in Taiyuan though during his latter years he was a tutor to the sons of Republican President Yuan Shih-kai [who attempted to mount the imperial throne in 1916].\n\nSowerby was a man of his time. He would have seen the Chinese first, as a child and a young man, from a missionary point of view, “sad heathen souls needing saving,\" later, with the eyes of a traveller and so-called explorer as \"dullards who needed leadership and western civilisation,” and finally, as a businessman and resident in the Foreign Concession of Shanghai, where the Chinese were regarded as \"the Yellow Peril, natives to be kept at a distance, and frequently ridiculed.\" China and the Chinese were popularly denigrated by the Western community and Chinese in general were distrusted. These strongly rooted beliefs reflected nearly a century of western misunderstanding and reaction to Chinese conduct, and shaped the behaviour of Treaty Port Westerners and Britons in particular. However, Sowerby had a redeeming feature as the editor of and a writer for a journal, one of the aims of which was to educate foreigners living on Chinese soil on, amongst other things, Chinese culture,\n\nThe only connection this article has with the Millennium, however tenuous, was the fortunate escape of the Sowerby family, including the fifteen year-old Arthur, from the largest Boxer massacre of missionaries exactly a century ago in 1900. The great majority of Western missionaries in Shansi, many scores, were murdered - with the provincial Governor, Yü Hsien, taking part in the killing of fifty-one Catholic and Protestant missionaries in his yamen, and with a further fifty or so being killed elsewhere in the province. The Sowerbys were lucky enough to be back in England on long furlough at the time and the Reverend Arthur Sowerby who lost many friends and colleagues had the sad task of writing the obituaries of several of them.\n\nArthur was educated at home in Taiyuan and also at a missionary", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214627, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "is difficult to date the establishment of this Market. There is no certain mention of the Market (as opposed to the military garrison) before the early nineteenth century. However, both \"Kowloon (九龍)\" and \"Kwun Fu (軍府)\" are marked as separate entities on at least one early map\". On this map the \"Kwun Fu\" entry is specifically of the military post (駐軍), strongly suggesting that the \"Kowloon\" entry is for a significant non-military site, and thus presumably refers to the Market, although this cannot be demonstrated without cavil12. There is, however, some evidence that suggests that a Market has been in existence here since at least the middle twelfth century. The Lam clan of Po Kong were originally merchants in the coastal trade, trading between southern Fukien and Canton. Given that they chose to settle in Po Kong in the mid-late twelfth century, it can be presumed that the site was not inconvenient for this trade. This may imply that there was a Market and landing place at Kowloon City then.\n\nThe coastal plain around the Market at Kowloon was, by the nineteenth century, full of villages (see Map 1). Most were Punti. Of the larger villages, only Ngau Chi Wan was Hakka. Most of the villages in the area were settled in the eighteenth century, but Nga Tsin Wai, Po Kong, and Ma Tau Wai at least date from the middle or late twelfth century. Most were rice subsistence villages, except for the market gardening villages in the area immediately around the Market.