[
    {
        "id": 205209,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 165,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "159\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nON LOAN WORDS\n\nIn the Volume IV of the Journal (pp. 152-4) there are some interesting comments on \"Loan-Words in the Chinese Language.\" This is a fairly venerable subject for study. Our sinological journals have many disquisitions on it; Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobson (London 1903) contains many interesting tidbits; and such scholars as Laufer devoted many years to an inquiry into the names and history of imported plants (cf. his Sino-Iranica, Chicago 1919, and reviews and comments by Ferrand, Hopkins, Couling, and Pelliot.)\n\nThe peanut, which is mentioned in the first paragraph of \"Loan-Words,\" has an especially interesting history. Dr. Berthold Laufer made a contribution to the subject in 1906, I followed with another in 1937, and Prof. Ho Ping-ti wrote an especially helpful piece in 1955. See his paper entitled \"The introduction of American food plants into China,” American Anthropologist 57 (1955), 191-201. There he points out that the earliest reference to the peanut may be found in the Chung-yü-fa ‡✯ (Method of cultivating taro) by Huang Hsing-tseng ** (1490-1540), a native of Soochow. He translates the passage as follows:\n\n+4\n\nThere is yet another kind whose flowers are on the vine-like stem. After the flowers fall, [the pods] begin to develop [underground]. It is called lo-hua-sheng. Both are produced in Chia-ting county [near Shanghai].”\n\nAnother early reference which fortifies the testimony of Huang is in the Ch'ang-shu-hsien chih ** of 1539; it lists the peanut as a product of the region of Ch'ang-shu, in the prefecture of Soochow.\n\nDr. Ho goes on to remark that the name lo-hua-shêng #± 落花生 which means \"born from flowers fallen to the ground,” is used for no other plant in the hundreds of Chinese local histories and botanical treatises which he has consulted.\n\nThe peanut then, according to his researches, is the first plant from the New World to have been transferred and made\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811",
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    {
        "id": 205651,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 193,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "188\n\nHOÀNG, Peter.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nA notice of the Chinese calendar, and a concordance with the European calendar. 2nd ed. Zi-ka-wei near Chang-hai, Catholic Mission P., 1904.\n\nHOBSON, R. L.\n\nHandbook of the pottery and porcelain of the Far East in the Department of Oriental Antiquities and of Ethnography. [London, British Museum] 1937.\n\nHODGSON, Mrs. Willoughby\n\nHow to identify old Chinese porcelain. 4th ed., enl. London, Methuen, 1920.\n\nHong Kong et la côte chinoise, du Tonkin à Ning-po... Paris, Hachette, 1910.\n\nHONG KONG. University. Institute of Oriental Studies.\n\nChinese tomb pottery figures: catalogue of exhibition... 26th-28th September, 1953. Hong Kong, University Press, 1953. (Institute of Oriental Studies. Catalogue series, no. 1)\n\nHOSIE, Dorothea, Lady.\n\nTwo gentlemen of China: an intimate description of the private life of two patrician Chinese families... London, Seeley, Service, 1924.\n\nHSUAN Tsang (玄奘)\n\nSi-yu-ki: Buddhist records of the western world. Tr. from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629) by Samuel Beal. Popular ed. London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, [189-?] 2 vols. in 1\n\nHSUEH, Chün-tu\n\nA review article: the years of triumph. London, 1962. Reprinted from China quarterly, no. 11, 1962, pp.225-235. Presentation copy inscribed by the author in Chinese.\n\nHUANG, Raymond\n\nIntonation in idiomatic English, for Chinese students in south-east Asia; by Raymond Huang in collaboration with A. W. T. Green. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964- v.1 only.\n\nHUCKER, Charles O.\n\nChina: a critical bibliography. Tucson, University of Arizona P., 1962.",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206029,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 109,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "104\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\nNow what, in Cantonese, are the things considered essential (and included); inessential (to be excluded unless there is positive reason to put them in). And which are the accepted models?\n\nHere I'm going to make myself unpopular again. One of the principal models followed by Cantonese speakers, whether they have read him or not, is Mencius. Yes, I know: Mencius wrote in what is called Late Archaic Chinese which is very different from modern Cantonese. True. But the differences (apart from pronunciation, and no one really knows how Mencius was pronounced) the differences are quite small; of vocabulary, not of structure. Where a word has gone out of use, replace it by a current word, maybe a pair of words. The structure, the order of the words, seldom needs changing.\n\nWhen drafting the notes for this talk I did have it in mind to inflict on you some readings from Mencius, in amplification of my point. But besides being too time-consuming, that is not necessary. It is all of ten years since a grammatical analysis of Late Archaic Chinese was published by W. A. C. H. Dobson of Toronto, and I invite your attention to his book19. Besides, Mencius is not the only model. Ssŭma Chien is another. For those who seriously want to find out what makes Cantonese tick, I suggest read aloud with a Cantonese teacher the first two books of Mencius, making him paraphrase them in modern Cantonese (you'll be able to do the rest of the books without him); then the same with the SIR-GE120.\n\nNow I'm not suggesting you read the whole of the SIR-GEI with a teacher. You'll be in too much of a hurry. And the learning of a language is something that won't be hurried. So pick, for your reading, a few chapters: fortunately this enormous history is in self-contained chapters or \"books\". I'd say skip the first 5 BUURN-GEE2 and read CREONN-CIRWRONQ22 and his son JRI-SAI, XRONG JRYR24 (Vol. 7) and XON GHOWZOO25 (Vol. 8). Then leave the BUURN-GEE2 and take two of the SAI-GHAAH26 I suggest CRAY TAAI-GHUNQ?27 (Vol. 32) and XURNG-ZIR28 (Vol. 47). Then as many of the\n\n19 Late Archaic Chinese, University of Toronto Press, 1959.\n\n23 二世(皇帝)\n\n20 史記 25 漢高祖\n\n21 本紀 22 秦始皇(本)\n\n28 孔子\n\n26 世家\n\n27 齊太公\n\n24 項羽",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206031,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "106\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\nemerges: these are not possessed of separate life, but occupy the place of what in English are not treated as separate words but as prefixes, suffixes and the like.\n\nI propose to dissect only three of these classes: the pronouns, or pointing-words; the nouns, or thing-words; and the verbs, or become-words. I prefer to call them by different names to avoid the slight misunderstanding which might come from using the English, that is the Latin, terms.\n\nThe pronouns or pointing-words fall into two distinct groups: personal and general. The personal are very much like our personal pronouns, with 4 points of difference:\n\n(a) they don't really have plural forms; though each of the three can be expanded by a particle (-DREI) to a generalized sense which I will explain when I come to nouns;\n\n(b) they are omitted unless emphatic or unless their omission would cause doubt;\n\n(c) they refer to animate things; except that the third person in the objective position only, and without the generalizing particle, can refer to an inanimate thing or things.\n\n(d) as objects, direct or indirect, of a compound verb they are often infixed.\n\n(and one further point for Mandarin speakers — the Cantonese indirect object cannot come before the direct.)\n\nThe general pointing-words are four in number and are particles inasmuch as they cannot stand unbound but only with a congruence-class word or classifier. With the classifier they behave like the pronouns this, that/near, that/far and which (including who and what), but with measure-words and the class of nouns which take no congruence-word they are bound directly to the noun: an odd point being that cardinal numbers are infixed, e.g. NHI-SHAAMM-ZHEONQ40, NHI-GEE-NRINN41 42\n\n39 呢三張41 呢幾年\n\n+\n\n42 This may be an echo of the classical order noun-number-classifier which survives in some Cantonese usages, and is the usual rule in Thai. See, however, DOBSON op. cit. (19), para. 2.6.4.4.1 and p. 21 footnote 5; and the same author's Early Archaic Chinese (University of Toronto Press, 1962) paras. 2.6.7.4.4 and 5.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206742,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 19,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "TRANSACTIONS OF THE\n\nCHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY, 1845-6\n\nH. A. RYDINGS*\n\nThe connection between the China Medico-Chirurgical Society and the original China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society has been related elsewhere in the Journal (1). Until recently, however, it was not possible to learn much in Hong Kong about this predecessor to our own Society.\n\nNow the University of Hong Kong Library has obtained a Xerox copy of the Transactions of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society, from the original volume in the Library of the Royal Society of Medicine, one of only two copies recorded in the British Isles (2). This Xerox copy will be kept in the University's Hong Kong Collection. The volume runs to 80 pages, slightly smaller than those of this Journal, and the title page, here reproduced, gives the names of the officers and committee. Two names appear as Secretary because the first, Dr. B. Hobson, had to return to Europe for family reasons during his term of office (3).\n\nNot a great deal has come to light about most of these leaders of the medical profession in the early days of the Colony, though it has been possible to find out what each of them was doing in Hong Kong. Dr. Tucker, the first President, was Surgeon on H.M. Hospital Ship Minden, which arrived in Hong Kong on 7th June, 1843 from Chusan. He died on board the Minden on 10th Sept. 1845, whilst still holding the office of President, in which he was succeeded by Dr. Dill. Francis Dill was Hong Kong's second Colonial Surgeon, appointed to succeed Dr. A. Anderson in 1844 on a date so far unknown, but probably between 7th May and 25th June. He may also possibly be identified with the \"Mr. Dill, surgeon of the 'Atlas'\" mentioned in a letter of Dr. Robert Morrison dated March 19th, 1822 from Canton (4).\n\nThe Society's first Secretary, Dr. Benjamin Hobson, was in charge of the Medical Missionary Society's Hospital, first in Macao,\n\n* Mr. Rydings is Librarian of the University of Hong Kong and has been Councillor and Hon. Librarian of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society since 1965.