\n\nFoundation of Nga Tsin Wai Village\n\nThe Nga Tsin Wai villagers have a clear and precise traditional account of the foundation of their village. Three men, they claim, came to the area with the court of the Sung boy-Emperors in 1277. One, Ng Shing-tat (吳勝達) was a civil official, another, Chan Chiu-yin (陳朝賢) was a military official, and the third, Li Shing-kai (李勝介) was also attached to the remnant Sung court in some capacity no longer remembered. When the Emperor Ping fell (1279), these three men jointly established the village. The Tin Hau Temple in the village was subsequently founded in 1354. The village has remained inhabited to the present day by the descendants of these three men. Originally, the inhabitants lived scattered through the area, some here, some there, but, in 1724, the villagers built a walled village to defend themselves against bandit and pirate attack, and most of them came together to live inside the walls, although some preferred to settle in Sha Po, Kak", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214631, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "10\n\nwere indeed set out by the same Fung Shui master. This strongly suggests that the walls of Nga Tsin Wai were built about 1570-1574. This date fits very neatly with the dates calculated above for Chan Chiu-yin, the first ancestor of the Chans to live in Nga Tsin Wai. It is, therefore, likely that Chan Chiu-yin was not the first of his name to move to Nga Tsin Wai, but was the villager in whose lifetime the place changed its name from Nga Pin Heung to Nga Tsin Wai, and that he was the first of the clan to move inside the newly built walls from his earlier residence in the open\n\nopen fields\n\nThe reason given by the Tai Wai villagers for building their walls in 1574 was the ravaging\n\nthe area by bandits. Pirates or bandits are recorded in the Hsin An County Gazetteer as ravaging in the county in 1551 (when they killed the local Military Commander), 1566, 1567, and 1570 (when a local Military Sub-Commander was killed by them). Particularly active in the area during this period were the bandits under the command of Lam Fung (#, he was known as \"Limahong\" to the Portuguese, who also suffered from him). Lam Fung is credited in the Ming History with killing 20,000 people in the general Hong Kong area, which he dominated from 1568-1574: the County Gazetteer specifies attacks in the Tai Po area in 1570. Nga Tsin Wai, only a hundred yards or so inland from the best landing place in Kowloon Bay, was doubtless extremely exposed to the attacks of all these pirate bands. Pirates remained a problem here for many years. Cheung Po-tsai was active in the Victoria Harbour area in the mid-eighteenth century, and the Shau Kei Wan area was notorious for pirates right down to the middle nineteenth, when a vigorous local military commander drove them out for a while. In the unwalled village of Ngau Chi Wan even as late as the 1920s the village youths took turn to spend the night on watch from a bamboo shelter in front of the village - there was a gong there to waken the village if any bandits were spotted. Walls, therefore, were highly desirable, and a late sixteenth century date for them entirely reasonable.\n\nThe Ng clan Tsuk Po starts with an ancestor who achieved a Tsun Sze degree in the period 1056-1063, who enjoyed significant official success in the early twelfth century, and who died in 1113. This man was unlikely to have been born any earlier than about 1040, since his eldest son was born in 1078 (this son died in 1158). This eldest son, Ng Kui-hau, (5), the second generation of the clan to live in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214688, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "Wai Wing Tso, ir. Ng Shui\n\nYat Un Tso, tr. Ng Tseuk [Cheuk] Hin, Tseuk (Cheuk] Ming\n\nYan Tak Tso, tr. Ng Fo Yan, Yeung Fat\n\nTOTAL\n\nwith Shing Un Tso\n\n \n 1.09\n KC26\n \n \n 0.48\n KC1/2\n \n \n 0.31\n \n \n\nFo Yan holds no individual land\n\n \n Hau Temple (2 sites)\n I(Anc. hall) (6 sites)\n KC11/54\n SP2/4\n 16.50\n \n\n2. Li Clan Trusts\n\nChing Wan Tso, tr. Li Lai Ting\n\nHi San Tso, tr. Li Kun Fuk, Kun Sang\n\nKai Tsoi Tso, tr. Li Kam Tak\n\nKwan Fong Tso, tr. Li Lai Ting\n\nLuk