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206743,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 20,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "14\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nbut moved with it to Morrison Hill where it reopened on 1st June, 1843. As already mentioned, he went home in June, 1845. This was because of the illness of his wife, who died on the journey (5). More details of Dr. Hobson's career may be found in a biographical sketch by Dr. K. C. Wong (6). It is interesting to note that prior to his return to China in 1847, Hobson married Mary, daughter of Dr. Robert Morrison, at Bath. Hobson's successor as Secretary, George K. Barton, was a partner with Thomas Hunter in the Victoria Dispensary. This also had premises in Macao, where Hunter was located. James H. Young was the junior partner in the Hongkong Dispensary in Queen's Road, the others being Peter Young (afterwards Colonial Surgeon in succession to Francis Dill on the latter's death in 1846), Samuel Marjoribanks (who was at Canton) and K. M. Kennedy. Dr. Young resigned as Treasurer and from membership in November 1845. Lastly Henry Holgate, according to Eitel, was appointed Colonial Surgeon in August 1841 by Sir Henry Pottinger, but his appointment was subsequently disallowed by the home Government, and his name does not appear in the official list of holders of that office. He presumably remained in Hong Kong in private practice (8).\n\nThese, then, were the men who guided the China Medico-Chirurgical Society during its brief existence. Of the six, Drs. Tucker and Dill died before the end of 1846, and Dr. Hobson had gone back to England, whilst Dr. J. H. Young had resigned.\n\nThe China Medico-Chirurgical Society came into existence at a meeting held at the residence of Dr. Dill on 13th May 1845, attended by eleven \"Medical Gentlemen of Hongkong.\" The objects of the Society were set out as\n\n\"1st—The bringing into more intimate intercourse [of the] Medical brethren in China, for the sake of giving and receiving information on Medical and Surgical subjects;\n\n\"2nd—The formation of a Library, where all the best periodicals and the most valuable standard medical works of the day can be had;\n\n“3rd—The discussion of topics relating more particularly to the diseases prevalent in China, and to the Native Materia Medica.\"\n\nThe annual subscription was $12. The Committee consisting of the three officers and three other members was to be elected half",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206746,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 23,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY\n\n17\n\nabout 96°, and likened by Alcock to the waters of Aix-la-Chapelle, or Barège in the Pyrenees. An analysis of three samples was carried out, and is recorded on p. 72-5 of the Transactions. As far as can be ascertained, there has been no later publication in western scientific literature on the mineral springs of Foochow, and very little on other Chinese spa waters, so this remains an important record.\n\nIt is interesting to speculate how Alcock came to be involved in this matter. His personal concern with health and sanitation derived from his training under the distinguished surgeon G. J. Guthrie at the Westminster Hospital, and later service as an army surgeon during the Peninsular campaigns of 1832-37. He was thus by training a medical man, though it is as a diplomat that Sir Rutherford Alcock is remembered today, finishing his consular career by appointment as British Minister to Japan, 1859-65. Alcock passed through Hong Kong in October 1844, and no doubt met some of the medical men during his brief stay in the Colony. Probably he remained in correspondence with some of them, for when writing in September 1845 he refers to previous letters of May and June between Dr. Hobson and himself. In appreciation of Alcock's contribution, the Society elected him to honorary membership (Transactions, p. 58).\n\nPerhaps of greater interest in the history of western medicine and medical education in China are the activities of the Society towards the promotion of a medical school for Chinese in Hong Kong. Foremost amongst the proponents of this scheme was Dr. Benjamin Hobson, whose letter on the subject dated June 15, 1845 appears on p. 16-18 of the Transactions. “If we are to effect any change in the low empirical state of Medical science in China,” wrote Hobson, \"it must be in my opinion by educating the Chinese in the principles and theory of the Medical Art, according to the more modern practice of the West. And in Victoria there are facilities and advantages to secure this interesting object of our hopes, which no other place possesses.\" Dr. Hobson pointed out that there were several hospitals, military, naval and other, where \"I am authorized to say, the Chinese Medical Student will be welcome to study not only forms of disease as they affect European constitutions, but their treatment and pathology.\"\n\nHobson went on to propose \"That the premises of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, and the Medical School be (at least till farther",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206747,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 24,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "18\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\narrangements can be made for the Society's house) one, and the same building.” Amongst the reasons which he adduced for this was that the former Governor, Sir Henry Pottinger, had reserved a plot of land \"between the Chinese Hospital [where Hobson worked] and the Gap\" for an object of this kind. A special meeting was called on 8th July (14) to consider Dr. Hobson's proposal; two supporting resolutions were unanimously adopted, and the Society expressed its gratitude to Dr. Hobson for the zeal and ability with which he had performed his duties as Secretary, and its regret on his forthcoming departure.