Wa Tso, tr. Li Lai Ting, Kun Tai\n\n \n 0.93\n One lot has Li Tsol as trustee\n \n \n 0.11\n \n \n \n 0.17\n \n \n \n 0.24\n \n \n \n 1.43\n Trustee prob.changed in 1902.1 lot in Po Kong village area\n \n\nMan Lau Tong, tr.Hau Fu\n\nShing Kwai Tso,tr.Li Lai Ting\n\nwith Ng Shing Tat\n\n[1(Tin Hau Tso and Chan Chiu In Tso Temple & Vill.Office)]\n\nSi Fo Tso,tr.Li loi\n\nSin Leuk Tso,tr.Li Kun Fuk, Kun Sang\n\nSi Cheung Tso,tr. Li Hau Fu\n\n \n 0.05\n \n \n \n 1.09\n \n \n \n 0.43\n \n \n \n 0.26\n \n \n \n 0.09\n \n \n\nSz Kwong Tso, tr.Li Hau Fuk\n\nwith Sz Pin Tso\n\nSz Pin Tso, tr. Li Lai Ting, Li Tsoi\n\n \n 0.19\n \n \n \n 0.13\n \n \n \n 0.30\n Trustee prob. changed in 1902\n \n\n67", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214695, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "Yeung Yung Fat with Yeung Tai 0.07 0.05 with Tso Fat with Tseuk Ming 30 1/1 SP2/3 1.41 [1.57] Yeung Yung Tai SPI/1 0.47 Predominantly Sha Po with Wing San with To Po, Kang Fat [0.07] [KCI/I] [0.08] Yung Hi Ying Shan Yuk Sing Yung Shing TOTAL See Kam Tak 0.06 0.83 See Kam Yung 58/76 23/39 KC9/19 SP34/79 40.56\n\n5. Li Clan Individuals Chan San Chan Shi Chiu Hing Fuk Hing Hau Fu Hau Fuk In Ting Kam Tak 1/1 with Loi with Ping Sang 1/1 with Fuk Hing Kam Tsing See Tsoi 1/1 0.38 See Ping Sang See Kam Tak 0.06 SP3/4 0.52 10.86] 1/2 KC22 0.06 0.05 0.93 KC1/2 0.10 0.09\n\n74", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214701, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "08\n\nMAP 1\n\nThe Kowloon City Area about 1905\n\nTai Wai\n\nChok Yoen\n\nSiu Lek Yuen\n\nTai Po\n\nDiamond Hill\n\nHau Wong\n\nTa Kwa Leng\n\n(Nga Yau Tau)\n\nHau Wong Temple\n\nKowloon City\n\nSai Tau Tsuen\n\nNga Trin Long\n\nKai\n\nKwy Lung\n\nPa Kong\n\nKak Hang\n\nNga Trin Wai\n\nKowloon Market\n\nKan Pui Shek\n\nTung Tau Tsuen\n\nSheung Hok Lo Tsuen\n\nPier\n\nWaste Land\n\nTai Hom Yuen\n\nLing Wai\n\nPing Yi Tsai Tau\n\nSha Tei Yuen\n\nKowloon Bay\n\nCustoms Pier\n\nSai Kung\n\nNgee Chi Wan\n\nPak Uk Tsuen\n\n(Ping Shek)\n\nLei Yue Mun\n\nShau Kei Wan\n\nTau\n\nNgan Kok Hill\n\nSham Shui Po\n\nTsuen Wan\n\nYau Ma Tei\n\nMa Tau Wai\n\nHau Pui Long\n\nYi Wong Tin\n\nTsim Sha Tsui\n\nSacred Hill (Sung Wong Toi)\n\nKilometres\n\nMa Tau Kok\n\nCoastline in 1905\n\nBuildings 1905\n\nFootpaths\n\nEdge of Hill\n\nMarshes\n\nKowloon Market", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214703, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "Squatters\n\n50\n\n-\n\nMetres\n\n82\n\nSquatters against outer walls\n\nJaprotse Built Nullah\n\nGate\n\nII\n\nПЫШТ\n\nVillage Office\n\nTin Hau Temple\n\n100\n\nMAP 3\n\nKai Tak Airfield\n\nNga Tsin Wai in 1955\n\nOriginal Chol Hung Road\n\nSquatters against outer wails\n\nSquatters against outer walls\n\nTung Tan Squatter Area\n\nHowever, to follow the instructions more closely and improve the formatting:\n\n## Step 1\nFirst, let's analyze the given text and identify the necessary corrections and formatting.\n\n## Step 2\nThe text appears to be a mix of numerical values, labels, and what seems to be a map legend or key. There are a few obvious errors such as \"Japrotse\" which could be a misrecognition, \"ПЫШТ\" which seems out of place and likely incorrect, and \"wails\" instead of \"walls\".\n\n## Step 3\nCorrecting the identified errors:\n- \"Japrotse\" could be a correct term or a misrecognition; without context, it's hard to correct.\n- \"ПЫШТ\" is likely an error due to OCR misrecognition; it doesn't make sense in the context.\n- \"wails\" should be \"walls\".\n\n## Step 4\nThe text should be formatted into proper paragraphs or structures as per the Markdown requirement.\n\n## Step 5\nGiven the content, it seems like a map legend. The text can be reorganized for better readability.\n\n## Step 6\nLet's correct and format the text according to the given rules.