\n\nAs befits a medical missionary, Dr. Hobson believed in actions as well as words. The Chinese Hospital where Hobson worked, as already mentioned, was moved in 1843 from Macao to the vicinity of Morrison Hill in Hong Kong, and was thus close to the Morrison Education Society's school, from which Hobson attracted pupils to further studies in scientific and medical fields (15). In this he was following a practice established by Dr. Peter Parker, the first American medical missionary who started an ophthalmic hospital in Canton in 1835. Of Hobson it is said that the attention which he gave \"to the education of young men as his assistants was amply repaid in the benefit derived from their intelligence. Some of those under his care were able to perform various operations, and one, more especially, had acquired so great an amount of professional skill that some of the European surgeons of the Colony of Hong Kong, by whom he was examined, expressed their admiration of his training\" (16). These efforts may be considered the beginnings of medical education in China and Hong Kong, though it was not until 1887 that Hobson's vision of a College of Medicine for Chinese in Hong Kong was fulfilled, long after his death, and many years later than the establishment of other medical schools in China.\n\nThe idea of a medical school was linked quite sensibly in the minds of the members of the Medico-Chirurgical Society with that of their own premises, in which could be kept a museum for specimens of natural history and morbid anatomy, and their library of medical textbooks and journals. The problem of obtaining suitable premises seems to have dogged both the immediate and the latter-day successors of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (for which however it was solved by provision of a room in the Court House, presumably through the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206750,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 27,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY\n\n21\n\nDuggan and Francis Dill had died (the Dr. Dill mentioned in the last paragraph as present at the meeting on 5th January 1847 was R. Dill), Dr. Hobson was in England, and J. H. Young and Dr. Gilbert had resigned. At least nine members were not resident in Hong Kong, in addition to the two honorary members, the Earl of Auckland and Rutherford Alcock. Several of the remainder were naval or military men who had quite likely been posted elsewhere. In such circumstances it would indeed have been difficult to keep the society going.\n\nThe meetings recorded in the Transactions were held on the following dates:\n\n1845. May 13. Preliminary meeting.\n\nMay 16. Committee meeting.\n\nJune 3. President's introductory address.\n\nJuly 1. Business meeting, followed by Dr. Little's paper.\n\nJuly 8. Special meeting on Dr. Hobson's proposal to establish a medical school.\n\nJuly 15. Committee meeting.\n\nAug. 6. Dr. Dill's paper.\n\nSept. 9.\n\nOct. 7.\n\nNov. 4. Special meeting on a proposed building fund. Dr. Barton's paper on diseases of the liver. Various matters, including Alcock's letter, and clinical discussion.\n\nDec. 2. Letter from the Earl of Auckland, case studies and clinical discussion.\n\n1846. Jan. 6. Dr. McGowan's letter on a Philosophical Society, and discussion of the analysis of the mineral waters from Foochow.\n\nFeb. 6. Case studies by Dr. Dill,\n\nMar. 6. Dr. Barton's paper on Varolous.\n\nApril 7. Clinical discussion.\n\nIn the Friend of China, later meetings were announced for May 5, August 4 and Nov. 3, 1846. Thus the frequency dropped from the initial monthly (plus Committee and special meetings) to quarterly, so the statement in the \"Journal of Proceedings\" regarding the setting up of the \"Philosophical Society of China\" because of the difficulties of obtaining frequent meetings of the earlier society was justified. The successor society, on the other hand, was able to hold monthly meetings during its first year.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206752,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 29,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "CHINA MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL SOCIETY\n\n23\n\n• Lancer and cross: biographical sketches of fifty pioneer medical missionaries in China, comp. by K. Chimin Wong [Shanghai] Council on Christian Medical Work, 1950, p. 14-16.\n\nEurope in China: the history of Hongkong from the beginning to the year 1882, by E. J. Eitel, Hongkong, Kelly & Walsh, 1895, p. 180.\n\n* Information on the officers and committee members during the brief history of the Society in these two paragraphs, except where otherwise noted, derives variously from the Friend of China, the Hong Kong almanack and directory for 1846, and the Hongkong register, as well as the Transactions.\n\n9 As well as in the Transactions, p. 1-2, the record of this first meeting appears in the Friend of China, v. 14, no. 40, May 17th 1844, p. 754, and the Chinese repository, v. 14, 1845, p. 245.\n\n10 Presumably John Williams & Co., Book Sellers & Publishers, 18 Wellington St. \"next house to the Roman Catholic Chapel.\". From an advertisement in the Hongkong register, v. 18, no. 40, Oct. 7th 1845, p. 162, it appears that the shop also sold everything from fowling pieces to \"rare old aniseed brandy\".\n\n11 Royal Society of London: Catalogue of scientific papers, 1800-1900, London, 1867-1925.\n\n12 U. S. Surgeon-General's Office: Index-catalogue of the Library: authors and subjects, Washington, 1880-1950.\n\nPeriodical articles are entered only under subject.\n\n13 The chronicles of the East India Company trading to China, by H. B. Morse, v. 5: Supplementary, 1742-74. Oxford, 1929, p. 101.\n\n14 Trans. p. 27 gives June 8th, but this must be an error, as Dr. Hobson's letter was dated June 15,\n\n15 \"The history of medical education in Hong Kong\" by Sir Lindsay T. Ride, in Inauguration of the Li Shu Fan Medical Foundation, 3rd March 1963: commemoration volume [Hong Kong, 1963] p. 41.\n\n16 The medical missionary in China... by William Lockhart, London, 1861, p. 141.\n\n17 Royal Asiatic Society. China Branch, Transactions, v. 1, 1847, p. 76.\n\n18 Chinese repository, v. 14, 1845, p. 288-91.\n\n19 Anonymous writer quoted by V. H. G. Jarrett in the South China Morning Post; and H. A. Rydings in JHKBRAS, v. 8, 1968, p. 63.\n\n20 Catalogue of works in the Morrison Library, City Hall, Hongkong, including also a synoptical index. Hongkong, printed at the China Mail Office, 1873.\n\n21 The names adopted were, successively, the Philosophical Society of China (5 Jan. 1847), the Asiatic Society of China (19 Jan, 1847), and the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (7 Sept. 1847).\n\n22 Royal Asiatic Society. China Branch. Transactions, v. 1, 1847, p. 71.\n\n23 Ibid. p. 23.\n\n24 J. R. Jones, op. cit., p. 2.",
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    {
        "id": 207308,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 76,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "68\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nintelligence service to pin-point danger spots and proposed the distribution of 100,000 hand bills publicising the causes and symptoms of plague, the destruction of rats and the addresses of places where sickness could be reported. Another recommendation was the establishment of a plague department with wide powers for the discovery, prevention and cure of plague including inoculation with a highly potent horse antiserum prepared at the Haffkine Institute in India.\n\nA final recommendation made by Simpson was a general improvement of sanitary conditions and stricter control over the design of tenement blocks which he described as follows:\n\n\"The rooms, as a rule, are far too deep, the object of this depth being to subdivide each room into a number of cubicles for the accommodation of families or lodgers. Though there may be windows at each end of the room, the great depth materially obstructs the light to take an example from the better class of buildings, many of the houses that are being erected are eighty feet deep without lateral windows and contain long, narrow rooms of fifty-five feet in depth, by twelve or thirteen feet in width, lighted in front by a window and also in the rear by another window which looks into a backyard of twelve feet. . . .”*\n\nFrom the recommendations made by Simpson arose the Public Health and Buildings Ordinance of 1903 which set new standards for the design and occupancy of buildings and which remained in force until 1935.\n\nBy 1904 a considerable amount of deductive evidence had accumulated to link the occurrence of plague to the fleas carried by rats. Dr. J. M. Howie of Changpoo, for example, was of the opinion that the main cause of plague was inoculation through the bite of fleas, lice and mosquitos. Dr. H. Dobson of Yung Kong also noted that the cases he had observed appeared to have been caused by \"the bites of insects (fleas), contamination of open wounds on legs or elsewhere (or) through food containing the germ.\" William Hunter, the Government Bacteriologist of Hong Kong also noted\n\n* Second Memorandum from W. J. Simpson to James Stewart Lockhart Sanitary Board Office, 20th March 1902, p. 15 in Blue Book Reports on Bubonic Plague 1894-1907.\n\n+ W. J. Simpson, Report on the Causes and Continuance of Plague in Hong Kong and Suggestions as to Remedial Measures, London, 1903, p. 31.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210827,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 178,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "161\n\nreligious purposes, recommended that no charge be levied against the lots, thus somewhat redeeming officialdom in the eyes of the missionaries.\n\nDr. Legge describes the site as in the healthiest part of town. This was important when there were daily deaths due to “Hong-kong fever.” The lots were up the hill a distance from Queen's Road, hence removed from its bustle and noise.\n\nThe premises were bounded to the south by Staunton Street, to the north by Hollywood Road, to the east by Elgin Street and to the west by Aberdeen Street. While being in the European section it was within five minutes' walk of the centre of the Chinese population.\n\nThe main building for the site was planned as a residence for missionaries and a school. Two rooms were reserved on both the lower and upper floors for classrooms.\n\nThe building was typical of the colonial architecture of Hong-kong, substantially built to resist typhoons with large airy rooms and wide verandahs to shade the interior from the summer sun.\n\nWhile plans for the large Mission House were being prepared, smaller outbuildings were erected on the lot. One of these was finished in July 1844, and Dr. Legge was planning to move his family into it as he had given up his rented quarters. Dr. Benjamin Hobson advised, however, that it would be unwise to occupy the building while the plaster was drying and paint fumes were strong. The school, however, was able to take up temporary quarters in another of the outbuildings until the Mission House was finished.\n\nIn addition to problems regarding land, building and students, there was the matter of a name for the relocated institution. Some thought it not wise to retain the name it had borne at Malacca. It had come into disrepute and its past reputation would not serve to promote the reorganised school.\n\nThe name adopted by the missionaries at a formal meeting in 1843 - The Theological Seminary of the London Missionary",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210844,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 195,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "178 \n\nCARL SMITH \n\ngiven a monthly allowance, he was pressed to contribute it to his family. Eventually the father failed in business and for a time was in prison in Canton, \n\nDr. Legge says: \"The whole family came to A-cheong pressing him to apply to me for some money to get the father out of difficulty. At the same time the California gold prospect opened up. Friends advised him to leave the profitless Bible study and go to California. Several people offered his father a discharge from prison and capital to set himself up in business again if A-cheong would take a cargo of goods to California as supercargo and act as interpreter.