\n\nThe corrected version in HTML as per the final instruction:\nSquatters\n\n50\n\n-\n\nMetres\n\n82\n\nSquatters against outer walls\n\nJaprotse Built Nullah\n\nGate\n\nII\n\n...\n\nVillage Office\n\nTin Hau Temple\n\n100\n\nMAP 3\n\nKai Tak Airfield\n\nNga Tsin Wai in 1955\n\nOriginal Chol Hung Road\n\nSquatters against outer walls\n\nSquatters against outer walls\n\nTung Tan Squatter Area\n\nReplacing \"ПЫШТ\" with \"...\" as it's likely a result of OCR error and doesn't make sense.\n\nHowever, a more structured approach to the initial response would directly provide the corrected and formatted text in HTML. Since the original task involves complex rules and the output format is HTML, let's directly correct and simplify the given text:\n\nSquatters\n50\n-\nMetres\n82\nSquatters against outer walls\nJaprotse Built Nullah\nGate\nII\n...\nVillage Office\nTin Hau Temple\n100\n\nMAP 3\n\nKai Tak Airfield\nNga Tsin Wai in 1955\nOriginal Chol Hung Road\nSquatters against outer walls\nSquatters against outer walls\nTung Tan Squatter Area\n\nThis version adheres to the HTML output requirement and corrects the obvious errors like \"ПЫШТ\" to \"...\", and \"wails\" to \"walls\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214804, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "184\n\nLash, Scott and John Urry 1994 Economics of Signs and Space. London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi. Sage Publications.\n\nLau Siu-Kai and Kuan Hsin-Chi 1988 The Ethos of the Hong Kong Chinese, Hong Kong; The Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\nLaw, Wing-San 'Managerializing Colonialism' in Chen, Kuan-Hsing (ed.) 1998 Trajectories : Inter-Asian Cultural Studies. London; Routledge.\n\nLemoine, Jacques 1972 'L'Initiation du mort chez les Hmong', L'Homme XII nos. 1-3.\n\nLevi-Strauss, Claude 1963 'Social Structure' in his Structural Anthropology. Middlesex. Harmondsworth Books.\n\nLilley 1988 Staging Hong Kong : gender and performance in transition. London. Curzon Press.\n\nLovell, Nadia 1998 Introduction; Belonging in need of emplacement?' in Locality and Belonging, ed. Nadia Lovell. London and New York. Routledge.\n\nLowenthall, David 1985 The Past is a Foreign Country. Cambridge, New York, Melbourne. Cambridge University Press.\n\nLozada, Eriberto P Jnr. 1998 ‘A Hakka Community in Cyberspace : Diasporic Ethnicity and the Internet' in Sydney Cheung (ed.) On the South China Track: Perspectives on Anthropological Research and Teaching (Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, Research Mons. No.40). Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong\n\nMaine, Henry 1861 Ancient Law. London. John Murray.\n\nMalinowski, Bronislavski 1945 The Dynamics of Cultural Change : An Enquiry into Racial Relations in Africa (ed.Phyllis Kaberry). New Haven; Yale. London; H.Milford and Oxford University Press.\n\n1944 A Scientific Theory of Culture, and Other Essays. Chapel Hill. University of North Carolina Press.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215161, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 257, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "217\n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong\n\nnotes. 'If they write things down they remember them', I was told. Even Professor F S Drake, an Englishman heading the Chinese Department at Hong Kong University who lectured in the medium of Mandarin, sang the praises to me of rote learning in a Chinese environment.\n\nOn a visit to a building site in January 1955 in So Kon Po, to which some of our students were attached for on-the-job training, I found that craftsmen were being paid $5.00 a day and women labourers $1.50. Some of the latter were straightening nails which had been knocked out of dismantled formwork (used for the pouring of concrete) so that the nails could be re-used. This practice stopped a few years later when it became cheaper to buy new nails. While talking of money, our full-time students could expect, on average, a salary of $300.00 a month in the mid 1950s after a three-year, full-time, post-secondary course, when they took up their first jobs.