\" \n\nPoor O Soey-cheong was not only subject to family pressure over the imprisonment of his father but also about his marriage. At the end of 1851, he was obliged to fulfil the terms of a betrothal agreement which had been entered into before his baptism. \n\nHe agreed, but stipulated that now being a Christian, he must refuse to observe any traditional Chinese rites connected with marriage that might have a religious association. \n\nSeveral of his relatives tried to carry him off by force to the ancestral temple for the proper observances. He escaped, however, and hid in a nearby woods for several hours until his would-be abductors abandoned their plan. \n\nHaving married, O Soey-cheong found his expenses greater than when single. He presented this financial problem to Dr. Legge, but the school had no extra funds at hand to increase his allowance. He then asked if he could study medicine at Canton under Dr. Benjamin Hobson. This would provide him with $20 a month. After several months of study and work at the hospital, he found he wasn't suited to medicine and asked to return to Hong Kong to take up his theological studies again. It was so agreed. \n\nBy 1856 he left Hongkong and joined some of his former classmates in Australia. One of them wrote to Dr. Legge telling him that O Soey-cheong was in Bendigo where he was working as an interpreter. \n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211818,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 233,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "208\n\n12.10.1858 (Tue)\n\nConcert by Mr. Martin Simonsen\n\nN: No review was published.\n\nMr. Simonsen had also visited Hong Kong; there he had given his last recital on September 20, 1858 (CM 23.9.1858).\n\n16.2.1859 (Wedn)\n\nT: Comedy (2 acts)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Whitebait at Greenwich\" (1853)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music by the band of H.M.S. Highflyer\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (E)\n\nR: For the first night of the amateur season \"a very numerous audience was collected and the presence of nearly all the beauty and fashion (we allude to the eccentricities [what may these have been? - JH] of masculine as well as to the elegancies of feminine costumes) of Shanghai imparted to the front benches a very brilliant appearance, which was further enlivened by the smiling faces of two or three laughing cherubs whom we detected nestling under the maternal wing\". For the occasion the drop pictured \"a very faithful (our travels in Italy enable us to state) representation of a most romantic spot on the banks of the Lago Maggiore\". Sink or Swim was found to be a \"dull plagiarism upon our old favourite 'Used Up'\" but it passed off with the utmost special due to the talents and exertions of the actors\", among whom \"Mr. PETREL's Mr. Scampley struck us as well conceived, a swindling roué's impertinence dashed by a sense of uneasiness\", Mr. FARREN (again a stage name after a London actor: William Farren, 1786-1861) sustained Lord Yawnley \"admirably\" and Mr. PICKWICK displayed as Adam Stirling all \"the quaint humour of his immortal ancestor\". Miss WALTERS, however, was thought to have been less fit for the part of Mrs. Stirling. She did not upon all occasions evince that grave decorum which usually characterises the British matron\". Morton's Whitebait at Greenwich was, as on January 23, 1856, a hit. This time Mr. PICKWICK took the part of Benjamin Buzzard in a \"quiet and most natural style of acting\". Mr. Phunago BRUSHWOOD - \"an actor of the Keeley-Robinson school, possessing a racy humour of his own\" played John Small and it was \"a gem of low comedy\". Of course there was Mrs. NESBIT, as well as Miss WALTERS whose portrayal of the servant maid came off much better than her Mrs. Stirling: \"we do not wonder at Mr. Buzzard's having been caught by her saucy face and bright complexion\" (NCH 19.2.1859). (Robert Keeley, 1793-1869, and Frederick Robson, 1821-1864, were both well known low comedians in Britain).\n\n22.2.1859 (Tue)\n\nConcert by Prof. Shonbrun, piano, and some local amateurs.\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (E)\n\n+\n\nR: The concert was given in the (New) Theatre Royal of the amateur dramatic corps, but acoustically it was not very satisfactory. No wonder that many of Mr. SHONBRUN's best efforts and most brilliant passages did not fully reach the audience\", an audience which was not very numerous in the first place, which too has its influence on the sound. For the following concert it was foreseen that \"a small scene will be erected and the wings closed in\".\n\nFor the time being the critic refrained from any strictures on the soloist, except that he hoped that \"on the next occasion Mr. Shonbrun will lead us to a higher class of pianoforte music than that put forward on Tuesday last\". It will come as no surprise that there was a eulogy on the amateurs who participated: \"the tenor solos were given with taste and genuine voice and the recall with which he was unanimously favoured was well merited\". (NCH 26.2.1859).\n\nT",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211844,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 259,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "234\n\nin 1846 and kept by the London Missionary Society. (NCH 25.11.1865; SCR 24.11.1865).