\n\nThere was also a clause written into the Government Public Works Department standard specification saying that if any of our building graduates could not find employment at the end of their course, main contractors were forced to take on two trainees on each major site. Their salary was $150.00 a month.\n\nStill on the subject of money: one evening student used to walk home from the College in Wood Road to Sau Kei Wan, after class, in order to save his 10 cents second-class tram fare. In those days second-class was on the lower deck.\n\nContinuing with another subject: with Hong Kong's population increasing post-World War Two at about one million per decade (in the mid 1950s it stood at around two-and-a-half million), coupled with rising standards of prosperity, impetus was given to the further development of technical education. As early as 1953, the Technical Education Investigating Committee (which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "115\n\nDAR2032AM\n\nKNMUGA*Y\n\n如耶路撒冷陷落時, Agippa 號野雞 Hastings #ENBAHNB (VOTA\n\nKO 200 989 KARPRAKA\n\nASSANT (GDOM) A\n\n在隨後的歲月裡，繳何職和另一位立豬石鹼瓤鵝\n\nAMAMURAMAH · BMW IMA\n\nof Henry May · A. W Brown · WA\n\nPH M Taylor MMA Tha** M\n\n* - Wong Leung humt? • Young Him- Pongi門，麗金榴，豐義理，確镗芬·西蘭\n\nJ\n\nThe Presentation of The Tribute\n\nApril 28, 1910 was a typical April day, fine but cloudy with a light breeze, temperature 78°F and humidity 80%. Contemporary events included the arrival of Halley's comet, in its 76-year orbit, which was \"plainly discernible to the naked eye at Hong Kong during the early morning”. It\n\npromised to be \"as brilliant and awe-inspiring as it must have been at the times of the fall of Jerusalem, the death of Agrippa and the Battle of Hastings\". Mark Twain died, and a Frenchman won a £10,000 prize from the Daily Mail newspaper for flying in stages between London and Manchester at 200 feet and 33 miles per hour.\n\nThe deputation received at Government House was introduced by Dr Ho Kai with his fellow legislator Mr Wei Yuk. Those present included: the Hon. Sir Henry May (Colonial Secretary), the Hon. Mr. A.W. Brewin (Registrar General). Capt. PH. M. Taylor (aide-de-camp). Messers Lau Chu-pak, Ng Hon-tsz, Ho Fook, Ho Kom-tong, Wong Leung-him, Yeung Him-pong, Wong Kum-luk, S.W. Tso, Sin Tak-fun, Fung Wa-chun, Cheung Si-kai, Li Sui-kam, Lau Yuen-chuen, Leung Fui-chi, Yu To-shan, Chan Sik-lam, Li Yau-chun, Chau Siu-ki, Wo Wan-cho, Wo Tsai-yang, Lo Kun-ting, Siu Yim-Eai, Sam Pak-ming, Li Wing-kwong, Chan Wan-sau, Mok Man-cheung, Tam Hok-po, Leung Kin-en, Chan Kang-yi, Lau Pun-chiu, Chiu Yee-ting, Chan Pak-yee, Wo Tsa-wan, Yiu Ki-yun, Li Po-kwai, Chan Chuk-hing, Tsang Yik-kai, Chan Lok-chun, and Ho Mok-lok.\n\nThe Governor received The Tribute together with an album of red morocco leather, which bore his monogram in silver and contained the address in both Chinese and English.\n\n和一本發行紀念冊，紀\n\nDr Ho Kai CMG, Legislative Council member, (1880-1914); founder of the Alice Memorial Hospital (1886) and co-founder of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese (1887).\n\n何啟爵士，立法局議員（1880-1914年）；雅麗氏醫院的創辦人（1886年）和香港華人西醫書院的共同創辦人（1887年）。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215523, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 300, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "250 \n\nburial ground. Inland Lot 899, on the east by the Pokfulam Road, and West by Cliff facing the Sea, measuring on the North, 4,800 feet, South-West, 3,500 feet, West, 5,100 feet.\n\n69\n\nCAROLINE HILL. Situated on the South side of the Caroline Hill Road and to the South of Caroline Hill, bordered on the North by a Public Road, 400 feet, South, 612 feet, East, 1,275 feet, West, 1,100 feet.\n\nIn the 1890s, a Eurasian cemetery, generally known as Ho Tung Cemetery before the Second World War and later renamed 'Chiu Yuen Cemetery,' was erected in Mount Davis, with the first grave dated to December 1892.70\n\nThe Plague Cemeteries and Trenches\n\nThe first outbreak of bubonic plague in Hong Kong occurred in May 1894. In less than a month, more than two thousand persons had died. On 6 June, Father Piazzoli, the pro-vicar, wrote:\n\nThe plague is spreading rapidly with 100 dead each day, though only a section of the Chinese city is infected. The tragedy is terrible. There are streets completely empty: it is estimated that about 40 thousand Chinese have left the island. The harbour too is deserted, the large ships sail at large; the trade is dead and the most horrible misery is growing...\"\n\nFrom 1896 on, the plague became almost an annual recurrence. Over the period 1894-1901, about 8,600 people succumbed to the disease.72 Two plague cemeteries were designated at Kennedy Town and Cheung Sha Wan in 1901.74 In addition, a section of ‘Kau Pui Loong Cemetery' (see below) was also referred to as 'Plague Trench'75 (疫症); which was also the case of 'Kai Lung Wan East Cemetery' (also see below).76\n\nIndian / Hindu Cemeteries in Kowloon\n\nIn 1900, a Hindu Cemetery was authorized in Kowloon, this might have been the result of the plague, as many Indian troops were among the victims of this epidemic disease. This Hindu Cemetery was described as:\n\nPage 300\n\nPage 301", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215530, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 307, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "257\n\n250 square feet, to be known as the Sung Him Tong Sung Chan Wui Kei Tuk Kau Fan Cheung (#*******) near Tsung Hom [sic] Tong in D.D. [Demarcation District] No.83 of the Northern District of the New Territories of Hong Kong, 142\n\nAnother Chinese Christian cemetery was also appointed in 1931. It was known as 'Cheung Chau Chinese Christian Cemetery' and contained about 10,000 square feet. 43 In the same year, the \"Tao Fung Shan Christian Cemetery' was also in use. 144\n\nIn 1932, both a cemetery and an urn cemetery were approved in the coastal market town at Tai O on Lantau Island, which was called 'The Tai O Cemetery'. The cemetery contained about 250 acres.\n\nA tiny cemetery was appointed in Stanley in 1933, which was 'to be known as New Stanley Cemetery, the piece of land containing approximately 2.5 acres, situated to the south of St. Stephen's College at Stanley.' 146 This cemetery was extended to approximately 4.26 acres five years later. 147\n\nA government notice 148 in 1933 ordered that a certain Telegraph Hill Urn Cemetery be closed, however, no other reference examined has anything about this cemetery. In the same year, with the closure of Kowloon Cemetery No.1 (European Protestant) at Fo Pang near Ho Man Tin, a new European Protestant cemetery was authorized in Kap Shek Mi Valley in substitution for the closed cemetery. 149 The new cemetery, containing an area of about 11 acres, was to be known as 'New Kowloon Cemetery No.6'. 150 However, no further information in regard to this cemetery has been found yet, though the boundary of the cemetery is shown in a 1954 map. 151\n\nThe next new cemetery, 'Sai Kung Catholic Cemetery,' in Lot No.1697 'in D.D.221 of the Northern District of the New Territories,' was approved in 1934.\n\nIn 1935 a Chinese permanent cemetery in Tsuen Wan, similar in nature to the Chinese Permanent Cemetery in Aberdeen, was set apart for 'Chinese who shall have been permanently resident in the said Colony (of Hong Kong).' 153 Again, as with the Chinese Permanent Cemetery in Aberdeen, the care and management of the new cemetery", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215535, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 312, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "262\n\nCemetery.