\n\n14.12.1865 (Thur)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Woodcock's Little Game” (1864)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.P. PLANCHE: \"Faint Heart never won Fair Lady\" (1839)\n\nT: Comedy (1 act)\n\nC. SELBY: \"The Boots at the Swan\" (1842)\n\nT: Comedy (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs of the Shanghai Volunteer Corps\n\nF: Prologue spoken by Edward Lawrance and Mr. Groom\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nN: First performance of the season by the S.V.C.\n\nR: Again only stage names were used in the review.\n\nIn Morton's piece, Woodcock's Little Game, Woodcock was played by Mr. DOLEFUL who had \"evidently elaborated the part with great care.\" His only drawback was \"a certain monotony in gesture\". Another central character was Mrs. Colonel Carver, \"inimitably performed by Mrs. St. CHAWLES. The majestic lady's make-up was characteristic and costly and many of her attitudes and tones reminded us of Miss Snowdon [Mary Jane Chippendale, 1837-1888; but she made her debut only in 1863 JH] whose imposing personation of similar female parts has assisted so many Haymarket triumphs\". Exceptionally some slight attention was also paid to the staging when the critic wrote about the second scene that the \"occasional glimpses of the whirling waltzers and partners-seeking promenaders were skilfully managed\". In Faint Heart never won Fair Lady Mr. DOLEFUL again took a leading part, that of Ruy Gomez. However, the Herald was not inclined to accept this gentleman's reading of the character without some exception, as a greater prominence might have been given to the comic element. Lightness, vivacity and élan are indispensable in all characters written, as this one was, for Charles Mathews. However, as he had appeared in a humorous part before, Mr. DOLEFUL was perhaps anxious to show his versatility\". Travesty abounded: \"The most difficult part was essayed by Miss SOFTLY [as Charles, the King of Spain, a role cast for an actress JH]. For a man to play a lady's part is hard, for a lady to play a man's part is not easy, but for a man to play a man's part as a lady would play it is hardest of all. Charles II, the mischievous, frolicsome schoolboy at large, newly awaking to a sense of royal responsibility, has been a favourite part with some of our cleverest and prettiest actresses and Miss SOFTLY held her own when compared with these formidable competitors\"\n\nAbout the Boots at the Swan the reporter confessed that \"we are inclined to think this piece has been acted enough\" (but hardly in Shanghai where it was on the boards for the first time). \"The elaborate mimicry of the inimitable ROBSON made the deaf Boots as popular with the London public as Sam Weller had been before him, but a peculiar talent alone can render Jacob Earwig interesting to an audience ten thousand miles away from the little theatre in Wych Street* (i.e. the Olympic Theatre in London). (Henry Morley wrote about Robson in this part, 1857: \"Mr. Robson, although deaf, is humorously wide awake. He is the Boots who is brisk and alive to all the humour of the street, who would be preternaturally knowing if he could but hear what people say. In word and look and action he is more the gamin than the simpleton. The extravagance of a most laughable farce is heightened by him to the utmost and there is not a long face to be seen while he is busy on the stage\"\n\n***\n\n136)\n\nBut, to continue with the Herald: \"FUNNYDOG, the new low comedian, is a valuable accession to the company. His stable yard dress, wooden attitude and imperturbable face formed a perfect study for Leech and Cruikshank, and the finish with which he played the long, and we confess to us tiresome, drunken scene shows",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212531,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 85,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "THE CHINESE EXPERIENCE: SINO-AMERICAN ARTS EXCHANGE\n\n1972-1986\n\nZHANG RU\n\n65\n\nIntroduction\n\nAs Richard Nixon's jet touched down at Beijing on 21 February, 1972, a great transformation of Sino-American relations started. Two of the world's most populous and yet politically and culturally most different countries finally broke out of the isolation they had themselves created for each other over some two decades. China and the United States established diplomatic relations in 1979. Around 1979, both countries also sought to strengthen their relationship by promoting linkages through trade and other economic activity and through cultural exchanges. On 31 January, 1979, a cultural agreement was signed, initiating officially sponsored cultural exchanges between China and the United States of America.\n\nFrom the founding of the PRC in 1949 to 1972 there was only one American singer, Paul Robeson, who appeared on the Chinese cultural scene. However, his presence in China was not seen as a symbol of friendship between the two countries. Rather, Paul Robeson was a dissenter and was discriminated against at home; his visit to China was used as an opportunity to educate the Chinese as to how progressive people were oppressed in the United States and how those people saw China as a natural supporter of their cause. The absence of a political relationship between 1949 and 1972 made it quite difficult for artists from both countries to cross the Pacific.\n\nWith the reopening of Sino-American relations in 1972, the situation improved and the possibility of arts exchanges was reborn. Still, reality was less exciting than the prospect as only one performing arts group came to China until 1978, and at the same time Chinese visits to the United States were fairly marginal. During the Ford presidency, the only Chinese performing arts group scheduled to visit America was canceled. The Philadelphia Orchestra's visit to China in 1973, almost the only notable event during the period, was warmly welcomed by the Chinese but not followed up by any increase in the intensity of exchanges in the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213548,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 144,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "113\n\nCHINA COAST PIDGIN ENGLISH\n\nANNE AND STEPHEN SELBY\n\nHundreds of millions of years ago, the dinosaurs ruled the earth. They were an efficient, diversified group admirably suited to their environment. Over a long period, they flourished and in their turn, they subtly affected the environment they lived in. During the period the dinosaurs roamed the earth, flowering plants as we know them today evolved.