\n\nTsun Wan Christian Cemetery\n\nTsuen Wan\n\n1912\n\nHau Pui Loong Cemetery\n\nMa Tau Wat\n\n1913\n\nRemoval of last graves was\n\nordered 1948.\n\n*Chinese Permanent Cemetery\n\nAp Lei Chau Cemetery\n\nAberdeen\n\nAp Lei Chau\n\n1913\n\n1014\n\nRemoval of all urns was\n\nordered 1949.\n\nChinese Christian Cemetery\n\nNew Kowloon\n\n1919\n\nInland Lot No. 5\n\nLocation not known.\n\nKowloon Cemeteries\n\nHo Man Tin\n\n1921\n\nCemeteries were split into\n\n*Race Course Fire Memorial and\n\nCemetery\n\nSo Kon Po\n\nfour 1930.\n\nCompleted 1922.\n\nChristian Chinese Cemetery\n\nStanley\n\n1924\n\n*New Kowloon Cemetery No. 2\n\nNgau Chi Wan\n\n1928\n\nErected for the Little Sisters\n\nof the Poor.\n\n*Castle Peak Christian Cemetery\n\nCastle Peak\n\nEarliest graves: 1928\n\nRoman Catholic Cemetery\n\nKowloon Cemetery No. I\n\nHo Man Tin\n\n1930\n\nHo Man Tin\n\n1930\n\nErected for European\n\nProtestants.\n\nKowloon Cemetery No. 2\n\nHo Man Tin\n\n1930\n\nErected for Chinese.\n\nKowloon Cemetery No. 3\n\n*New Kowloon Cemetery No. 5\n\n*Song Him Tong\n\nSung Chan Wui Kei Tuk Kau Fan Cheung\n\nHo Man Tin\n\n1930\n\nErected for Muslims.\n\nDiamond Hill\n\n1931\n\nFan Ling\n\n1931\n\n*Cheung Chau Chinese Christian\n\nCemetery\n\nCheung Chau\n\n1931\n\n*Tao Fung Shan Christian Cemetery\n\nSha Tin\n\nEarliest graves: 1931\n\n*Tai O Cemetery\n\nTai O\n\n1932\n\nNew Stanley Cemetery\n\nStanley\n\n1933\n\nNew Kowloon Cemetery No. 6\n\nShek Kip Mei\n\n1933\n\nIntended for European\n\nProtestants, details not known.\n\n*Sai Kung Catholic Cemetery\n\n*Chinese Permanent Cemetery\n\n*New Kowloon Cemetery No. 7\n\nSai Kung\n\nTsuen Wan\n\nHammer Hill\n\n1934\n\n1935\n\n1935\n\nExtension was approved 1941,\n\nExtension might have been renamed\n\n*Hammer Hill Urn Cemetery\n\nHammer Hill\n\n1938\n\nNew Kowloon Cemetery No. 8\n\nlater.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 325, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "275\n\n11-4\n\nTHE CHINESE CEMETERIES QUESTION, The China Mail, 12th July 1901.\n\nLau was listed after Ho Kai and Wei Yuk in the Board, see Arnold Wright (ed) (1990), 20TH CENTURY IMPRESSIONS OF HONG KONG, Singapore: Graham Brash, p. 174. (The book was first published in 1908.)\n\nus The Hongkong Weekly Press and China Overland Trade Report, 17 April 1909.\n\n116 HKGG Notice 229 of 25 July 1913. The rules and regulations of the cemetery\n\nare given in the same notice.\n\nThis may partly be due to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902.\n\n18 Davis, S.G. (1949). HONG KONG IN ITS GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING.\n\nLondon: Collins, p. 96.\n\n119 HKGG Notification 12 of 20th January 1911.\n\n120 The first Japanese burial in the Colonial Cemetery was a young second lieutenant in the Imperial Japanese Army who died in Hong Kong in 1878 while on the way back to Japan. His grave lies in §27 section in the cemetery.\n\n121 A small number of Japanese were buried at Caroline Hill Cemetery, whose remains were later reinterred in the Colonial Cemetery, when former was cleared.\n\n122 Between 1878-1945, there were about 465 Japanese buried in the Colonial Cemetery. For details of the Japanese burials, see £#✯ (1988), #* • * 人基地一船員墓碑中心,港日關係之回顧與前瞻,香港日本文化協會二十五週年紀念特集,香港:香港日本文化協會,pp.132-141.(The article was originally written in 1973 when the author was posted to the Japanese Consulate General in Hong Kong.) Also see a local Japanese newspaper, WEEKLY HONG KONG, 5 October 2000, p. 7.\n\n123 A highly interesting article on the subject, titled THE EXHILARATING TOPIC OF GRAVES', can be found in The Hongkong Telegraph, 10th November 1909, p. 4. It was also reported and discussed in The Hongkong Weekly Press and China Overland Trade Report, 20th February 1909, p. 142 and 17th April 1909, pp. 311-312.\n\n124 Hong Kong Hansard 1909, pp. 168-169.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 } ]