\n\nAgain over a long period, they died out. Their fossils give us clues about their appearance, their environment and their lifestyle. Some of their relatives have evolved into species which survive today.\n\nLooking at China Coast Pidgin English is like studying dinosaurs. Only the barest traces of Pidgin survive. Because the language is one of history's losers, it has, like the dinosaurs, been characterized as clumsy, outmoded and comical.\n\nWe should like to devote this article to looking at the bones, without preconceptions or prejudice and helping to reconstruct the animal for you, together with its environment, its origins and its demise.\n\n\"Pigeon English\", says Hobson Jobson, the Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases published in 1886 by Henry Yule and A. C. Burnell, is \"the vile jargon which forms the means of communication at the Chinese ports between Englishmen who do not speak Chinese, and those Chinese with whom they are in the habit of communicating\n\nMiss Isabella Bird, whose book, \"The Golden Chersonese and the Way Thither\" published in 1883 is cited in Hobson Jobson, wrote\n\n\"The Pidgin English is revolting, and the most dignified persons demean themselves by speaking it... How the whole English-speaking community, without the distinction of rank, has come to communicate with the Chinese in this baby-talk is extraordinary.\n\n1\n\nMany sources on Pidgin refer to it as \"baby talk.” Objective accounts",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213565,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 161,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "130\n\nThere has been some speculation that the group of words ending in -um (de-lam, ki-lam, etc) represent a specific grammatical form. But in Tong, these words are given as a basic form and in nearly all cases are derived from English words which end in -l or -ll; si-bui-lam (spoil), de-lam (tell), go-lam (call), gi-lam (kill), bui-lam (boil), and se-lam (sell). It is worth noting that all these are verbs. I speculate that these were first introduced into Pidgin in their present participle form (-ing) and that through an East China dialect, the syllable in (lam in Cantonese) was used to represent -ing in English. Let's look at some other well-known Pidgin words with less obvious derivations.\n\nChop\n\nHobson Jobson and other major sources give as the origin the Hindi word, chhap, a word denoting an official stamp or the act of emprinting. Macau patoa: chapa - Documento oficial emanado das autoridades chinesas. Marca, selo, carimbo. (G. N. Batalha). Tong Ting Shue lists the word as a measure (chop) of tea. The character used is chaap, “to insert”.\n\nChop chop\n\nMost sources give as the origin of chop-chop a Chinese word with a similar sound. Hobson Jobson offers a number of dialect pronunciations of the word pronounced in Cantonese gap. None of these is particularly near to the sound chop.\n\nTong writes it as jap-jap, the characters for \"to pick up\". This does not help. We have searched a number of Chinese dialect vocabularies and failed, so far, to find any Chinese word in any dialect denoting “quick, fast” which sounds as if it could have been the origin of chop-chop.\n\nChop-sticks\n\nThe OED and all other major sources are persuaded by the argument that the word is connected to the Pidgin chop-chop, meaning quick. That is, the Chinese eat with sticks, the sticks enable them to eat fast, therefore they should be called \"fast-sticks\". The Macau patoa word is faichi.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213568,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 164,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "133\n\nJoss\n\nThis word is supposed to be derived from the Portuguese Deos. The Anglicised written form, Joss, appears in many sources, and Tong does not have a Chinese form.\n\nTwo sources dated 1672 quoted in Hobson Jobson are intriguing.\n\n\"But the Devil (whom the Chinese commonly called Joosje) is a mighty and powerful Prince of the World..\", and\n\n\"In a four-cornered cabinet in their dwelling-rooms, they have, as it were, an altar, and therean an image. This they call Joss.\"\n\nWhat is striking is that the latter is clearly describing a household ancestral altar for the worship of ancestors. Moreover, the former quotation, which gives the word used by Dutch writers, joosje, is the pronunciation of “ancestors\" in the Wu dialects. There is a possibility, then, that Joss has a Chinese and not a Portuguese origin.\n\nMaskee\n\nThis word basically means \"whatever\", “never mind” or “perhaps\" in Pidgin. Tong gives it as maskee. Batalha lists a Patoa word, masqui, and says that in the meaning of \"all right” the word is commonly used in Creole. She concludes that there is no basis for some assertions that the word is derived from the Cantonese m sai.\n\nAPPENDIX I\n\nSelected Pidgin Dialogues Quoted in 19 C. Western Sources Bits of Old China. William C. Hunter. Kegan, Paul, Trench & Co. London 1855.\n\nPage 5\n\nOlo flen. My savee you last voyagee My savee you two, te-lee voyagee.\n\nPage 6\n\nMake look see",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
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